Infomotions, Inc.A chronicle of the organized wage-earners / Orth, Samuel Peter, 1873-1922



Author: Orth, Samuel Peter, 1873-1922
Title: A chronicle of the organized wage-earners
Publisher: Project Gutenberg
Tag(s): labor; union; federation; unions; trade; american federation; american; organization
Contributor(s): Cotton, Charles, 1630-1687 [Translator]
Versions: original; local mirror; HTML (this file); printable
Services: find in a library; evaluate using concordance
Rights: GNU General Public License
Size: 53,202 words (really short) Grade range: 13-16 (college) Readability score: 39 (difficult)
Identifier: etext3038
Delicious Bookmark this on Delicious

Discover what books you consider "great". Take the Great Books Survey.

The Project Gutenberg Etext of The Armies of Labor
by Samuel P. Orth
[#1 in our series by Samuel P. Orth]

Copyright laws are changing all over the world, be sure to check
the laws for your country before redistributing these files!!!

Please take a look at the important information in this header.
We encourage you to keep this file on your own disk, keeping an
electronic path open for the next readers.

Please do not remove this.

This should be the first thing seen when anyone opens the book.
Do not change or edit it without written permission.  The words
are carefully chosen to provide users with the information they
need about what they can legally do with the texts.


**Welcome To The World of Free Plain Vanilla Electronic Texts**

**Etexts Readable By Both Humans and By Computers, Since 1971**

*These Etexts Prepared By Hundreds of Volunteers and Donations*

Information on contacting Project Gutenberg to get Etexts, and
further information is included below.  We need your donations.

Presently, contributions are only being solicited from people in:
Texas, Nevada, Idaho, Montana, Wyoming, Colorado, South Dakota,
Iowa, Indiana, and Vermont. As the requirements for other states
are met, additions to this list will be made and fund raising will
begin in the additional states. These donations should be made to:

Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
PMB 113
1739 University Ave.
Oxford, MS 38655


Title: The Armies of Labor

Author: Samuel P. Orth

Release Date: January, 2002  [Etext #3038]
[Yes, we are about one year ahead of schedule]

Edition: 10

Language: English

The Project Gutenberg Etext of The Armies of Labor
by Samuel P. Orth
******This file should be named labor10.txt or labor10.zip******

Corrected EDITIONS of our etexts get a new NUMBER, labor11.txt
VERSIONS based on separate sources get new LETTER, labor10a.txt

Project Gutenberg Etexts are usually created from multiple editions,
all of which are in the Public Domain in the United States, unless a
copyright notice is included.  Therefore, we usually do NOT keep any
of these books in compliance with any particular paper edition.

We are now trying to release all our books one year in advance
of the official release dates, leaving time for better editing.
Please be encouraged to send us error messages even years after
the official publication date.

Please note:  neither this list nor its contents are final till
midnight of the last day of the month of any such announcement.
The official release date of all Project Gutenberg Etexts is at
Midnight, Central Time, of the last day of the stated month.  A
preliminary version may often be posted for suggestion, comment
and editing by those who wish to do so.

Most people start at our sites at:
http://gutenberg.net
http://promo.net/pg


Those of you who want to download any Etext before announcement
can surf to them as follows, and just download by date; this is
also a good way to get them instantly upon announcement, as the
indexes our cataloguers produce obviously take a while after an
announcement goes out in the Project Gutenberg Newsletter.

http://www.ibiblio.org/pub/docs/books/gutenberg/etext02
or
ftp://ftp.ibiblio.org/pub/docs/books/gutenberg/etext02

Or /etext01, 00, 99, 98, 97, 96, 95, 94, 93, 92, 92, 91 or 90

Just search by the first five letters of the filename you want,
as it appears in our Newsletters.


Information about Project Gutenberg (one page)

We produce about two million dollars for each hour we work.  The
time it takes us, a rather conservative estimate, is fifty hours
to get any etext selected, entered, proofread, edited, copyright
searched and analyzed, the copyright letters written, etc.  This
projected audience is one hundred million readers.  If our value
per text is nominally estimated at one dollar then we produce $2
million dollars per hour this year as we release fifty new Etext
files per month, or 500 more Etexts in 2000 for a total of 3000+
If they reach just 1-2% of the world's population then the total
should reach over 300 billion Etexts given away by year's end.

The Goal of Project Gutenberg is to Give Away One Trillion Etext
Files by December 31, 2001.  [10,000 x 100,000,000 = 1 Trillion]
This is ten thousand titles each to one hundred million readers,
which is only about 4% of the present number of computer users.

At our revised rates of production, we will reach only one-third
of that goal by the end of 2001, or about 3,333 Etexts unless we
manage to get some real funding.

Something is needed to create a future for Project Gutenberg for
the next 100 years.

We need your donations more than ever!

Presently, contributions are only being solicited from people in:
Texas, Nevada, Idaho, Montana, Wyoming, Colorado, South Dakota,
Iowa, Indiana, and Vermont. As the requirements for other states
are met, additions to this list will be made and fund raising will
begin in the additional states.

All donations should be made to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation and will be tax deductible to the extent
permitted by law.

Mail to:

Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
PMB 113
1739 University Avenue
Oxford, MS 38655  [USA]

We are working with the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
Foundation to build more stable support and ensure the
future of Project Gutenberg.

We need your donations more than ever!

You can get up to date donation information at:

http://www.gutenberg.net/donation.html


***

You can always email directly to:

Michael S. Hart <hart@pobox.com>

hart@pobox.com forwards to hart@prairienet.org and archive.org
if your mail bounces from archive.org, I will still see it, if
it bounces from prairienet.org, better resend later on. . . .

We would prefer to send you this information by email.


Example command-line FTP session:

ftp ftp.ibiblio.org
login: anonymous
password: your@login
cd pub/docs/books/gutenberg
cd etext90 through etext99 or etext00 through etext02, etc.
dir [to see files]
get or mget [to get files. . .set bin for zip files]
GET GUTINDEX.??  [to get a year's listing of books, e.g., GUTINDEX.99]
GET GUTINDEX.ALL [to get a listing of ALL books]


**The Legal Small Print**


(Three Pages)

***START**THE SMALL PRINT!**FOR PUBLIC DOMAIN ETEXTS**START***
Why is this "Small Print!" statement here?  You know: lawyers.
They tell us you might sue us if there is something wrong with
your copy of this etext, even if you got it for free from
someone other than us, and even if what's wrong is not our
fault.  So, among other things, this "Small Print!" statement
disclaims most of our liability to you.  It also tells you how
you can distribute copies of this etext if you want to.

*BEFORE!* YOU USE OR READ THIS ETEXT
By using or reading any part of this PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm
etext, you indicate that you understand, agree to and accept
this "Small Print!" statement.  If you do not, you can receive
a refund of the money (if any) you paid for this etext by
sending a request within 30 days of receiving it to the person
you got it from.  If you received this etext on a physical
medium (such as a disk), you must return it with your request.

ABOUT PROJECT GUTENBERG-TM ETEXTS
This PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm etext, like most PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm etexts,
is a "public domain" work distributed by Professor Michael S. Hart
through the Project Gutenberg Association (the "Project").
Among other things, this means that no one owns a United States copyright
on or for this work, so the Project (and you!) can copy and
distribute it in the United States without permission and
without paying copyright royalties.  Special rules, set forth
below, apply if you wish to copy and distribute this etext
under the Project's "PROJECT GUTENBERG" trademark.

Please do not use the "PROJECT GUTENBERG" trademark to market
any commercial products without permission.

To create these etexts, the Project expends considerable
efforts to identify, transcribe and proofread public domain
works.  Despite these efforts, the Project's etexts and any
medium they may be on may contain "Defects".  Among other
things, Defects may take the form of incomplete, inaccurate or
corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other
intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged
disk or other etext medium, a computer virus, or computer
codes that damage or cannot be read by your equipment.

LIMITED WARRANTY; DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES
But for the "Right of Replacement or Refund" described below,
[1] the Project (and any other party you may receive this
etext from as a PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm etext) disclaims all
liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including
legal fees, and [2] YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE OR
UNDER STRICT LIABILITY, OR FOR BREACH OF WARRANTY OR CONTRACT,
INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE
OR INCIDENTAL DAMAGES, EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE
POSSIBILITY OF SUCH DAMAGES.

If you discover a Defect in this etext within 90 days of
receiving it, you can receive a refund of the money (if any)
you paid for it by sending an explanatory note within that
time to the person you received it from.  If you received it
on a physical medium, you must return it with your note, and
such person may choose to alternatively give you a replacement
copy.  If you received it electronically, such person may
choose to alternatively give you a second opportunity to
receive it electronically.

THIS ETEXT IS OTHERWISE PROVIDED TO YOU "AS-IS".  NO OTHER
WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, ARE MADE TO YOU AS
TO THE ETEXT OR ANY MEDIUM IT MAY BE ON, INCLUDING BUT NOT
LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR A
PARTICULAR PURPOSE.

Some states do not allow disclaimers of implied warranties or
the exclusion or limitation of consequential damages, so the
above disclaimers and exclusions may not apply to you, and you
may have other legal rights.

INDEMNITY
You will indemnify and hold the Project, its directors,
officers, members and agents harmless from all liability, cost
and expense, including legal fees, that arise directly or
indirectly from any of the following that you do or cause:
[1] distribution of this etext, [2] alteration, modification,
or addition to the etext, or [3] any Defect.

DISTRIBUTION UNDER "PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm"
You may distribute copies of this etext electronically, or by
disk, book or any other medium if you either delete this
"Small Print!" and all other references to Project Gutenberg,
or:

[1]  Only give exact copies of it.  Among other things, this
     requires that you do not remove, alter or modify the
     etext or this "small print!" statement.  You may however,
     if you wish, distribute this etext in machine readable
     binary, compressed, mark-up, or proprietary form,
     including any form resulting from conversion by word
     processing or hypertext software, but only so long as
     *EITHER*:

     [*]  The etext, when displayed, is clearly readable, and
          does *not* contain characters other than those
          intended by the author of the work, although tilde
          (~), asterisk (*) and underline (_) characters may
          be used to convey punctuation intended by the
          author, and additional characters may be used to
          indicate hypertext links; OR

     [*]  The etext may be readily converted by the reader at
          no expense into plain ASCII, EBCDIC or equivalent
          form by the program that displays the etext (as is
          the case, for instance, with most word processors);
          OR

     [*]  You provide, or agree to also provide on request at
          no additional cost, fee or expense, a copy of the
          etext in its original plain ASCII form (or in EBCDIC
          or other equivalent proprietary form).

[2]  Honor the etext refund and replacement provisions of this
     "Small Print!" statement.

[3]  Pay a trademark license fee to the Project of 20% of the
     gross profits you derive calculated using the method you
     already use to calculate your applicable taxes.  If you
     don't derive profits, no royalty is due.  Royalties are
     payable to "Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation"
     the 60 days following each date you prepare (or were
     legally required to prepare) your annual (or equivalent
     periodic) tax return.  Please contact us beforehand to
     let us know your plans and to work out the details.

WHAT IF YOU *WANT* TO SEND MONEY EVEN IF YOU DON'T HAVE TO?
The Project gratefully accepts contributions of money, time,
public domain etexts, and royalty free copyright licenses.
If you are interested in contributing scanning equipment or
software or other items, please contact Michael Hart at:
hart@pobox.com

*END THE SMALL PRINT! FOR PUBLIC DOMAIN ETEXTS*Ver.04.07.00*END*




Title: The Armies of Labor, A Chronicle of the Organized
Wage-Earners

Author: Samuel P. Orth


THIS BOOK, VOLUME 40 IN THE CHRONICLES OF AMERICA SERIES, ALLEN
JOHNSON, EDITOR, WAS DONATED TO PROJECT GUTENBERG BY THE JAMES
J. KELLY LIBRARY OF ST. GREGORY'S UNIVERSITY; THANKS TO ALEV
AKMAN.


THE ARMIES OF LABOR, A CHRONICLE OF THE ORGANIZED WAGE-EARNERS BY
SAMUEL P. ORTH

NEW HAVEN: YALE UNIVERSITY PRESS TORONTO: GLASGOW, BROOK & CO.
LONDON: HUMPHREY MILFORD OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS

1919


CONTENTS

I. THE BACKGROUND
II. FORMATIVE YEARS
III. TRANSITION YEARS
IV. AMALGAMATION
V. FEDERATION
VI. THE TRADE UNION
VII. THE RAILWAY BROTHERHOODS
VIII. ISSUES AND WARFARE
IX. THE NEW TERRORISM: THE I.W.W.
X. LABOR AND POLITICS
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE



THE ARMIES OF LABOR

CHAPTER I. THE BACKGROUND

Three momentous things symbolize the era that begins its cycle
with the memorable year of 1776: the Declaration of Independence,
the steam engine, and Adam Smith's book, "The Wealth of Nations."
The Declaration gave birth to a new nation, whose millions of
acres of free land were to shift the economic equilibrium of the
world; the engine multiplied man's productivity a thousandfold
and uprooted in a generation the customs of centuries; the book
gave to statesmen a new view of economic affairs and profoundly
influenced the course of international trade relations.

The American people, as they faced the approaching age with the
experiences of the race behind them, fashioned many of their
institutions and laws on British models. This is true to such an
extent that the subject of this book, the rise of labor in
America, cannot be understood without a preliminary survey of the
British industrial system nor even without some reference to the
feudal system, of which English society for many centuries bore
the marks and to which many relics of tenure and of class and
governmental responsibility may be traced. Feudalism was a
society in which the status of an individual was fixed: he was
underman or overman in a rigid social scale according as he
considered his relation to his superiors or to his inferiors.
Whatever movement there was took place horizontally, in the same
class or on the same social level. The movement was not vertical,
as it so frequently is today, and men did not ordinarily rise
above the social level of their birth, never by design, and only
perhaps by rare accident or genius. It was a little world of
lords and serfs; of knights who graced court and castle, jousted
at tournaments, or fought upon the field of battle; and of serfs
who toiled in the fields, served in the castle, or, as the
retainers of the knight, formed the crude soldiery of medieval
days. For their labor and allegiance they were clothed and housed
and fed. Yet though there were feast days gay with the color of
pageantry and procession, the worker was always in a servile
state, an underman dependent upon his master, and sometimes
looking upon his condition as little better than slavery.

With the break-up of this rigid system came in England the
emancipation of the serf, the rise of the artisan class, and the
beginnings of peasant agriculture. That personal gravitation
which always draws together men of similar ambitions and tasks
now began to work significant changes in the economic order. The
peasantry, more or less scattered in the country, found it
difficult to unite their powers for redressing their grievances,
although there were some peasant revolts of no mean proportions.
But the artisans of the towns were soon grouped into powerful
organizations, called guilds, so carefully managed and so well
disciplined that they dominated every craft and controlled every
detail in every trade. The relation of master to journeyman and
apprentice, the wages, hours, quantity, and quality of the
output, were all minutely regulated. Merchant guilds, similarly
constituted, also prospered. The magnificent guild halls that
remain in our day are monuments of the power and splendor of
these organizations that made the towns of the later Middle Ages
flourishing centers of trade, of handicrafts, and of art. As
towns developed, they dealt the final blow to an agricultural
system based on feudalism; they became cities of refuge for the
runaway serfs, and their charters, insuring political and
economic freedom, gave them superior advantages for trading.

The guild system of manufacture was gradually replaced by the
domestic system. The workman's cottage, standing in its garden,
housed the loom and the spinning wheel, and the entire family was
engaged in labor at home. But the workman, thus apparently
independent, was not the owner of either the raw material or the
finished product. A middleman or agent brought him the wool,
carried away the cloth, and paid him his hire. Daniel Defoe, who
made a tour of Britain in 1794-6, left a picture of rural
England in this period, often called the golden age of labor. The
land, he says, "was divided into small inclosures from two acres
to six or seven each, seldom more; every three or four pieces of
land had an house belonging to them, ...hardly an house
standing out of a speaking distance from another .... We could
see at every house a tenter, and on almost every tenter a piece
of cloth or kersie or shalloon .... At every considerable
house was a manufactory .... Every clothier keeps one horse,
at least, to carry his manufactures to the market and every one
generally keeps a cow or two or more for his family. By this
means the small pieces of inclosed land about each house are
occupied, for they scarce sow corn enough to feed their poultry
....
The houses are full of lusty fellows, some at the dye vat,
some at the looms, others dressing the clothes; the women or
children carding or spinning, being all employed, from the
youngest to the oldest."

But more significant than these changes was the rise of the
so-called mercantile system, in which the state took under its
care industrial details that were formerly regulated by the town
or guild. This system, beginning in the sixteenth century and
lasting through the eighteenth, had for its prime object the
upbuilding of national trade. The state, in order to insure the
homogeneous development of trade and industry, dictated the
prices of commodities. It prescribed the laws of apprenticeship
and the rules of master and servant. It provided inspectors for
passing on the quality of goods offered for sale. It weighed the
loaves, measured the cloth, and tested the silverware. It
prescribed wages, rural and urban, and bade the local justice act
as a sort of guardian over the laborers in his district. To
relieve poverty poor laws were passed; to prevent the decline of
productivity corn laws were passed fixing arbitrary prices for
grain. For a time monopolies creating artificial prosperity were
granted to individuals and to corporations for the manufacture,
sale, or exploitation of certain articles, such as matches,
gunpowder, and playing-cards.

This highly artificial and paternalistic state was not content
with regulating all these internal matters but spread its
protection over foreign commerce. Navigation acts attempted to
monopolize the trade of the colonies and especially the trade in
the products needed by the mother country. England encouraged
shipping and during this period achieved that dominance of the
sea which has been the mainstay of her vast empire. She fostered
plantations and colonies not for their own sake but that they
might be tributaries to the wealth of the nation. An absurd
importance was attached to the possession of gold and silver, and
the ingenuity of statesmen was exhausted in designing lures to
entice these metals to London. Banking and insurance began to
assume prime importance. By 1750 England had sent ships into
every sea and had planted colonies around the globe.

But while the mechanism of trade and of government made
surprising progress during the mercantile period, the mechanism
of production remained in the slow handicraft stage. This was now
to change. In 1738 Kay invented the flying shuttle, multiplying
the capacity of the loom. In 1767 Hargreaves completed the
spinning-jenny, and in 1771 Arkwright perfected his roller
spinning machine. A few years later Crompton combined the roller
and the jenny, and after the application of steam to spinning in
1785 the power loom replaced the hand loom. The manufacture of
woolen cloth being the principal industry of England, it was
natural that machinery should first be invented for the spinning
and weaving of wool. New processes in the manufacture of iron and
steel and the development of steam transportation soon followed.

Within the course of a few decades the whole economic order was
changed. Whereas many centuries had been required for the slow
development of the medieval system of feudalism, the guild
system, and the handicrafts, now, like a series of earthquake
shocks, came changes so sudden and profound that even today
society has not yet learned to adjust itself to the myriads of
needs and possibilities which the union of man's mind with
nature's forces has produced. The industrial revolution took the
workman from the land and crowded him into the towns. It took the
loom from his cottage and placed it in the factory. It took the
tool from his hand and harnessed it to a shaft. It robbed him of
his personal skill and joined his arm of flesh to an arm of iron.
It reduced him from a craftsman to a specialist, from a maker of
shoes to a mere stitcher of soles. It took from him, at a single
blow, his interest in the workmanship of his task, his ownership
of the tools, his garden, his wholesome environment, and even his
family. All were swallowed by the black maw of the ugly new mill
town. The hardships of the old days were soon forgotten in the
horrors of the new. For the transition was rapid enough to make
the contrast striking. Indeed it was so rapid that the new class
of employers, the capitalists, found little time to think of
anything but increasing their profits, and the new class of
employees, now merely wage-earners, found that their long hours
of monotonous toil gave them little leisure and no interest.

The transition from the age of handicrafts to the era of machines
presents a picture of greed that tempts one to bitter invective.
Its details are dispassionately catalogued by the Royal
Commissions that finally towards the middle of the nineteenth
century inquired into industrial conditions. From these reports
Karl Marx drew inspiration for his social philosophy, and in them
his friend Engles found the facts that he retold so vividly, for
the purpose of arousing his fellow workmen. And Carlyle and
Ruskin, reading this official record of selfishness, and knowing
its truth, drew their powerful indictments against a society
which would permit its eight-year-old daughters, its mothers, and
its grandmothers, to be locked up for fourteen hours a day in
dirty, ill-smelling factories, to release them at night only to
find more misery in the hovels they pitifully called home.

The introduction of machinery into manufacturing wrought vast
changes also in the organization of business. The unit of
industry greatly increased in size. The economies of organized
wholesale production were soon made apparent; and the tendency to
increase the size of the factory and to amalgamate the various
branches of industry under corporate control has continued to the
present. The complexity of business operations also increased
with the development of transportation and the expansion of the
empire of trade. A world market took the place of the old town
market, and the world market necessitated credit on a new and
infinitely larger scale.

No less important than the revolution in industry was the
revolution in economic theory which accompanied it. Unlimited
competition replaced the state paternalism of the mercantilists.
Adam Smith in 1776 espoused the cause of economic liberty,
believing that if business and industry were unhampered by
artificial restrictions they would work out their own salvation.
His pronouncement was scarcely uttered before it became the
shibboleth of statesmen and business men. The revolt of the
American colonies hastened the general acceptance of this
doctrine, and England soon found herself committed to the
practice of every man looking after his own interests. Freedom of
contract, freedom of trade, and freedom of thought were vigorous
and inspiring but often misleading phrases. The processes of
specialization and centralization that were at work portended the
growing power of those who possessed the means to build factories
and ships and railways but not necessarily the freedom of the
many. The doctrine of laissez faire assumed that power would
bring with it a sense of responsibility. For centuries, the
old-country gentry and governing class of England had shown an
appreciation of their duties, as a class, to those dependent upon
them. But now another class with no benevolent traditions of
responsibility came into power--the capitalist, a parvenu whose
ambition was profit, not equity, and whose dealings with other
men were not tempered by the amenities of the gentleman but were
sharpened by the necessities of gain. It was upon such a class,
new in the economic world and endowed with astounding power, that
Adam Smith's new formularies of freedom were let loose.

During all these changes in the economic order, the interest of
the laborer centered in one question: What return would he
receive for his toil? With the increasing complexity of society,
many other problems presented themselves to the worker, but for
the most part they were subsidiary to the main question of wages.
As long as man's place was fixed by law or custom, a customary
wage left small margin for controversy. But when fixed status
gave way to voluntary contract, when payment was made in money,
when workmen were free to journey from town to town, labor became
both free and fluid, bargaining took the place of custom, and the
wage controversy began to assume definite proportions. As early
as 1348 the great plague became a landmark in the field of wage
disputes. So scarce had laborers become through the ravages of
the Black Death, that wages rose rapidly, to the alarm of the
employers, who prevailed upon King Edward III to issue the
historic proclamation of 1349, directing that no laborer should
demand and no employer should pay greater wages than those
customary before the plague. This early attempt to outmaneuver an
economic law by a legal device was only the prelude to a long
series of labor laws which may be said to have culminated in the
great Statute of Laborers of 1562, regulating the relations of
wage-earner and employer and empowering justices of the peace to
fix the wages in their districts. Wages steadily decreased during
the two hundred years in which this statute remained in force,
and poor laws were passed to bring the succor which artificial
wages made necessary. Thus two rules of arbitrary government were
meant to neutralize each other. It is the usual verdict of
historians that the estate of labor in England declined from a
flourishing condition in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries
to one of great distress by the time of the Industrial
Revolution. This unhappy decline was probably due to several
causes, among which the most important were the arbitrary and
artificial attempts of the Government to keep down wages, the
heavy taxation caused by wars of expansion, and the want of
coercive power on the part of labor.

>From the decline of the guild system, which had placed labor and
its products so completely in the hands of the master craftsman,
the workman had assumed no controlling part in the labor bargain.
Such guilds and such journeyman's fraternities as may have
survived were practically helpless against parliamentary rigor
and state benevolence. In the domestic stage of production,
cohesion among workers was not so necessary. But when the factory
system was substituted for the handicraft system and workers with
common interests were thrown together in the towns, they had
every impulsion towards organization. They not only felt the need
of sociability after long hours spent in spiritless toil but they
were impelled by a new consciousness--the realization that an
inevitable and profound change had come over their condition.
They had ceased to be journeymen controlling in some measure
their activities; they were now merely wage-earners. As the
realization of this adverse change came over them, they began to
resent the unsanitary and burdensome conditions under which they
were compelled to live and to work. So actual grievances were
added to fear of what might happen, and in their common cause
experience soon taught them unity of action. Parliament was
petitioned, agitations were organized, sick-benefits were
inaugurated, and when these methods failed, machinery was
destroyed, factories were burned, and the strike became a common
weapon of self-defense.

Though a few labor organizations can be traced as far back as
1700, their growth during the eighteenth century was slow and
irregular. There was no unity in their methods, and they were
known by many names, such as associations, unions, union
societies, trade clubs, and trade societies. These societies had
no legal status and their meetings were usually held in secret.
And the Webbs in their "History of Trade Unionism" allude to the
traditions of "the midnight meeting of patriots in the corner of
the field, the buried box of records, the secret oath, the long
terms of imprisonment of the leading officials." Some of these
tales were unquestionably apocryphal, others were exaggerated by
feverish repetition. But they indicate the aversion with which
the authorities looked upon these combinations.

There were two legal doctrines long invoked by the English courts
against combined action--doctrines that became a heritage of the
United States and have had a profound effect upon the labor
movements in America. The first of these was the doctrine of
conspiracy, a doctrine so ancient that its sources are obscure.
It was the natural product of a government and of a time that
looked askance at all combined action, fearing sedition,
intrigue, and revolution. As far back as 1305 there was enacted a
statute defining conspiracy and outlining the offense. It did not
aim at any definite social class but embraced all persons who
combined for a "malicious enterprise." Such an enterprise was the
breaking of a law. So when Parliament passed acts regulating
wages, conditions of employment, or prices of commodities, those
who combined secretly or openly to circumvent the act, to raise
wages or lower them, or to raise prices and curtail markets, at
once fell under the ban of conspiracy. The law operated alike on
conspiring employers and conniving employees.

The new class of employers during the early years of the machine
age eagerly embraced the doctrine of conspiracy. They readily
brought under the legal definition the secret connivings of the
wage-earners. Political conditions now also worked against the
laboring class. The unrest in the colonies that culminated in
the independence of America and the fury of the French Revolution
combined to make kings and aristocracies wary of all
organizations and associations of plain folk. And when we add to
this the favor which the new employing class, the industrial
masters, were able to extort from the governing class, because of
their power over foreign trade and domestic finance, we can
understand the compulsory laws at length declaring against all
combinations of working men.

The second legal doctrine which Americans have inherited from
England and which has played a leading role in labor
controversies is the doctrine that declares unlawful all
combinations in restraint of trade. Like its twin doctrine of
conspiracy, it is of remote historical origin. One of the
earliest uses, perhaps the first use, of the term by Parliament
was in the statute of 1436 forbidding guilds and trading
companies from adopting by-laws "in restraint of trade," and
forbidding practices in price manipulations "for their own profit
and to the common hurt of the people." This doctrine thus early
invoked, and repeatedly reasserted against combinations of
traders and masters, was incorporated in the general statute of
1800 which declared all combinations of journeymen illegal. But
in spite of legal doctrines, of innumerable laws and court
decisions, strikes and combinations multiplied, and devices were
found for evading statutory wages.

In 1824 an act of Parliament removed the general prohibition of
combinations and accorded to workingmen the right to bargain
collectively. Three men were responsible for this noteworthy
reform, each one a new type in British politics. The first was
Francis Place, a tailor who had taken active part in various
strikes. He was secretary of the London Corresponding Society, a
powerful labor union, which in 1795 had twenty branches in
London. Most of the officers of this organization were at one
time or another arrested, and some were kept in prison three
years without a trial. Place, schooled in such experience, became
a radical politician of great influence, a friend of Bentham,
Owen, and the elder Mill. The second type of new reformer was
represented by Joseph Hume, a physician who had accumulated
wealth in the India Service, who had returned home to enter
public life, and who was converted from Toryism to Radicalism by
a careful study of financial, political, and industrial problems.
A great number of reform laws can be traced directly to his
incredible activity during his thirty years in Parliament. The
third leader was John R. McCulloch, an orthodox economist, a
disciple of Adam Smith, for some years editor of The Scotsman,
which was then a violently radical journal cooperating with the
newly established Edinburgh Review in advocating sociological and
political reforms.

Thus Great Britain, the mother country from which Americans have
inherited so many institutions, laws, and traditions, passed in
turn through the periods of extreme paternalism, glorified
competition, and governmental antagonism to labor combinations,
into what may be called the age of conciliation. And today the
Labour Party in the House of Commons has shown itself strong
enough to impose its programme upon the Liberals and, through
this radical coalition, has achieved a power for the working man
greater than even Francis Place or Thomas Carlyle ever hoped for.



CHAPTER II. FORMATIVE YEARS

America did not become a cisatlantic Britain, as some of the
colonial adventurers had hoped. A wider destiny awaited her. Here
were economic conditions which upset all notions of the fixity of
class distinctions. Here was a continent of free land, luring the
disaffected or disappointed artisan and enabling him to achieve
economic independence. Hither streamed ceaselessly hordes of
immigrants from Europe, constantly shifting the social
equilibrium. Here the demand for labor was constant, except
during the rare intervals of financial stagnation, and here the
door of opportunity swung wide to the energetic and able artisan.
The records of American industry are replete with names of
prominent leaders who began at the apprentice's bench.

The old class distinctions brought from the home country,
however, had survived for many years in the primeval forests of
Virginia and Maryland and even among the hills of New England.
Indeed, until the Revolution and for some time thereafter, a
man's clothes were the badge of his calling. The gentleman wore
powdered queue and ruffled shirt; the workman, coarse buckskin
breeches, ponderous shoes with brass buckles, and usually a
leather apron, well greased to keep it pliable. Just before the
Revolution the lot of the common laborer was not an enviable one.
His house was rude and barren of comforts; his fare was coarse
and without variety. His wage was two shillings a day, and prison
--usually an indescribably filthy hole awaited him the moment he
ran into debt. The artisan fared somewhat better. He had spent,
as a rule, seven years learning his trade, and his skill and
energy demanded and generally received a reasonable return. The
account books that have come down to us from colonial days show
that his handiwork earned him a fair living. This, however, was
before machinery had made inroads upon the product of
cabinetmaker, tailor, shoemaker, locksmith, and silversmith, and
when the main street of every village was picturesque with the
signs of the crafts that maintained the decent independence of
the community.

Such labor organizations as existed before the Revolution were
limited to the skilled trades. In 1648 the coopers and the
shoemakers of Boston were granted permission to organize guilds,
which embraced both master and journeyman, and there were a few
similar organizations in New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore.
But these were not unions like those of today. "There are," says
Richard T. Ely, "no traces of anything like a modern trades'
union in the colonial period of American history, and it is
evident on reflection that there was little need, if any, of
organization on the part of labor, at that time."*

* "The Labor Movement in America," by Richard T. Ely (1905), p.
86.


A new epoch for labor came in with the Revolution. Within a
decade wages rose fifty per cent, and John Jay in 1784 writes of
the "wages of mechanics and laborers" as "very extravagant."
Though the industries were small and depended on a local market
within a circumscribed area of communication, they grew rapidly.
The period following the Revolution is marked by considerable
industrial restiveness and by the formation of many labor
organizations, which were, however, benevolent or friendly
societies rather than unions and were often incorporated by an
act of the legislature. In New York, between 1800 and 1810,
twenty-four such societies were incorporated. Only in the
larger cities were they composed of artisans of one trade, such
as the New York Masons Society (1807) or the New York Society of
Journeymen Shipwrights (1807). Elsewhere they included artisans
of many trades, such as the Albany Mechanical Society (1801). In
Philadelphia the cordwainers, printers, and hatters had
societies. In Baltimore the tailors were the first to organize,
and they conducted in 1795 one of the first strikes in America.
Ten years later they struck again, and succeeded in raising their
pay from seven shillings sixpence the job to eight shillings
ninepence and "extras." At the same time the pay of unskilled
labor was rising rapidly, for workers were scarce owing to the
call of the merchant marine in those years of the rising splendor
of the American sailing ship, and the lure of western lands. The
wages of common laborers rose to a dollar and more a day.

There occurred in 1805 an important strike of the Philadelphia
cordwainers. Theirs was one of the oldest labor organizations in
the country, and it had conducted several successful strikes.
This particular occasion, however, is significant, because the
strikers were tried for conspiracy in the mayor's court, with the
result that they were found guilty and fined eight dollars each,
with costs. As the court permitted both sides to tell their story
in detail, a full report of the proceedings survives to give us,
as it were, a photograph of the labor conditions of that time.
The trial kindled a great deal of local animosity. A newspaper
called the Aurora contained inflammatory accounts of the
proceedings, and a pamphlet giving the records of the court was
widely circulated. This pamphlet bore the significant legend, "It
is better that the law be known and certain, than that it be
right," and was dedicated to the Governor and General Assembly
"with the hope of attracting their particular attention, at the
next meeting of the legislature."

Another early instance of a strike occurred in New York City in
1809, when the cordwainers struck for higher wages and were
hauled before the mayor's court on the charge of conspiracy. The
trial was postponed by Mayor DeWitt Clinton until after the
pending municipal elections to avoid the risk of offending either
side. When at length the strikers were brought to trial, the
court-house was crowded with spectators, showing how keen was the
public interest in the case. The jury's verdict of "guilty," and
the imposition of a fine of one dollar each and costs upon the
defendants served but as a stimulus to the friends of the
strikers to gather in a great mass meeting and protest against
the verdict and the law that made it possible.

In 1821 the New York Typographical Society, which had been
organized four years earlier by Peter Force, a labor leader of
unusual energy, set a precedent for the vigorous and fearless
career of its modern successor by calling a strike in the
printing office of Thurlow Weed, the powerful politician, himself
a member of the society, because he employed a "rat," as a
nonunion worker was called. It should be noted, however, that the
organizations of this early period were of a loose structure and
scarcely comparable to the labor unions of today.


Sidney Smith, the brilliant contributor to the "Edinburgh
Review," propounded in 1820 certain questions which sum up the
general conditions of American industry and art after nearly a
half century of independence: "In the four quarters of the
globe," he asked, "who reads an American book? or goes to an
American play? or looks at an American picture or statue? What
does the world yet owe to American physicians or surgeons? What
new substances have their chemists discovered? or what old ones
have they analyzed? What new constellations have been discovered
by the telescopes of Americans? What have they done in
mathematics? Who drinks out of American glasses? or eats from
American plates? or wears American coats or gowns? or sleeps in
American blankets?"

These questions, which were quite pertinent, though conceived in
an impertinent spirit, were being answered in America even while
the witty Englishman was framing them. The water power of New
England was being harnessed to cotton mills, woolen mills, and
tanneries. Massachusetts in 1820 reported one hundred and
sixty-one factories. New York had begun that marvelous growth
which made the city, in the course of a few decades, the
financial capital of a hemisphere. So rapidly were people
flocking to New York, that houses had tenants long before they
had windows and doors, and streets were lined with buildings
before they had sewers, sidewalks, or pavements. New Jersey had
well under way those manufactories of glassware, porcelains,
carpets, and textiles which have since brought her great
prosperity. Philadelphia was the country's greatest weaving
center, boasting four thousand craftsmen engaged in that
industry. Even on the frontier, Pittsburgh and Cincinnati were
emerging from "settlements" into manufacturing towns of
importance. McMaster concludes his graphic summary of these years
as follows: "In 1820 it was estimated that 200,000 persons and a
capital of $75,000,000 were employed in manufacturing. In 1825
the capital used had been expanded to $160,000,000 and the number
of workers to 2,000,000."*

* History of the People of the United States (1901), vol. V, p.
230.


The Industrial Revolution had set in. These new millions who
hastened to answer the call of industry in the new land were
largely composed of the poor of other lands. Thousands of them
were paupers when they landed in America, their passage having
been paid by those at home who wanted to get rid of them. Vast
numbers settled down in the cities, in spite of the lure of the
land. It was at this period that universal manhood suffrage was
written into the constitutions of the older States, and a new
electorate assumed the reins of power. Now the first labor
representatives were sent to the legislatures and to Congress,
and the older parties began eagerly bidding for the votes of the
humble. The decision of great questions fell to this new
electorate. With the rise of industry came the demand for a
protective tariff and for better transportation. State
governments vied with each other, in thoughtless haste, in
lending their credit to new turnpike and canal construction. And
above all political issues loomed the Bank, the monopoly that
became the laborer's bugaboo and Andrew Jackson's opportunity to
rally to his side the newly enfranchised mechanics.

So the old days of semi-colonial composure were succeeded by the
thrilling experiences that a new industrial prosperity thrusts
upon a really democratic electorate. Little wonder that the labor
union movement took the political by-path, seeking salvation in
the promise of the politician and in the panacea of fatuous laws.
Now there were to be discerned the beginnings of class solidarity
among the working people. But the individual's chances to improve
his situation were still very great and opportunity was still a
golden word.

The harsh facts of the hour, however, soon began to call for
united action. The cities were expanding with such eager haste
that proper housing conditions were overlooked. Workingmen were
obliged to live in wretched structures. Moreover, human beings
were still levied on for debt and imprisoned for default of
payment. Children of less than sixteen years of age were working
twelve or more hours a day, and if they received any education at
all, it was usually in schools charitably called "ragged schools"
or "poor schools," or "pauper schools." There was no adequate
redress for the mechanic if his wages were in default, for lien
laws had not yet found their way into the statute books. Militia
service was oppressive, permitting only the rich to buy
exemption. It was still considered an unlawful conspiracy to act
in unison for an increase in pay or a lessening of working hours.
By 1840 the pay of unskilled labor had dropped to about
seventy-five cents a day in the overcrowded cities, and in the
winter, in either city or country, many unskilled workers were
glad to work for merely their board. The lot of women workers was
especially pitiful. A seamstress by hard toil, working fifteen
hours a day might stitch enough shirts to earn from seventy-two
cents to a dollar and twelve cents a week. Skilled labor, while
faring better in wages, shared with the unskilled in the
universal working day which lasted from sun to sun. Such in brief
were the conditions that brought home to the laboring masses that
homogeneous consciousness which alone makes a group powerful in a
democracy.

The movement can most clearly be discerned in the cities.
Philadelphia claims precedence as the home of the first Trades'
Union. The master cordwainers had organized a society in 1792,
and their journeymen had followed suit two years later. The
experiences and vicissitudes of these shoemakers furnished a
useful lesson to other tradesmen, many of whom were organized
into unions. But they were isolated organizations, each one
fighting its own battles. In 1897 the Mechanics' Union of Trade
Associations was formed. Of its significance John R. Commons
says:

England is considered the home of trade-unionism, but the
distinction belongs to Philadelphia.... The first trades' union
in England was that of Manchester, organized in 1829, although
there seems to have been an attempt to organize one in 1824. But
the first one in America was the "Mechanics' Union of Trade
Associations," organized in Philadelphia in 1827, two years
earlier. The name came from Manchester, but the thing from
Philadelphia. Neither union lasted long. The Manchester union
lived two years, and the Philadelphia union one year. But the
Manchester union died and the Philadelphia union metamorphosed
into politics. Here again Philadelphia was the pioneer, for it
called into being the first labor party. Not only this, but
through the Mechanics' Union Philadelphia started probably the
first wage-earners' paper ever published--the 'Mechanics Free
Press'--antedating, in January, 1828, the first similar journal
in England by two years.*

* "Labor Organization and Labor Politics," 1827-37; in the
"Quarterly Journal of Economics," February, 1907.


The union had its inception in the first general building strike
called in America. In the summer of 1827 the carpenters struck
for a ten-hour day. They were soon joined by the bricklayers,
painters, and glaziers, and members of other trades. But the
strike failed of its immediate object. A second effort to combine
the various trades into one organization was made in 1833, when
the Trades' Union of the City and County of Philadelphia, was
formed. Three years later this union embraced some fifty
societies with over ten thousand members. In June, 1835, this
organization undertook what was probably the first successful
general strike in America. It began among the cordwainers, spread
to the workers in the building trades, and was presently joined
in by cigarmakers, carters, saddlers and harness makers, smiths,
plumbers, bakers, printers, and even by the unskilled workers on
the docks. The strikers' demand for a ten-hour day received a
great deal of support from the influential men in the community.
After a mass meeting of citizens had adopted resolutions
endorsing the demands of the union, the city council agreed to a
ten-hour day for all municipal employees.

In 1833 the carpenters of New York City struck for an increase in
wages. They were receiving a dollar thirty-seven and a half cents
a day; they asked for a dollar and a half. They obtained the
support of other workers, notably the tailors, printers,
brushmakers, tobacconists, and masons, and succeeded in winning
their strike in one month. The printers, who have always been
alert and active in New York City, elated by the success of this
coordinate effort, sent out a circular calling for a general
convention of all the trades societies of the city. After a
preliminary meeting in July, a mass meeting was held in December,
at which there were present about four thousand persons
representing twenty-one societies. The outcome of the meeting was
the organization of the General Trades' Union of New York City.

It happened in the following year that Ely Moore of the
Typographical Association and the first president of the new
union, a powerful orator and a sagacious organizer, was elected
to Congress on the Jackson ticket. He was backed by Tammany Hall,
always on the alert for winners, and was supported by the
mechanics, artisans, and workingmen. He was the first man to take
his seat in Washington as the avowed representative of labor.

The movement for a ten-hour day was now in full swing, and the
years 1834-7 were full of strikes. The most spectacular of these
struggles was the strike of the tailors of New York in 1836, in
the course of which twenty strikers were arrested for conspiracy.
After a spirited trial attended by throngs of spectators, the men
were found guilty by a jury which took only thirty minutes for
deliberation. The strikers were fined $50 each, except the
president of the society, who was fined $150. After the trial
there was held a mass meeting which was attended, according to
the "Evening Post," by twenty-seven thousand persons. Resolutions
were passed declaring that "to all acts of tyranny and injustice,
resistance is just and therefore necessary," and "that the
construction given to the law in the case of the journeymen
tailors is not only ridiculous and weak in practice but unjust in
principle and subversive of the rights and liberties of American
citizens." The town was placarded with "coffin" handbills, a
practice not uncommon in those days.

Enclosed in a device representing a coffin were these words:

"THE RICH AGAINST THE POOR!

"Twenty of your brethren have been found guilty for presuming to
resist a reduction in their wages!.... Judge Edwards has
charged...the Rich are the only judges of the wants of the
poor. On Monday, June 6, 1836, the Freemen are to receive their
sentence, to gratify the hellish appetites of aristocracy!....
Go! Go! Go! Every Freeman, every Workingman, and hear the
melancholy sound of the earth on the Coffin of Equality. Let the
Court Room, the City-hall--yea, the whole Park, be filled with
mourners! But remember, offer no violence to Judge Edwards! Bend
meekly and receive the chains wherewith you are to be bound! Keep
the peace! Above all things, keep the peace!"

The "Evening Post" concludes a long account of the affair by
calling attention to the fact that the Trades' Union was not
composed of "only foreigners." "It is a low calculation when we
estimate that two-thirds of the workingmen of the city, numbering
several thousand persons, belong to it," and that "it is
controlled and supported by the great majority of our native
born."

The Boston Trades' Union was organized in 1834 and started out
with a great labor parade on the Fourth of July, followed by a
dinner served to a thousand persons in Faneuil Hall. This union
was formed primarily to fight for the ten-hour day, and the
leading crusaders were the house carpenters, the ship carpenters,
and the masons. Similar unions presently sprang up in other
cities, including Baltimore, Albany, Troy, Washington, Newark,
Schenectady, New Brunswick, Pittsburgh, Cincinnati, and St.
Louis. By 1835 all the larger centers of industry were familiar
with the idea, and most of them with the practice, of the trades
organizations of a community uniting for action.

The local unions were not unmindful of the need for wider action,
either through a national union of all the organizations of a
single trade, or through a union of all the different trades'
unions. Both courses of action were attempted. In 1834 the
National Trades' Union came into being and from that date held
annual national conventions of all the trades until the panic of
1837 obliterated the movement. When the first convention was
called, it was estimated that there were some 26,250 members of
trades' unions then in the United States. Of these 11,500 were in
New York and its vicinity, 6000 in Philadelphia, 4000 in Boston,
and 3500 in Baltimore. Meanwhile a movement was under way to
federate the unions of a single trade. In 1835 the cordwainers
attending the National Trades Union' formed a preliminary
organization and called a national cordwainers' convention. This
met in New York in March, 1836, and included forty-five delegates
from New York, New Jersey, Delaware, and Connecticut. In the fall
of 1836 the comb-makers, the carpenters, the hand-loom weavers,
and the printers likewise organized separate national unions or
alliances, and several other trades made tentative efforts by
correspondence to organize themselves in the same manner.

Before the dire year of 1837, there are, then, to be found the
beginnings of most of the elements of modern labor organizations
--benevolent societies and militant orders; political activities
and trades activities; amalgamations of local societies of the
same trades and of all trades; attempts at national organization
on the part of both the local trades' unions and of the local
trade unions; a labor press to keep alive the interest of the
workman; mass meetings, circulars, conventions, and appeals to
arouse the interest of the public in the issues of the hour. The
persistent demand of the workingmen was for a ten-hour day.
Harriet Martineau, who traveled extensively through the United
States, remarked that all the strikes she heard of were on the
question of hours, not wages. But there were nevertheless
abundant strikes either to raise wages or to maintain them. There
were, also, other fundamental questions in controversy which
could not be settled by strikes, such as imprisonment for debt,
lien and exemption and homestead laws, convict labor and slave
labor, and universal education. Most of these issues have since
that time been decided in favor of labor, and a new series of
demands takes their place today. Yet as one reads the records of
the early conspiracy cases or thumbs through the files of old
periodicals, he learns that there is indeed nothing new under the
sun and that, while perhaps the particular issues have changed,
the general methods and the spirit of the contest remain the
same.

The laborer believed then, as he does now, that his organization
must be all-embracing. In those days also there were "scabs,"
often called "rats" or "dung." Places under ban were
systematically picketed, and warnings like the following were
sent out: "We would caution all strangers and others who profess
the art of horseshoeing, that if they go to work for any employer
under the above prices, they must abide by the consequences."
Usually the consequences were a fine imposed by the union, but
sometimes they were more severe. Coercion by the union did not
cease with the strike. Journeymen who were not members were
pursued with assiduity and energy as soon as they entered a town
and found work. The boycott was a method early used against
prison labor. New York stonecutters agreed that they would not
"either collectively or individually purchase any goods
manufactured" by convicts and that they would not "countenance"
any merchants who dealt in them; and employers who incurred the
displeasure of organized labor were "nullified."

The use of the militia during strikes presented the same
difficulties then as now. During the general strike in
Philadelphia in 1835 there was considerable rowdyism, and Michel
Chevalier, a keen observer of American life, wrote that "the
militia looks on; the sheriff stands with folded hands." Nor was
there any difference in the attitude of the laboring man towards
unfavorable court decisions. In the tailors' strike in New York
in 1836, for instance, twenty-seven thousand sympathizers
assembled with bands and banners to protest against the jury's
verdict, and after sentence had been imposed upon the defendants,
the lusty throng burned the judge in effigy.

Sabotage is a new word, but the practice itself is old. In 1835
the striking cabinet-makers in New York smashed thousands of
dollars' worth of chairs, tables, and sofas that had been
imported from France, and the newspapers observed the significant
fact that the destroyers boasted in a foreign language that only
American-made furniture should be sold in America. Houses were
burned in Philadelphia because the contractors erecting them
refused to grant the wages that were demanded. Vengeance was
sometimes sought against new machinery that displaced hand labor.
In June, 1835, a New York paper remarked that "it is well known
that many of the most obstinate turn-outs among workingmen and
many of the most violent and lawless proceedings have been
excited for the purpose of destroying newly invented machinery."
Such acts of wantonness, however, were few, even in those first
tumultuous days of the thirties. Striking became in those days a
sort of mania, and not a town that had a mill or shop was exempt.
Men struck for "grog or death," for "Liberty, Equality, and the
Rights of Man," and even for the right to smoke their pipes at
work.

Strike benefits, too, were known in this early period. Strikers
in New York received assistance from Philadelphia, and Boston
strikers were similarly aided by both New York and Philadelphia.
When the high cost of living threatened to deprive the
wage-earner of half his income, bread riots occurred in the
cities, and handbills circulated in New York bore the legend:

BREAD, MEAT, RENT, FUEL
THEIR PRICES MUST COME DOWN


CHAPTER III. TRANSITION YEARS

With the panic of 1837 the mills were closed, thousands of
unemployed workers were thrown upon private charity, and, in the
long years of depression which followed, trade unionism suffered
a temporary eclipse. It was a period of social unrest in which
all sorts of philanthropic reforms were suggested and tried out.
Measured by later events, it was a period of transition, of
social awakening, of aspiration tempered by the bitter experience
of failure.

In the previous decade Robert Owen, the distinguished English
social reformer and philanthropist, had visited America, and had
begun in 1826 his famous colony at New Harmony, Indiana. His
experiments at New Lanark, in England, had already made him known
to working people the world over. Whatever may be said of his
quaint attempts to reduce society to a common denominator, it is
certain that his arrival in America, at a time when people's
minds were open to all sorts of economic suggestions, had a
stimulating effect upon labor reforms and led, in the course of
time, to the founding of some forty communistic colonies, most of
them in New York, Pennsylvania, and Ohio. "We are all a little
wild here with numberless projects of social reform," wrote
Emerson to Thomas Carlyle; "not a reading man but has the draft
of a new community in his waistcoat pocket." One of these
experiments, at Red Bank, New Jersey, lasted for thirteen years,
and another, in Wisconsin, for six years. But most of them after
a year or two gave up the struggle.

Of these failures, the best known is Brook Farm, an intellectual
community founded in 1841 by George Ripley at West Roxbury,
Massachusetts. Six years later the project was abandoned and is
now remembered as an example of the futility of trying to leaven
a world of realism by means of an atom of transcendental
idealism. In a sense, however, Brook Farm typifies this period of
transition. It was a time of vagaries and longings. People seemed
to be conscious of the fact that a new social solidarity was
dawning. It is not strange, therefore, that--while the railroads
were feeling their way from town to town and across the prairies,
while water-power and steam-power were multiplying man's
productivity, indicating that the old days were gone forever--
many curious dreams of a new order of things should be dreamed,
nor that among them some should be ridiculous, some fantastic,
and some unworthy, nor that, as the futility of a universal
social reform forced itself upon the dreamers, they merged the
greater in the lesser, the general in the particular, and sought
an outlet in espousing some specific cause or attacking some
particular evil.

Those movements which had their inspiration in a genuine
humanitarianism achieved great good. Now for the first time the
blind, the deaf, the dumb, and the insane were made the object of
social solicitude and communal care. The criminal, too, and the
jail in which he was confined remained no longer utterly
neglected. Men of the debtor class were freed from that medieval
barbarism which gave the creditor the right to levy on the person
of his debtor. Even the public schools were dragged out of their
lethargy. When Horace Mann was appointed secretary of the newly
created Massachusetts Board of Education in 1837, a new day
dawned for American public schools.

While these and other substantial improvements were under way,
the charlatan and the faddist were not without their
opportunities or their votaries. Spirit rappings beguiled or awed
the villagers; thousands of religious zealots in 1844 abandoned
their vocations and, drawing on white robes, awaited expectantly
the second coming of Christ; every cult from free love to
celibate austerity found zealous followers; the "new woman"
declared her independence in short hair and bloomers; people
sought social salvation in new health codes, in vegetarian
boarding-houses, and in physical culture clubs; and some pursued
the way to perfection through sensual religious exercises.

In this seething milieu, this medley of practical humanitarianism
and social fantasies, the labor movement was revived. In the
forties, Thomas Mooney, an observant Irish traveler who had spent
several years in the United States wrote as follows*:

"The average value of a common uneducated labourer is eighty
cents a day. Of educated or mechanical labour, one hundred
twenty-five and two hundred cents a day; of female labour forty
cents a day. Against meat, flour, vegetables, and groceries at
one-third less than they rate in Great Britain and Ireland;
against clothing, house rent and fuel at about equal; against
public taxes at about three-fourths less; and a certainty of
employment, and a facility of acquiring homes and lands, and
education for children, a hundred to one greater. The further you
penetrate into the country, Patrick, the higher in general will
you find the value of labour, and the cheaper the price of all
kinds of living.... The food of the American farmer, mechanic or
labourer is the best I believe enjoyed by any similar classes in
the whole world. At every meal there is meat or fish or both;
indeed I think the women, children, and sedentary classes eat too
much meat for their own good health."

* "Nine Years in America" (1850). p. 22.


This highly optimistic picture, written by a sanguine observer
from the land of greatest agrarian oppression, must be shaded by
contrasting details. The truck system of payment, prevalent in
mining regions and many factory towns, reduced the actual wage by
almost one-half. In the cities, unskilled immigrants had so
overcrowded the common labor market that competition had reduced
them to a pitiable state. Hours of labor were generally long in
the factories. As a rule only the skilled artisan had achieved
the ten-hour day, and then only in isolated instances. Woman's
labor was the poorest paid, and her condition was the most
neglected. A visitor to Lowell in 1846 thus describes the
conditions in an average factory of that town:

"In Lowell live between seven and eight thousand young women, who
are generally daughters of farmers of the different States of New
England. Some of them are members of families that were rich the
generation before.... The operatives work thirteen hours a
day in the summer time, and from daylight to dark in the winter.
At half-past four in the morning the factory bell rings and at
five the girls must be in the mills. A clerk, placed as a watch,
observes those who are a few minutes behind the time, and
effectual means are taken to stimulate punctuality.... At
seven the girls are allowed thirty minutes for breakfast, and at
noon thirty minutes more for dinner, except during the first
quarter of the year, when the time is extended to forty-five
minutes. But within this time they must hurry to their
boarding-houses and return to the factory.... At seven
o'clock in the evening the factory bell sounds the close of the
day's work."

It was under these conditions that the cooperative movement had
its brief day of experiment. As early as 1828 the workmen of
Philadelphia and Cincinnati had begun cooperative stores. The
Philadelphia group were "fully persuaded," according to their
constitution, "that nothing short of an entire change in the
present regulation of trade and commerce will ever be permanently
beneficial to the productive part of the community." But their
little shop survived competition for only a few months. The
Cincinnati "Cooperative Magazine" was a sort of combination of
store and shop, where various trades were taught, but it also
soon disappeared.

In 1845 the New England Workingmen's Association organized a
protective union for the purpose of obtaining for its members
"steady and profitable employment" and of saving the retailer's
profit for the purchaser. This movement had a high moral flavor.
"The dollar was to us of minor importance; humanitary and not
mercenary were our motives," reported their committee on
organization of industry. "We must proceed from combined stores
to combined shops, from combined shops to combined homes, to
joint ownership in God's earth, the foundation that our edifice
must stand upon." In this ambitious spirit "they commenced
business with a box of soap and half a chest of tea." In 1852
they had 167 branches, a capital of $241,7191.66, and a business
of nearly $91,000,000 a year.

In the meantime similar cooperative movements began elsewhere.
The tailors of Boston struck for higher wages in 1850 and, after
fourteen weeks of futile struggle, decided that their salvation
lay in cooperation rather than in trade unionism, which at best
afforded only temporary relief. About seventy of them raised $700
as a cooperative nest egg and netted a profit of $510.60 the
first year. In the same year the Philadelphia printers,
disappointed at their failure to force a higher wage, organized a
cooperative printing press.

The movement spread to New York, where a strike of the tailors
was in progress. The strikers were addressed at a great mass
meeting by Albert Brisbane, an ardent disciple of Fourier, the
French social economist, and were told that they must do away
with servitude to capital. "What we want to know," said Brisbane,
"is how to change, peacefully, the system of today. The first
great principle is combination." Another meeting was addressed by
a German, a follower of Karl Marx, who uttered in his native
tongue these words that sound like a modern I.W.W. prophet: "Many
of us have fought for liberty in the fatherland. We came here
because we were opposed, and what have we gained? Nothing but
misery, hunger, and treading down. But we are in a free country
and it is our fault if we do not get our rights.... Let those
who strike eat; the rest starve. Butchers and bakers must
withhold supplies. Yes, they must all strike, and then the
aristocrat will starve. We must have a revolution. We cannot
submit any longer." The cry of "Revolution! Revolution!" was
taken up by the throng.

In the midst of this agitation a New York branch of the New
England Protective Union was organized as an attempt at peaceful
revolution by cooperation. The New York Protective Union went a
step farther than the New England Union. Its members established
their own shops and so became their own employers. And in many
other cities striking workmen and eager reformers joined hands in
modest endeavors to change the face of things. The revolutionary
movements of Europe at this period were having a seismic effect
upon American labor. But all these attempts of the workingmen to
tourney a rough world with a needle were foredoomed to failure.
Lacking the essential business experience and the ability to
cooperate, they were soon undone, and after a few years little
more was heard of cooperation.

In the meantime another economic movement gained momentum under
the leadership of George Henry Evans, who was a land reformer and
may be called a precursor of Henry George. Evans inaugurated a
campaign for free farms to entice to the land the unprosperous
toilers of the city. In spite of the vast areas of the public
domain still unoccupied, the cities were growing denser and
larger and filthier by reason of the multitudes from Ireland and
other countries who preferred to cast themselves into the eager
maw of factory towns rather than go out as agrarian pioneers. To
such Evans and other agrarian reformers made their appeal. For
example, a handbill distributed everywhere in 1846 asked:

"Are you an American citizen? Then you are a joint owner of the
public lands. Why not take enough of your property to provide
yourself a home? Why not vote yourself a farm?

"Are you a party follower? Then you have long enough employed
your vote to benefit scheming office seekers. Use it for once to
benefit yourself; Vote yourself a farm.

"Are you tired of slavery--of drudging for others--of poverty and
its attendant miseries? Then, vote yourself a farm.

"Would you free your country and the sons of toil everywhere from
the heartless, irresponsible mastery of the aristocracy of
avarice? .... Then join with your neighbors to form a true
American party...whose chief measures will be first to limit
the quantity of land that any one may henceforth monopolize or
inherit; and second to make the public lands free to actual
settlers only, each having the right to sell his improvements to
any man not possessed of other lands."

"Vote yourself a farm" became a popular shibboleth and a part of
the standard programme of organized labor. The donation of public
lands to heads of families, on condition of occupancy and
cultivation for a term of years, was proposed in bills repeatedly
introduced in Congress. But the cry of opposition went up from
the older States that they would be bled for the sake of the
newer, that giving land to the landless was encouraging idleness
and wantonness and spreading demoralization, and that Congress
had no more power to give away land than it had to give away
money. These arguments had their effect at the Capitol, and it
was not until the new Republican party came into power pledged to
"a complete and satisfactory homestead measure" that the
Homestead Act of 1862 was placed on the statute books.

A characteristic manifestation of the humanitarian impulse of the
forties was the support given to labor in its renewed demand for
a ten-hour day. It has already been indicated how this movement
started in the thirties, how its object was achieved by a few
highly organized trades, and how it was interrupted in its
progress by the panic of 1837. The agitation, however, to make
the ten-hour day customary throughout the country was not long in
coming back to life. In March, 1840, an executive order of
President Van Buren declaring ten hours to be the working day for
laborers and mechanics in government employ forced the issue upon
private employers. The earliest concerted action, it would seem,
arose in New England, where the New England Workingmen's
Association, later called the Labor Reform League, carried on the
crusade. In 1845 a committee appointed by the Massachusetts
Legislature to investigate labor conditions affords the first
instance on record of an American legislature concerning itself
with the affairs of the labor world to the extent of ordering an
official investigation. The committee examined a number of
factory operatives, both men and women, visited a few of the
mills, gathered some statistics, and made certain neutral and
specious suggestions. They believed the remedy for such evils as
they discovered lay not in legislation but "in the progressive
improvement in art and science, in a higher appreciation of man's
destiny, in a less love for money, and a more ardent love for
social happiness and intellectual superiority."

The first ten-hour law was passed in 1847 by the New Hampshire
Legislature. It provided that "ten hours of actual labor shall be
taken to be a day's work, unless otherwise agreed to by the
parties," and that no minor under fifteen years of age should be
employed more than ten hours a day without the consent of parent
or guardian. This was the unassuming beginning of a movement to
have the hours of toil fixed by society rather than by contract.
This law of New Hampshire, which was destined to have a
widespread influence, was hailed by the workmen everywhere with
delight; mass meetings and processions proclaimed it as a great
victory; and only the conservatives prophesied the worthlessness
of such legislation. Horace Greeley sympathetically dissected the
bill. He had little faith, it is true, in legislative
interference with private contracts. "But," he asks, "who can
seriously doubt that it is the duty of the Commonwealth to see
that the tender frames of its youth are not shattered by
excessively protracted toil? .... Will any one pretend that ten
hours per day, especially at confining and monotonous avocations
which tax at once the brain and the sinews are not quite enough
for any child to labor statedly and steadily?" The consent of
guardian or parent he thought a fraud against the child that
could be averted only by the positive command of the State
specifically limiting the hours of child labor.

In the following year Pennsylvania enacted a law declaring ten
hours a legal day in certain industries and forbidding children
under twelve from working in cotton, woolen, silk, or flax mills.
Children over fourteen, however, could, by special arrangement
with parents or guardians, be compelled to work more than ten
hours a day. "This act is very much of a humbug," commented
Greeley, "but it will serve a good end. Those whom it was
intended to put asleep will come back again before long, and,
like Oliver Twist, 'want some more.'"

The ten-hour movement had thus achieved social recognition. It
had the staunch support of such men as Wendell Phillips, Edward
Everett, Horace Greeley, and other distinguished publicists and
philanthropists. Public opinion was becoming so strong that both
the Whigs and Democrats in their party platforms declared
themselves in favor of the ten-hour day. When, in the summer of
1847, the British Parliament passed a ten-hour law, American
unions sent congratulatory messages to the British workmen.
Gradually the various States followed the example of New
Hampshire and Pennsylvania--New Jersey in 1851, Ohio in 1852, and
Rhode Island in 1853--and the "ten-hour system" was legally
established.

But it was one thing to write a statute and another to enforce
it. American laws were, after all, based upon the ancient
Anglo-Saxon principle of private contract. A man could agree to
work for as many hours as he chose, and each employer could drive
his own bargain. The cotton mill owners of Allegheny City, for
example, declared that they would be compelled to run their mills
twelve hours a day. They would not, of course, employ children
under twelve, although they felt deeply concerned for the widows
who would thereby lose the wages of their children. But they must
run on a twelve-hour schedule to meet competition from other
States. So they attempted to make special contracts with each
employee. The workmen objected to this and struck. Finally they
compromised on a ten-hour day and a sixteen per cent reduction in
wages. Such an arrangement became a common occurrence in the
industrial world of the middle of the century.

In the meantime the factory system was rapidly recruiting women
workers, especially in the New England textile mills. Indeed, as
early as 1825 "tailoresses" of New York and other cities had
formed protective societies. In 1829 the mill girls of Dover, New
Hampshire, caused a sensation by striking. Several hundred of
them paraded the streets and, according to accounts, "fired off a
lot of gunpowder." In 1836 the women workers in the Lowell
factories struck for higher wages and later organized a Factory
Girls' Association which included more than 2,500 members. It was
aimed against the strict regimen of the boarding houses, which
were owned and managed by the mills. "As our fathers resisted
unto blood the lordly avarice of the British Ministry," cried the
strikers, "so we, their daughters, never will wear the yoke which
has been prepared for us."

In this vibrant atmosphere was born the powerful woman's labor
union, the Female Labor Reform Association, later called the
Lowell Female Industrial Reform and Mutual Aid Society. Lowell
became the center of a far-reaching propaganda characterized by
energy and a definite conception of what was wanted. The women
joined in strikes, carried banners, sent delegates to the labor
conventions, and were zealous in propaganda. It was the women
workers of Massachusetts who first forced the legislature to
investigate labor conditions and who aroused public sentiment to
a pitch that finally compelled the enactment of laws for the
bettering of their conditions. When the mill owners in
Massachusetts demanded in 1846 that their weavers tend four looms
instead of three, the women promptly resolved that "we will not
tend a fourth loom unless we receive the same pay per piece as on
three .... This we most solemnly pledge ourselves to obtain."

In New York, in 1845, the Female Industry Association was
organized at a large meeting held in the court house. It included
"tailoresses, plain and coarse sewing, shirt makers, book-folders
and stickers, capmakers, straw-workers, dressmakers, crimpers,
fringe and lacemakers," and other trades open to women "who were
like oppressed." The New York Herald reported "about 700 females
generally of the most interesting age and appearance" in
attendance. The president of the meeting unfolded a pitiable
condition of affairs. She mentioned several employers by name who
paid only from ten to eighteen cents a day, and she stated that,
after acquiring skill in some of the trades and by working twelve
to fourteen hours a day, a woman might earn twenty-five cents a
day! "How is it possible," she exclaimed, "that at such an income
we can support ourselves decently and honestly?"

So we come to the fifties, when the rapid rise in the cost of
living due to the influx of gold from the newly discovered
California mines created new economic conditions. By 1853, the
cost of living had risen so high that the length of the working
day was quite forgotten because of the utter inadequacy of the
wage to meet the new altitude of prices. Hotels issued statements
that they were compelled to raise their rates for board from a
dollar and a half to two dollars a day. Newspapers raised their
advertising rates. Drinks went up from six cents to ten and
twelve and a half cents. In Baltimore, the men in the Baltimore
and Ohio Railway shops struck. They were followed by all the
conductors, brakemen, and locomotive engineers. Machinists
employed in other shops soon joined them, and the city's
industries were virtually paralyzed. In New York nearly every
industry was stopped by strikes. In Philadelphia, Boston,
Pittsburgh, in cities large and small, the striking workmen made
their demands known.

By this time thoughtful laborers had learned the futility of
programmes that attempted to reform society. They had watched the
birth and death of many experiments. They had participated in
short-lived cooperative stores and shops; they had listened to
Owen's alluring words and had seen his World Convention meet and
adjourn; had witnessed national reform associations, leagues, and
industrial congresses issue their high-pitched resolutions; and
had united on legislative candidates. And yet the old world
wagged on in the old way. Wages and hours and working conditions
could be changed, they had learned, only by coercion. This
coercion could be applied, in general reforms, only by society,
by stress of public opinion. But in concrete cases, in their own
personal environment, the coercion had to be first applied by
themselves. They had learned the lesson of letting the world in
general go its way while they attended to their own business.

In the early fifties, then, a new species of union appears. It
discards lofty phraseology and the attempt at world-reform and it
becomes simply a trade union. It restricts its house-cleaning to
its own shop, limits its demands to its trade, asks for a minimum
wage and minimum hours, and lays out with considerable detail the
conditions under which its members will work. The weapons in its
arsenal are not new--the strike and the boycott. Now that he has
learned to distinguish essentials, the new trade unionist can
bargain with his employer, and as a result trade agreements
stipulating hours, wages, and conditions, take the place of the
desultory and ineffective settlements which had hitherto issued
from labor disputes. But it was not without foreboding that this
development was witnessed by the adherents of the status quo.
According to a magazine writer of 1853:

"After prescribing the rate of remuneration many of the Trades'
Unions go to enact laws for the government of the respective
departments, to all of which the employer must assent .... The
result even thus far is that there is found no limit to this
species of encroachment. If workmen may dictate the hours and
mode of service, and the number and description of hands to be
employed, they may also regulate other items of the business with
which their labor is connected. Thus we find that within a few
days, in the city of New York, the longshoremen have taken by
force from their several stations the horses and labor-saving
gear used for delivering cargoes, it being part of their
regulations not to allow of such competition."

The gravitation towards common action was felt over a wide area
during this period. Some trades met in national convention to lay
down rules for their craft. One of the earliest national meetings
was that of the carpet-weavers (1846) in New York City, when
thirty-four delegates, representing over a thousand operatives,
adopted rules and took steps to prevent a reduction in wages. The
National Convention of Journeymen Printers met in 1850, and out
of this emerged two years later an organization called the
National Typographical Union, which ten years later still, on the
admission of some Canadian unions, became the International
Typographical Union of North America; and as such it flourishes
today. In 1855 the Journeymen Stone Cutters' Association of North
America was organized and in the following year the National
Trade Association of Hat Finishers, the forerunner of the United
Hatters of North America. In 1859 the Iron Molders' Union of
North America began its aggressive career.

The conception of a national trade unity was now well formed;
compactly organized national and local trade unions with very
definite industrial aims were soon to take the place of
ephemeral, loose-jointed associations with vast and vague
ambitions. Early in this period a new impetus was given to
organized labor by the historic decision of Chief Justice Shaw of
Massachusetts in a case* brought against seven bootmakers charged
with conspiracy. Their offense consisted in attempting to induce
all the workmen of a given shop to join the union and compel the
master to employ only union men. The trial court found them
guilty; but the Chief Justice decided that he did not "perceive
that it is criminal for men to agree together to exercise their
own acknowledged rights in such a manner as best to subserve
their own interests." In order to show criminal conspiracy,
therefore, on the part of a labor union, it was necessary to
prove that either the intent or the method was criminal, for it
was not a criminal offense to combine for the purpose of raising
wages or bettering conditions or seeking to have all laborers
join the union. The liberalizing influence of this decision upon
labor law can hardly be over-estimated.

* Commonwealth vs. Hunt.


The period closed amidst general disturbances and forebodings,
political and economic. In 1857 occurred a panic which thrust the
problem of unemployment, on a vast scale, before the American
consciousness. Instead of demanding higher wages, multitudes now
cried for work. The marching masses, in New York, carried banners
asking for bread, while soldiers from Governor's Island and
marines from the Navy Yard guarded the Custom House and the
Sub-Treasury. From Philadelphia to New Orleans, from Boston to
Chicago, came the same story of banks failing, railroads in
bankruptcy, factories closing, idle and hungry throngs moving
restlessly through the streets. In New York 40,000, in Lawrence
3500, in Philadelphia 20,000, were estimated to be out of work.
Labor learned anew that its prosperity was inalienably identified
with the well-being of industry and commerce; and society learned
that hunger and idleness are the golden opportunity of the
demagogue and agitator. The word "socialism" now appears more and
more frequently in the daily press and always a synonym of
destruction or of something to be feared. No sooner had business
revived than the great shadow of internal strife was cast over
the land, and for the duration of the Civil War the peril of the
nation absorbed all the energies of the people.



CHAPTER IV. AMALGAMATION

After Appomattox, every one seemed bent on finding a short cut to
opulence. To foreign observers, the United States was then simply
a scrambling mass of selfish units, for there seemed to be among
the American people no disinterested group to balance accounts
between the competing elements--no leisure class, living on
secured incomes, mellowed by generations of travel, education,
and reflection; no bureaucracy arbitrarily guiding the details of
governmental routine; no aristocracy, born umpires of the doings
of their underlings. All the manifold currents of life seemed
swallowed up in the commercial maelstrom. By the standards of
what happened in this season of exuberance and intense
materialism, the American people were hastily judged by critics
who failed to see that the period was but the prelude to a
maturer national life.

It was a period of a remarkable industrial expansion. Then
"plant" became a new word in the phraseology of the market place,
denoting the enlarged factory or mill and suggesting the hardy
perennial, each succeeding year putting forth new shoots from its
side. The products of this seedtime are seen in the colossal
industrial growths of today. Then it was that short railway lines
began to be welded into "systems," that the railway builders
began to strike out into the prairies and mountains of the West,
and that partnerships began to be merged into corporations and
corporations into trusts, ever reaching out for the greater
markets. Meanwhile the inventive genius of America was responding
to the call of the time. In 1877 Bell telephoned from Boston to
Salem; two years later, Brush lighted by electricity the streets
of San Francisco. In 1882 Edison was making incandescent electric
lights for New York and operating his first electric car in Menlo
Park, New Jersey.

All these developments created a new demand for capital. Where
formerly a manufacturer had made products to order or for a small
number of known customers, now he made on speculation, for a
great number of unknown customers, taking his risks in distant
markets. Where formerly the banker had lent money on local
security, now he gave credit to vast enterprises far away. New
inventions or industrial processes brought on new speculations.
This new demand for capital made necessary a new system of
credits, which was erected at first, as the recurring panics
disclosed, on sand, but gradually, through costly experience, on
a more stable foundation.

The economic and industrial development of the time demanded not
only new money and credit but new men. A new type of executive
was wanted, and he soon appeared to satisfy the need. Neither a
capitalist nor a merchant, he combined in some degree the
functions of both, added to them the greater function of
industrial manager, and received from great business concerns a
high premium for his talent and foresight. This Captain of
Industry, as he has been called, is the foremost figure of the
period, the hero of the industrial drama.

But much of what is admirable in that generation of nation
builders is obscured by the industrial anarchy which prevailed.
Everybody was for himself--and the devil was busy harvesting the
hindmost. There were "rate-wars," "cut-rate sales," secret
intrigues, and rebates; and there were subterranean passages--
some, indeed, scarcely under the surface--to council chambers,
executive mansions, and Congress. There were extreme fluctuations
of industry; prosperity was either at a very high level or
depression at a very low one. Prosperity would bring on an
expansion of credits, a rise in prices, higher cost of living,
strikes and boycotts for higher wages; then depression would
follow with the shutdown and that most distressing of social
diseases, unemployment. During the panic of 1873-74 many
thousands of men marched the streets crying earnestly for work.

Between the panics, strikes became a part of the economic routine
of the country. They were expected, just as pay days and legal
holidays are expected. Now for the first time came strikes that
can only be characterized as stupendous. They were not mere
slight economic disturbances; they were veritable industrial
earthquakes. In 1873 the coal miners of Pennsylvania, resenting
the truck system and the miserable housing which the mine owners
forced upon them, struck by the tens of thousands. In Illinois,
Indiana, Missouri, Maryland, Ohio, and New York strikes occurred
in all sorts of industries. There were the usual parades and
banners, some appealing, some insulting, and all the while the
militia guarded property. In July, 1877, the men of the Baltimore
and Ohio Railroad refused to submit to a fourth reduction in
wages in seven years and struck. From Baltimore the resentment
spread to Pennsylvania and culminated with riots in Pittsburgh.
All the anthracite coal miners struck, followed by most of the
bituminous miners of Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois. The militia
were impotent to subdue the mobs; Federal troops had to be sent
by President Hayes into many of the States; and a proclamation by
the President commanded all citizens to keep the peace. Thus was
Federal authority introduced to bolster up the administrative
weakness of the States, and the first step was taken on the road
to industrial nationalization.

The turmoil had hardly subsided when, in 1880, new strikes broke
out. In the long catalogue of the strikers of that year are found
the ribbon weavers of Philadelphia, Paterson, and New York, the
stablemen of New York, New Jersey, and San Francisco, the cotton
yard workers of New Orleans, the cotton weavers of New England
and New York, the stockyard employees of Chicago and Omaha, the
potters of Green Point, Long Island, the puddlers of Johnstown
and Columbia, Pennsylvania, the machinists of Buffalo, the
tailors of New York, and the shoemakers of Indiana. The year 1881
was scarcely less restive. But 1886 is marked in labor annals as
"the year of the great uprising," when twice as many strikes as
in any previous year were reported by the United States
Commissioner of Labor, and when these strikes reached a tragic
climax in the Chicago Haymarket riots.

It was during this feverish epoch that organized labor first
entered the arena of national politics. When the policy as to the
national currency became an issue, the lure of cheap money drew
labor into an alliance in 1880 with the Greenbackers, whose mad
cry added to the general unrest. In this, as in other fatuous
pursuits, labor was only responding to the forces and the spirit
of the hour. These have been called the years of amalgamation,
but they were also the years of tumult, for, while amalgamation
was achieved, discipline was not. Authority imposed from within
was not sufficient to overcome the decentralizing forces, and
just as big business had yet to learn by self-imposed discipline
how to overcome the extremely individualistic tendencies which
resulted in trade anarchy, so labor had yet to learn through
discipline the lessons of self-restraint. Moreover, in the sudden
expansion and great enterprises of these days, labor even more
than capital lost in stability. One great steadying influence,
the old personal relation between master and servant, which
prevailed during the days of handicraft and even of the small
factory, had disappeared almost completely. Now labor was put up
on the market--a heartless term descriptive of a condition from
which human beings might be expected to react violently--and they
did, for human nature refused to be an inert, marketable thing.

The labor market must expand with the trader's market. In 1860
there were about one and a third million wage-earners in the
United States; in 1870 well over two million; in 1880 nearly two
and three-quarters million; and in 1890 over four and a quarter
million. The city sucked them in from the country; but by far the
larger augmentation came from Europe; and the immigrant, normally
optimistic, often untaught, sometimes sullen and filled with a
destructive resentment, and always accustomed to low standards of
living, added to the armies of labor his vast and complex bulk.

There were two paramount issues--wages and the hours of labor--
to which all other issues were and always have been secondary.
Wages tend constantly to become inadequate when the standard of
living is steadily rising, and they consequently require
periodical readjustment. Hours of labor, of course, are not
subject in the same degree to external conditions. But the
tendency has always been toward a shorter day. In a previous
chapter, the inception of the ten-hour movement was outlined.
Presently there began the eight-hour movement. As early as 1842
the carpenters and caulkers of the Charleston Navy Yard achieved
an eight-hour day; but 1863 may more properly be taken as the
beginning of the movement. In this year societies were organized
in Boston and its vicinity for the precise purpose of winning the
eight-hour day, and soon afterwards a national Eight-Hour League
was established with local leagues extending from New England to
San Francisco and New Orleans.

This movement received an intelligible philosophy, and so a new
vitality, from Ira Steward, a member of the Boston Machinists'
and Blacksmiths' Union. Writing as a workingman for workingmen,
Steward found in the standard of living the true reason for a
shorter workday. With beautiful simplicity he pointed out to the
laboring man that the shorter period of labor would not mean
smaller pay, and to the employer that it would not mean a
diminished output. On the contrary, it would be mutually
beneficial, for the unwearied workman could produce as much in
the shorter day as the wearied workman in the longer. "As long,"
Steward wrote, "as tired human hands do most of the world's hard
work, the sentimental pretense of honoring and respecting the
horny-handed toiler is as false and absurd as the idea that a
solid foundation for a house can be made out of soap bubbles."

In 1865 Steward's pamphlet, "A Reduction of Hours and Increase of
Wages," was widely circulated by the Boston Labor Reform
Association. It emphasized the value of leisure and its
beneficial reflex effect upon both production and consumption.
Gradually these well reasoned and conservatively expressed
doctrines found champions such as Wendell Phillips, Henry Ward
Beecher, and Horace Greeley to give them wider publicity and to
impress them upon the public consciousness. In 1867 Illinois,
Missouri, and New York passed eight-hour laws and Wisconsin
declared eight hours a day's work for women and children. In 1868
Congress established an eight-hour day for public work. These
were promising signs, though the battle was still far from being
won. The eight-hour day has at last received "the sanction of
society"--to use the words of President Wilson in his message to
Congress in 1916, when he called for action to avert a great
railway strike. But to win that sanction required over half a
century of popular agitation, discussion, and economic and
political evolution.

Such, in brief, were the general business conditions of the
country and the issues which engaged the energies of labor
reformers during the period following the Civil War. Meanwhile
great changes were made in labor organizations. Many of the old
unions were reorganized, and numerous local amalgamations took
place. Most of the organizations now took the form of secret
societies whose initiations were marked with naive formalism and
whose routines were directed by a group of officers with royal
titles and fortified by signs, passwords, and ritual. Some of
these orders decorated the faithful with high-sounding degrees.
The societies adopted fantastic names such as "The Supreme
Mechanical Order of the Sun," "The Knights of St. Crispin," and
"The Noble Order of the Knights of Labor," of which more
presently.

Meanwhile, too, there was a growing desire to unify the workers
of the country by some sort of national organization. The outcome
was a notable Labor Congress held at Baltimore in August, 1866,
which included all kinds of labor organizations and was attended
by seventy-seven delegates from thirteen States. In the light of
subsequent events its resolutions now seem conservative and
constructive. This Congress believed that "all reforms in the
labor movement can only be effected by an intelligent, systematic
effort of the industrial classes . . . through the trades
organizations." Of strikes it declared that "they have been
injudicious and ill-advised, the result of impulse rather than
principle,...and we would therefore discountenance them
except as a dernier ressort, and when all means for an amicable
and honorable adjustment has been abandoned." It issued a
cautious and carefully phrased Address to the Workmen throughout
the Country, urging them to organize and assuring them that "the
first thing to be accomplished before we can hope for any great
results is the thorough organization of all the departments of
labor."

The National Labor Union which resulted from this convention held
seven Annual Congresses, and its proceedings show a statesmanlike
conservatism and avoid extreme radicalism. This organization,
which at its high tide represented a membership of 640,000, in
its brief existence was influential in three important matters:
first, it pointed the way to national amalgamation and was thus a
forerunner of more lasting efforts in this direction; secondly,
it had a powerful influence in the eight-hour movement; and,
thirdly, it was largely instrumental in establishing labor
bureaus and in gathering statistics for the scientific study of
labor questions. But the National Labor Union unfortunately went
into politics; and politics proved its undoing. Upon affiliating
with the Labor Reform party it dwindled rapidly, and after 1871
it disappeared entirely.

One of the typical organizations of the time was the Order of the
Knights of St. Crispin, so named after the patron saint of the
shoemakers, and accessible only to members of that craft. It was
first conceived in 1864 by Newell Daniels, a shoemaker in
Milford, Massachusetts, but no organization was effected until
1867, when the founder had moved to Milwaukee. The ritual and
constitution he had prepared was accepted then by a group of
seven shoemakers, and in four years this insignificant mustard
seed had grown into a great tree. The story is told by Frank K.
Foster,* who says, speaking of the order in 1868: "It made and
unmade politicians; it established a monthly journal; it started
cooperative stores; it fought, often successfully, against
threatened reductions of wages...; it became the undoubted
foremost trade organization of the world." But within five years
the order was rent by factionalism and in 1878 was acknowledged
to be dead. It perished from various causes--partly because it
failed to assimilate or imbue with its doctrines the thousands of
workmen who subscribed to its rules and ritual, partly because of
the jealousy and treachery which is the fruitage of sudden
prosperity, partly because of failure to fulfill the fervent
hopes of thousands who joined it as a prelude to the industrial
millennium; but especially it failed to endure because it was
founded on an economic principle which could not be imposed upon
society. The rule which embraced this principle reads as follows:
"No member of this Order shall teach, or aid in teaching, any
fact or facts of boot or shoemaking, unless the lodge shall give
permission by a three-fourths vote...provided that this
article shall not be so construed as to prevent a father from
teaching his own son. Provided also, that this article shall not
be so construed as to hinder any member of this organization from
learning any or all parts of the trade." The medieval craft guild
could not so easily be revived in these days of rapid changes,
when a new stitching machine replaced in a day a hundred workmen.
And so the Knights of St. Crispin fell a victim to their own
greed.

* "The Labor Movement, the Problem of Today," edited by George E.
McNeill, Chapter VIII.


The Noble Order of the Knights of Labor, another of those
societies of workingmen, was organized in November, 1869, by
Uriah S. Stephens, a Philadelphia garment cutter, with the
assistance of six fellow craftsmen. It has been said of Stephens
that he was "a man of great force of character, a skilled
mechanic, with the love of books which enabled him to pursue his
studies during his apprenticeship, and feeling withal a strong
affection for secret organizations, having been for many years
connected with the Masonic Order." He was to have been educated
for the ministry but, owing to financial reverses in his family,
was obliged instead to learn a trade. Later he taught school for
a few years, traveled extensively in the West Indies, South
America, and California, and became an accomplished public
speaker and a diligent observer of social conditions.

Stephens and his six associates had witnessed the dissolution of
the local garment cutters' union. They resolved that the new
society should not be limited by the lines of their own trade but
should embrace "all branches of honorable toil." Subsequently a
rule was adopted stipulating that at least three-fourths of the
membership of lodges must be wage-earners eighteen years of age.
Moreover, "no one who either sells or makes a living, or any part
of it, by the sale of intoxicating drinks either as manufacturer,
dealer, or agent, or through any member of his family, can be
admitted to membership in this order; and no lawyer, banker,
professional gambler, or stock broker can be admitted." They
chose their motto from Solon, the wisest of lawgivers: "That is
the most perfect government in which an injury to one is the
concern of all"; and they took their preamble from Burke, the
most philosophical of statesmen: "When bad men combine, the good
must associate, else they will fall, one by one, an unpitied
sacrifice in a contemptible struggle."

The order was a secret society and for years kept its name from
the public. It was generally known as the "Five Stars," because
of the five asterisks that represented its name in all public
notices. While mysterious initials and secret ceremonies
gratified the members, they aroused a corresponding antagonism,
even fear, among the public, especially as the order grew to
giant size. What were the potencies of a secret organization that
had only to post a few mysterious words and symbols to gather
hundreds of workingmen in their halls? And what plottings went on
behind those locked and guarded doors? To allay public hostility
secrecy was gradually removed and in 1881 was entirely abolished
--not, however, without serious opposition from the older
members.

The atmosphere of high idealism in which the order had been
conceived continued to be fostered by Stephens, its founder and
its first Grand Master Workman. He extolled justice,
discountenanced violence, and pleaded for "the mutual development
and moral elevation of mankind." His exhortations were free from
that narrow class antagonism which frequently characterizes the
utterances of labor. One of his associates, too, invoked the
spirit of chivalry, of true knighthood, when he said that the old
trade union had failed because "it had failed to recognize the
rights of man and looked only to the rights of tradesmen," that
the labor movement needed "something that will develop more of
charity, less of selfishness, more of generosity, less of
stinginess and nearness, than the average society has yet
disclosed to its members." Nor were these ideas and principles
betrayed by Stephens's successor, Terence V. Powderly, who became
Grand Master in 1879 and served during the years when the order
attained its greatest power. Powderly, also, was a conservative
idealist. His career may be regarded as a good example of the
rise of many an American labor leader. He had been a poor boy. At
thirteen he began work as a switch-tender; at seventeen he was
apprenticed as machinist; at nineteen he was active in a
machinists' and blacksmiths' union. After working at his trade in
various places, he at length settled in Scranton, Pennsylvania,
and became one of the organizers of the Greenback Labor party. He
was twice elected mayor of Scranton, and might have been elected
for a third term had he not declined to serve, preferring to
devote all his time to the society of which he was Grand Master.
The obligations laid upon every member of the Knights of Labor
were impressive: Labor is noble and holy. To defend it from
degradation; to divest it of the evils to body, mind and estate
which ignorance and greed have imposed; to rescue the toiler from
the grasp of the selfish--is a work worthy of the noblest and
best of our race. In all the multifarious branches of trade
capital has its combinations; and, whether intended or not, it
crushes the manly hopes of labor and tramples poor humanity in
the dust. We mean no conflict with legitimate enterprise, no
antagonism to necessary capital; but men in their haste and
greed, blinded by self-interests, overlook the interests of
others and sometimes violate the rights of those they deem
helpless. We mean to uphold the dignity of labor, to affirm the
nobility of all who earn their bread by the sweat of their brows.
We mean to create a healthy public opinion on the subject of
labor (the only creator of values or capital) and the justice of
its receiving a full, just share of the values or capital it has
created. We shall, with all our strength, support laws made to
harmonize the interests of labor and capital, for labor alone
gives life and value to capital, and also those laws which tend
to lighten the exhaustiveness of toil. To pause in his toil, to
devote himself to his own interests, to gather a knowledge of the
world's commerce, to unite, combine and cooperate in the great
army of peace and industry, to nourish and cherish, build and
develop the temple he lives in is the highest and noblest duty of
man to himself, to his fellow men and to his Creator.

The phenomenal growth and collapse of the Knights of Labor is one
of the outstanding events in American economic history. The
membership in 1869 consisted of eleven tailors. This small
beginning grew into the famous Assembly No. 1. Soon the ship
carpenters wanted to join, and Assembly No. 2 was organized. The
shawl-weavers formed another assembly, the carpet-weavers
another, and so on, until over twenty assemblies, covering almost
every trade, had been organized in Philadelphia alone. By 1875
there were eighty assemblies in the city and its vicinity. As the
number of lodges multiplied, it became necessary to establish a
common agency or authority, and a Committee on the Good of the
Order was constituted to represent all the local units, but this
committee was soon superseded by a delegate body known as the
District Assembly. As the movement spread from city to city and
from State to State, a General Assembly was created in 1878 to
hold annual conventions and to be the supreme authority of the
order. In 1883 the membership of the order was 591,000; within
three years, it had mounted to over 700,000; and at the climax of
its career the society boasted over 1,000,000 workmen in the
United States and Canada who had vowed fealty to its knighthood.
It is not to be imagined that every member of this vast horde so
suddenly brought together understood the obligations of the
workman's chivalry. The selfish and the lawless rushed in with
the prudent and sincere. But a resolution of the executive board
to stop the initiation of new members came too late. The
undesirable and radical element in many communities gained
control of local assemblies, and the conservatism and
intelligence of the national leaders became merely a shield for
the rowdy and the ignorant who brought the entire order into
popular disfavor.

The crisis came in 1886. In the early months of this turbulent
year there were nearly five hundred labor disputes, most of them
involving an advance in wages. An epidemic of strikes then spread
over the country, many of them actually conducted by the Knights
of Labor and all of them associated in the public mind with that
order. One of the most important of these occurred on the
Southwestern Railroad. In the preceding year, the Knights had
increased their lodges in St. Louis from five to thirty, and
these were under the domination of a coarse and ruthless district
leader. When in February, 1886, a mechanic, working in the shops
of the Texas and Pacific Railroad at Marshall, Texas, was
discharged for cause and the road refused to reinstate him, a
strike ensued which spread over the entire six thousand miles of
the Gould system; and St. Louis became the center of the tumult.
After nearly two months of violence, the outbreak ended in the
complete collapse of the strikers. This result was doubly
damaging to the Knights of Labor, for they had officially taken
charge of the strike and were censured on the one hand for their
conduct of the struggle and on the other for the defeat which
they had sustained.

In the same year, against the earnest advice of the national
leaders of the Knights of Labor, the employees of the Third
Avenue Railway in New York began a strike which lasted many
months and which was characterized by such violence that
policemen were detailed to guard every car leaving the barns. In
Chicago the freight handlers struck, and some 60,000 workmen
stopped work in sympathy. On the 3d of May, at the McCormick
Harvester Works, several strikers were wounded in a tussle with
the police. On the following day a mass meeting held in Haymarket
Square, Chicago, was harangued by a number of anarchists. When
the police attempted to disperse the mob, guns were fired at the
officers of the law and a bomb was hurled into their throng,
killing seven and wounding sixty. For this crime seven anarchists
were indicted, found guilty, and sentenced to be hanged. The
Knights of Labor passed resolutions asking clemency for these
murderers and thereby grossly offended public opinion, and that
at a time when public opinion was frightened by these outrages,
angered by the disclosures of brazen plotting, and upset by the
sudden consciousness that the immunity of the United States from
the red terror of Europe was at an end.

Powderly and the more conservative national officers who were
opposed to these radical machinations were strong enough in the
Grand Lodge in the following year to suppress a vote of sympathy
for the condemned anarchists. The radicals thereupon seceded from
the organization. This outcome, however, did not restore the
order to the confidence of the public, and its strength now
rapidly declined. A loss of 300,000 members for the year 1888 was
reported. Early in the nineties, financial troubles compelled the
sale of the Philadelphia headquarters of the Knights of Labor and
the removal to more modest quarters in Washington. A remnant of
members still retain an organization, but it is barely a shadow
of the vast army of Knights who at one time so hopefully carried
on a crusade in every center of industry. It was not merely the
excesses of the lawless but the multiplicity of strikes which
alienated public sympathy. Powderly's repeated warnings that
strikes, in and of themselves, were destructive of the stable
position of labor were shown to be prophetic.

These excesses, however, were forcing upon the public the idea
that it too had not only an interest but a right and a duty in
labor disputes. Methods of arbitration and conciliation were now
discussed in every legislature. In 1883 the House of
Representatives established a standing committee on labor. In
1884 a national Bureau of Labor was created to gather statistical
information. In 1886 President Cleveland sent to Congress a
message which has become historic as the first presidential
message devoted to labor. In this he proposed the creation of a
board of labor commissioners who should act as official arbiters
in labor disputes, but Congress was unwilling at that time to
take so advanced a step. In 1888, however, it enacted a law
providing for the settlement of railway labor disputes by
arbitration, upon agreement of both parties.

Arbitration signifies a judicial attitude of mind, a judgment
based on facts. These facts are derived from specific conditions
and do not grow out of broad generalizations. Arbitral tribunals
are created to decide points in dispute, not philosophies of
human action. The businesslike organization of the new trade
union could as readily adapt itself to arbitration as it had
already adapted itself, in isolated instances, to collective
bargaining. A new stage had therefore been reached in the labor
movement.



CHAPTER V. FEDERATION

Experience and events had now paved the way for that vast
centralization of industry which characterizes the business world
of the present era. The terms sugar, coffee, steel, tobacco, oil,
acquire on the stock exchange a new and precise meaning.
Seventy-five per cent of steel, eighty-three per cent of
petroleum, ninety per cent of sugar production are brought under
the control of industrial combinations. Nearly one-fourth of the
wage-earners of America are employed by great corporations. But
while financiers are talking only in terms of millions, while
super-organization is reaching its eager fingers into every
industry, and while the units of business are becoming national
in scope, the workingman himself is being taught at last to rely
more and more upon group action in his endeavor to obtain better
wages and working conditions. He is taught also to widen the area
of his organization and to intensify its efforts. So, while the
public reads in the daily and periodical press about the oil
trust and the coffee trust, it is also being admonished against a
labor trust and against two personages, both symbols of colossal
economic unrest--the promoter, or the stalking horse of financial
enterprise, and the walking delegate, or the labor union
representative and only too frequently the advance agent of
bitterness and revenge.

In response to the call of the hour there appeared the American
Federation of Labor, frequently called in these later days the
labor trust. The Federation was first suggested at Terre Haute,
Indiana, on August 2, 1881, at a convention called by the Knights
of Industry and the Amalgamated Labor Union, two secret societies
patterned after the model common at that period. The Amalgamated
Union was composed largely of disaffected Knights of Labor, and
the avowed purpose of the Convention was to organize a new secret
society to supplant the Knights. But the trades union element
predominated and held up the British Trades Union and its
powerful annual congress as a model. At this meeting the needs of
intensive local organization, of trades autonomy, and of
comprehensive team work were foreseen, and from the discussion
there grew a plan for a second convention. With this meeting,
which was held at Pittsburgh in November, 1881, the actual work
of the new association began under the name, "The Federation of
Organized Trades and Labor Unions of the United States of America
and Canada."

When this Federation learned that a convention representing
independent trade unions was called to meet in Columbus, Ohio, in
December, 1886, it promptly altered its arrangements for its own
annual session so that it, too, met at the same time and place.
Thereupon the Federation effected a union with this independent
body, which represented twenty-five organizations. The new
organization was called the American Federation of Labor. Until
1889, this was considered as the first annual meeting of the new
organization, but in that year the Federation resolved that its
"continuity...be recognized and dated from the year 1881."

For some years the membership increased slowly; but in 1889 over
70,000 new members were reported, in 1900 over 200,000, and from
that time the Federation has given evidence of such growth and
prosperity that it easily is the most powerful labor organization
America has known, and it takes its place by the side of the
British Trades Union Congress as "the sovereign organization in
the trade union world." In 1917 its membership reached
91,371,434, with 110 affiliated national unions, representing
virtually every element of American industry excepting the
railway brotherhoods and a dissenting group of electrical
workers.

The foundation of this vast organization was the interest of
particular trades rather than the interests of labor in general.
Its membership is made up "of such Trade and Labor Unions as
shall conform to its rules and regulations." The preamble of the
Constitution states: "We therefore declare ourselves in favor of
the formation of a thorough federation, embracing every trade and
labor organization in America under the Trade Union System of
organization." The Knights of Labor had endeavored to subordinate
the parts to the whole; the American Federation is willing to
bend the whole to the needs of the unit. It zealously sends out
its organizers to form local unions and has made provision that
"any seven wage workers of good character following any trade or
calling" can establish a local union with federal affiliations.

This vast and potent organization is based upon the principle of
trade homogeneity--namely, that each trade is primarily
interested in its own particular affairs but that all trades are
interested in those general matters which affect all laboring men
as a class. To combine effectually these dual interests, the
Federation espouses the principle of home rule in purely local
matters and of federal supervision in all general matters. It
combines, with a great singleness of purpose, so diverse a
variety of details that it touches the minutiae of every trade
and places at the disposal of the humblest craftsman or laborer
the tremendous powers of its national influence. While highly
centralized in organization, it is nevertheless democratic in
operation, depending generally upon the referendum for its
sanctions. It is flexible in its parts and can mobilize both its
heavy artillery and its cavalry with equal readiness. It has from
the first been managed with skill, energy, and great adroitness.

The supreme authority of the American Federation is its Annual
Convention composed of delegates chosen from national and
international unions, from state, central, and local trade
unions, and from fraternal organizations. Experience has evolved
a few simple rules by which the convention is safeguarded against
political and factional debate and against the interruptions of
"soreheads." Besides attending to the necessary routine, the
Convention elects the eleven national officers who form the
executive council which guides the administrative details of the
organization. The funds of the Federation are derived from a per
capita tax on the membership. The official organ is the American
Federationist. It is interesting to note in passing that over two
hundred and forty labor periodicals together with a continual
stream of circulars and pamphlets issue from the trades union
press.

The Federation is divided into five departments, representing the
most important groups of labor: the Building Trades, the Metal
Trades, Mining, Railroad Employees, and the Union Label Trades.*
Each of these departments has its own autonomous sphere of
action, its own set of officers, its own financial arrangements,
its own administrative details. Each holds an annual convention,
in the same place and week, as the Federation. Each is made up of
affiliated unions only and confines itself solely to the interest
of its own trades. This suborganization serves as an admirable
clearing house and shock-absorber and succeeds in eliminating
much of the friction which occurs between the several unions.

* There is in the Federation, however, a group of unions not
affiliated with any of these departments.


There are also forty-three state branches of the Federation, each
with its own separate organization. There are annual state
conventions whose membership, however, is not always restricted
to unions affiliated with the American Federation. Some of these
state organizations antedate the Federation.

There remain the local unions, into personal touch with which
each member comes. There were in 1916 as many as 647 "city
centrals," the term used to designate the affiliation of the
unions of a city. The city centrals are smaller replicas of the
state federations and are made up of delegates elected by the
individual unions. They meet at stated intervals and freely
discuss questions relating to the welfare of organized labor in
general as well as to local labor conditions in every trade.
Indeed, vigilance seems to be the watchword of the Central.
Organization, wages, trade agreements, and the attitude of public
officials and city councils which even remotely might affect
labor rarely escape their scrutiny. This oldest of all the groups
of labor organizations remains the most vital part of the
Federation. The success of the American Federation of Labor is
due in large measure to the crafty generalship of its President,
Samuel Gompers, one of the most astute labor leaders developed by
American economic conditions. He helped organize the
Federation, carefully nursed it through its tender years, and
boldly and unhesitatingly used its great power in the days of its
maturity. In fact, in a very real sense the Federation is
Gompers, and Gompers is the Federation. Born in London of
Dutch-Jewish lineage, on January 27, 1850, the son of a
cigarmaker, Samuel Gompers was early apprenticed to that craft.
At the age of thirteen he went to New York City, where in the
following year he joined the first cigar-makers' union organized
in that city. He enlisted all his boyish ardor in the cause of
the trade union and, after he arrived at maturity, was elected
successively secretary and president of his union. The local
unions were, at that time, gingerly feeling their way towards
state and national organization, and in these early attempts
young Gompers was active. In 1887, he was one of the delegates to
a national meeting which constituted the nucleus of what is now
the Cigar-makers' International Union.

The local cigar-makers' union in which Gompers received his
necessary preliminary training was one of the most enlightened
and compactly organized groups of American labor. It was one of
the first American Unions to adopt in an efficient manner the
British system of benefits in the case of sickness, death, or
unemployment. It is one of the few American unions that
persistently encourages skill in its craft and intelligence in
its membership. It has been a pioneer in collective bargaining
and in arbitration. It has been conservatively and yet
enthusiastically led and has generally succeeded in enlisting the
respect and cooperation of employers. This union has been the
kindergarten and preparatory school of Samuel Gompers, who,
during all the years of his wide activities as the head of the
Federation of Labor, has retained his membership in his old local
and has acted as first vice-president of the Cigar-makers'
International. These early experiences, precedents, and
enthusiasms Gompers carried with him into the Federation of
Labor. He was one of the original group of trade union
representatives who organized the Federation in 1881. In the
following year he was its President. Since 1885 he has, with the
exception of a single year, been annually chosen as President.
During the first years the Federation was very weak, and it was
even doubtful if the organization could survive the bitter
hostility of the powerful Knights of Labor. It could pay its
President no salary and could barely meet his expense account.*
Gompers played a large part in the complete reorganization of the
Federation in 1886. He subsequently received a yearly salary of
$1000 so that he could devote all of his time to the cause. From
this year forward the growth of the Federation was steady and
healthy. In the last decade it has been phenomenal. The earlier
policy of caution has, however, not been discarded--for caution
is the word that most aptly describes the methods of Gompers.
From the first, he tested every step carefully, like a wary
mountaineer, before he urged his organization to follow. From the
beginning Gompers has followed three general lines of policy.
First, he has built the imposing structure of his Federation upon
the autonomy of the constituent unions. This is the secret of the
united enthusiasm of the Federation. It is the Anglo-Saxon
instinct for home rule applied to trade union politics. In the
tentative years of its early struggles, the Federation could hope
for survival only upon the suffrance of the trade union, and
today, when the Federation has become powerful, its potencies
rest upon the same foundation.

* In one of the early years this was $13.


Secondly, Gompers has always advocated frugality in money
matters. His Federation is powerful but not rich. Its demands
upon the resources of the trade unions have always been moderate,
and the salaries paid have been modest.* When the Federation
erected a new building for its headquarters in Washington a few
years ago, it symbolized in its architecture and equipment this
modest yet adequate and substantial financial policy. American
labor unions have not yet achieved the opulence, ambitions, and
splendors of the guilds of the Middle Ages and do not yet direct
their activities from splendid guild halls.

* Before 1899 the annual income of the Federation was less than
$25,000; in 1901 it reached the $100,000 mark; and since 1905 it
has exceeded $200,000.


In the third place, Gompers has always insisted upon the
democratic methods of debate and referendum in reaching important
decisions. However arbitrary and intolerant his impulses may have
been, and however dogmatic and narrow his conclusions in regard
to the relation of labor to society and towards the employer (and
his Dutch inheritance gives him great obstinacy), he has astutely
refrained from too obviously bossing his own organization.

With this sagacity of leadership Gompers has combined a
fearlessness that sometimes verges on brazenness. He has never
hesitated to enter a contest when it seemed prudent to him to do
so. He crossed swords with Theodore Roosevelt on more than one
occasion and with President Eliot of Harvard in a historic
newspaper controversy over trade union exclusiveness. He has not
been daunted by conventions, commissions, courts, congresses, or
public opinion. During the long term of his Federation
presidency, which is unparalleled in labor history and alone is
conclusive evidence of his executive skill, scarcely a year has
passed without some dramatic incident to cast the searchlight of
publicity upon him--a court decision, a congressional inquiry, a
grand jury inquisition, a great strike, a nation-wide boycott, a
debate with noted public men, a political maneuver, or a foreign
pilgrimage. Whenever a constituent union in the Federation has
been the object of attack, he has jumped into the fray and has
rarely emerged humiliated from the encounter. This is the more
surprising when one recalls that he possesses the limitations of
the zealot and the dogmatism of the partisan.

One of the most important functions of Gompers has been that of
national lobbyist for the Federation. He was one of the earliest
champions of the eight-hour day and the Saturday half-holiday. He
has energetically espoused Federal child labor legislation, the
restriction of immigration, alien contract labor laws, and
employers' liability laws. He advocated the creation of a Federal
Department of Labor which has recently developed into a cabinet
secretariat. His legal bete noire, however, was the Sherman
Anti-Trust Law as applied to labor unions. For many years he
fought vehemently for an amending act exempting the laboring
class from the rigors of that famous statute. President Roosevelt
with characteristic candor told a delegation of Federation
officials who called on him to enlist his sympathy in their
attempt, that he would enforce the law impartially against
lawbreakers, rich and poor alike. Roosevelt recommended to
Congress the passage of an amendment exempting "combinations
existing for and engaged in the promotion of innocent and proper
purposes." An exempting bill was passed by Congress but was
vetoed by President Taft on the ground that it was class
legislation. Finally, during President Wilson's administration,
the Federation accomplished its purpose, first indirectly by a
rider on an appropriation bill, then directly by the Clayton Act,
which specifically declared labor combinations, instituted for
the "purpose of mutual help and...not conducted for profit,"
not to be in restraint of trade. Both measures were signed by the
President. Encouraged by their success, the Federation leaders
have moved with a renewed energy against the other legal citadel
of their antagonists, the use of the injunction in strike cases.

Gompers has thus been the political watchman of the labor
interests. Nothing pertaining, even remotely, to labor conditions
escapes the vigilance of his Washington office. During President
Wilson's administration, Gompers's influence achieved a power
second to none in the political field, owing partly to the
political power of the labor vote which he ingeniously
marshalled, partly to the natural inclination of the dominant
political party, and partly to the strategic position of labor in
the war industries.

The Great War put an unprecedented strain upon the American
Federation of Labor. In every center of industry laborers of
foreign birth early showed their racial sympathies, and under
the stimuli of the intriguing German and Austrian ambassadors
sinister plots for crippling munitions plants and the shipping
industries were hatched everywhere. Moreover, workingmen became
restive under the burden of increasing prices, and strikes for
higher wages occurred almost daily.

At the beginning of the War, the officers of the Federation
maintained a calm and neutral attitude which increased in
vigilance as the strain upon American patience and credulity
increased. As soon as the United States declared war, the whole
energies of the officials of the Federation were cast into the
national cause. In 1917, under the leadership of Gompers, and as
a practical antidote to the I.W.W. and the foreign labor and
pacifist organization known as The People's Council, there was
organized The American Alliance for Labor and Democracy in order
"to Americanize the labor movement." Its campaign at once became
nation wide. Enthusiastic meetings were held in the great
manufacturing centers, stimulated to enthusiasm by the incisive
eloquence of Gompers. At the annual convention of the Federation
held in Buffalo in November, 1917, full endorsement was given to
the Alliance by a vote of 21,602 to 401. In its formal statement
the Alliance declared: "It is our purpose to try, by educational
methods, to bring about a more American spirit in the labor
movement, so that what is now the clear expression of the vast
majority may become the conviction of all. Where we find
ignorance, we shall educate. Where we find something worse, we
shall have to deal as the situation demands. But we are going to
leave no stone unturned to put a stop to anti-American activities
among workers." And in this patriotic effort the Alliance was
successful.

This was the first great step taken by Gompers and the
Federation. The second was equally important. With characteristic
energy the organization put forward a programme for the
readjustment of labor to war conditions. "This is labor's war"
declared the manifesto issued by the Federation. "It must be won
by labor, and every stage in the fighting and the final victory
must be made to count for humanity." These aims were embodied in
constructive suggestions adopted by the Council of National
Defense appointed by President Wilson. This programme was in a
large measure the work of Gompers, who was a member of the
Council. The following outline shows the comprehensive nature of
the view which the laborer took of the relation between task and
the War. The plan embraced

1. Means for furnishing an adequate supply of labor to war
industries.

This included: (a) A system of labor exchanges. (b) The training
of workers. (c) Agencies for determining priorities in labor
demands. (d) Agencies for the dilution of skilled labor.

2. Machinery for adjusting disputes between capital and labor,
without stoppage of work.

3. Machinery for safeguarding conditions of labor, including
industrial hygiene, safety appliances, etc.

4. Machinery for safeguarding conditions of living, including
housing, etc.

5. Machinery for gathering data necessary for effective executive
action.

6. Machinery for developing sound public sentiment and an
exchange of information between the various departments of labor
administration, the numerous industrial plants, and the public,
so as to facilitate the carrying out of a national labor
programme.

Having thus first laid the foundations of a national labor policy
and having, in the second place, developed an effective means of
Americanizing, as far as possible, the various labor groups, the
Federation took another step. As a third essential element in
uniting labor to help to win the war, it turned its attention to
the inter-allied solidarity of workingmen. In the late summer and
autumn of 1917, Gompers headed an American labor mission to
Europe and visited England, Belgium, France, and Italy. His
frequent public utterances in numerous cities received particular
attention in the leading European newspapers and were eagerly
read in the allied countries. The pacifist group of the British
Labour Party did not relish his outspokenness on the necessity of
completely defeating the Teutons before peace overtures could be
made. On the other hand, some of the ultraconservative papers
misconstrued his sentiments on the terms which should be exacted
from the enemy when victory was assured. This misunderstanding
led to an acrid international newspaper controversy, to which
Gompers finally replied: "I uttered no sentence or word which by
the wildest imagination could be interpreted as advocating the
formula 'no annexations, and no indemnities.' On the contrary, I
have declared, both in the United States and in conferences and
public meetings while abroad, that the German forces must be
driven back from the invaded territory before even peace terms
could be discussed, that Alsace-Lorraine should be returned to
France, that the 'Irredente' should be returned to Italy, and
that the imperialistic militarist machine which has so outraged
the conscience of the world must be made to feel the indignation
and righteous wrath of all liberty and peace loving peoples."
This mission had a deep effect in uniting the labor populations
of the allied countries and especially in cheering the
over-wrought workers of Britain and France, and it succeeded in
laying the foundation for a more lasting international labor
solidarity.

This considerable achievement was recognized when the Peace
Conference at Paris formed a Commission on International Labor
Legislation. Gompers was selected as one of the American
representatives and was chosen chairman. While the Commission was
busy with its tasks, an international labor conference was held
at Berne. Gompers and his colleagues, however, refused to attend
this conference. They gave as their reasons for this aloofness
the facts that delegates from the Central powers, with whom the
United States was still at war, were in attendance; that the
meeting was held "for the purpose of arranging socialist
procedure of an international character"; and that the convention
was irregularly called, for it had been announced as an
interallied conference but had been surreptitiously converted
into an international pacifist gathering, conniving with German
and Austrian socialists.

Probably the most far-reaching achievement of Gompers is the by
no means inconsiderable contribution he has made to that portion
of the treaty of peace with Germany relating to the international
organization of labor. This is an entirely new departure in the
history of labor, for it attempts to provide international
machinery for stabilizing conditions of labor in the various
signatory countries. On the ground that "the well-being, physical
and moral, of the industrial wage-earners is of supreme
international importance," the treaty lays down guiding
principles to be followed by the various countries, subject to
such changes as variations in climate, customs, and economic
conditions dictate. These principles are as follows: labor shall
not be regarded merely as a commodity or an article of commerce;
employers and employees shall have the right of forming
associations; a wage adequate to maintain a reasonable standard
of living shall be paid; an eight-hour day shall be adopted; a
weekly day of rest shall be allowed; child labor shall be
abolished and provision shall be made for the education of youth;
men and women shall receive equal pay for equal work; equitable
treatment shall be accorded to all workers, including aliens
resident in foreign lands; and an adequate system of inspection
shall be provided in which women should take part.

While these international adjustments were taking place, the
American Federation began to anticipate the problems of the
inevitable national labor readjustment after the war. Through a
committee appointed for that purpose, it prepared an ample
programme of reconstruction in which the basic features are the
greater participation of labor in shaping its environment, both
in the factory and in the community, the development of
cooperative enterprise, public ownership or regulation of public
utilities, strict supervision of corporations, restriction of
immigration, and the development of public education. The
programme ends by declaring that "the trade union movement is
unalterably and emphatically opposed...to a large standing
army."

During the entire period of the war, both at home and abroad,
Gompers fought the pacifist and the socialist elements in the
labor movement. At the same time he was ever vigilant in pushing
forward the claims of trade unionism and was always beforehand in
constructive suggestions. His life has spanned the period of
great industrial expansion in America. He has had the
satisfaction of seeing his Federation grow under his leadership
at first into a national and then into an international force.
Gompers is an orthodox trade unionist of the British School.
Bolshevism is to him a synonym for social ruin. He believes that
capital and labor should cooperate but that capital should cease
to be the predominant factor in the equation. In order to secure
this balance he believes labor must unite and fight, and to this
end he has devoted himself to the federation of American trade
unions and to their battle. He has steadfastly refused political
preferment and has declined many alluring offers to enter private
business. In action he is an opportunist--a shrewd, calculating
captain, whose knowledge of human frailties stands him in good
stead, and whose personal acquaintance with hundreds of leaders
of labor, of finance, and of politics, all over the country, has
given him an unusual opportunity to use his influence for the
advancement of the cause of labor in the turbulent field of
economic warfare.

The American Federation of Labor has been forced by the
increasing complexity of modern industrial life to recede
somewhat from its early trade union isolation. This broadening
point of view is shown first in the recognition of the man of no
trade, the unskilled worker. For years the skilled trades
monopolized the Federation and would not condescend to interest
themselves in their humble brethren. The whole mechanism of the
Federation in the earlier period revolved around the organization
of the skilled laborers. In England the great dockers' strike of
1889 and in America the lurid flare of the I.W.W. activities
forced the labor aristocrat to abandon his pharisaic attitude and
to take an interest in the welfare of the unskilled. The future
will test the stability of the Federation, for it is among the
unskilled that radical and revolutionary movements find their
first recruits.

A further change in the internal policy of the Federation is
indicated by the present tendency towards amalgamating the
various allied trades into one union. For instance, the United
Brotherhood of Carpenters and the Amalgamated Wood Workers'
Association, composed largely of furniture makers and machine
wood workers, combined a few years ago and then proceeded to
absorb the Wooden Box Makers, and the Wood Workers in the
shipbuilding industry. The general secretary of the new
amalgamation said that the organization looked "forward with
pleasurable anticipations to the day when it can truly be said
that all men of the wood-working craft on this continent hold
allegiance to the United Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners of
America." A similar unification has taken place in the lumbering
industry. When the shingle weavers formed an international union
some fifteen years ago, they limited the membership "to the men
employed in skilled departments of the shingle trade." In 1912
the American Federation of Labor sanctioned a plan for including
in one organization all the workers in the lumber industry, both
skilled and unskilled. This is a far cry from the minute trade
autocracy taught by the orthodox unionist thirty years ago.

Today the Federation of Labor is one of the most imposing
organizations in the social system of America. It reaches the
workers in every trade. Every contributor to the physical
necessities of our materialistic civilization has felt the
far-reaching influence of confederated power. A sense of its
strength pervades the Federation. Like a healthy, self-conscious
giant, it stalks apace among our national organizations. Through
its cautious yet pronounced policy, through its seeking after
definite results and excluding all economic vagaries, it bids
fair to overcome the disputes that disturb it from within and the
onslaughts of Socialism and of Bolshevism that threaten it from
without.



CHAPTER VI. THE TRADE UNION

The trade union* forms the foundation upon which the whole
edifice of the American Federation of Labor is built. Like the
Federation, each particular trade union has a tripartite
structure: there is first the national body called the Union, the
International, the General Union, or the Grand Lodge; there is
secondly the district division or council, which is merely a
convenient general union in miniature; and finally there is the
local individual union, usually called "the local." Some unions,
such as the United Mine Workers, have a fourth division or
subdistrict, but this is not the general practice.

* The term "trade union" is used here in its popular sense,
embracing labor, trade, and industrial unions, unless otherwise
specified.


The sovereign authority of a trade union is its general
convention, a delegate body meeting at stated times. Some unions
meet annually, some biennially, some triennially, and a few
determine by referendum when the convention is to meet. Sometimes
a long interval elapses: the granite cutters, for instance, held
no convention between 1880 and 1912, and the cigar-makers, after
a convention in 1896, did not meet for sixteen years. The
initiative and referendum are, in some of the more compact
unions, taking the place of the general convention, while the
small executive council insures promptness of administrative
action.

The convention elects the general officers. Of these the
president is the most conspicuous, for he is the field marshal of
the forces and fills a large place in the public eye when a great
strike is called. It was in this capacity that John Mitchell rose
to sudden eminence during the historic anthracite strike in 1902,
and George W. Perkins of the cigar-makers' union achieved his
remarkable hold upon the laboring people. As the duties of the
president of a union have increased, it has become the custom to
elect numerous vice-presidents to relieve him. Each of these has
certain specific functions to perform, but all remain the
president's aides. One, for instance, may be the financier,
another the strike agent, another the organizer, another the
agitator. With such a group of virtual specialists around a
chieftain, a union has the immense advantage of centralized
command and of highly organized leadership. The tendency,
especially among the more conservative unions, is to reelect
these officers year after year. The president of the Carpenters'
Union held his office for twenty years, and John Mitchell served
the miners as president ten years. Under the immediate
supervision of the president, an executive board composed of all
the officers guides the destinies of the union. When this board
is not occupied with the relations of the men to their
employers, it gives its judicial consideration to the more
delicate and more difficult questions of inter-union comity and
of local differences.

The local union is the oldest labor organization, and a few
existing locals can trace their origin as far back as the decade
preceding the Civil War. Many more antedate the organization of
the Federation. Not a few of these almost historic local unions
have refused to surrender their complete independence by
affiliating with those of recent origin, but they have remained
merely isolated independent locals with very little general
influence. The vast majority of local unions are members of the
national trades union and of the Federation.

The local union is the place where the laborer comes into direct
personal contact with this powerful entity that has become such a
factor in his daily life. Here he can satisfy that longing for
the recognition of his point of view denied him in the great
factory and here he can meet men of similar condition, on terms
of equality, to discuss freely and without fear the topics that
interest him most. There is an immense psychic potency in this
intimate association of fellow workers, especially in some of the
older unions which have accumulated a tradition.

It is in the local union that the real life of the labor
organization must be nourished, and the statesmanship of the
national leaders is directed to maintaining the greatest degree
of local autonomy consistent with the interests of national
homogeneity. The individual laborer thus finds himself a member
of a group of his fellows with whom he is personally acquainted,
who elect their own officers, to a large measure fix their own
dues, transact their own routine business, discipline their own
members, and whenever possible make their own terms of employment
with their employers. The local unions are obliged to pay their
tithe into the greater treasury, to make stated reports, to
appoint a certain roster of committees, and in certain small
matters to conform to the requirements of the national union. On
the whole, however, they are independent little democracies
confederated, with others of their kind, by means of district and
national organizations.

The unions representing the different trades vary in structure
and spirit. There is an immense difference between the temper of
the tumultuous structural iron workers and the contemplative
cigar-makers, who often hire one of their number to read to them
while engaged in their work, the favorite authors being in many
instances Ruskin and Carlyle. Some unions are more successful
than others in collective bargaining. Martin Fox, the able leader
of the iron moulders, signed one of the first trade agreements in
America and fixed the tradition for his union; and the
shoemakers, as well as most of the older unions are fairly well
accustomed to collective bargaining. In matters of discipline,
too, the unions vary. Printers and certain of the more skilled
trades find it easier to enforce their regulations than do the
longshoremen and unions composed of casual foreign laborers. In
size also the unions of the different trades vary. In 1910 three
had a membership of over 100,000 each. Of these the United Mine
Workers reached a total of 370,800, probably the largest trades
union in the world. The majority of the unions have a membership
between 1000 and 10,000, the average for the entire number being
5000; but the membership fluctuates from year to year, according
to the conditions of labor, and is usually larger in seasons of
contest. Fluctuation in membership is most evident in the newer
unions and in the unskilled trades. The various unions differ
also in resources. In some, especially those composed largely of
foreigners, the treasury is chronically empty; yet at the other
extreme the mine workers distributed $1,890,000 in strike
benefits in 1902 and had $750,000 left when the board of
arbitration sent the workers back into the mines.

The efforts of the unions to adjust themselves to the quickly
changing conditions of modern industries are not always
successful. Old trade lines are instantly shifting, creating the
most perplexing problem of inter-union amity. Over two score
jurisdictional controversies appear for settlement at each annual
convention of the American Federation. The Association of
Longshoremen and the Seamen's Union, for example, both claim
jurisdiction over employees in marine warehouses. The
cigar-makers and the stogie-makers have also long been at swords'
points. Who shall have control over the coopers who work in
breweries--the Brewery Workers or the Coopers' Union? Who shall
adjust the machinery in elevators--the Machinists or Elevator
Constructors? Is the operator of a linotype machine a typesetter?
So plasterers and carpenters, blacksmiths and structural iron
workers, printing pressmen and plate engravers, hod carriers and
cement workers, are at loggerheads; the electrification of a
railway creates a jurisdictional problem between the electrical
railway employees and the locomotive engineers; and the marble
workers and the plasterers quarrel as to the setting of imitation
marble. These quarrels regarding the claims of rival unions
reveal the weakness of the Federation as an arbitral body. There
is no centralized authority to impose a standard or principle
which could lead to the settlement of such disputes. Trade
jealousy has overcome the suggestions of the peacemakers that
either the nature of the tools used, or the nature of the
operation, or the character of the establishment be taken as the
basis of settlement.

When the Federation itself fails as a peacemaker, it cannot be
expected that locals will escape these controversies. There are
many examples, often ludicrous, of petty jealousies and trade
rivalries. The man who tried to build a brick house, employing
union bricklayers to lay the brick and union painters to paint
the brick walls, found to his loss that such painting was
considered a bricklayer's job by the bricklayers' union, who
charged a higher wage than the painters would have done. It would
have relieved him to have the two unions amalgamate. And this in
general has become a real way out of the difficulty. For
instance, a dispute between the Steam and Hot Water Fitters and
the Plumbers was settled by an amalgamation called the United
Association of Journeymen Plumbers, Gas Fitters, Steam Fitters,
and Steam Fitters' Helpers, which is now affiliated with the
Federation. But the International Association of Steam, Hot
Water, and Power Pipe Fitters and Helpers is not affiliated, and
interunion war results. The older unions, however, have a
stabilizing influence upon the newer, and a genuine conservatism
such as characterizes the British unions is becoming more
apparent as age solidifies custom and lends respect to by-laws
and constitutions. But even time cannot obviate the seismic
effects of new inventions, and shifts in jurisdictional matters
are always imminent. The dominant policy of the trade union is to
keep its feet on the earth, no matter where its head may be; to
take one step at a time, and not to trouble about the future of
society. This purpose, which has from the first been the prompter
of union activity, was clearly enunciated in the testimony of
Adolph Strasser, a converted socialist, one of the leading trade
unionists, and president of the Cigar-makers' Union, before a
Senate Committee in 1883:

Chairman: You are seeking to improve home matters first?

Witness: Yes sir, I look first to the trade I represent: I look
first to cigars, to the interests of men, who employ me to
represent their interests.

Chairman: I was only asking you in regard to your ultimate ends.

Witness: We have no ultimate ends. We are going on from day to
day. We are fighting only for immediate objects, objects that can
be realized in a few years.

Chairman: You want something better to eat and to wear, and
better houses to live in?

Witness: Yes, we want to dress better and to live better, and
become better citizens generally.

Chairman: I see that you are a little sensitive lest it should
be thought that you are a mere theorizer. I do not look upon you
in that light at all.

Witness: Well, we say in our constitution that we are opposed to
theorists, and I have to represent the organization here. We are
all practical men.

This remains substantially the trade union platform today. Trade
unionists all aim to be "practical men."

The trade union has been the training school for the labor
leader, that comparatively new and increasingly important
personage who is a product of modern industrial society.
Possessed of natural aptitudes, he usually passes by a process of
logical evolution, through the important committees and offices
of
his local into the wider sphere of the national union, where as
president or secretary, he assumes the leadership of his group.
Circumstances and conditions impose a heavy burden upon him, and
his tasks call for a variety of gifts. Because some particular
leader lacked tact or a sense of justice or some similar quality,
many a labor maneuver has failed, and many a labor organization
has suffered in the public esteem. No other class relies so much
upon wise leadership as does the laboring class. The average
wage-earner is without experience in confronting a new situation
or trained and superior minds. From his tasks he has learned only
the routine of his craft. When he is faced with the necessity of
prompt action, he is therefore obliged to depend upon his chosen
captains for results.

In America these leaders have risen from the rank and file of
labor. Their education is limited. The great majority have only a
primary schooling. Many have supplemented this meager stock of
learning by rather wide but desultory reading and by keen
observation. A few have read law, and some have attended night
schools. But all have graduated from the University of Life. Many
of them have passed through the bitterest poverty, and all have
been raised among toilers and from infancy have learned to
sympathize with the toiler's point of view.* They are therefore
by training and origin distinctly leaders of a class, with the
outlook upon life, the prejudices, the limitations, and the
fervent hopes of that class.

* A well-known labor leader once said to the writer: "No matter
how much you go around among laboring people, you will never
really understand us unless you were brought up among us. There
is a real gulf between your way of looking on life and ours. You
can be only an investigator or an intellectual sympathizer with
my people. But you cannot really understand our viewpoint."
Whatever of misconception there may be in this attitude, it
nevertheless marks the actual temper of the average wage-earner,
in spite of the fact that in America many employers have risen
from the ranks of labor.


In a very real sense the American labor leader is the counterpart
of the American business man intensively trained, averse to
vagaries, knowing thoroughly one thing and only one thing, and
caring very little for anything else.

This comparative restriction of outlook marks a sharp distinction
between American and British labor leaders. In Britain such
leadership is a distinct career for which a young man prepares
himself. He is usually fairly well educated, for not infrequently
he started out to study for the law or the ministry and was
sidetracked by hard necessity. A few have come into the field
from journalism. As a result, the British labor leader has a
certain veneer of learning and puts on a more impressive front
than the American. For example, Britain has produced Ramsey
MacDonald, who writes books and makes speeches with a rare grace;
John Burns, who quotes Shakespeare or recites history with
wonderful fluency; Keir Hardie, a miner from the ranks, who was
possessed of a charming poetic fancy; Philip Snowden, who
displays the spiritual qualities of a seer; and John Henderson,
who combines philosophical power with skill in dialectics. On the
other hand, the rank and file of American labor is more
intelligent and alert than that of British labor, and the
American labor leader possesses a greater capacity for intensive
growth and is perhaps a better specialist at rough and tumble
fighting and bargaining than his British colleague.*

* The writer recalls spending a day in one of the Midland
manufacturing towns with the secretary of a local cooperative
society, a man who was steeped in Bergson's philosophy and
talked on local botany and geology as fluently as on local labor
conditions. It would be difficult to duplicate this experience in
America.


In a very real sense every trade union is typified by some
aggressive personality. The Granite Cutters' National Union was
brought into active being in 1877 largely through the
instrumentality of James Duncan, a rugged fighter who, having
federated the locals, set out to establish an eight-hour day
through collective bargaining and to settle disputes by
arbitration. He succeeded in forming a well-disciplined force out
of the members of his craft, and even the employers did not
escape the touch of his rod.

The Glassblowers' Union was saved from disruption by Dennis
Hayes, who, as president of the national union, reorganized the
entire force in the years 1896-99, unionized a dozen of the
largest glass producing plants in the United States and succeeded
in raising the wages fifteen per cent. He introduced methods of
arbitration and collective agreements and established a
successful system of insurance.

James O'Connell, the president of the International Association
of Machinists, led his organization safely through the panic of
1893, reorganized it upon a broader basis, and introduced sick
benefits. In 1901 after a long and wearisome dickering with the
National Metal Trades Association, a shorter day was agreed upon,
but, as the employers would not agree to a ten-hour wage for a
nine-hour day, O'Connell led his men out on a general strike and
won.

Thomas Kidd, secretary of the Wood-Workers' International Union,
was largely responsible for the agreement made with the
manufacturers in 1897 for the establishment of a minimum wage of
fifteen cents an hour for a ten-hour day, a considerable advance
over the average wage paid up to that time. Kidd was the object
of severe attacks in various localities, and in Oshkosh,
Wisconsin, where labor riots took place for the enforcement of
the Union demands, he was arrested for conspiracy but acquitted
by the trial jury.

When the Amalgamated Association of Iron and Steel Workers lost
their strike at Homestead, Pennsylvania, in 1892, the union was
thought to be dead. It was quietly regalvanized into activity,
however, by Theodore Schaffer, who has displayed adroitness in
managing its affairs in the face of tremendous opposition from
the great steel manufacturers who refuse to permit their shops to
be unionized.

The International Typographical Union, composed of an unusually
intelligent body of men, owes its singular success in collective
contracting largely to James M. Lynch, its national president.
The great newspapers did not give in to the demands of the union
without a series of struggles in which Lynch manipulated his
forces with skill and tact. Today this is one of the most
powerful unions in the country.

Entirely different was the material out of which D.J. Keefe
formed his Union of Longshoremen, Marine and Transport Workers.
His was a mass of unskilled workers, composed of many
nationalities accustomed to rough conditions, and not easily led.
Keefe, as president of their International Union, has had more
difficulty in restraining his men and in teaching them the
obligations of a contract than any other leader. At least on one
occasion he employed non-union men to carry out the agreement
which his recalcitrant following had made and broken.

The evolution of an American labor leader is shown at its best in
the career of John Mitchell, easily the most influential trade
unionist of this generation. He was born on February 4, 1870, on
an Illinois farm, but at two years of age he lost his mother and
at four his father. With other lads of his neighborhood he shared
the meager privileges of the school terms that did not interfere
with farm work. At thirteen he was in the coal mines in
Braidwood, Illinois, and at sixteen he was the outer doorkeeper
in the local lodge of the Knights of Labor. Eager to see the
world, he now began a period of wandering, working his way from
State to State. So he traversed the Far West and the Southwest,
alert in observing social conditions and coming in contact with
many types of men. These wanderings stood him in lieu of an
academic course, and when he returned to the coal fields of
Illinois he was ready to settle down. From his Irish parentage he
inherited a genial personality and a gift of speech. These
traits, combined with his continual reading on economic and
sociological subjects, soon lifted him into local leadership. He
became president of the village school board and of the local
lodge of the Knights of Labor. He joined the United Mine Workers
of America upon its organization in 1890. He rose rapidly in its
ranks, was a delegate to the district and sub-district
conventions, secretary-treasurer of the Illinois district,
chairman of the Illinois legislative committee, member of the
executive board, and national organizer. In January, 1898, he was
elected national vice-president, and in the following autumn,
upon the resignation of the president, he became acting
president. The national convention in 1899 chose him as
president, a position which he held for ten years. He has served
as one of the vice-presidents of the American Federation of Labor
since 1898, was for some years chairman of the Trade Agreement
Department of the National Civic Federation and has held the
position of Chairman of the New York State Industrial Commission.

When he rose to the leadership of the United Mine Workers, this
union had only 48,000 members, confined almost exclusively to the
bituminous regions of the West.* Within the decade of his
presidency he brought virtually all the miners of the United
States under his leadership. Wherever his union went, there
followed sooner or later the eight-hour day, raises in wages of
from thirteen to twenty-five per cent, periodical joint
conventions with the operators for settling wage scales and other
points in dispute, and a spirit of prosperity that theretofore
was unknown among the miners.

* Less than 10,000 out of 140,000 anthracite miners were members
of the union.


In unionizing the anthracite miners, Mitchell had his historic
fight with the group of powerful corporations that owned the
mines and the railways which fed them. This great strike, one of
the most significant in our history, attracted universal
attention because of the issues involved, because a coal shortage
threatened many Eastern cities, and because of the direct
intervention of President Roosevelt. The central figure of this
gigantic struggle was the miners' young leader, barely thirty
years old, with the features of a scholar and the demeanor of an
ascetic, marshaling his forces with the strategic skill of a
veteran general.

At the beginning of the strike Mitchell, as president of the
Union, announced that the miners were eager to submit all their
grievances to an impartial arbitral tribunal and to abide by its
decisions. The ruthless and prompt refusal of the mine owners to
consider this proposal reacted powerfully in the strikers' favor
among the public. As the long weeks of the struggle wore on,
increasing daily in bitterness, multiplying the apprehension of
the strikers and the restiveness of the coal consumers, Mitchell
bore the increasing strain with his customary calmness and
self-control.

After the parties had been deadlocked for many weeks, President
Roosevelt called the mine owners and the union leaders to a
conference in the White House. Of Mitchell's bearing, the
President afterwards remarked: "There was only one man in the
room who behaved like a gentleman, and that man was not I."

The Board of Arbitration eventually laid the blame on both sides
but gave the miners the bulk of their demands. The public
regarded the victory as a Mitchell victory, and the unions adored
the leader who had won their first strike in a quarter of a
century, and who had won universal confidence by his ability and
demeanor in the midst of the most harassing tensions of a class
war.*

* Mitchell was cross-examined for three days when he was
testifying before the Anthracite Coal Strike Commission. Every
weapon which craft, prejudice, and skill could marshal against
him failed to rule his temper or to lead him into damaging
admissions or contradictions.


John Mitchell's powerful hold upon public opinion today is not
alone due to his superior intelligence, his self possession, his
business skill, nor his Irish gift of human accommodation, but to
the greater facts that he was always aware of the grave
responsibilities of leadership, that he realized the stern
obligation of a business contract, and that he always followed
the trade union policy of asking only for that which was
attainable. Soon after the Anthracite strike he wrote:

"I am opposed to strikes as I am opposed to war. As yet, however,
the world with all its progress has not made war impossible;
neither, I fear, considering the nature of men and their
institutions, will the strike entirely disappear for years to
come....

"This strike has taught both capital and labor that they owe
certain obligations to society and that their obligations must be
discharged in good faith. If both are fair and conciliatory, if
both recognize the moral restraint of the state of society by
which they are surrounded, there need be few strikes. They can,
and it is better that they should, settle their differences
between themselves....

"Since labor organizations are here, and here to stay, the
managers of employing corporations must choose what they are to
do with them. They may have the union as a present, active, and
unrecognized force, possessing influence for good or evil, but
without direct responsibility; or they may deal with it, give it
responsibility as well as power, define and regulate that power,
and make the union an auxiliary in the promotion of stability and
discipline and the amicable adjustment of all local disputes."



CHAPTER VII. THE RAILWAY BROTHERHOODS

The solidarity and statesmanship of the trade unions reached
perfection in the railway "Brotherhoods." Of these the
Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers* is the oldest and most
powerful. It grew out of the union of several early associations;
one of these was the National Protective Association formed after
the great Baltimore and Ohio strike in 1854; another was the
Brotherhood of the Footboard, organized in Detroit after the
bitter strike on the Michigan Central in 1862. Though born thus
of industrial strife, this railroad union has nevertheless
developed a poise and a conservatism which have been its
greatest assets in the numerous controversies engaging its
energies. No other union has had a more continuous and hardheaded
leadership, and no other has won more universal respect both from
the public and from the employer.

* Up to this time the Brotherhoods have not affiliated with the
Knights of Labor nor with the American Federation of Labor. After
the passage of the eight-hour law by Congress in 1916, definite
steps were taken towards affiliating the Railway Brotherhoods
with the Federation, and at its annual convention in 1919 the
Federation voted to grant them a charter.


This high position is largely due, no doubt, to the fact that the
Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers is composed of a very select
and intelligent class of men. Every engineer must first serve an
apprenticeship as a fireman, which usually lasts from four to
twelve years. Very few are advanced to the rank of engineer in
less than four years. The firemen themselves are selected men who
must pass several physical examinations and then submit to the
test of as arduous an apprenticeship as modern industrialism
affords. In the course of an eight- to twelve-hour run firemen
must shovel from fifteen to twenty-five tons of coal into the
blazing fire box of a locomotive. In winter they are constantly
subjected to hot blasts from the furnace and freezing drafts from
the wind. Records show that out of every hundred who begin as
firemen only seventeen become engineers and of these only six
ever become passenger engineers. The mere strain on the eyes
caused by looking into the coal blaze eliminates 17 per cent.
Those who eventually become engineers are therefore a select
group as far as physique is concerned.

The constant dangers accompanying their daily work require
railroad engineers to be no less dependable from the moral point
of view. The history of railroading is as replete with heroism as
is the story of any war. A coward cannot long survive at the
throttle. The process of natural selection which the daily labor
of an engineer involves the Brotherhood has supplemented by most
rigid moral tests. The character of every applicant for
membership is thoroughly scrutinized and must be vouched for by
three members. He must demonstrate his skill and prove his
character by a year's probation before his application is finally
voted upon. Once within the fold, the rules governing his
conduct are inexorable. If he shuns his financial obligations or
is guilty of a moral lapse, he is summarily expelled. In 1909,
thirty-six members were expelled for "unbecoming conduct."
Drunkards are particularly dangerous in railroading.

When the order was only five years old and still struggling for
its life, it nevertheless expelled 172 members for drunkenness.
In proven cases of this sort the railway authorities are
notified, the offending engineer is dismissed from the service,
and the shame of these culprits is published to the world in the
Locomotive Engineers' Journal, which reaches every member of the
order. There is probably no other club or professional
organization so exacting in its demands that its members be
self-respecting, faithful, law-abiding, and capable; and surely
no other is so summary and far-reaching in its punishments.

Today ninety per cent of all the locomotive engineers in the
United States and Canada belong to this union. But the
Brotherhood early learned the lesson of exclusion. In 1864 after
very annoying experiences with firemen and other railway
employees on the Pittsburgh, Fort Wayne and Chicago Railroad, it
amended its constitution and excluded firemen and machinists from
the order. This exclusive policy, however, is based upon the
stern requirements of professional excellence and is not
displayed towards engineers who are not members of the
Brotherhood. Towards them there is displayed the greatest
toleration and none of the narrow spirit of the "closed shop."
The nonunion engineer is not only tolerated but is even on
occasion made the beneficiary of the activities of the union. He
shares, for example, in the rise of wages and readjustment of
runs. There are even cases on record where the railroad unions
have taken up a specific grievance between a nonunion man and
his employer and have attempted a readjustment.

>From the inception of the Brotherhood, the policy of the order
towards the employing railroad company has been one of business
and not of sentiment. The Brotherhood has held that the relation
between the employer and employee concerning wages, hours,
conditions of labor, and settlement of difficulties should be on
the basis of a written contract; that the engineer as an
individual was at a manifest disadvantage in making such a
contract with a railway company; that he therefore had a right to
join with his fellow engineers in pressing his demands and
therefore had the right to a collective contract. Though for over
a decade the railways fought stubbornly against this policy, in
the end every important railroad of this country and Canada gave
way. It is doubtful, indeed, if any of them would today be
willing to go back to the old method of individual bargaining,
for the brotherhood has insisted upon the inviolability of a
contract once entered into. It has consistently held that "a
bargain is a bargain, even if it is a poor gain." Members who
violate an agreement are expelled, and any local lodge which is
guilty of such an offense has its charter revoked.*

* In 1905 in New York City 893 members were expelled and their
charter was revoked for violation of their contract of employment
by taking part in a sympathetic strike of the subway and elevated
roads.


Once the practice of collective contract was fixed, it naturally
followed that some mechanism for adjusting differences would be
devised. The Brotherhood and the various roads now maintain a
general board of adjustment for each railway system. The
Brotherhood is strict in insisting that the action of this board
is binding on all its members. This method of bargaining and of
settling disputes has been so successful that since 1888 the
Brotherhood has not engaged in an important strike. There have
been minor disturbances, it is true, and several nation-wide
threats, but no serious strikes inaugurated by the engineers.
This great achievement of the Brotherhood could not have been
possible without keen ability in the leaders and splendid
solidarity among the men.

The individual is carefully looked after by the Brotherhood. The
Locomotive Engineers' Mutual Life and Accident Insurance
Association is an integral part of the Brotherhood, though it
maintains a separate legal existence in order to comply with the
statutory requirements of many States.* Every member must carry
an insurance policy in this Association for not less than $1500,
though he cannot take more than $4500. The policy is carried by
the order if the engineer becomes sick or is otherwise disabled,
but if he fails to pay assessments when he is in full health, he
gives grounds for expulsion. There is a pension roll of three
hundred disabled engineers, each of whom receives $25 a month;
and the four railroad brotherhoods together maintain a Home for
Disabled Railroad Men at Highland Park, Illinois.

* The following figures show the status of the Insurance
Association in 1918. The total amount of life insurance in force
was $161,805,500.00. The total amount of claims paid from 1868 to
1918 was $41,085,183.04. The claims paid in 1918 amounted to
$3,014,540.22. The total amount of indemnity insurance in force
in 1918 was $12,486,397.50. The total claims paid up to 1918 were
$1,624,537.61; and during 1918, $241,780.08.


The technical side of engine driving is emphasized by the
"Locomotive Engineers' Journal" which goes to every member, and
in discussions in the stated meetings of the Brotherhood.
Intellectual and social interests are maintained also by lecture
courses, study clubs, and women's auxiliaries. Attendance upon
the lodge meetings has been made compulsory with the intention of
insuring the order from falling prey to a designing minority--a
condition which has proved the cause of the downfall of more than
one labor union.

The Brotherhood of Engineers is virtually a large and prosperous
business concern: Its management has been enterprising and
provident; its treasury is full; its insurance policies aggregate
many millions; it owns a modern skyscraper in Cleveland which
cost $1,250,000 and which yields a substantial revenue besides
housing the Brotherhood offices.

The engineers have, indeed, succeeded in forming a real
Brotherhood--a "feudal" brotherhood an opposing lawyer once
called them--reestablishing the medieval guild-paternalism so
that each member is responsible for every other and all are
responsible for each. They therefore merge themselves through
self-discipline into a powerful unity for enforcing their demands
and fulfilling their obligations.

The supreme authority of the Brotherhood is the Convention, which
is composed of delegates from the local subdivisions. In the
interim between conventions, the authorized leader of the
organization is the Grand Chief Engineer, whose decrees are final
unless reversed by the Convention. This authority places a heavy
responsibility upon him, but the Brotherhood has been singularly
fortunate in its choice of chiefs. Since 1873 there have been
only two. The first of these was P. M. Arthur, a sturdy Scot,
born in 1831 and brought to America in boyhood. He learned the
blacksmith and machinist trades but soon took to railroading, in
which he rose rapidly from the humblest place to the position of
engineer on the New York Central lines. He became one of the
charter members of the Brotherhood in 1863 and was active in its
affairs from the first. In 1873 the union became involved in a
bitter dispute with the Pennsylvania Railroad, and Arthur, whose
prompt and energetic action had already designated him as the
natural leader of the Brotherhood, was elected to the
chieftainship. For thirty years he maintained his prestige and
became a national figure in the labor world. He died suddenly at
Winnipeg in 1903 while speaking at the dinner which closed the
general convention of the Brotherhood.

When P.M. Arthur joined the engineers' union, the condition of
locomotive engineers was unsatisfactory. Wages were unstable;
working conditions were hard and, in the freight service,
intolerable. For the first decade of the existence of the
Brotherhood, strike after strike took place in the effort to
establish the right of organizing and the principle of the
collective contract. Arthur became head of the order at the
beginning of the period of great financial depression which
followed the first Civil War boom and which for six years
threatened wages in all trades. But Arthur succeeded, by shrewd
and careful bargaining, in keeping the pay of engineers from
slipping down and in some instances he even advanced them.
Gradually strikes became more and more infrequent; and the
railways learned to rely upon his integrity, and the engineers to
respect his skill as a negotiator. He proved to the first that he
was not a labor agitator and to the others that he was not a
visionary.

Year by year, Arthur accumulated prestige and power for his union
by practical methods and by being content with a step at a time.
This success, however, cost him the enmity of virtually all the
other trades unionists. To them the men of his order were
aristocrats, and he was lord over the aristocrats. He is said to
have "had rare skill in formulating reasonable demands, and by
consistently putting moderate demands strongly instead of
immoderate demands weakly he kept the good will of railroad
managers, while steadily obtaining better terms for his men." In
this practice, he could not succeed without the solid good will
of the members of the Brotherhood; and this good will was
possible only in an order which insisted upon that high standard
of personal skill and integrity essential to a first-class
engineer. Arthur possessed a genial, fatherly personality. His
Scotch shrewdness was seen in his own real estate investments,
which formed the foundation of an independent fortune. He lived
in an imposing stone mansion in Cleveland; he was a director in a
leading bank; and he identified himself with the public affairs
of the city.

When Chief Arthur died, the Assistant Grand Chief Engineer, A.B.
Youngson, who would otherwise have assumed the leadership for the
unexpired term, was mortally ill and recommended the advisory
board to telegraph Warren S. Stone an offer of the chieftainship.
Thus events brought to the fore a man of marked executive talent
who had hitherto been unknown but who was to play a tremendous
role in later labor politics. Stone was little known east of the
Mississippi. He had spent most of his life on the Rock Island
system, had visited the East only once, and had attended but one
meeting of the General Convention. In the West, however, he had a
wide reputation for sound sense, and, as chairman of the general
committee of adjustment of the Rock Island system, he had made a
deep impression on his union and his employers. Born in
Ainsworth, Iowa, in 1860, Stone had received a high school
education and had begun his railroading career as fireman on the
Rock Island when he was nineteen years old. At twenty-four he
became an engineer. In this capacity he spent the following
nineteen years on the Rock Island road and then accepted the
chieftainship of the Brotherhood.

Stone followed the general policy of his predecessor, and brought
to his tasks the energy of youth and the optimism of the West.
When he assumed the leadership, the cost of living was rising
rapidly and he addressed himself to the adjustment of wages. He
divided the country into three sections in which conditions were
similar. He began in the Western section, as he was most familiar
with that field, and asked all the general managers of that
section to meet the Brotherhood for a wage conference. The roads
did not accept his invitation until it was reenforced by the
threat of a Western strike. The conference was a memorable one.
For nearly three weeks the grand officers of the Brotherhood
wrangled and wrought with the managers of the Western roads, who
yielded ground slowly, a few pennies' increase at a time, until a
satisfactory wage scale was reached. Similarly the Southern
section was conquered by the inexorable hard sense and
perseverance of this new chieftain.

The dispute with the fifty-two leading roads in the so-called
Eastern District, east of the Mississippi and north of the
Norfolk and Western Railroad, came to a head in 1912. The
engineers demanded that their wages should be "standardized" on a
basis that one hundred miles or less, or ten hours or less,
constitute a day's work; that is, the inequalities among the
different roads should be leveled and similar service on the
various roads be similarly rewarded. They also asked that their
wages be made equal to the wages on the Western roads and
presented several minor demands. All the roads concerned flatly
refused to grant the demand for a standardized and increased
wage, on the ground that it would involve an increased
expenditure of $7,000,000 a year. This amount could be made up
only by increased rates, which the Interstate Commerce Commission
must sanction, or by decreased dividends, which would bring a
real hardship to thousands of stockholders.

The unions were fully prepared for a strike which would paralyze
the essential traffic supplying approximately 38,000,000 people.
Through the agency of Judge Knapp of the United States Commerce
Court and Dr. Neill of the United States Department of Labor, and
under the authority of the Erdman Act, there was appointed a
board of arbitration composed of men whose distinction commanded
national attention. P.H. Morrissey, a former chief of the
Conductors' and Trainmen's Union, was named by the engineers.
President Daniel Willard of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad,
known for his fair treatment of his employees, was chosen by the
roads. The Chief Justice of the United States Supreme Court, the
Commissioner of Labor, and the presiding judge of the United
States Commerce Court designated the following members of the
tribunal: Oscar S. Straus, former Secretary of Commerce and
Labor, chairman; Albert Shaw, editor of the Review of Reviews;
Otto M. Eidlitz, former president of the Building Trades
Association; Charles R. Van Hise, president of the University of
Wisconsin; and Frederick N. Judson, of the St. Louis bar.

After five months of hearing testimony and deliberation, this
distinguished board brought in a report that marked, it was
hoped, a new epoch in railway labor disputes, for it recognized
the rights of the public, the great third party to such disputes.

It granted the principle of standardization and minimum wage
asked for by the engineers, but it allowed an increase in pay
which was less by one-half than that demanded. In order to
prevent
similar discord in the future, the board recommended the
establishment of Federal and state wage commissions with
functions pertaining to wage disputes analogous to those of the
public service commissions in regard to rates and capitalization.
The report stated that, "while the railway employees feel that
they cannot surrender their right to strike, if there were a wage
commission which would secure them just wages the necessity would
no longer exist for the exercise of their power. It is believed
that, in the last analysis, the only solution--unless we are to
rely solely upon the restraining power of public opinion--is to
qualify the principle of free contract in the railroad service."*

* The board recognized the great obstacles in the way of such a
solution but went on to say: "The suggestion, however, grows out
of a profound conviction that the food and clothing of our
people, the industries and the general welfare of our nation,
cannot be permitted to depend upon the policies and dictates of
any particular group of men, whether employers or employees." And
this conviction has grown apace with the years until it stands
today as the most potent check to aggression by either trade
unions or capital.


While yielding to the wage findings of the board, P.H. Morrissey
vigorously dissented from the principle of the supremacy of
public interest in these matters. He made clear his position in
an able minority report: "I wish to emphasize my dissent from
that recommendation of the board which in its effect virtually
means compulsory arbitration for the railroads and their
employees. Regardless of any probable constitutional prohibition
which might operate against its being adopted, it is wholly
impracticable. The progress towards the settlement of disputes
between the railways and their employees without recourse to
industrial warfare has been marked. There is nothing under
present conditions to prevent its continuance. We will never be
perfect, but even so, it will be immeasurably better than it will
be under conditions such as the board proposes."

The significance of these words was brought out four years later
when the united railway brotherhoods made their famous coup in
Congress. For the time being, however, the public with its usual
self-assurance thought the railway employee question was solved,
though the findings were for one year only.*

* The award dated back to May 1, 1912, and was valid only one
year from that date.


Daniel Willard speaking for the railroads, said: "My acceptance
of the award as a whole does not signify my approval of all the
findings in detail. It is intended, however, to indicate clearly
that, although the award is not such as the railroads had hoped
for, nor is it such as they felt would be justified by a full
consideration of all the facts, yet having decided to submit this
case to arbitration and having been given ample opportunity to
present the facts and arguments in support of their position,
they now accept without question the conclusion which was reached
by the board appointed to pass upon the matter at issue."

A comparison of these statements shows how the balance of power
had shifted, since the days when railway policies reigned
supreme, from the corporation to the union. The change was amply
demonstrated by the next grand entrance of the railway
brotherhoods upon the public stage. After his victory in the
Western territory, Chief Stone remarked: "Most labor troubles are
the result of one of two things, misrepresentation or
misunderstanding. Unfortunately, negotiations are sometimes
entrusted to men who were never intended by nature for this
mission, since they cannot discuss a question without losing
their temper .... It may be laid down as a fundamental
principle without which no labor organization can hope to exist,
that it must carry out its contracts. No employer can be expected
to live up to a contract that is not regarded binding by the
union."

The other railway brotherhoods to a considerable degree follow
the model set by the engineers. The Order of Railway Conductors
developed rapidly from the Conductors' Union which was organized
by the conductors of the Illinois Central Railroad at Amboy,
Illinois, in the spring of 1868. In the following July this union
was extended to include all the lines in the State. In November
of the same year a call to conductors on all the roads in the
United States and the British Provinces was issued to meet at
Columbus, Ohio, in December, to organize a general brotherhood.
Ten years later the union adopted its present name. It has an
ample insurance fund* based upon the principle that policies are
not matured but members arriving at the age of seventy years are
relieved from further payments. About thirty members are thus
annually retired. At Cedar Rapids, Iowa, the national
headquarters, the order publishes The Railway Conductor, a
journal which aims not only at the solidarity of the membership
but at increasing their practical efficiency.

* In 1919 the total amount of outstanding insurance was somewhat
over $90,000,000.


The conductors are a conservative and carefully selected group of
men. Each must pass through a long term of apprenticeship and
must possess ability and personality. The order has been
carefully and skillfully led and in recent years has had but few
differences with the railways which have not been amicably
settled. Edgar E. Clark was chosen president in 1890 and served
until 1906, when he became a member of the Interstate Commerce
Commission. He was born in 1856, received a public school
education, and studied for some time in an academy at Lima, New
York. At the age of seventeen, he began railroading and served as
conductor on the Northern Pacific and other Western lines. He
held numerous subordinate positions in the Brotherhood and in
1889 became its vice-president. He was appointed by President
Roosevelt as a member of the Anthracite Coal Strike Commission in
1902 and is generally recognized as one of the most judicial
heads in the labor world. He was succeeded as president of the
order by Austin B. Garretson, who was born in Winterset, Iowa, in
1856. He began his railroad career at nineteen years of age,
became a conductor on the Burlington system, and had a varied
experience on several Western lines, including the Mexican
National and Mexican Central railways. His rise in the order was
rapid and in 1889 he became vice-president. One of his intimate
friends wrote that "in his capacity as Vice-President and
President of the Order he has written more schedules and
successfully negotiated more wage settlements, including the
eight-hour day settlement in 1916, under the method of collective
bargaining than any other labor leader on the American
continent."

Garretson has long served as a member of the executive committee
of the National Civic Federation and in 1919 was appointed by
President Wilson a member of the Federal Commission on Industrial
Relations. A man of great energy and force of character, he has
recently assumed a leading place in labor union activities.

In addition to the locomotive engineers and the conductors, the
firemen also have their union. Eleven firemen of the Erie
Railroad organized a brotherhood at Port Jervis, New York, in
December, 1873, but it was a fraternal order rather than a trade
union. In 1877, the year of the great railway strike, it was
joined by the International Firemen's Union, an organization
without any fraternal or insurance features. In spite of this
amalgamation, however, the growth of the Brotherhood was very
slow. Indeed, so unsatisfactory was the condition of affairs that
in 1879 the order took an unusual step. "So bitter was the
continued opposition of railroad officials at this time," relates
the chronicler of the Brotherhood (in some sections of the
country it resulted in the disbandment of the lodges and the
depletion of membership) "that it was decided, in order to remove
the cause of such opposition, to eliminate the protective feature
of the organization. With a view to this end a resolution was
adopted ignoring strikes." This is one of the few recorded
retreats of militant trade unionism. The treasury of the
Brotherhood was so depleted that it was obliged to call upon
local lodges for donations. By 1885, however, the order had
sufficiently recovered to assume again the functions of a labor
union in addition to its fraternal and beneficiary obligations.
The days of its greatest hardships were over, although the
historic strike on the Burlington lines that lasted virtually
throughout the year 1888 and the Pullman strike in 1894 wrought a
severe strain upon its staying powers. In 1906 the enginemen were
incorporated into the order, and thenceforth the membership grew
rapidly. In 1913 a joint agreement was effected with the
Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers whereby the two organizations
could work together "on a labor union basis." Today men operating
electric engines or motor or gas cars on lines using electricity
are eligible for membership, if they are otherwise qualified.
This arrangement does not interfere with unions already
established on interurban lines.

The leadership of this order of firemen has been less continuous,
though scarcely less conspicuous, than that of the other
brotherhoods. Before 1886 the Grand Secretary and Treasurer was
invested with greater authority than the grand master, and in
this position Eugene V. Debs, who served from 1881 to 1899, and
Frank W. Arnold, who served from 1893 to 1903, were potent in
shaping the policies of the Union. There have been seven grand
masters and one president (the name now used to designate the
chief officer) since 1874. Of these leaders Frank P. Sargent
served from 1886 until 1892, when he was appointed Commissioner
General of Immigration by President Roosevelt. Since 1909,
William S. Carter has been president of the Brotherhood. Born in
Texas in 1859, he began railroading at nineteen years of age and
served in turn as fireman, baggageman, and engineer. Before his
election to the editorship of the Firemen's Magazine, he held
various minor offices in local lodges. Since 1894 he has served
the order successively as editor, grand secretary and treasurer,
and president. To his position he has brought an intimate
knowledge of the affairs of the Union as well as a varied
experience in practical railroading. Upon the entrance of America
into the Great War, President Wilson appointed him Director of
the Division of Labor of the United States Railway
Administration.

Of the government and policy of the firemen's union President
Carter remarked:

"This Brotherhood may be compared to a state in a republic of
railway unions, maintaining almost complete autonomy in its own
affairs yet uniting with other railway brotherhoods in matters of
mutual concern and in common defense. It is true that these
railway brotherhoods carry the principle of home rule to great
lengths and have acknowledged no common head, and by this have
invited the criticism from those who believe...that only in
one 'big' union can railway employees hope for improved working
condition.... That in union there is strength, no one will
deny, but in any confederation of forces there must be an
exchange of individual rights for this collective power. There is
a point in the combining of working people in labor unions where
the loss of individual rights is not compensated by the increased
power of the masses of workers."

In the cautious working out of this principle, the firemen have
prospered after the manner of their colleagues in the other
brotherhoods. Their membership embraces the large majority of
their craft. From the date of the establishment of their
beneficiary fund to 1918 a total of $21,860,103.00 has been paid
in death and disability claims and in 1918 the amount so paid was
$1,538,207.00. The Firemen's Magazine, established in 1876 and
now published from headquarters in Cleveland, is indicative of
the ambitions of the membership, for its avowed aim is to "make a
specialty of educational matter for locomotive enginemen and
other railroad employees." An attempt was even made in 1908 to
conduct a correspondence school, under the supervision of the
editor and manager of the magazine, but after three years this
project was discontinued because it could not be made
self-supporting.

The youngest of the railway labor organizations is the
Brotherhood of Trainmen, organized in September, 1883, at
Oneonta, New York. Its early years were lean and filled with
bickerings and doubts, and it was not until S. E. Wilkinson was
elected grand master in 1885 that it assumed an important role in
labor organizations. Wilkinson was one of those big, rough and
ready men, with a natural aptitude for leadership, who
occasionally emerge from the mass. He preferred railroading to
schooling and spent more time in the train sheds of his native
town of Monroeville, Ohio, than he did at school. At twelve years
of age he ran away to join the Union Army, in which he served as
an orderly until the end of the war. He then followed his natural
bent, became a switchman and later a brakeman, was a charter
member of the Brotherhood, and, when its outlook was least
encouraging, became its Grand Master. At once under his
leadership the organization became aggressive.

The conditions under which trainmen worked were far from
satisfactory. At that time, in the Eastern field, the pay of a
brakeman was between $1.50 and $2 a day in the freight service,
$45 a month in the passenger service, and $50 a month for yard
service. In the Southern territory, the wages were very much
lower and in the Western about $5 per month higher. The runs in
the different sections of the country were not equalized; there
was no limit to the number of hours called a day's work; overtime
and preparatory time were not counted in; and there were many
complaints of arbitrary treatment of trainmen by their superiors.
Wilkinson set to work to remedy the wage situation first. Almost
at once he brought about the adoption of the principle of
collective bargaining for trainmen and yardmen. By 1895, when he
relinquished his office, the majority of the railways in the
United States and Canada had working agreements with their train
and yard service men. Wages had been raised, twelve hours or less
and one hundred miles or less became recognized as a daily
measure of service, and overtime was paid extra.

The panic of 1893 hit the railway service very hard. There
followed many strikes engineered by the American Railway Union, a
radical organization which carried its ideas of violence so far
that it wrecked not only itself but brought the newer and
conservative Brotherhoods to the verge of ruin. It was during
this period of strain that, in 1895, P. H. Morrissey was chosen
Grand Master of the Trainmen. With a varied training in
railroading, in insurance, and in labor organization work,
Morrissey was in many ways the antithesis of his predecessors who
had, in a powerful and brusque way, prepared the ground for his
analytical and judicial leadership. He was unusually well
informed on all matters pertaining to railroad operations,
earnings, and conditions of employment, and on general economic
conditions. This knowledge, together with his forcefulness, tact,
parliamentary ability, and rare good judgment, soon made him the
spokesman of all the railway Brotherhoods in their joint
conferences and their leader before the public. He was not afraid
to take the unpopular side of a cause, cared nothing for mere
temporary advantages, and had the gift of inspiring confidence.

When Morrissey assumed the leadership of the Trainmen, their
order had lost 10,000 members in two years and was about $200,000
in debt. The panic had produced unemployment and distrust, and
the violent reprisals of the American Railway Union had reaped a
harvest of bitterness and disloyalty. During his fifteen years of
service until he retired in 1909, Morrissey saw his order
rejuvenated and virtually reconstructed, the work of the men
standardized in the greater part of the country, slight increases
of pay given to the freight and passenger men, and very
substantial increases granted to the yard men. But his greatest
service to his order was in thoroughly establishing it in the
public confidence.

He was succeeded by William G. Lee, who had served in many
subordinate offices in local lodges before he had been chosen
First Vice-Grand Master in 1895. For fifteen years he was a
faithful understudy to Morrissey whose policy he has continued in
a characteristically fearless and thoroughgoing manner. When he
assumed the presidency of the order, he obtained a ten-hour day
in the Eastern territory for all train and yard men, together
with a slight increase in pay for all classes fixed on the
ten-hour basis. The ten-hour day was now adopted in Western
territory where it had not already been put into effect. The
Southern territory, however, held out until 1912, when a general
advance on all Southern railroads, with one exception, brought
the freight and passenger men to a somewhat higher level of wages
than existed in other parts of the country. In the following year
the East and the West raised their wages so that finally a fairly
level rate prevailed throughout the United States. In the
movement for the eight-hour day which culminated in the passage
of the Adamson Law by Congress, Lee and his order took a
prominent part. In 1919 the Trainmen had $253,000,000 insurance
in force, and up to that year had paid out $42,500,000 in claims.
Of this latter amount $3,604,000 was paid out in 1918, one-half
of which was attributed to the influenza epidemic.

Much of the success and power of the railroad Brotherhoods is due
to the character of their members as well as to able leadership.
The editor of a leading newspaper has recently written: "The
impelling power behind every one of these organizations is the
membership. I say this without detracting from the executive or
administrative abilities of the men who have been at the head of
these organizations, for their influence has been most potent in
carrying out the will of their several organizations. But
whatever is done is first decided upon by the men and it is then
put up to their chief executive officers for their direction."

With a membership of 375,000 uniformly clean and competent, so
well captained and so well fortified financially by insurance,
benefit, and other funds, it is little wonder that the
Brotherhoods have reached a permanent place in the railroad
industry. Their progressive power can be discerned in Federal
legislation pertaining to arbitration and labor conditions in
interstate carriers. In 1888 an act was passed providing that, in
cases of railway labor disputes, the President might appoint two
investigators who, with the United States Commission of Labor,
should form a board to investigate the controversy and recommend
"the best means for adjusting it." But as they were empowered to
produce only findings and not to render decisions, the law
remained a dead letter, without having a single case brought up
under it. It was superseded in 1898 by the Erdman Act, which
provided that certain Federal officials should act as mediators
and that, in case they failed, a Board of Arbitrators was to be
appointed whose word should be binding for a certain period of
time and from whose decisions appeal could be taken to the
Federal courts. Of the hundreds of disputes which occurred during
the first eight years of the existence of this statute, only one
was brought under the mechanism of the law. Federal arbitration
was not popular. In 1905, however, a rather sudden change came
over the situation. Over sixty cases were brought under the
Erdman Act in about eight years. In 1913 the Newlands Law was
passed providing for a permanent Board of Mediation and
Conciliation, by which over sixty controversies have been
adjusted.

The increase of brotherhood influence which such legislation
represents was accompanied by a consolidation in power. At first
the Brotherhoods operated by railway systems or as individual
orders. Later on they united into districts, all the Brotherhoods
of a given district cooperating in their demands. Finally the
cooperation of all the Brotherhoods in the United States on all
the railway systems was effected. This larger organization came
clearly to light in 1912, when the Brotherhoods submitted their
disputes to the board of arbitration. This step was hailed by the
public as going a long way towards the settlement of labor
disputes by arbitral boards.

The latest victory of the Brotherhoods, however, has shaken
public confidence and has ushered in a new era of brotherhood
influence and Federal interference in railroad matters. In 1916,
the four Brotherhoods threatened to strike. The mode of reckoning
pay--whether upon an eight-hour or a longer day--was the subject
of contention. The Department of Labor, through the Federal
Conciliation Board, tried in vain to bring the opponents
together. Even President Wilson's efforts to bring about an
agreement proved futile. The roads agreed to arbitrate all the
points, allowing the President to name the arbitrators; but the
Brotherhoods, probably realizing their temporary strategic
advantage, refused point-blank to arbitrate. When the President
tried to persuade the roads to yield the eight-hour day, they
replied that it was a proper subject for arbitration.

Instead of standing firmly on the principle of arbitration, the
President chose to go before Congress, on the afternoon of the
29th of August, and ask, first, for a reorganization of the
Interstate Commerce Commission; second, for legal recognition of
the eight-hour day for interstate carriers; third, for power to
appoint a commission to observe the operation of the eight-hour
day for a stated time; fourth, for reopening the question of an
increase in freight rates to meet the enlarged cost of operation;
fifth, for a law declaring railway strikes and lockouts unlawful
until a public investigation could be made; sixth, for
authorization to operate the roads in case of military necessity.

The strike was planned to fall on the expectant populace,
scurrying home from their vacations, on the 4th of September. On
the 1st of September an eight-hour bill, providing also for the
appointment of a board of observation, was rushed through the
House; on the following day it was hastened through the staid
Senate; and on the third it received the President's signature.*
The other recommendations of the President were made to await the
pleasure of Congress and the unions. To the suggestion that
railway strikes be made unlawful until their causes are disclosed
the Brotherhoods were absolutely opposed.

* This was on Sunday. In order to obviate any objection as to the
legality of the signature the President signed the bill again on
the following Tuesday, the intervening Monday being Labor Day.


Many readjustments were involved in launching the eight-hour law,
and in March, 1917, the Brotherhoods again threatened to strike.
The President sent a committee, including the Secretary of the
Interior and the Secretary of Labor, to urge the parties to come
to an agreement. On the 19th of March, the Supreme Court upheld
the validity of the law, and the trouble subsided. But in the
following November, after the declaration of war, clouds
reappeared on the horizon, and again the unions refused the
Government's suggestion of arbitration. Under war pressure,
however, the Brotherhoods finally consented to hold their
grievance in abeyance.

The haste with which the eight-hour law was enacted, and the
omission of the vital balance suggested by the President appeared
to many citizens to be a holdup of Congress, and the nearness of
the presidential election suggested that a political motive was
not absent. The fact that in the ensuing presidential election,
Ohio, the home of the Brotherhoods, swung from the Republican to
the Democratic column, did not dispel this suspicion from the
public mind. Throughout this maneuver it was apparent that the
unions were very confident, but whether because of a prearranged
pact, or because of a full treasury, or because of a feeling that
the public was with them, or because of the opposite belief that
the public feared them, must be left to individual conjecture.
None the less, the public realized that the principle of
arbitration had given way to the principle of coercion.

Soon after the United States had entered the Great War, the
Government, under authority of an act of Congress, took over the
management of all the interstate railroads, and the nation was
launched upon a vast experiment destined to test the capacities
of all the parties concerned. The dispute over wages that had
been temporarily quieted by the Adamson Law broke out afresh
until settled by the famous Order No. 27, issued by William G.
McAdoo, the Director General of Railroads, and providing a
substantial readjustment of wages and hours. In the spring of
1919 another large wage increase was granted to the men by
Director General Hines, who succeeded McAdoo. Meanwhile the
Brotherhoods, through their counsel, laid before the
congressional committee a plan for the government ownership and
joint operation of the roads, known as the Plumb plan, and the
American people are now face to face with an issue which will
bring to a head the paramount question of the relation of
employees on government works to the Government and to the
general public.



CHAPTER VIII. ISSUES AND WARFARE

There has been an enormous expansion in the demands of the unions
since the early days of the Philadelphia cordwainers; yet these
demands involve the same fundamental issues regarding hours,
wages, and the closed shop. Most unions, when all persiflage is
set aside, are primarily organized for business--the business of
looking after their own interests. Their treasury is a war chest
rather than an insurance fund. As a benevolent organization, the
American union is far behind the British union with its highly
developed Friendly Societies.

The establishment of a standard rate of wages is perhaps, as the
United States Industrial Commission reported in 1901, "the
primary object of trade union policy." The most promising method
of adjusting the wage contract is by the collective trade
agreement. The mechanism of the union has made possible
collective bargaining, and in numerous trades wages and other
conditions are now adjusted by this method. One of the earliest
of these agreements was effected by the Iron Molders' Union in
1891 and has been annually renewed. The coal operatives, too, for
a number of years have signed a wage agreement with their miners,
and the many local difficulties and differences have been
ingeniously and successfully met. The great railroads have,
likewise, for many years made periodical contracts with the
railway Brotherhoods. The glove-makers, cigar-makers, and, in
many localities, workers in the building trades and on
street-railway systems have the advantage of similar collective
agreements. In 1900 the American Newspaper Publishers Association
and the International Typographical Union, after many years of
stubborn fighting merged their numerous differences in a trade
contract to be in effect for one year. This experiment proved so
successful that the agreement has since then been renewed for
five year periods. In 1915 a bitter strike of the garment makers
in New York City was ended by a "protocol." The principle of
collective agreement has become so prevalent that the
Massachusetts Bureau of Labor believes that it "is being accepted
with increasing favor by both employers and employees," and John
Mitchell, speaking from wide experience and an intimate knowledge
of conditions, says that "the hope of future peace in the
industrial world lies in the trade agreement." These agreements
are growing in complexity, and today they embrace not only
questions of wages and hours but also methods for adjusting all
the differences which may arise between the parties to the
bargain.

The very success of collective bargaining hinges upon the
solidarity and integrity of the union which makes the bargain. A
union capable of enforcing an agreement is a necessary antecedent
condition to such a contract. With this fact in mind, one can
believe that John Mitchell was not unduly sanguine in stating
that "the tendency is toward the growth of compulsory membership
...and the time will doubtless come when this compulsion will be
as general and will be considered as little of a grievance as
the compulsory attendance of children at school." There are
certain industries so well centralized, however, that their
coercive power is greater than that of the labor union, and these
have maintained a consistent hostility to the closed shop. The
question of the closed shop is, indeed, the most stubborn issue
confronting the union. The principle involves the employment of
only union men in a shop; it means a monopoly of jobs by members
of the union. The issue is as old as the unions themselves and as
perplexing as human nature. As early as 1806 it was contended for
by the Philadelphia cordwainers and by 1860 it had become an
established union policy. While wages and hours are now, in the
greater industrial fields, the subject of a collective contract,
this question of union monopoly is still open, though there has
been some progress towards an adjustment. Wherever the trade
agreement provides for a closed shop, the union, through its
proper committees and officers, assumes at least part of the
responsibility of the discipline. The agreement also includes
methods for arbitrating differences. The acid test of the union
is its capacity to live up to this trade agreement.

For the purpose of forcing its policies upon its employers and
society the unions have resorted to the strike and picketing, the
boycott, and the union label. When violence occurs, it usually is
the concomitant of a strike; but violence unaccompanied by a
strike is sometimes used as a union weapon.

The strike is the oldest and most spectacular weapon in the hands
of labor. For many years it was thought a necessary concomitant
of machine industry. The strike, however, antedates machinery and
was a practical method of protest long before there were unions.
Men in a shop simply agreed not to work further and walked out.
The earliest strike in the United States, as disclosed by the
United States Department of Labor occurred in 1741 among the
journeymen bakers in New York City. In 1792 the cordwainers of
Philadelphia struck. By 1834 strikes were so prevalent that the
New York Daily Advertiser declared them to be "all the fashion."
These demonstrations were all small affairs compared with the
strikes that disorganized industry after the Civil War or those
that swept the country in successive waves in the late seventies,
the eighties, and the nineties. The United States Bureau of Labor
has tabulated the strike statistics for the twenty-five year
period from 1881 to 1905. This list discloses the fact that
38,303 strikes and lockouts occurred, involving 199,954
establishments and 7,444,279 employees. About 2,000,000 other
employees were thrown out of work as an indirect result. In 1894,
the year of the great Pullman strike, 610,425 men were out of
work at one time; and 659,792 in 1902. How much time and money
these ten million wage-earners lost, and their employers lost,
and society lost, can never be computed, nor how much nervous
energy was wasted, good will thrown to the winds, and mutual
suspicion created.

The increase of union influence is apparent, for recognition of
the union has become more frequently a cause for strikes.*
Moreover, while the unions were responsible for about 47 per cent
of the strikes in 1881, they had originated, directly or
indirectly, 75 per cent in 1905. More significant, indeed, is the
fact that striking is a growing habit. In 1903, for instance,
there were 3494 strikes, an average of about ten a day.

* The cause of the strikes tabulated by the Bureau of Labor is
shown in the following table of percentages:

                           1881   1891   1901   1905
For increase of wages:      61     27      29    32
Against reduction of wages: 10     11      4      5
For reduction in hours:      3      5      7      5
Recognition of Union:        6     14      28    31


Preparedness is the watchword of the Unions in this warfare. They
have generals and captains, a war chest and relief committees, as
well as publicity agents and sympathy scouts whose duty it is to
enlist the interest of the public. Usually the leaders of the
unions are conservative and deprecate violence. But a strike by
its very nature offers an opportunity to the lawless. The
destruction of property and the coercion of workmen have been so
prevalent in the past that, in the public mind, violence has
become universally associated with strikes. Judge Jenkins, of the
United States Circuit Court, declared, in a leading case, that "a
strike without violence would equal the representation of Hamlet
with the part of Hamlet omitted." Justice Brewer of the United
States Supreme Court said that "the common rule as to strikes" is
not only for the workers to quit but to "forcibly prevent others
from taking their place." Historic examples involving violence of
this sort are the great railway strikes of 1877, when Pittsburgh,
Reading, Cincinnati, Chicago, and Buffalo were mob-ridden;
the strike of the steel-workers at Homestead, Pennsylvania, in
1892; the Pullman strike of 1894, when President Cleveland sent
Federal troops to Chicago; the great anthracite strike of 1902,
which the Federal Commission characterized as "stained with a
record of riot and bloodshed"; the civil war in the Colorado and
Idaho mining regions, where the Western Federation of Miners
battled with the militia and Federal troops; the dynamite
outrages, perpetrated by the structural iron workers, stretching
across the entire country, and reaching a dastardly climax in the
dynamiting of the Los Angeles Times building on October 1, 1910,
in which some twenty men were killed. The recoil from this
outrage was the severest blow which organized labor has received
in America. John J. McNamara, Secretary of the Structural Iron
Workers' Association, and his brother James were indicted for
murder. After the trial was staged and the eyes of the nation
were upon it, the public was shocked and the hopes of labor
unionists were shattered by the confessions of the principals. In
March, 1912, a Federal Grand Jury at Indianapolis returned
fifty-four indictments against officers and members of the same
union for participation in dynamite outrages that had occurred
during the six years in many parts of the country, with a toll of
over one hundred lives and the destruction of property valued at
many millions of dollars. Among those indicted was the president
of the International Association of Bridge and Structural Iron
Workers. Most of the defendants were sentenced to various terms
in the penitentiary.

The records of this industrial warfare are replete with lesser
battles where thuggery joined hands with desperation in the
struggle for wages. Evidence is not wanting that local leaders
have frequently incited their men to commit acts of violence in
order to impress the public with their earnestness. It is not an
inviting picture, this matching of the sullen violence of the mob
against the sullen vigilance of the corporation. Yet such methods
have not always been used, for the union has done much to
systematize this guerrilla warfare. It has matched the ingenuity
and the resolution of the employer, backed by his detectives and
professional strike-breakers; it has perfected its organization
so that the blow of a whistle or the mere uplifting of a hand can
silence a great mill. Some of the notable strikes have been
managed with rare skill and diplomacy. Some careful observers,
indeed, are inclined to the opinion that the amount of violence
that takes place in the average strike has been grossly
exaggerated. They maintain that, considering the great number of
strikes, the earnestness with which they are fought, the
opportunity they offer to the lawless, and the vast range of
territory they cover, the amount of damage to property and person
is unusually small and that the public, through sensational
newspaper reports of one or two acts of violence, is led to an
exaggerated opinion of its prevalence.

It must be admitted, however, that the wisdom and conservatism of
the national labor leaders is neutralized by their lack of
authority in their particular organization. A large price is paid
for the autonomy that permits the local unions to declare strikes
without the sanction of the general officers. There are only a
few unions, perhaps half a dozen, in which a local can be
expelled for striking contrary to the wish of the national
officers. In the United Mine Workers' Union, for example, the
local must secure the consent of the district officers and
national president, or, if these disagree, of the executive
board, before it can declare a strike. The tendency to strike on
the spur of the moment is much more marked among the newer unions
than among the older ones, which have perfected their strike
machinery through much experience and have learned the cost of
hasty and unjustified action.

A less conspicuous but none the less effective weapon in the
hands of labor is the boycott,* which is carried by some of the
unions to a terrible perfection. It reached its greatest power in
the decade between 1881 and 1891. Though it was aimed at a great
variety of industries, it seemed to be peculiarly effective in
the theater, hotel, restaurant, and publishing business, and in
the clothing and cigar trades. For sheer arbitrary coerciveness,
nothing in the armory of the union is so effective as the
boycott. A flourishing business finds its trade gone overnight.
Leading customers withdraw their patronage at the union's threat.
The alert picket is the harbinger of ruin, and the union black
list is as fraught with threat as the black hand.

* In 1880, Lord Erne, an absentee Irish landlord, sent Captain
Boycott to Connemara to subdue his irate tenants. The people of
the region refused to have any intercourse whatever with the
agent or his family. And social and business ostracism has since
been known as the boycott.


The New York Bureau of Statistics of Labor has shown that during
the period of eight years between 1885 and 1892 there were 1352
boycotts in New York State alone. A sort of terrorism spread
among the tradespeople of the cities. But the unions went too
far. Instances of gross unfairness aroused public sympathy
against the boycotters. In New York City, for instance, a Mrs.
Grey operated a small bakery with nonunion help. Upon her refusal
to unionize her shop at the command of the walking delegate, her
customers were sent the usual boycott notice, and pickets were
posted. Her delivery wagons were followed, and her customers were
threatened. Grocers selling her bread were systematically
boycotted. All this persecution merely aroused public sympathy
for Mrs. Grey, and she found her bread becoming immensely
popular. The boycotters then demanded $2500 for paying their
boycott expenses. When news of this attempt at extortion was made
public, it heightened the tide of sympathy, the courts took up
the matter, and the boycott failed. The New York Boycotter, a
journal devoted to this form of coercion, declared: "In
boycotting we believe it to be legitimate to strike a man
financially, socially, or politically. We believe in hitting him
where it will hurt the most; we believe in remorselessly crowding
him to the wall; but when he is down, instead of striking him, we
would lift him up and stand him once more on his feet." When the
boycott thus enlisted the aid of blackmail, it was doomed in the
public esteem. Boycott indictments multiplied, and in one year in
New York City alone, over one hundred leaders of such attempts at
coercion were sentenced to imprisonment.

The boycott, however, was not laid aside as a necessary weapon of
organized labor because it had been abused by corrupt or
overzealous unionists, nor because it had been declared illegal
by the courts. All the resources of the more conservative unions
and of the American Federation of Labor have been enlisted to
make it effective in extreme instances where the strike has
failed. This application of the method can best be illustrated by
the two most important cases of boycott in our history, the
Buck's Stove and Range case and the Danbury Hatters' case. Both
were fought through the Federal courts, with the defendants
backed by the American Federation and opposed by the Anti-Boycott
Association, a federation of employers.

The Buck's Stove and Range Company of St. Louis incurred the
displeasure of the Metal Polishers' Union by insisting upon a
ten-hour day. On August 27, 1906, at five o'clock in the
afternoon, on a prearranged signal, the employees walked out.
They returned to work the next morning and all were permitted to
take their accustomed places except those who had given the
signal. They were discharged. At five o'clock that afternoon the
men put aside their work, and the following morning reappeared.
Again the men who had given the signal were discharged, and the
rest went to work. The union then sent notice to the foreman that
the discharged men must be reinstated or that all would quit. A
strike ensued which soon led to a boycott of national
proportions. It spread from the local to the St. Louis Central
Trades and Labor Union and to the Metal Polishers' Union. In 1907
the executive council of the American Federation of Labor
officially placed the Buck's Stove and Range Company on the
unfair list and gave this action wide and conspicuous circulation
in The Federationist. This boycott received further impetus from
the action of the Mine Workers, who in their Annual Convention
resolved that the Buck's Stove and Range Company be put on the
unfair list and that "any member of the United Mine Workers of
America purchasing a stove of above make be fined $5.00 and
failing to pay the same be expelled from the organization."

Espionage became so efficient and letters from old customers
withdrawing patronage became so numerous and came from so wide a
range of territory that the company found itself rapidly nearing
ruin. An injunction was secured, enjoining the American
Federation from blacklisting the company. The labor journals
circumvented this mandate by publishing in display type the
statement that "It is unlawful for the American Federation of
Labor to boycott Buck's Stoves and Ranges," and then in small
type adroitly recited the news of the court's decision in such a
way that the reader would see at a glance that the company was
under union ban. These evasions of the court's order were
interpreted as contempt, and in punishment the officers of the
Federation were sentenced to imprisonment: Frank Morrison for six
months, John Mitchell for nine months, Samuel Gompers for twelve
months. But a technicality intervened between the leaders and the
cells awaiting them. The public throughout the country had
followed the course of this case with mingled feelings of
sympathy and disfavor, and though the boycott had never met with
popular approval, on the whole the public was relieved to learn
that the jail-sentences were not to be served.

The Danbury Hatters' boycott was brought on in 1903 by the
attempt of the Hatters' Union to make a closed shop of a
manufacturing concern in Danbury, Connecticut. The unions moved
upon Danbury, flushed with two recent victories--one in
Philadelphia, where an important hat factory had agreed to the
closed shop after spending some $40,000 in fighting, and another
at Orange, New Jersey, where a manufacturer had spent $25,000.
But as the Danbury concern was determined to fight the union, in
1902 a nationwide boycott was declared. The company then brought
suit against members of the union in the United States District
Court. Injunction proceedings reached the Supreme Court of the
United States on a demurrer, and in February, 1908, the court
declared that the Sherman Anti-Trust Law forbade interstate
boycotts. The case then returned to the original court for trial.
Testimony was taken in many States, and after a trial lasting
twelve weeks the jury assessed the damages to the plaintiff at
$74,000. On account of error, the case was remanded for re-trial
in 1911. At the second trial the jury gave the plaintiff a
verdict for $80,000, the full amount asked. According to the law,
this amount was trebled, leaving the judgment, with costs added,
at $252,000. The Supreme Court having sustained the verdict, the
puzzling question of how to collect it arose. As such funds as
the union had were invulnerable to process, the savings bank
accounts of the individual defendants were attached. The union
insisted that the defendants were not taxable for accrued
interest, and the United States Supreme Court, now appealed to
for a third time, sustained the plaintiff's contention. In this
manner $60,000 were obtained. Foreclosure proceedings were then
begun against one hundred and forty homes belonging to union men
in the towns of Danbury, Norwalk, and Bethel. The union boasted
that this sale would prove only an incubus to the purchasers, for
no one would dare occupy the houses sold under such
circumstances. In the meantime the American Federation, which had
financed the litigation, undertook to raise the needed sum by
voluntary collection and made Gompers's birthday the occasion for
a gift to the Danbury local. The Federation insisted that the
houses be sold on foreclosure and that the collected money be
used not as a prior settlement but as an indemnity to the
individuals thus deprived of their homes. Rancor gave way to
reason, however, and just before the day fixed for the
foreclosure sale the matter was settled. In all, $235,000 was
paid in damages by the union to the company. In the fourteen
years during which this contest was waged, about forty
defendants, one of the plaintiffs, and eight judges who had
passed on the controversy, died. The outcome served as a spur to
the Federation in hastening through Congress the Clayton bill of
1914, designed to place labor unions beyond the reach of the
anti-trust laws.

The union label has in more recent years achieved importance as a
weapon in union warfare. This is a mark or device denoting a
union-made article. It might be termed a sort of labor union
trademark. Union men are admonished to favor the goods so marked,
but it was not until national organizations were highly perfected
that the label could become of much practical value. It is a
device of American invention and was first used by the cigar
makers in 1874. In 1880 their national body adopted the now
familiar blue label and, with great skill and perseverance and at
a considerable outlay of money, has pushed its union-made ware,
in the face of sweat-shop competition, of the introduction of
cigar making machinery, and of fraudulent imitation. Gradually
other unions making products of common consumption adopted
labels. Conspicuous among these were the garment makers, the hat
makers, the shoe makers, and the brewery workers. As the value of
the label manifestly depends upon the trade it entices, the
unions are careful to emphasize the sanitary conditions and good
workmanship which a label represents.

The application of the label is being rapidly extended. Building
materials are now in many large cities under label domination. In
Chicago the bricklayers have for over fifteen years been able to
force the builders to use only union-label brick, and the
carpenters have forced the contractors to use only material from
union mills. There is practically no limit to this form of
mandatory boycott. The barbers, retail clerks, hotel employees,
and butcher workmen hang union cards in their places of
employment or wear badges as insignia of union loyalty. As these
labels do not come under the protection of the United States
trademark laws, the unions have not infrequently been forced to
bring suits against counterfeiters.

Finally, in their efforts to fortify themselves against undue
increase in the rate of production or "speeding up," against the
inrush of new machinery, and against the debilitating alternation
of rush work and no work, the unions have attempted to restrict
the output. The United States Industrial Commission reported in
1901 that "there has always been a strong tendency among labor
organizations to discourage exertion beyond a certain limit. The
tendency does not express itself in formal rules. On the
contrary, it appears chiefly in the silent, or at least informal
pressure of working class opinion." Some unions have rules,
others a distinct understanding, on the subject of a normal day's
work, and some discourage piecework. But it is difficult to
determine how far this policy has been carried in application.
Carroll D. Wright, in a special report as United States
Commissioner of Labor in 1904, said that "unions in some cases
fix a limit to the amount of work a workman may perform a day.
Usually it is a secret understanding, but sometimes, when the
union is strong, no concealment is made." His report mentioned
several trades, including the building trades, in which this
curtailment is prevalent.

The course of this industrial warfare between the unions and the
employers has been replete with sordid details of selfishness,
corruption, hatred, suspicion, and malice. In every community the
strike or the boycott has been an ominous visitant, leaving in
its trail a social bitterness which even time finds it difficult
to efface. In the great cities and the factory towns, the
constant repetition of labor struggles has created centers of
perennial discontent which are sources of never-ending reprisals.
In spite of individual injustice, however, one can discern in the
larger movements a current setting towards a collective justice
and a communal ideal which society in self-defense is imposing
upon the combatants.



CHAPTER IX. THE NEW TERRORISM: THE I.W.W.

It was not to be expected that the field of organized labor would
be left undisputed to the moderation of the trade union after its
triumph over the extreme methods of the Knights of Labor. The
public, however, did not anticipate the revolutionary ideal which
again sought to inflame industrial unionism. After the decadence
of the older type of the industrial union several conditions
manifested themselves which now, in retrospect, appear to have
encouraged the violent militants who call themselves the
Industrial Workers of the World.

First of all, there took place in Europe the rise of syndicalism
with its adoption of sympathetic strikes as one of its methods.
Syndicalism flourished especially in France, where from its
inception the alert French mind had shaped for it a philosophy of
violence, whose subtlest exponent was Georges Sorel. "The
Socialist Future of Trade Unions," which he published in 1897,
was an early exposition of his views, but his "Reflections upon
Violence" in 1908 is the best known of his contributions to this
newer doctrine. With true Gallic fervor, the French workingman
had sought to translate his philosophy into action, and in 1906
undertook, with the aid of a revolutionary organization known as
the "Confederation General du Travail," a series of strikes which
culminated in the railroad and post office strike of 1909. All
these uprisings--for they were in reality more than strikes--were
characterized by extreme language, by violent action, and by
impressive public demonstrations. In Italy, Spain, Norway, and
Belgium, the syndicalists were also active. Their partiality to
violent methods attracted general attention in Europe and
appealed to that small group of American labor leaders whose
experience in the Western Federation of Miners had taught them
the value of dynamite as a press agent.

In the meantime material was being gathered for a new outbreak in
the United States. The casual laborers had greatly increased in
numbers, especially in the West. These migratory workingmen--the
"hobo miners," the "hobo lumberjacks," the "blanket stiffs," of
colloquial speech--wander about the country in search of work.
They rarely have ties of family and seldom ties of locality.
About one-half of these wanderers are American born. They are to
be described with precision as "floaters." Their range of
operations includes the wheat regions west of the Mississippi,
the iron mines of Michigan and Minnesota, the mines and forests
of Idaho, Montana, Colorado, Washington, and Oregon, and the
fields of California and Arizona. They prefer to winter in the
cities, but, as their only refuge is the bunk lodging house, they
increase the social problem in New York, Chicago, San Francisco,
and other centers of the unemployed. Many of these migrants never
were skilled workers; but a considerable portion of them have
been forced down into the ranks of the unskilled by the
inevitable tragedies of prolonged unemployment. Such men lend a
willing ear to the labor agitator. The exact number in this
wandering class is not known. The railroad companies have
estimated that at a given time there have been 500,000 hobos
trying to beat their way from place to place. Unquestionably a
large percentage of the 23,964 trespassers killed and of the
25,236 injured on railway rights of way from 1901 to 1904
belonged to this class.

It is not alone these drifters, however, who because of their
irresponsibility and their hostility toward society became easy
victims to the industrial organizer. The great mass of unskilled
workers in the factory towns proved quite as tempting to the
propagandist. Among laborers of this class, wages are the lowest
and living conditions the most uninviting. Moreover, this group
forms the industrial reservoir which receives the settlings of
the most recent European and Asiatic immigration. These people
have a standard of living and conceptions of political and
individual freedom which are at variance with American
traditions. Though their employment is steadier than that of the
migratory laborer, and though they often have ties of family and
other stabilizing responsibilities, their lives are subject to
periods of unemployment, and these fluctuations serve to feed
their innate restlessness. They are, in quite the literal sense
of the word, American proletarians. They are more volatile than
any European proletarian, for they have learned the lesson of
migration, and they retain the socialistic and anarchistic
philosophy of their European fellow-workers.

There were several attempts to organize casual labor after the
decline of the Knights of Labor. But it is difficult to arouse
any sustained interest in industrial organizations among
workingmen of this class. They lack the motive of members of a
trade union, and the migratory character of such workers deprives
their organization of stability. One industrial organization,
however, has been of the greatest encouragement to the I.W.W. The
Western Federation of Miners, which was organized at Butte,
Montana, on May 15, 1893, has enjoyed a more turbulent history
than any other American labor union. It was conceived in that
spirit of rough resistance which local unions of miners, for some
years before the amalgamation of the unions, had opposed to the
ruthless and firm determination of the mine owners. In 1897, the
president of the miners, after quoting the words of the
Constitution of the United States giving citizens the right to
bear arms, said: "This you should comply with immediately. Every
union should have a rifle club. I strongly advise you to provide
every member with the latest improved rifle which can be obtained
from the factory at a nominal price. I entreat you to take action
on this important question, so that in two years we can hear the
inspiring music of the martial tread of 25,000 armed men in the
ranks of labor."

This militant vision was fortunately never quite fulfilled. But
armed strikers there were, by the thousands, and the gruesome
details of their fight with mine owners in Colorado are set forth
in a special report of the United States Commissioner of Labor in
1905. The use of dynamite became early associated with this
warfare in Colorado. In 1903 a fatal explosion occurred in the
Vindicator mine, and Telluride, the county seat, was proclaimed
to be in a state of insurrection and rebellion. In 1904 a cage
lifting miners from the shaft in the Independence mine at Victor
was dropped and fifteen men were killed. There were many minor
outrages, isolated murders, "white cap" raids, infernal machines,
deportations, black lists, and so on. In Montana and Idaho
similar scenes were enacted and reached a climax in the murder of
Governor Steunenberg of Idaho. Yet the union officers indicted
for this murder were released by the trial jury.

Such was the preparatory school of the new unionism, which had
its inception in several informal conferences held in Chicago.
The first, attended by only six radical leaders, met in the
autumn of 1904. The second, held in January, 1905, issued a
manifesto attacking the trade unions, calling for a "new
departure" in the labor movement, and inviting those who desired
to join in organizing such a movement to "meet in convention in
Chicago the 27th day of June, 1905." About two hundred persons
responded to this appeal and organized the Industrial Workers of
the World, almost unnoticed by the press of the day and scorned
by the American Federation of Labor, whose official organ had
called those in attendance at the second conference "engaged in
the delectable work of trying to divert, pervert, and disrupt the
labor movement of the country."

An overwhelming influence in this convention was wielded by the
Western Federation of Miners and the Socialistic American Labor
Union, two radical labor bodies which looked upon the trade
unions as "union snobbery" and the "aristocracy of labor," and
upon the American Federation as "the consummate flower of craft
unionism" and "a combination of job trusts." They believed trade
unionism wrong in principle. They discarded the principle of
trade autonomy for the principle of laboring class solidarity,
for, as one of their spokesmen said, "The industrial union, in
contradistinction to the craft union, is that organization
through which all its members in one industry, or in all
industries if necessary, can act as a unit." While this
convention was united in denouncing the trade unions, it was not
so unanimous in other matters, for the leaders were all veterans
in those factional quarrels which characterize Socialists the
world over. Eugene V. Debs, for example, was the hero of the
Knights of Labor and had achieved wide notoriety during the
Pullman strike by being imprisoned for contempt of court. William
D. Haywood, popularly known as "Big Bill," received a rigorous
training in the Western Federation of Miners. Daniel DeLeon,
whose right name, the American Federationist alleged, was Daniel
Loeb, was a university graduate and a vehement revolutionary, the
leader of the Socialistic Labor party, and the editor of the
Daily People. A. M. Simons, the leader of the Socialist party and
the editor of the Coming Nation, was at swords' points with
DeLeon. William E. Trautmann was the fluent spokesman of the
anti-political faction. These men dominated the convention.

After some twelve days of discussion, they agreed upon a
constitution which established six departments,* provided for a
general executive board with centralized powers, and at the same
time left to the local and department organizations complete
industrial autonomy. The I.W.W. in "the first constitution, crude
and provisional as it was, made room for all the world's
workers."** This was, indeed, the great object of the
organization.

* 1. Agriculture, Land, Fisheries, and Water Products. 2. Mining.
3. Transportation and Communication. 4. Manufacturing and General
Production. 5. Construction. 6. Public Service.

** J. G. Brissenden, "The Launching of the Industrial Workers of
the World," page 41.


Whatever visions of world conquest the militants may at first
have fostered were soon shattered by internal strife. There were
unreconcilable elements in the body: those who regarded the
political aspect as paramount and industrial unions as allies of
socialism; those who regarded the forming of unions as paramount
and politics as secondary; and those who regarded all forms of
political activity as mere waste of energy. The first two groups
were tucked under the wings of the Socialist party and the
Socialist Labor party. The third group was frankly anarchistic
and revolutionary. In the fourth annual convention the Socialist
factions withdrew, established headquarters at Detroit, organized
what is called the Detroit branch, and left the Chicago field to
the revolutionists. So socialism "pure and simple," and what
amounts to anarchism "pure and simple," fell out, after they had
both agreed to disdain trade unionism "pure and simple."

This shift proved the great opportunity for Haywood and his
disciples. Feeling himself now free of all political
encumbrances, he gathered around him a small group of
enthusiastic leaders, some of whom had a gift of diabolical
intrigue, and with indomitable perseverance and zeal he set
himself to seeking out the neglected, unskilled, and casual
laborer. Within a few years he so dominated the movement that, in
the public mind, the I.W.W. is associated with the Chicago branch
and the Detroit faction is well-nigh forgotten.

As a preliminary to a survey of some of the battles that made the
I.W.W. a symbol of terror in many communities it will be well to
glance for a moment at the underlying doctrines of the
organization. In a preamble now notorious it declared that "the
working class and the employing class have nothing in common.
There can be no peace so long as hunger and want are found among
millions of working people, and the few who make up the employing
class have all the good things of life. Between these two classes
a struggle must go on until the workers of the world as a class
take possession of the earth and the machinery of production and
abolish the wage system."

This thesis is a declaration of war as well as a declaration of
principles. The I.W.W. aims at nothing less than the complete
overthrow of modern capitalism and the political structure which
accompanies it. Emma Goldman, who prides herself on having
received her knowledge of syndicalism "from actual contact" and
not from books, says that "syndicalism repudiates and condemns
the present industrial arrangement as unjust and criminal."
Edward Hamond calls the labor contract "the sacred cow" of
industrial idolatry and says that the aim of the I.W.W. is "the
abolition of the wage system." And W. E. Trautmann affirms that
"the industrial unionist holds that there can be no agreement
with the employers of labor which the workers have to consider
sacred and inviolable." In place of what they consider an unjust
and universal capitalistic order they would establish a new
society in which "the unions of the workers will own and manage
all industries, regulate consumption, and administer the general
social interests."

How is this contemplated revolution to be achieved? By the
working classes themselves and not through political activity,
for "one of the first principles of the I.W.W. is that political
power rests on economic power . . . . It must gain control of the
shops, ships, railways, mines, mills." And how is it to gain this
all-embracing control? By persuading every worker to join the
union, the "one great organization" which, according to Haywood,
is to be "big enough to take in the black man, the white man; big
enough to take in all nationalities-an organization that will be
strong enough to obliterate state boundaries; to obliterate
national boundaries . . . . We, the I.W.W., stand on our two
feet, the class struggle and industrial unionism, and coolly say
we want the whole earth." When the great union has become
universal, it will simply take possession of its own, will "lock
the employers out for good as owners and parasites, and give them
a chance to become useful toilers." The resistance that will
assuredly be made to this process of absorption is to be met by
direct action, the general strike, and sabotage--a trinity of
phrases imported from Europe, each one of special significance.

"The general strike means a stoppage of work," says Emma Goldman
with naive brevity. It was thought of long before the I.W.W.
existed, but it has become the most valuable weapon in their
arsenal. Their pamphlets contain many allusions to the great
strikes in Belgium, Russia, Italy, France, Scandinavia, and other
European countries, that were so widespread as to merit being
called general. If all the workers can be induced to stop work,
even for a very brief interval, such action would be regarded as
the greatest possible manifestation of the "collective power of
the producers."

Direct action, a term translated directly from the French, is
more difficult to define. This method sets itself in opposition
to the methods of the capitalist in retaining control of
industry, which is spoken of as indirect action. Laws, machinery,
credits, courts, and constabulary are indirect methods whereby
the capitalist keeps possession of his property. The
industrialist matches this with a direct method. For example, he
engages in a passive strike, obeying rules so literally as to
destroy both their utility and his work; or in an opportune
strike, ceasing work suddenly when he knows his employer has
orders that must be immediately filled; or in a temporary strike,
quitting work one day and coming back the next. His weapon is
organized opportunism, wielding an unexpected blow, and keeping
the employer in a frenzy of fearful anticipation.

Finally, sabotage is a word that expresses the whole philosophy
and practice of revolutionary labor. John Spargo, in his
"Syndicalism, Industrial Unionism and Socialism," traces the
origin of the word to the dockers' union in London. Attempt after
attempt had proved futile to win by strikes "the demands of these
unskilled workers. The men were quite at the end of their
resources, when finally they hit upon the plan of "lying down on
the job" or "soldiering." As a catchword they adopted the Scotch
phrase ca'canny, to go slow or be careful not to do too much. As
an example they pointed to the Chinese coolies who met a refusal
of increased wages by cutting off a few inches from their shovels
on the principle of "small pay, small work." He then goes on to
say that "the idea was very easily extended. From the slowing up
of the human worker to the slowing up of the iron worker, the
machine, was an easy transition. Judiciously planned "accidents"
might easily create confusion for which no one could be blamed. A
few "mistakes" in handling cargoes might easily cost the
employers far more than a small increase in wages would. Some
French syndicalists, visiting London, were greatly impressed with
this new cunning. But as they had no ready translation for the
Scottish ca'canny, they ingeniously abstracted the same idea from
the old French saying "Travailler a coups de sabots"--to work as
if one had on wooden shoes--and sabotage thus became a new and
expressive phrase in the labor war.

Armed with these weapons, Haywood and his henchmen moved forward.
Not long after the first convention in 1905, they made their
presence known at Goldfield, Nevada. Then they struck
simultaneously at Youngstown, Ohio, and Portland, Oregon. The
first battle, however, to attract general notice was at McKees
Rocks, Pennsylvania, in 1909. In this warfare between the
recently organized unskilled workers and the efficient state
constabulary, the I.W.W. sent notice "that for every striker
killed or injured by the cossacks, the life of a cossack will be
exacted in return." And they collected their gruesome toll.

In 1912 occurred the historic strike in the mill town of
Lawrence, Massachusetts. This affair was so adroitly managed by
the organizers of the Workers that within a few weeks every
newspaper of importance in America was publishing long
descriptions of the new anarchism. Magazine writers,
self-appointed reformers, delegations representing various
organizations, three committees of the state legislature, the
Governor's personal emissary, the United States Attorney, the
United States Commissioner of Labor, and a congressional
committee devoted their time to numerous investigations, thereby
giving immense satisfaction to those obscure agitators who were
lifted suddenly into the glare of universal notoriety, to the
disgust of the town thus dragged into unenviable publicity, and
to the discomfiture of the employers.

The legislature of Massachusetts had reduced the hours of work of
women and children from fifty-six to fifty-four hours a week.
Without making adequate announcement, the employers withheld two
hours' pay from the weekly stipend. A large portion of the
workers were foreigners, representing eighteen different
nationalities, most of them with a wholly inadequate knowledge of
English, and all of an inflammable temperament. When they found
their pay short, a group marched through the mills, inciting
others to join them, and the strike was on. The American
Federation of Labor had paid little attention to these workers.
There were some trade unions in the mills, but most of the
workers were unorganized except for the fact that the I.W.W. had,
about eight months before, gathered several hundred into an
industrial union. Yet it does not appear that this union started
the strike. It was a case of spontaneous combustion. No sooner
had it begun, however, than Joseph J. Ettor, an I.W.W. organizer,
hastened to take charge, and succeeded so well that within a few
weeks he claimed 7000 members in his union. Ettor proved a
crafty, resourceful general, quick in action, magnetic in
personality, a linguist who could command his polyglot mob. He
was also a successful press agent who exploited fully the
unpalatable drinking water provided by the companies, the
inadequate sewerage, the unpaved streets, and the practical
destitution of many of the workers. The strikers made an attempt
to send children to other towns so that they might be better
cared for. After several groups had thus been taken away, the
city of Lawrence interfered, claiming that many children had been
sent without their parents' consent. On the 24th of February,
when a group of forty children and their mothers gathered at the
railway station to take a train for Philadelphia, the police
after due warning refused to let them depart. It was then that
the Federal Government was called upon to take action. The strike
committee telegraphed Congress: "Twenty-five thousand striking
textile workers and citizens of Lawrence protest against the
hideous brutality with which the police handled the women and
children of Lawrence this morning. Carrying out the illegal and
original orders of the city marshal to prevent free citizens from
sending their children out of the city, striking men were knocked
down, women and mothers who were trying to protect their children
from the onslaught of the police were attacked and clubbed." So
widespread was the opinion that unnecessary brutality had taken
place that petitions for an investigation poured in upon Congress
from many States and numerous organizations.

The whole country was watching the situation. The hearings held
by a congressional committee emphasized the stupidity of the
employers in arbitrarily curtailing the wage, the inadequacy of
the town government in handling the situation, and the cupidity
of the I.W.W. leaders in taking advantage of the fears, the
ignorance, the inflammability of the workers, and in creating a
"terrorism which impregnated the whole city for days." Lawrence
became a symbol. It stood for the American factory town; for
municipal indifference and social neglect, for heterogeneity in
population, for the tinder pile awaiting the incendiary match.

At Little Falls, New York, a strike occurred in the textile mills
in October, 1912, as a result of a reduction of wages due to a
fifty-four hour law. No organization was responsible for the
strike, but no sooner had the operatives walked out than here
also the I.W.W. appeared. The leaders ordered every striker to do
something which would involve arrest in order to choke the local
jail and the courts. The state authorities investigating the
situation reported that "all of those on strike were foreigners
and few, if any, could speak or understand the English language,
complete control of the strike being in the hands of the I.W.W."

In February, 1913, about 15,000 employees in the rubber works at
Akron, Ohio, struck. The introduction of machinery into the
manufacture of automobile tires caused a reduction in the
piecework rate in certain shops. One of the companies posted a
notice on the 10th of February that this reduction would take
effect immediately. No time was given for conference, and it was
this sudden arbitrary act which precipitated all the discontent
lurking for a long time in the background; and the employees
walked out. The legislative investigating committee reported
"there was practically no organization existing among the rubber
employees when the strike began. A small local of the Industrial
Workers of the World comprised of between fifteen and fifty
members had been formed . . . . Simultaneously with the beginning
of the strike, organizers of the I.W.W. appeared on the ground
inviting and urging the striking employees to unite with their
organization." Many of these testified before the public
authorities that they had not joined because they believed in the
preachings of the organization but because "they hoped through
collective action to increase their wages and improve their
conditions of employment." The tactics of the strike leaders soon
alienated the public, which had at first been inclined towards
the strikers, and acts of violence led to the organization of a
vigilance committee of one thousand citizens which warned the
leaders to leave town.

In February, 1913, some 25,000 workers in the silk mills of
Paterson, New Jersey, struck, and here again the I.W.W. repeated
its maneuvers. Sympathetic meetings took place in New York and
other cities. Daily "experience meetings" were held in Paterson
and all sorts of devices were invented to maintain the fervor of
the strikers. The leaders threatened to make Paterson a "howling
wilderness," an "industrial graveyard," and "to wipe it off the
map." This threat naturally arrayed the citizens against the
strikers, over one thousand of whom were lodged in jail before
the outbreak was over. Among the five ringleaders arrested and
held for the grand jury were Elizabeth Gurley Flynn and Patrick
Quinlan, whose trials attracted wide attention. Elizabeth Flynn,
an appealing young widow scarcely over twenty-one, testified that
she had begun her work as an organizer at the age of sixteen,
that she had not incited strikers to violence but had only
advised them to picket and to keep their hands in their pockets,
"so that detectives could not put stones in them as they had done
in other strikes." The jury disagreed and she was discharged.
Quinlan, an unusually attractive young man, also a professional
I.W.W. agitator, was found guilty of inciting to violence and was
sentenced to a long term of imprisonment. After serving nine
months he was freed because of a monster petition signed by some
20,000 sympathetic persons all over the United States. Clergymen,
philanthropists, and prominent public men, were among the
signers, as well as the jurors who convicted and the sheriff who
locked up the defendant.

These cases served to fix further public attention upon the
nature of the new movement and the sort of revivalists its
evangel of violence was producing. Employers steadfastly refused
to deal with the I.W.W., although they repeatedly asserted they
were willing to negotiate with their employees themselves. After
three months of strike and turmoil the mayor of Paterson had
said: "The fight which Paterson is making is the fight of the
nation. Their agitation has no other object in view but to
establish a reign of terror throughout the United States." A
large number of thoughtful people all over the land were
beginning to share this view.

In New York City a new sort of agitation was devised in the
winter of 1913-14 under the captaincy of a young man who quite
suddenly found himself widely advertised. Frank Tannenbaum
organized an "army of the unemployed," commandeered Rutgers
Square as a rendezvous, Fifth Avenue as a parade ground, and
churches and parish houses as forts and commissaries. Several of
the churches were voluntarily opened to them, but other churches
they attempted to enter by storm. In March, 1914, Tannenbaum led
several score into the church of St. Alphonsus while mass was
being celebrated. Many arrests followed this bold attempt to
emulate the French Revolutionists. Though sympathizers raised
$7500 bail for the ringleader, Tannenbaum loyally refused to
accept it as long as any of his "army" remained in jail. Squads
of his men entered restaurants, ate their fill, refused to pay,
and then found their way to the workhouse. So for several months
a handful of unemployed, some of them professional unemployed,
held the headlines of the metropolitan papers, rallied to their
defense sentimental social sympathizers, and succeeded in calling
the attention of the public to a serious industrial condition.

At Granite City, Illinois, another instance of unrest occurred
when several thousand laborers in the steel mills, mostly
Roumanians and Bulgarians, demanded an increase in wages. When
the whistle blew on the appointed morning, they gathered at the
gates, refused to enter, and continued to shout "Two dollars a
day!" Though the manager feared violence and posted guards, no
violence was offered. Suddenly at the end of two hours the men
quietly resumed their work, and the management believed the
trouble was over. But for several successive mornings this
maneuver was repeated. Strike breakers were then sent for. For a
week, however, the work went forward as usual. The order for
strike breakers was countermanded. Then came a continued
repetition of the early morning strikes until the company gave
way.

Nor were the subtler methods of sabotage forgotten in these
demonstrations. From many places came reports of emery dust in
the gearings of expensive machines. Men boasted of powdered soap
emptied into water tanks that fed boilers, of kerosene applied to
belting, of railroad switches that had been tampered with. With
these and many similar examples before them, the public became
convinced that the mere arresting of a few leaders was futile. A
mass meeting at Ipswich, Massachusetts, in 1913, declared, as its
principle of action, "We have got to meet force with force," and
then threatened to run the entire local I.W.W. group out of town.
In many towns vigilance committees acted as eyes, ears, and hands
for the community. When the community refused to remain neutral,
the contest assumed a different aspect and easily became a feud
between a small group of militants and the general public. In the
West this contest assumed its most aggressive form. At Spokane,
in 1910, the jail was soon filled, and sixty prisoners went on a
hunger strike which cost several lives. In the lumber mills of
Aberdeen, South Dakota, explosions and riots occurred. In
Hoquiam, Washington, a twelve-foot stockade surmounted by barbed
wire entanglements failed to protect the mills from the assaults
of strikers. At Gray's Harbor, Washington, a citizens' committee
cut the electric light wires to darken the meeting place of the
I.W.W. and then used axe handles and wagon spokes to drive the
members out of town. At Everett, Washington, a strike in the
shingle mills led to the expulsion of the I.W.W. The leaders then
called for volunteers to invade Everett, and several hundred
members sailed from Seattle. They were met at the dock, however,
by a large committee of citizens and were informed by the sheriff
that they would not be allowed to land. After some parley, the
invaders opened fire, and in the course of the shooting that
followed the sheriff was seriously wounded, five persons were
killed, and many were injured. The boat and its small invading
army then returned to Seattle without making a landing at
Everett.

The I.W.W. found an excuse for their riotous action in the
refusal of communities to permit them to speak in the streets and
public places. This, they claimed, was an invasion of their
constitutional right of free speech. The experience of San Diego
serves as an example of their "free speech" campaigns. In 1910,
I.W.W. agitators began to hold public meetings in the streets, in
the course of which their language increased in ferocity until
the indignation of the community was aroused. An ordinance was
then passed by the city council prohibiting street speaking
within the congested portions of the city, but allowing street
meetings in other parts of the city if a permit from the police
department were first obtained. There was, however, no law
requiring the issue of such a permit, and none was granted to the
agitators. This restriction of their liberties greatly incensed
the agitators, who at once raised the cry of "free speech" and
began to hold meetings in defiance of the ordinance. The jail was
soon glutted with these apostles of riotous speaking. In order to
delay the dispatch of the court's overcrowded calendar, every one
demanded a jury trial. The mayor of the town then received a
telegram from the general secretary of the organization which
disclosed their tactics: "This fight will be continued until free
speech is established in San Diego if it takes twenty thousand
members and twenty years to do so." The national membership of
the I.W.W. had been drafted as an invading army, to be a constant
irritation to the city until it surrendered. The police asserted
that "there are bodies of men leaving all parts of the country
for San Diego" for the purpose of defying the city authorities
and overwhelming its municipal machinery. A committee of
vigilantes armed with "revolvers, knives, night-sticks, black
jacks, and black snakes," supported by the local press and
commercial bodies, undertook to run the unwelcome guests out of
town. That this was not done gently is clearly disclosed by
subsequent official evidence. Culprits were loaded into auto
trucks at night, taken to the county line, made to kiss the flag,
sing the national anthem, run the gauntlet between rows of
vigilantes provided with cudgels and, after thus proving their
patriotism under duress, were told never to return.

"There is an unwritten law," one of the local papers at this time
remarked, "that permits a citizen to avenge his outraged honor.
There is an unwritten law that permits a community to defend
itself by any means in its power, lawful or unlawful, against any
evil which the operation of the written law is inadequate to
oppose or must oppose by slow, tedious, and unnecessarily
expensive proceeding." So this municipal homeopathy of curing
lawlessness with lawlessness received public sanction.

With the declaration of war against Germany in April, 1917,
hostility to the I.W.W. on the part of the American public was
intensified. The members of the organization opposed war. Their
leaflet "War and the Workers," bore this legend:

GENERAL SHERMAN SAID
    "WAR IS HELL"
  DON'T GO TO HELL
IN ORDER TO GIVE A BUNCH OF
      PIRATICAL
        PLUTOCRATIC
          PARASITES
A BIGGER SLICE OF HEAVEN.

Soon rumors abounded that German money was being used to aid the
I.W.W. in their plots. In Oklahoma, Texas, Illinois, Kansas, and
other States, members of the organization were arrested for
failure to comply with the draft law. The governors of Oregon,
Washington, Montana, Idaho, and Nevada met to plan laws for
suppressing the I.W.W. Similar legislation was urged upon
Congress. Senator Thomas, in a report to the Senate, accused the
I.W.W. of cooperating with German agents in the copper mines and
harvest fields of the West by inciting the laborers to strikes
and to the destruction of food and material. Popular opinion in
the West inclined to the view of Senator Poindexter of Washington
when he said that "most of the I.W.W. leaders are outlaws or
ought to be made outlaws because of their official utterances,
inflammatory literature and acts of violence." Indeed, scores of
communities in 1917 took matters into their own hands. Over a
thousand I.W.W. strikers in the copper mines of Bisbee, Arizona,
were loaded into freight cars and shipped over the state line. In
Billings, Montana, one leader was horsewhipped, and two others
were hanged until they were unconscious. In Tulsa, Oklahoma, a
group of seventeen members were taken from policemen, thoroughly
flogged, tarred, feathered, and driven out of town by vigilantes.

The Federal Government, after an extended inquiry through the
secret service, raided the Detroit headquarters of the I.W.W.,
where a plot to tie up lake traffic was brewing. The Chicago
offices were raided some time later; over one hundred and sixty
leaders of the organization from all parts of the country were
indicted as a result of the examination of the wagon-load of
papers and documents seized. As a result, 166 indictments were
returned. Of these 99 defendants were found guilty by the trial
jury, 16 were dismissed during the trial, and 51 were dismissed
before the trial. In Cleveland, Buffalo, and other lake ports
similar disclosures were made, and everywhere the organization
fell under popular and official suspicion.

In many other portions of the country members of the I.W.W. were
tried for conspiracy under the Federal espionage act. In January,
1919, a trial jury in Sacramento found 46 defendants guilty. The
offense in the majority of these cases consisted in opposing
military service rather than in overt acts against the
Government. But in May and June, 1919, the country was startled
by a series of bomb outrages aimed at the United States
Attorney-General, certain Federal district judges, and other
leading public personages, which were evidently the result of
centralized planning and were executed by members of the I.W.W.,
aided very considerably by foreign Bolshevists.

In spite of its spectacular warfare and its monopoly of newspaper
headlines, the I.W.W. has never been numerically strong. The
first convention claimed a membership of 60,000. All told, the
organization has issued over 200,000 cards since its inception,
but this total never constituted its membership at any given
time, for no more fluctuating group ever existed. When the I.W.W.
fosters a strike of considerable proportions, the membership
rapidly swells, only to shrink again when the strike is over.
This temporary membership consists mostly of foreign workmen who
are recent immigrants. What may be termed the permanent
membership is difficult to estimate. In 1913 there were about
14,000 members. In 1917 the membership was estimated at 75,000.
Though this is probably a maximum rather than an average,
nevertheless the members are mostly young men whose revolutionary
ardor counterbalances their want in numbers. It is, moreover, an
organization that has a wide penumbra. It readily attracts the
discontented, the unemployed, the man without a horizon. In an
instant it can lay a fire and put an entire police force on the
qui vive.

The organization has always been in financial straits. The source
of its power is to be sought elsewhere. Financially bankrupt and
numerically unstable, the I.W.W. relies upon the brazen cupidity
of its stratagems and the habitual timorousness of society for
its power. It is this self-seeking disregard of constituted
authority that has given a handful of bold and crafty leaders
such prominence in the recent literature of fear. And the members
of this industrial Ku Klux Klan, these American Bolsheviki,
assume to be the "conscious minority" which is to lead the ranks
of labor into the Canaan of industrial bliss.



CHAPTER X. LABOR AND POLITICS

In a democracy it is possible for organized labor to extend its
influence far beyond the confines of a mere trade policy. It can
move the political mechanism directly in proportion to its
capacity to enlist public opinion. It is not surprising,
therefore, to find that labor is eager to take part in politics
or that labor parties were early organized. They were, however,
doomed to failure, for no workingman's party can succeed, except
in isolated localities, without the cooperation of other social
and political forces. Standing alone as a political entity, labor
has met only rebuff and defeat at the hands of the American
voter.

The earlier attempts at direct political action were local. In
Philadelphia a workingman's party was organized in 1828 as a
result of the disappointment of the Mechanics' Union at its
failure to achieve its ambitions by strikes. At a public meeting
it was resolved to support only such candidates for the
legislature and city council as would pledge themselves to the
interests of "the working classes." The city was organized, and a
delegate convention was called which nominated a ticket of thirty
candidates for city and county offices. But nineteen of these
nominees were also on the Jackson ticket, and ten on the Adams
ticket; and both of these parties used the legend "Working Man's
Ticket," professing to favor a shorter working day. The isolated
labor candidates received only from 229 to 539 votes, while the
Jackson party vote ranged from 3800 to 7000 and the Adams party
vote from 2500 to 3800. So that labor's first excursion into
politics revealed the eagerness of the older parties to win the
labor vote, and the futility of relying on a separate
organization, except for propaganda purposes.

Preparatory to their next campaign, the workingmen organized
political clubs in all the wards of Philadelphia. In 1829 they
nominated thirty-two candidates for local offices, of whom nine
received the endorsement of the Federalists and three that of the
Democrats. The workingmen fared better in this election, polling
nearly 2000 votes in the county and electing sixteen candidates.
So encouraged were they by this success that they attempted to
nominate a state ticket, but the dominant parties were too
strong. In 1831 the workingmen's candidates, who were not
endorsed by the older parties, received less than 400 votes in
Philadelphia. After this year the party vanished.

New York also early had an illuminating experience in labor
politics. In 1829 the workingmen of the city launched a political
venture under the immediate leadership of an agitator by the name
of Thomas Skidmore. Skidmore set forth his social panacea in a
book whose elongated title betrays his secret: "The Rights of Man
to Property! Being a Proposition to Make it Equal among the
Adults of the Present Generation; and to Provide for its Equal
Transmission to Every Individual of Each Succeeding Generation,
on Arriving at the Age of Maturity." The party manifesto began
with the startling declaration that "all human society, our own
as well as every other, is constructed radically wrong." The new
party proposed to right this defect by an equal distribution of
the land and by an elaborate system of public education.
Associated with Skidmore were Robert Dale Owen and Frances Wright
of the "Free Enquirer," a paper advocating all sorts of extreme
social and economic doctrines. It was not strange, therefore,
that the new party was at once connected, in the public mind,
with all the erratic vagaries of these Apostles of Change. It was
called the "Fanny Wright ticket" and the "Infidel Ticket." Every
one forgot that it aimed to be the workingman's ticket. The
movement, however, was supported by "The Working Man's Advocate,"
a new journal that soon reached a wide influence.

There now appeared an eccentric Quaker, Russell Comstock by name,
to center public attention still more upon the new party. As a
candidate for the legislature, he professed an alarmingly
advanced position, for he believed that the State ought to
establish free schools where handicrafts and morals, but not
religion, should be taught; that husband and wife should be
equals before the law; that a mechanics' lien and bankruptcy law
should be passed; and that by wise graduations all laws for the
collection of debts should be repealed. At a meeting held at the
City Hall, for the further elucidation of his "pure
Republicanism," he was greeted by a great throng but was arrested
for disturbing the peace. He received less than one hundred and
fifty votes, but his words went far to excite, on the one hand,
the interest of the laboring classes in reform, and, on the other
hand, the determination of the conservative classes to defeat "a
ticket got up openly and avowedly," as one newspaper said, "in
opposition to all banks, in opposition to social order, in
opposition to rights of property."

Elections at this time lasted three days. On the first day there
was genuine alarm at the large vote cast for "the Infidels."
Thoughtful citizens were importuned to go to the polls, and on
the second and third days they responded in sufficient numbers to
compass the defeat of the entire ticket, excepting only one
candidate for the legislature.

The Workingman's party contained too many zealots to hold
together. After the election of 1829 a meeting was called to
revise the party platform. The more conservative element
prevailed and omitted the agrarian portions of the platform.
Skidmore, who was present, attempted to protest, but his voice
was drowned by the clamor of the audience. He then started a
party of his own, which he called the Original Workingman's party
but which became known as the Agrarian party. The majority
endeavored to rectify their position in the community by an
address to the people. "We take this opportunity," they said, "to
aver, whatever may be said to the contrary by ignorant or
designing individuals or biased presses, that we have no desire
or intention of disturbing the rights of property in individuals
or the public." In the meantime Robert Dale Owen and Fanny Wright
organized a party of their own, endorsing an extreme form of
state paternalism over children. This State Guardianship Plan, as
it was called, aimed to "regenerate America in a generation" and
to "make but one class out of the many that now envy and despise
each other."

There were, then, three workingmen's parties in New York, none of
which, however, succeeded in gaining an influential position in
state politics. After 1830 all these parties disappeared, but not
without leaving a legacy of valuable experience. "The Working
Man's Advocate" discovered political wisdom when it confessed
that "whether these measures are carried by the formation of a
new party, by the reform of an old one, or by the abolishment of
party altogether, is of comparative unimportance."

In New England, the workingmen's political endeavors were joined
with those of the farmers under the agency of the New England
Association of Farmers, Mechanics, and Workingmen. This
organization was initiated in 1830 by the workingmen of
Woodstock, Vermont, and their journal, the "Working Man's
Gazette," became a medium of agitation which affected all the New
England manufacturing towns as well as many farming communities.
"Woodstock meetings," as they were called, were held everywhere
and aroused both workingmen and farmers to form a new political
party. "The Springfield Republican" summarized the demands of the
new party thus:

"The avowed objects generally seem to be to abolish imprisonment
for debt, the abolishment of litigation, and in lieu thereof the
settlement of disputes by reference to neighbors; to establish
some more equal and universal system of public education; to
diminish the salaries and extravagance of public officers; to
support no men for offices of public trust, but farmers,
mechanics, and what the party call "working men"; and to elevate
the character of this class by mental instruction and mental
improvement . . . . Much is said against the wealth and
aristocracy of the land, their influence, and the undue influence
of lawyers and other professional men . . . . The most of these
objects appear very well on paper and we believe they are already
sustained by the good sense of the people . . . . What is most
ridiculous about this party is, that in many places where the
greatest noise is made about it, the most indolent and most
worthless persons, men of no trade or useful occupation have
taken the lead. We cannot of course answer for the character for
industry of many places where this party is agitated: but we
believe the great body of our own community, embracing every
class and profession, may justly be called workingmen: nor do we
believe enough can be found who are not such, to make even a
decent party of drones."

In the early thirties many towns and cities in Massachusetts,
Vermont, Maine, Connecticut, and Rhode Island elected
workingmen's candidates to local offices, usually with the help
of small tradespeople. In 1833 and 1834 the workingmen of
Massachusetts put a state ticket in the field which polled about
2000 votes, and in Boston a workingman's party was organized, but
it did not gather much momentum and soon disappeared.

These local and desultory attempts at forming a separate labor
party failed as partisan movements. The labor leader proved an
inefficient amateur when matched against the shrewd and
experienced party manipulator; nor was there a sufficient class
homogeneity to keep the labor vote together; and, even if it had
so been united, there were not enough labor votes to make a
majority. So the labor candidate had to rely on the good will of
other classes in order to win his election. And this support was
not forthcoming. Americans have, thus far, always looked with
suspicion upon a party that represented primarily the interests
of only one class. This tendency shows a healthy instinct founded
upon the fundamental conception of society as a great unity whose
life and progress depend upon the freedom of all its diverse
parts.

It is not necessary to assume, as some observers have done, that
these petty political excursions wrecked the labor movement of
that day. It was perfectly natural that the laborer, when he
awoke to the possibilities of organization and found himself
possessed of unlimited political rights, should seek a speedy
salvation in the ballot box. He took, by impulse, the partisan
shortcut and soon found himself lost in the slough of party
intrigue. On the other hand, it should not be concluded that
these intermittent attempts to form labor parties were without
political significance. The politician is usually blind to every
need except the need of his party; and the one permanent need of
his party is votes. A demand backed by reason will usually find
him inert; a demand backed by votes galvanizes him into nervous
attention. When, therefore, it was apparent that there was a
labor vote, even though a small one, the demands of this vote
were not to be ignored, especially in States where the parties
were well balanced and the scale was tipped by a few hundred
votes. Within a few decades after the political movement began,
many States had passed lien laws, had taken active measures to
establish efficient free schools, had abolished imprisonment for
debt, had legislative inquiry into factory conditions, and had
recognized the ten-hour day. These had been the leading demands
of organized labor, and they had been brought home to the public
conscience, in part at least, by the influence of the
workingmen's votes.

It was not until after the Civil War that labor achieved
sufficient national homogeneity to attempt seriously the
formation of a national party. In the light of later events it is
interesting to sketch briefly the development of the political
power of the workingman. The National Labor Union at its congress
of 1866 resolved "that, so far as political action is concerned,
each locality should be governed by its own policy, whether to
run an independent ticket of workingmen, or to use political
parties already existing, but at all events to cast no vote
except for men pledged to the interests of labor." The issue then
seemed clear enough. But six years later the Labor Reform party
struck out on an independent course and held its first and only
national convention. Seventeen States were represented.* The
Labor party, however, had yet to learn how hardly won are
independence and unity in any political organization. Rumors of
pernicious  intermeddling by the Democratic and Republican
politicians were afloat, and it was charged that the Pennsylvania
delegates had come on passes issued by the president of the
Pennsylvania Railroad. Judge David Davis of Illinois, then a
member of the United States Supreme Court, was nominated for
President and Governor Joel Parker of New Jersey for
Vice-President. Both declined, however, and Charles O'Conor of
New York, the candidate of "the Straight-Out Democrats," was
named for President, but no nomination was made for
Vice-President. Considering the subsequent phenomenal growth of
the labor vote, it is worth noting in passing that O'Conor
received only 29,489 votes and that these embraced both the labor
and the so-called "straight" Democratic strength.

* It is interesting to note that in this first National Labor
Party Convention a motion favoring government ownership and the
referendum was voted down.


For some years the political labor movement lost its independent
character and was absorbed by the Greenback party which offered
a meeting-ground for discontented farmers and restless
workingmen. In 1876 the party nominated for President the
venerable Peter Cooper,  who received about eighty thousand
votes--most of them  probably cast by farmers. During this time
the leaders of the labor movement were serving a political
apprenticeship and were learning the value of cooperation. On
February 22, 1878, a conference held at Toledo, Ohio, including
eight hundred delegates from twenty-eight States, perfected an
alliance between the Labor Reform and Greenback parties and
invited all "patriotic citizens to unite in an effort to secure
financial reform and industrial emancipation." Financial reform
meant the adoption of the well-known greenback free silver
policy. Industrial emancipation involved the enactment of an
eight-hour law; the inspection of workshops, factories, and
mines; the regulation of interstate commerce; a graduated
federal income tax; the prohibition of the importation of alien
contract labor; the forfeiture of the unused portion of the
princely land grants to railroads; and the direct participation
of the people in government. These fundamental issues were
included in the demands of subsequent labor and populist
parties, and some of them were bequeathed to the Progressive
party of a later date. The convention was thus a forerunner of
genuine reform, for its demands were based upon industrial needs.
For the moment it made a wide popular appeal. In the state
elections of 1878 about a million votes were polled by the party
candidates. The bulk of these were farmers' votes cast in the
Middle and Far West, though in the East, Massachusetts,
Pennsylvania, New York, Maine, and New Jersey cast a considerable
vote for the party.

With high expectations the new party entered the campaign of
1880. It had over a dozen members in Congress, active
organizations in nearly every State, and ten thousand local
clubs. General James B. Weaver, the presidential nominee of the
party, was the first candidate to make extensive campaign
journeys into distant sections of the country. His energetic
canvass netted him only 308,578 votes, most of which came from
the West. The party was distinctly a farmers' party. In 1884, it
nominated the lurid Ben Butler who had been, according to report,
"ejected from the Democratic party and booted out of the
Republican." His demagogic appeals, however, brought him not much
more than half as many votes as the party received at the
preceding election, and helped to end the political career of the
Greenbackers.

With the power of the farmers on the wane, the balance began to
shift. There now followed a number of attempts to organize labor
in the Union Labor party, the United Labor party, the Progressive
Labor party, the American Reform party, and the Tax Reformers.
There were still numerous farmers' organizations such as the
Farmers' Alliance, the Anti-Monopolists, the Homesteaders, and
others, but they were no longer the dominant force. Under the
stimulus of the labor unions, delegates representing the Knights
of Labor, the Grangers, the Anti-Monopolists, and other farmers'
organizations, met in Cincinnati on February 22, 1887, and
organized the National Union Labor party.* The following May the
party held its only nominating convention. Alson J. Streeter of
Illinois was named for President and Samuel Evans of Texas for
Vice-President. The platform of the party was based upon the
prevalent economic and political discontent. Farmers were
overmortgaged, laborers were underpaid, and the poor were growing
poorer, while the rich were daily growing richer. "The paramount
issues," the new party declared, "are the abolition of usury,
monopoly, and trusts, and we denounce the Republican and
Democratic parties for creating and perpetuating these monstrous
evils."

* McKee, "National Conventions and Platforms," p. 251.


In the meantime Henry George, whose "Progress and Poverty" had
made a profound impression upon public thought, had become in
1886 a candidate for mayor of New York City, and polled the
phenomenal total of 68,110 votes, while Theodore Roosevelt, the
Republican candidate, received 60,485, and Abram S. Hewitt, the
successful Democratic candidate, polled 90,552. The evidence of
popular support which attended Henry George's brief political
career was the prelude to a national effort which culminated in
the formation of the United Labor party. Its platform was similar
to that of the Union party, except that the single tax now made
its appearance. This method contemplated the "taxation of land
according to its value and not according to its area, to devote
to common use and benefit those values which arise, not from the
exertion of the individual, but from the growth of society," and
the abolition of all taxes on industry and its products. But it
was apparent from the similarity of their platforms and the
geographical distribution of their candidates that the two labor
parties were competing for the same vote. At a conference held in
Chicago to effect a union, however, the Union Labor party
insisted on the complete effacement of the other ticket and the
single taxers refused to submit. In the election which followed,
the Union Labor party received about 147,000 votes, largely from
the South and West and evidently the old Greenback vote, while
the United party polled almost no votes outside of Illinois and
New York. Neither party survived the result of this election.

In December, 1889, committees representing the Knights of Labor
and the Farmers' Alliance met in St. Louis to come to some
agreement on political policies. Owing to the single tax
predilection of the Knights, the two organizations were unable to
enter into a close union, but they nevertheless did agree that
"the legislative committees of both organizations [would] act in
concert before Congress for the purpose of securing the enactment
of laws in harmony with their demands." This cooperation was a
forerunner of the People's party or, as it was commonly called,
the Populist party, the largest third party that had taken the
field since the Civil War. Throughout the West and the South
political conditions now were feverish. Old party majorities were
overturned, and a new type of Congressman invaded Washington.
When the first national convention of the People's party met in
Omaha on July 2, 1892, the outlook was bright. General Weaver was
nominated for President and James G. Field of Virginia for
Vice-President. The platform rehabilitated Greenbackism in cogent
phrases, demanded government control of railroads and telegraph
and telephone systems, the reclamation of land held by
corporations, an income tax, the free coinage of silver and gold
"at the present legal ratio of sixteen to one," and postal
savings banks. In a series of resolutions which were not a part
of the platform but were nevertheless "expressive of the
sentiment of this convention," the party declared itself in
sympathy "with the efforts of organized workingmen to shorten the
hours of labor"; it condemned "the fallacy of protecting American
labor under the present system, which opens our ports to the
pauper and criminal classes of the world and crowds out our
wage-earners"; and it opposed the Pinkerton system of
capitalistic espionage as "a menace to our liberties." The party
formally declared itself to be a "union of the labor forces of
the United States," for "the interests of rural and city labor
are the same; their enemies identical."

These national movements prior to 1896 are not, however, an
adequate index of the political strength of labor in partisan
endeavor. Organized labor was more of a power in local and state
elections,  perhaps because in these cases its pressure was more
direct, perhaps because it was unable to cope with the great
national organization of the older parties. During these years of
effort to gain a footing in the Federal Government, there are
numerous examples of the success of the labor party in state
elections. As early as 1872 the labor reformers nominated state
tickets in Pennsylvania and Connecticut. In 1875 they nominated
Wendell Phillips for Governor of Massachusetts. In 1878, in
coalition with the Greenbackers, they elected many state officers
throughout the West. Ten years later, when the Union Labor party
was at its height, labor candidates were successful in several
municipalities. In 1888 labor tickets were nominated in many
Western States, including Colorado, Indiana, Kansas, Minnesota,
Michigan, Missouri, Nebraska, Ohio, and Wisconsin. Of these
Kansas cast the largest labor vote, with nearly 36,000, and
Missouri came next with 15,400. In the East, however, the showing
of the party in state elections was far less impressive.

In California the political labor movement achieved a singular
prominence. In 1877 the labor situation in San Francisco became
acute because of the prevalence of unemployment. Grumblings of
dissatisfaction soon gave way to parades and informal meetings at
which imported Chinese labor and the rich "nobs," the supposed
dual cause of all the trouble, were denounced in lurid language.
The agitation, however, was formless until the necessary leader
appeared in Dennis Kearney, a native of Cork County, Ireland. For
fourteen years he had been a sailor, had risen rapidly to first
officer of a clipper ship, and then had settled in San Francisco
as a drayman. He was temperate and industrious in his personal
life, and possessed a clear eye, a penetrating voice, the
vocabulary of one versed in the crude socialistic pamphlets of
his day, and, in spite of certain domineering habits bred in the
sailor, the winning graces of his nationality.

Kearney appeared at meetings on the vacant lots known as the
"sand lots," in front of the City Hall of San Francisco, and
advised the discontented ones to "wrest the government from the
hands of the rich and place it in those of the people." On
September 12, 1877, he rallied a group of unemployed around him
and organized the Workingman's Trade and Labor Union of San
Francisco. On the 5th of October, at a great public meeting, the
Workingman's party of California was formed and Kearney was
elected president. The platform adopted by the party proposed to
place the government in the hands of the people, to get rid of
the Chinese, to destroy the money power, to "provide decently for
the poor and unfortunate, the weak and the helpless," and "to
elect none but competent workingmen and their friends to any
office whatever . . . . When we have 10,000 members we shall have
the sympathy and support of 20,000 other workingmen. This party,"
concluded the pronouncement, "will exhaust all peaceable means of
attaining its ends, but it will not be denied justice, when it
has the power to enforce it. It will encourage no riot or
outrage, but it will not volunteer to repress or put down or
arrest or prosecute the hungry and impatient, who manifest their
hatred of the Chinamen by a crusade against 'John,' or those who
employ him. Let those who raise the storm by their selfishness,
suppress it themselves. If they dare raise the devil, let them
meet him face to face. We will not help them." In advocating
these views, Kearney held meeting after meeting each rhetorically
more violent than the last, until on the 3d of November he was
arrested. This martyrdom in the cause of labor increased his
power, and when he was released he was drawn by his followers in
triumph through the streets on one of his own drays. His language
became more and more extreme. He bludgeoned the "thieving
politicians" and the "bloodsucking capitalists," and he advocated
"judicious hanging" and "discretionary shooting." The City
Council passed an ordinance intended to gag him; the legislature
enacted an extremely harsh riot act; a body of volunteers
patrolled the streets of the city; a committee of safety was
organized. On January 5, 1878, Kearney and a number of associates
were indicted, arrested, and released on bail. When the trial
jury acquitted Kearney, what may be called the terrorism of the
movement attained its height, but it fortunately spent itself in
violent adjectives.

The Workingman's party, however, elected a workingman mayor of
San Francisco, joined forces with the Grangers, and elected a
majority of the members of the state constitutional convention
which met in Sacramento on September 28, 1878. This was a notable
triumph for a third party. The framing of a new constitution gave
this coalition of farmers and workingmen an unusual opportunity
to assail the evils which they declared infested the State. The
instrument which they drafted bound the state legislature with
numerous restrictions and made lobbying a felony; it reorganized
the courts, placed innumerable limitations upon corporations,
forbade the loaning of the credit or property of the State to
corporations, and placed a state commission in charge of the
railroads, which had been perniciously active in state politics.
Alas for these visions of reform! A few years after the adoption
of this new constitution by California, Hubert H. Bancroft wrote:

"Those objects which it particularly aimed at, it failed to
achieve. The effect upon corporations disappointed its authors
and supporters. Many of them were strong enough still to defy
state power and evade state laws, in protecting their interests,
and this they did without scruple. The relation of capital and
labor is even more strained than before the constitution was
adopted. Capital soon recovered from a temporary
intimidation...Labor still 
uneasy was still subject to the inexorable law of
supply and demand. Legislatures were still to be approached by
agents...Chinese were still employed in digging and
grading. The state board of railroad Commissioners was a useless
expense, ...being as wax in the hands of the companies it was
set to watch."*

* "Works" (vol. XXIV): "History of California," vol. VII, p. 404.


After the collapse of the Populist party, there is to be
discerned in labor politics a new departure, due primarily to the
attitude of the American Federation of Labor in partisan matters,
and secondarily to the rise of political socialism. A socialistic
party deriving its support almost wholly from foreign-born
workmen had appeared in a few of the large cities in 1877, but it
was not until 1892 that a national party was organized, and not
until after the collapse of Populism that it assumed some
political importance.

In August, 1892, a Socialist-Labor convention which was held in
New York City nominated candidates for President and
Vice-President and adopted a platform that contained, besides the
familiar economic demands of socialism, the rather unusual
suggestion that the Presidency, Vice-Presidency, and Senate of
the United States be abolished and that an executive board be
established "whose members are to be elected, and may at any time
be recalled, by the House of Representatives, as the only
legislative body, the States and municipalities to adopt
corresponding amendments to their constitutions and statutes."
Under the title of the Socialist-Labor party, this ticket polled
21,532 votes in 1892, and in 1896, 36,373 votes.

In 1897 the inevitable split occurred in the Socialist ranks.
Eugene V. Debs, the radical labor leader, who, as president of
the American Railway Union, had directed the Pullman strike and
had become a martyr to the radical cause through his imprisonment
for violating the orders of a Federal Court, organized the
Social Democratic party. In 1900 Debs was nominated for
President, and Job Harriman, representing the older wing, for
Vice-President. The ticket polled 94,864 votes. The
Socialist-Labor party nominated a ticket of their own which
received only 33,432 votes. Eventually this party shrank to a
mere remnant, while the Social Democratic party became generally
known as the Socialist party. Debs became their candidate in
three successive elections. In 1904 and 1908 his vote hovered
around 400,000. In 1910 congressional and local elections spurred
the Socialists to hope for a million votes in 1912 but they fell
somewhat short of this mark. Debs received 901,873 votes, the
largest number which a Socialist candidate has ever yet received.
Benson, the presidential candidate in 1916, received 590,579
votes.*

* The Socialist vote is stated differently by McKee, "National
Conventions and Platforms." The above figures, to 1912, are taken
from Stanwood's "History of the Presidency," and for 1912 and
1916 from the "World Almanac."


In the meantime, the influence of the Socialist labor vote in
particular localities vastly increased. In 1910 Milwaukee elected
a Socialist mayor by a plurality of seven thousand, sent Victor
Berger to Washington as the first Socialist Congressman, and
elected labor-union members as five of the twelve Socialist
councilmen, thus revealing the sympathy of the working class for
the cause. On January 1, 1912, over three hundred towns and
cities had one or more Socialist officers. The estimated
Socialist vote of these localities was 1,500,000. The 1039
Socialist officers included 56 mayors, 205 aldermen and
councilmen, and 148 school officers. This was not a sectional
vote but represented New England and the far West, the oldest
commonwealths and the newest, the North and the South, and cities
filled with foreign workingmen as well as staid towns controlled
by retired farmers and shopkeepers.

When the United States entered the Great War, the Socialist party
became a reservoir for all the unsavory disloyalties loosened by
the shock of the great conflict. Pacifists and pro-Germans found
a common refuge under its red banner. In the New York mayoralty
elections in 1917 these Socialists cast nearly one-fourth of the
votes, and in the Wisconsin senatorial election in 1918 Victor
Bergen, their standard-bearer, swept Milwaukee, carried seven
counties, and polled over one hundred thousand votes. On the
other hand, a large number of American Socialists, under the
leadership of William English Walling and John Spargo, vigorously
espoused the national cause and subordinated their economic and
political theories to their loyalty.

The Socialists have repeatedly attempted to make official inroads
upon organized labor. They have the sympathy of the I.W.W., the
remnant of the Knights of Labor, and the more radical trades
unions, but from the American Federation of Labor-they have met
only rebuff. A number of state federations, especially in the
Middle West, not a few city centrals, and some sixteen national
unions, have officially approved of the Socialist programme, but
the Federation has consistently refused such an endorsement.

The political tactics assumed by the Federation discountenance a
distinct labor party movement, as long as the old parties are
willing to subserve the ends of the unions. This self-restraint
does not mean that the Federation is not "in politics." On the
contrary, it is constantly vigilant and aggressive and it engages
every year in political maneuvers without, however, having a
partisan organization of its own. At its annual conventions it
has time and again urged local and state branches to scrutinize
the records of legislative candidates and to see that only
friends of union labor receive the union laborer's ballot. In
1897 it "firmly and unequivocally" favored "the independent use
of the ballot by trade unionists and workmen united regardless of
party, that we may elect men from our own ranks to write new laws
and administer them along lines laid down in the legislative
demands of the American Federation of Labor and at the same time
secure an impartial judiciary that will not govern us by
arbitrary injunctions of the courts, nor act as the pliant tool
of corporate wealth." And in 1906 it determined, first, to defeat
all candidates who are either hostile or indifferent to labor's
demands; second, if neither party names such candidates, then to
make independent labor nominations; third, in every instance to
support "the men who have shown themselves to be friendly to
labor."

With great astuteness, perseverance, and alertness, the
Federation has pursued this method to its uttermost
possibilities. In Washington it has met with singular success,
reaching a high-water mark in the first Wilson Administration,
with the passage of the Clayton bill and the eight-hour railroad
bill. After this action, a great New York daily lamented that
"Congress is a subordinate branch of the American Federation of
Labor...The unsleeping watchmen of organized labor know how
intrepid most Congressmen are when threatened with the 'labor
vote.' The American laborites don't have to send men to Congress
as their British brethren do to the House of Commons. From the
galleries they watch the proceedings. They are mighty in
committee rooms. They reason with the recalcitrant. They fight
opponents in their Congress districts. There are no abler or more
potent politicians than the labor leaders out of Congress. Why
should rulers like Mr. Gompers and Mr. Furuseth* go to Congress?
They are a Super-Congress."

* Andrew Furuseth, the president of the Seamen's Union and
reputed author of the Seaman's Act of 1915.


Many Congressmen have felt the retaliatory power of the
Federation. Even such powerful leaders as Congressman Littlefield
of Maine and Speaker Cannon were compelled to exert their utmost
to overcome union opposition. The Federation has been active in
seating union men in Congress. In 1908 there were six union
members in the House; in 1910 there were ten; in 1912 there were
seventeen. The Secretary of Labor himself holds a union card. Nor
has the Federation shrunk from active participation in the
presidential lists. It bitterly opposed President Roosevelt when
he espoused the open shop in the Government Printing Office; and
in 1908 it openly espoused the Democratic ticket.

In thus maintaining a sort of grand partisan neutrality, the
Federation not only holds in numerous instances the balance of
power but it makes party fealty its slave and avoids the costly
luxury of maintaining a separate national organization of its
own. The all-seeing lobby which it maintains at Washington is a
prototype of what one may discern in most state capitals when the
legislature is in session. The legislative programmes adopted by
the various state labor bodies are metamorphosed into demands,
and well organized committees are present to cooperate with the
labor members who sit in the legislature. The unions, through
their steering committee, select with caution the members who are
to introduce the labor bills and watch paternally over every
stage in the progress of a measure.

Most of this legislative output has been strictly protective of
union interests. Labor, like all other interests that aim to use
the power of government, has not been wholly altruistic, in its
motives, especially since in recent years it has found itself
matched against such powerful organizations of employers as the
Manufacturers' Association, the National Erectors' Association,
and the Metal Trades Association. In fact, in nearly every
important industry the employers have organized for defensive and
offensive purposes. These organizations match committee with
committee, lobby with lobby, add espionage to open warfare, and
issue effective literature in behalf of their open shop
propaganda.

The voluminous labor codes of such great manufacturing
communities as Massachusetts, New York, Pennsylvania, and
Illinois, reflect a new and enlarged conception of the modern
State. Labor has generally favored measures that extend the
inquisitional and regulative functions of the State, excepting
where this extension seemed to interfere with the autonomy of
labor itself. Workshops, mines, factories, and other places of
employment are now minutely inspected, and innumerable sanitary
and safety provisions are enforced. A workman's compensation law
removes from the employee's mind his anxiety for the fate of his
family if he should be disabled. The labor contract, long
extolled as the aegis of economic liberty, is no longer free from
state vigilance. The time and method of paying wages are ordered
by the State, and in certain industries the hours of labor are
fixed by law. Women and children are the special proteges of this
new State, and great care is taken that they shall be engaged
only in employment suitable to their strength and under an
environment that will not ruin their health.

The growing social control of the individual is significant, for
it is not only the immediate conditions of labor that have come
under public surveillance. Where and how the workman lives is no
longer a matter of indifference to the public, nor what sort of
schooling his children get, what games they play, and what motion
pictures they see. The city, in cooperation with the State, now
provides nurses, dentists, oculists, and surgeons, as well as
teachers for the children. This local paternalism increases
yearly in its solicitude and receives the eager sanction of the
labor members of city councils. The State has also set up
elaborate machinery for observing all phases of the labor
situation and for gathering statistics and other information that
should be helpful in framing labor laws, and has also established
state employment agencies and boards of conciliation and
arbitration.

This machinery of mediation is significant not because of what it
has already accomplished but as evidence of the realization on
the part of the State that labor disputes are not merely the
concern of the two parties to the labor contract. Society has
finally come to realize that, in the complex of the modern State,
it also is vitally concerned, and, in despair at thousands of
strikes every year, with their wastage and their aftermath of
bitterness, it has attempted to interpose its good offices as
mediator.

The modern labor laws cannot be credited, however, to labor
activity alone. The new social atmosphere has provided a
congenial milieu for this vast extension of state functions. The
philanthropist, the statistician, and the sociologist have become
potent allies of the labor legislator; and such non-labor
organizations, as the American Association for Labor Legislation,
have added their momentum to the movement. New ideals of social
cooperation have been established, and new conceptions of the
responsibilities of private ownership have been evolved.

While labor organizations have succeeded rather readily in
bending the legislative power to their wishes, the military arm
of the executive and the judiciary which ultimately enforce the
command of the State have been beyond their reach. To bend these
branches of the government to its will, organized labor has
fought a persistent and aggressive warfare. Decisions of the
courts which do not sustain union contentions are received with
great disfavor. The open shop decisions of the United States
Supreme Court are characterized as unfair and partisan and are
vigorously opposed in all the labor journals. It is not, however,
until the sanction of public opinion eventually backs the
attitude of the unions that the laws and their interpretation can
conform entirely to the desires of labor.

The chief grievance of organized labor against the courts is
their use of the injunction to prevent boycotts and strikes.
"Government by injunction" is the complaint of the unions and it
is based upon the common, even reckless, use of a writ which was
in origin and intent a high and rarely used prerogative of the
Court of Chancery. What was in early times a powerful weapon in
the hands of the Crown against riotous assemblies and threatened
lawlessness was invoked in 1868 by an English court as a remedy
against industrial disturbances.* Since the Civil War the
American courts in rapidly increasing numbers have used this
weapon, and the Damascus blade of equity has been transformed
into a bludgeon in the hands even of magistrates of inferior
courts.

* Springfield Spinning Company vs. Riley, L.R.6 Eq. 551.


The prime objection which labor urges against this use of the
injunction is that it deprives the defendant of a jury trial when
his liberty is at stake. The unions have always insisted that the
law should be so modified that this right would accompany all
injunctions growing out of labor disputes. Such a denatured
injunction, however, would defeat the purpose of the writ; but
the union leader maintains, on the other hand, that he is placed
unfairly at a disadvantage, when an employer can command for his
own aid in an industrial dispute the swift and sure arm of a law
originally intended for a very different purpose. The
imprisonment of Debs during the Pullman strike for disobeying a
Federal injunction brought the issue vividly before the public;
and the sentencing of Gompers, Mitchell, and Morrison to prison
terms for violating the Buck's Stove injunction produced new
waves of popular protest. Occasional dissenting opinions by
judges and the gradual conviction of lawyers and of society that
some other tribunal than a court of equity or even a court of law
would be more suitable for the settling of labor disputes is
indicative of the change ultimately to be wrought in practice.

The unions are also violently opposed to the use of military
power by the State during strikes. Not only can the militia be
called out to enforce the mandates of the State but whenever
Federal interference is justified the United States troops may be
sent to the scene of turmoil. After the period of great labor
troubles culminating in the Pullman strike, many States
reorganized their militia into national guards. The armories
built for the accommodation of the guard were called by the
unions "plutocracy's bastiles," and the mounted State
constabulary organized in 1906 by Pennsylvania were at once
dubbed "American Cossacks." Several States following the example
of Pennsylvania have encountered the bitterest hostility on the
part of the labor unions. Already opposition to the militia has
proceeded so far that some unions have forbidden their members to
perform militia service when called to do strike duty, and the
military readjustments involved in the Great War have profoundly
affected the relation of the State to organized labor. Following
the signing of the armistice, a movement for the organization of
an American Labor party patterned after the British Labour party
gained rapid momentum, especially in New York and Chicago. A
platform of fourteen points was formulated at a general
conference of the leaders, and provisional organizations were
perfected in a number of cities. What power this latest attempt
to enlist labor in partisan politics will assume is
problematical. It is obviously inspired by European experiences
and promulgated by socialistic propaganda. It has not succeeded
in invading the American Federation of Labor, which did not
formally endorse the movement at its Annual Convention in 1919.
Gompers, in an intimate and moving speech, told a group of labor
leaders gathered in New York on December 9, 1918, that "the
organization of a political party would simply mean the dividing
of the activities and allegiance of the men and women of labor
between two bodies, such as would often come in conflict." Under
present conditions, it would appear that no Labor party could
succeed in the United States without the cooperation of the
American Federation of Labor.

The relation between the American Federation of Labor and the
socialistic and political labor movements, as well as the
monopolistic eagerness of the socialists to absorb these
activities, is clearly indicated in Gompers's narrative of his
experiences as an American labor representative at the London
Conference of 1918. The following paragraphs are significant:

"When the Inter-Allied Labor Conference opened in London, on
September 17th, early in the morning, there were sent over to my
room at the hotel cards which were intended to be the credential
cards for our delegation to sign and hand in as our credentials.
The card read something like this: 'The undersigned is a duly
accredited delegate to the Inter-Allied Socialist Conference to
be held at London,' etc., and giving the dates.

"I refused to sign my name, or permit my name to be put upon any
card of that character. My associates were as indignant as I was
and refused to sign any such credential. We went to the hall
where the conference was to be held. There was a young lady at
the door. When we made an effort to enter she asked for our
cards. We said we had no cards to present. 'Well,' the answer
came, 'you cannot be admitted.' We replied, 'That may be true--we
cannot be admitted--but we will not sign any such card. We have
our credentials written out, signed, and sealed and will present
them to any committee of the conference for scrutiny and
recommendation, but we are not going to sign such a card.'

"Mr. Charles Bowerman, Secretary of the Parliamentary Committee
of the British Trade Union Congress, at that moment emerged from
the door. He asked why we had not entered. I told him the
situation, and he persuaded the young lady to permit us to pass
in. We entered the hall and presented our credentials. Mr. James
Sexton, officer and representative of the Docker's Union of
Liverpool, arose and called the attention of the Conference to
this situation, and declared that the American Federation of
Labor delegates refused to sign any such document. He said it was
not an Inter-Allied Socialist Conference, but an Inter-Allied
Socialist and Labor Conference.

"Mr. Arthur Henderson, of the Labor Party, made an explanation
something to this effect, if my memory serves me: 'It is really
regrettable that such an error should have been made. It was due
to the fact that the old card of credentials which has been used
in former conferences was sent to the printer, no one paying any
attention to it, thinking it was all right.'

"I want to call your attention to the significance of that
explanation, that is, that the trade union movement of Great
Britain was represented at these former conferences, but at this
conference the importance of Labor was regarded as so
insignificant that everybody took it for granted that it was
perfectly all right to have the credential card read
'Inter-Allied Socialist Conference' and with the omission of this
more important term, 'Labor.'"*

* "American Federationist," January, 1919, pp. 40-41.


As one looks back upon the history of the workingman, one finds
something impressive, even majestic, in the rise of the fourth
estate from a humble place to one of power in this democratic
nation. In this rise of fortune the laborer's union has
unquestionably been a moving force, perhaps even the leading
cause. At least this homogeneous mass of workingmen, guided by
self-developed leadership, has aroused society to safeguard more
carefully the individual needs of all its parts. Labor has
awakened the state to a sense of responsibility for its great
sins of neglect and has made it conscious of its social duties.
Labor, like other elements of society, has often been selfish,
narrow, vindictive; but it has also shown itself earnest and
constructive. The conservative trades union, at the hour of this
writing, stands as a bulwark between that amorphous, inefficient,
irresponsible Socialism which has made Russia a lurid warning and
Prussia a word of scorn, and that rational social ideal which is
founded upon the conviction that society is ultimately an organic
spiritual unity, the blending of a thousand diverse interests
whose justly combined labors and harmonized talents create
civilization and develop culture.



BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE

While there is a vast amount of writing on the labor problem,
there are very few works on the history of labor organizations in
the United States. The main reliance for the earlier period, in
the foregoing pages, has been the "Documentary History of
American Industrial Society", edited by John R. Commons, 10 vols.
(1910). The "History of Labour in the United States," 2 vols.
(1918), which he published with associates, is the most
convenient and complete compilation that has yet appeared and
contains a large mass of historical material on the labor
question.

The following works are devoted to discussions of various phases
of the history of American labor and industry:

T. S. Adams and Helen L. Sumner, "Labor Problems" (1905).
Contains several refreshing chapters on labor organizations.

F. T. Carlton, "The History and Problem of Organized Labor"
(1911). A succinct discussion of union problems.

R. T. Ely, "The Labor Movement in America" (1886). Though one of
the earliest American works on the subject, it remains
indispensable.

G. G. Groat, "An Introduction to the Study of Organized Labor in
America" (1916). A useful and up-to-date compendium. R. F. Hosie,
"Trade Unionism in the United States" (1917). A suggestive study
of the philosophy of unionism.

J. R. Commons (Ed.), "Trade Unionism and Labor Problems" (1905).

J. H. Hollander and G. E. Barnett (Eds.), "Studies in American
Trade Unionism" (1905). These two volumes are collections of
contemporary studies of many phases of organized labor by
numerous scholars. They are not historical.

The "Report of the Industrial Commission," vol. XVII (1901)
provides the most complete analysis of trade union policies and
also contains valuable historical summaries of many unions.

G. E. McNeill (Ed.), "The Labor Movement: the Problem of Today"
(1899.). This collection contains historical sketches of the
organizations of the greater labor groups and of the development
of the more important issues espoused by them. For many years it
was the most comprehensive historical work on American unionism,
and it remains a necessary source of information to the student
of trades union history.

J. G. Brissenden, "The Launching of the Industrial Workers of the
World" (1913). An account of the origin of the I.W.W.

J. G. Brooks, "American Syndicalism: the I.W.W." (1913).

John Mitchell, "Organized Labor" (1903). A suggestive exposition
of the principles of Unionism by a distinguished labor leader. It
contains only a limited amount of historical matter.

T. V. Powderly, "Thirty Years of Labor" (1889.) A history of the
Knights of Labor from a personal viewpoint.

E. L. Bogart, "The Economic History of the United States" (rev.
ed., 1918). A concise and clear account of our economic
development.

R. T. Ely, "Evolution of Industrial Society" (1903).

Carroll D. Wright, "The Industrial Evolution of the United
States" (1895).

G. S. Callender, "Selections from the Economic History of the
United States" (1909). A collection of readings. The brief
introductory essays to each chapter give a succinct account of
American industrial development to 1860.




End of the Project Gutenberg etext of The Armies of Labor.


End of The Project Gutenberg Etext of The Armies of Labor
by Samuel P. Orth


Colophon

This file was acquired from Project Gutenberg, and it is in the public domain. It is re-distributed here as a part of the Alex Catalogue of Electronic Texts (http://infomotions.com/alex/) by Eric Lease Morgan (Infomotions, Inc.) for the purpose of freely sharing, distributing, and making available works of great literature. Its Infomotions unique identifier is etext3038, and it should be available from the following URL:

http://infomotions.com/etexts/id/etext3038



Infomotions, Inc.

Infomotions Man says, "Give back to the 'Net."