Infomotions, Inc.The History of England in Three Volumes, Vol.II. From William and Mary to George II. / Smollett, Tobias George, 1721-1771

Author: Smollett, Tobias George, 1721-1771
Title: The History of England in Three Volumes, Vol.II. From William and Mary to George II.
Publisher: Project Gutenberg
Tag(s): parliament; duke; troops; majesty; earl; treaty; great britain; king; britain; ministry; army; prince
Contributor(s): ├žois Pierre Guillaume, 1787-1874 [Translator]
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The Project Gutenberg EBook of The History of England in Three Volumes,
Vol.II., by Tobias Smollett

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Title: The History of England in Three Volumes, Vol.II.
       From William and Mary to George II.

Author: Tobias Smollett

Release Date: September 8, 2006 [EBook #19217]

Language: English

Character set encoding: ASCII


Produced by David Widger


Volume II.



London: James S. Virtue, City Road and Ivy Lane
New York: 26 John Street

In Three Volumes:

VOLUME ONE: The History Of England From The Invasion Of Julius Caesar To
The End Of The Reign Of James The Second............ By David Hume, Esq.

VOLUME TWO: Continued from the Reign of William and Mary to the Death of
George II........................................... by Tobias Smollett.

VOLUME THREE: From the Accession of George III. to the Twenty-Third Year
of the Reign of Queen Victoria............... by E. Farr and E.H. Nolan.






[Illustration: 2-frontis-marlborough.jpg FRONTISPIECE: MARLEBOROUGH]

[Illustration: titlepage11.jpg  TITLEPAGE: EXECUTION OF DUDLEY]


[Illustration: map5.jpg MAP OF INDIA]

[Illustration: map6.jpg MAP OF UNITED STATES]

[Illustration: map7.jpg MAP OF SCOTLAND]

[Illustration: map8.jpg MAP OF THE BALTIC]



     _State of the Nation immediately after the Revolution.....
     Account of the new Ministry..... The Convention converted
     into a Parliament..... Mutiny in the Army..... The
     Coronation, and abolition of Hearth-money..... The Commons
     vote a Sum of Money to indemnify the Dutch..... William's
     Efforts in Favour of the Dissenters..... Act for a
     Toleration..... Violent disputes about the Bill for a
     Comprehension..... The Commons address the King to summon a
     Convocation of the Clergy..... Settlement of the
     Revenue..... The King takes Umbrage at the Proceedings of
     the Whig-party..... Heats and Animosities about the Bill of
     Indemnity recommended by the King..... Birth of the Duke of
     Gloucester..... Affairs of the Continent..... War declared
     against France..... Proceedings in the Convention of
     Scotland, of which the Duke of Hamilton is chosen
     President..... Letters to the Convention from King William
     and King James..... They recognise the authority of King
     William..... They vote the Crown vacant, and pass an Act of
     settlement in favour of William and Mary..... They appoint
     Commissioners to make a Tender of the Crown to William, who
     receives it on the conditions they propose..... Enumeration
     of their Grievances..... The Convention is declared a
     Parliament, and the Duke of Hamilton King's
     Commissioner..... Prelacy abolished in that Kingdom..... The
     Scots dissatisfied with the King's Conduct..... Violent
     disputes in the Scotch Parliament..... which is
     adjourned..... A Remonstrance presented to the King--The
     Castle of Edinburgh besieged and taken-The Troops of King
     William defeated at Killycrankie..... King James cordially
     received by the French King..... Tyrconnel temporizes with
     King William..... James arrives in Ireland..... Issues five
     Proclamations at Dublin..... Siege of Londonderry..... The
     Inhabitants defend themselves with surprising Courage and
     Perseverance..... Cruelty of Rosene, the French General.....
     The Place is relieved by Kirke..... The Inniskilliners
     defeat and take General Maccarty..... Meeting of the Irish
     Parliament..... They repeal the Act of Settlement..... Pass
     an Act of Attainder against Absentees..... James coins base
     Money..... The Protestants of Ireland cruelly oppressed.....
     Their Churches are seized by the Catholics, and they are
     forbid to assemble on pain of Death..... Admiral Herbert
     worsted by the French Fleet in an Engagement near Ban-try-
     bay..... Divers Sentences and Attainders reversed in
     Parliament..... Inquiry into the Cause of Miscarriages in
     Ireland..... Bills passed in this Session of Parliament._



The constitution of England had now assumed a new aspect. The maxim
of hereditary indefeisible right was at length renounced by a free
parliament. The power of the crown was acknowledged to flow from no
other fountain than that of a contract with the people. Allegiance and
protection were declared reciprocal ties depending upon each other. The
representatives of the nation made a regular claim of rights in
behalf of their constituents; and William III. ascended the throne in
consequence of an express capitulation with the people. Yet, on this
occasion, the zeal of the parliament towards their deliverer seems to
have overshot their attachment to their own liberty and privileges: or
at least they neglected the fairest opportunity that ever occurred, to
retrench those prerogatives of the crown to which they imputed all the
late and former calamities of the kingdom. Their new monarch retained
the old regal power over parliaments in its full extent. He was left
at liberty to convoke, adjourn, prorogue, and dissolve them at
his pleasure. He was enabled to influence elections, and oppress
corporations. He possessed the right of choosing his own council; of
nominating all the great officers of the state, and of the household, of
the army, the navy, and the church. He reserved the absolute command
of the militia: so that lie remained master of all the instruments and
engines of corruption and violence, without any other restraint than his
own moderation, and prudent regard to the claim of rights, and principle
of resistance on which the revolution was founded. In a word, the
settlement was finished with some precipitation, before the plan had
been properly digested and matured; and this will be the case in every
establishment formed upon a sudden emergency in the face of opposition.
It was observed, that the king, who was made by the people, had it in
his power to rule without them; to govern _jure divino_ though he was
created _jure humano_: and that, though the change proceeded from a
republican spirit, the settlement was built upon tory maxims; for
the execution of his government continued still independent of his
commission, while his own person remained sacred and inviolable. The
prince of Orange had been invited to England by a coalition of parties,
united by a common sense of danger; but this tie was no sooner broken
than they flew asunder and each resumed its original bias. Their mutual
jealousy and rancour revived, and was heated by dispute into intemperate
zeal and enthusiasm. Those who at first acted from principles of
patriotism were insensibly warmed into partizans; and king William
soon found himself at the head of a faction. As he had been bred, a
Calvinist, and always expressed an abhorrence of spiritual persecution,
the presbyter-ians, and other protestant dissenters, considered him as
their peculiar protector, and entered into his interests with the most
zealous fervour and assiduity. For the same reasons the friends of
the church became jealous of his proceedings, and employed all their
influence, first in opposing his elevation to the throne, and afterwards
in thwarting his measures. Their party was espoused by all the friends
of the lineal succession; by the Roman catholics; by those who were
personally attached to the late king; and by such as were disgusted
by the conduct and personal deportment of William since his arrival
in England. They observed, That, contrary to his declaration, he
had plainly aspired to the crown; and treated his father-in-law with
insolence and rigour; that his army contained a number of foreign
papists, almost equal to that of the English Roman catholics whom James
had employed; that the reports so industriously circulated about the
birth of the prince of Wales, the treaty with France for enslaving
England, and the murder of the earl of Essex-reports countenanced by the
prince of Orange-now appeared to be without foundation; that the Dutch
troops remained in London, while the English forces were distributed in
remote quarters; that the prince declared the first should be kept about
his person, and the latter sent to Ireland; that the two houses out of
complaisance to William, had denied their late sovereign the justice of
being heard in his own defence; and that the Dutch had lately interfered
with the trade of London, which was already sensibly diminished. These
were the sources of discontent, swelled up by the resentment of some
noblemen and other individuals, disappointed in their hopes of profit
and preferment.


William began his reign with a proclamation, for confirming all
protestants in the offices which they enjoyed on the first day of
December; then he chose the members of his council, who were generally
staunch to his interest, except the archbishop of Canterbury and the
earl of Nottingham, and these were admitted in complaisance to the
church-party, which it was not thought adviseable to provoke. [001]
_[See note A, at the end of this Vol.]_ Nottingham and Shrewsbury were
appointed secretaries of state; the privy-seal was bestowed upon the
marquis of Halifax; the earl of Danby was created president of
the council. These two noblemen enjoyed a good share of the king's
confidence, and Nottingham was considerable as head of the church-party:
but the chief favourite was Bentinck, first commoner on the list of
privy-counsellors, as well as groom of the stole and privy purse.
D'Averquerque was made master of the horse, Zuylestein of the robes, and
Sehomberg of the ordnance: the treasury, admiralty, and chancery were
put in commission; twelve able judges were chosen;* and the diocese of
Salisbury being vacated by the death of Dr. Ward, the king of his own
free motion filled it with Burnet, who had been a zealous stickler for
his interest; and in a particular manner instrumental in effecting the
revolution. Sancroft, archbishop of Canterbury, refused to consecrate
this ecclesiastic, though the reasons of his refusal are not specified;
but, being afraid of incurring the penalties of a premunire, he granted
a commission to the bishop of London, and three other suffragans, to
perform that ceremony. Burnet was a prelate of some parts, and great
industry; moderate in his notions of church discipline, inquisitive,
meddling, vain, and credulous. In consequence of having incurred the
displeasure of the late king, he had retired to the continent and fixed
his residence in Holland, where he was naturalized, and attached himself
to the interest of the prince of Orange, who consulted him about the
affairs of England. He assisted in drawing up the prince's manifesto,
and wrote some other papers and pamphlets in defence of his design.
He was demanded of the States by the English ambassador as a British
fugitive, outlawed by king James, and excepted in the act of indemnity.
Nevertheless, he came over with William in quality of his chaplain; and,
by his intrigues, contributed in some measure to the success of that
expedition. The principal individuals that composed this ministry have
been characterized in the history of the preceding reigns. We have had
occasion to mention the fine talents, the vivacity, the flexibility of
Halifax; the plausibility, the enterprising genius, the obstinacy of
Danby; the pompous eloquence, the warmth, and ostentation of Nottingham;
the probity and popularity of Shrewsbury. Godolphin, now brought into
the treasury, was modest, silent, sagacious, and upright. Mordaunt,
appointed first commissioner of that board, and afterwards created earl
of Monmouth, was open, generous, and a republican in his principles.
Delamere, chancellor of the exchequer, promoted in the sequel to the
rank of earl of Warrington, was close and mercenary. Obsequiousness,
fidelity, and attachment to his master, composed the character of
Bentinck, whom the king raised to the dignity of earl of Portland. The
English favourite, Sidney, was a man of wit and pleasure, possessed of
the most engaging talents for conversation and private friendship, but
rendered unfit for public business by indolence and inattention. He
was ennobled, and afterwards created earl of Romney; a title which he
enjoyed with several successive posts of profit and importance. The
stream of honour and preferment ran strong in favour of the whigs, and
this appearance of partiality confirmed the suspicion and resentment of
the opposite party.

     * Sir John Holt was appointed lord chief justice of the king's
          bench, and Sir Henry Pollexfen of the common pleas: the
          earl of Devonshire was made lord steward of the
          household, and the earl of Dorset lord

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}


The first resolution taken in the new council was to convert the
convention into a parliament, that the new settlement might be
strengthened by a legal sanction, which was now supposed to be wanting,
as the assembly had not been convoked by the king's writ of summons.
The experiment of a new election was deemed too hazardous; therefore the
council determined that the king should, by virtue of his own authority,
change the convention into a parliament, by going to the house of peers
with the usual state of a sovereign, and pronouncing a speech from the
throne to both houses. This expedient was accordingly practised. [002]
_[See note B, at the end of this Vol.]_ He assured them he should never
take any step that would diminish the good opinion they had conceived
of his integrity. He told them that Holland was in such a situation as
required their immediate attention and assistance; that the posture of
affairs at home likewise demanded their serious consideration; that
a good settlement was necessary, not only for the establishment of
domestic peace, but also for the support of the protestant interest
abroad: that the affairs of Ireland were too critically situated to
admit the least delay in their deliberations; he therefore begged they
would be speedy and effectual in concerting such measures as should
be judged indispensably necessary for the welfare of the nation. The
commons returning to their house, immediately passed a vote of thanks
to his majesty, and made an order that his speech should be taken into
consideration. After the throne had been declared vacant by a small
majority of the peers, those who opposed that measure had gradually
withdrawn themselves from the house, so that very few remained but such
as were devoted to the new monarch. These therefore brought in a bill
for preventing all disputes concerning the present parliament. In the
meantime, Mr. Hambden, in the lower house, put the question, Whether
a king elected by the lords spiritual and temporal, and the commons
assembled at Westminster, | coming to and consulting with the said lords
and commons, did not make as complete a parliament and legislative
power and authority as if the said king should cause new elections to
be made by writ? Many members affirmed that the king's writ was as
necessary as his presence to the being of a legal parliament, and as the
convention was defective in this particular, it could not be vested
with a parliamentary authority by any management whatsoever. The whigs
replied, That the essence of a parliament consisted in the meeting
and co-operation of the king, lords, and commons; and that it was not
material whether they were convoked by writ or by letter: they proved
this assertion by examples deduced from the history of England: they
observed that a new election would be attended with great trouble,
expense, and loss of time; and that such delay might prove fatal to
the protestant interest in Ireland, as well as to the allies on the
continent. In the midst of this debate the bill was brought down from
the lords, and being read, a committee was appointed to make some
amendments. These were no sooner made than the commons sent it back to
the upper house, and it immediately received the royal assent. By this
act the lords and commons assembled at Westminster were declared the two
houses of parliament to all intents and purposes: it likewise ordained,
That the present act, and all other acts to which the royal assent
should be given before the next prorogation, should be understood and
adjudged in law to begin on the thirteenth day of February: that the
members, instead of the old oaths of allegiance and supremacy, should
take the new oath incorporated in this act under the ancient penalty;
and that the present parliament should be dissolved in the usual manner.
Immediately after this transaction a warm debate arose in the house of
commons about the revenue, which the courtiers alleged had devolved with
the crown upon William, at least during the life of James, for which
term the greater part of it had been granted. The members in the
opposition affirmed that these grants were vacated with the throne; and
at length it was voted, That the revenue had expired. Then a motion was
made, That a revenue should be settled on the king and queen; and
the house resolved it should be taken into consideration. While they
deliberated on this affair they received a message from his majesty,
importing that the late king had set sail from Brest with an armament to
invade Ireland. They forthwith resolved to assist his majesty with
their lives and fortunes; they voted a temporary aid of four hundred and
twenty thousand pounds, to be levied by monthly assessments, and both
houses waited on the king to signify this resolution. But this unanimity
did not take place till several lords spiritual as well as temporal had,
rather than take the oaths, absented themselves from parliament. The
nonjuring prelates were Sancroft, archbishop of Canterbury; Turner,
bishop of Ely; Lake, of Chichester; Ken, of Bath and Wells; White, of
Peterborough; Lloyd, of Norwich; Thomas, of Worcester; and Frampton,
of Gloucester. The temporal peers who refused the oath were the duke
of Newcastle; the earls of Clarendon, Litchfield, Exeter, Yarmouth, and
Stafford; the lords Griffin and Stawel. Five of the bishops withdrew
themselves from the house at one time; but before they retired one of
the number moved for a bill of toleration, and another of comprehension,
by which moderate dissenters might be reconciled to the church, and
admitted into ecclesiastical benefices. Such bills were actually
prepared and presented by the earl of Nottingham, who received the
thanks of the house for the pains he had taken. From this period the
party averse to the government of William were distinguished by the
appellation of Nonjurors. They rejected the notion of a king _de facto_,
as well as all other distinctions and limitations; and declared for the
absolute power and divine hereditary indefeisible right of sovereigns.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}


This faction had already begun to practise against the new government.
The king having received some intimation of their designs from
intercepted letters, ordered the earl of Arran, sir Robert Hamilton, and
some other gentlemen of the Scottish nation, to be apprehended and sent
prisoners to the Tower. Then he informed the two houses of the step he
had taken, and even craved their advice with regard to his conduct in
such a delicate affair which had compelled him to trespass upon the
law of England. The lords thanked him for the care he took of their
liberties, and desired he would secure all disturbers of the peace: but
the commons empowered him by a bill to dispense with the _habeas-corpus_
act till the seventeenth day of April next ensuing. This was a stretch
of confidence in the crown which had not been made in favour of the late
king, even while Argyle and Monmouth were in open rebellion. A spirit of
discontent had by this time diffused itself through the army, and become
so formidable to the court, that the king resolved to retain the Dutch
troops in England and send over to Holland in their room such regiments
as were most tinctured with disaffection. Of these the Scottish regiment
of Dumbarton, commanded by mareschal Schomberg, mutinied on its march
to Ipswich, seized the military chest, disarmed the officers who opposed
their design, declared for king James, and with four pieces of cannon
began their march for Scotland. William, being informed of this revolt,
ordered general Ginckel to pursue them with three regiments of
Dutch dragoons, and the mutineers surrendered at discretion. As the
delinquents were natives of Scotland, which had not yet submitted in
form to the new government, the king did not think proper to punish
them as rebels, but ordered them to proceed for Holland according to his
first intention. Though this attempt proved abortive, it made a strong
impression upon the ministry, who were divided among themselves and
wavered in their principles. However, they used this opportunity to
bring in a bill for punishing mutiny and desertion, which in a little
time passed both houses and received the royal assent.


The coronation oath [003] _[See note C, at the end of this Vol.]_ being
altered and explained, that ceremony was performed on the eleventh day
of April, the bishop of London officiating, at the king's desire, in the
room of the metropolitan, who was a malcontent; and next day the commons
in a body waited on the king and queen at Whitehall, with an address of
congratulation. William, with a view to conciliate the affections of his
new subjects, and check the progress of clamour and discontent,
signified in a solemn message to the house of commons, his readiness to
acquiesce in any measure they should think proper to take for a new
regulation or total suppression of the hearth-money, which he understood
was a grievous imposition on his subjects; and this tax was afterwards
abolished. He was gratified with an address of thanks, couched in the
warmest expressions of duty, gratitude, and affection, declaring they
would take such measures in support of his crown, as would convince the
world that he reigned in the hearts of his people.


He had, in his answer to their former address, assured them of his
constant regard to the rights and prosperity of the nation: he had
explained the exhausted state of the Dutch; expatiated upon the zeal of
that republic for the interests of Britain, as well as the maintenance
of the protestant religion; and expressed his hope that the English
parliament would not only repay the sums they had expended in his
expedition, but likewise further support them to the utmost of their
ability against the common enemies of their liberties and religion. He
had observed that a considerable army and fleet would be necessary for
the reduction of Ireland and the protection of Britain, and he desired
they would settle the revenue in such a manner that it might be
collected without difficulty and dispute. The sum total of the money
expended by the states-general in William's expedition amounted to
seven millions of guilders, and the commons granted six hundred thousand
pounds for the discharge of this debt, incurred for the preservation of
their rights and religion. They voted funds for raising and maintaining
an army of two-and-twenty thousand men, as well as for equipping
a numerous fleet: but they provided for no more than half a year's
subsistence of the troops, hoping the reduction of Ireland might
be finished in that term; and this instance of frugality the king
considered as a mark of their diffidence of his administration. The
whigs were resolved to supply him gradually, that he might be the more
dependent upon their zeal and attachment; but he was not at all pleased
with their precaution.


William was naturally biassed to Calvinism, and averse to persecution.
Whatever promises he had made, and whatever sentiments of respect he had
entertained for the church of England, he seemed now in a great measure
alienated from it by the opposition he had met with from its members,
particularly from the bishops who had thwarted his measures. By
absenting themselves from parliament, and refusing the oath, they had
plainly disowned his title and renounced his government. He therefore
resolved to mortify the church, and gratify his own friends at the
same time, by removing the obstacles affixed to nonconformity, that
all protestant dissenters should be rendered capable of enjoying and
exercising civil employments. When he gave his assent to the bill for
suspending the _habeas-corpus_ act, he recommended the establishment of
a new oath in lieu of those of allegiance and supremacy: he expressed
his hope that they would leave room for the admission of all his
protestant subjects who should be found qualified for the service;
he said, such a conjunction would unite them the more firmly among
themselves, and strengthen them against their common adversaries.
In consequence of this hint, a clause was inserted in the bill
for abrogating the old and appointing the new oaths, by which the
sacramental test was declared unnecessary in rendering any person
capable of enjoying any office or employment. It was, however, rejected
by a great majority in the house of lords. Another clause for the
same purpose, though in different terms, was proposed by the king's
direction, and met with the same fate, though in both cases several
noblemen entered a protest against the resolution of the house. These
fruitless efforts in favour of dissenters augmented the prejudice of the
churchmen against king William, who would have willingly compromised
the difference by excusing the clergy from the oaths, provided the
dissenters might be exempted from the sacramental test: but this was
deemed the chief bulwark of the church, and therefore the proposal was
rejected. The church party in the house of lords moved, That instead
of inserting a clause obliging the clergy to take the oaths, the king
should be empowered to tender them; and, in case of their refusal, they
should incur the penalty, because deprivation, or the apprehensions of
it, might make them desperate and excite them to form designs against
the government. This argument had no weight with the commons, who
thought it was indispensably necessary to exact the oaths of the clergy,
as their example influenced the kingdom in general, and the youth of
the nation were formed under their instructions. After a long and
warm debate, all the mitigation that could be obtained was a clause
empowering the king to indulge any twelve clergymen, deprived by virtue
of this act, with a third part of their benefices during pleasure.
Thus the ancient oaths of allegiance and supremacy were abrogated: the
declaration of non-resistance in the act of uniformity was repealed: the
new oath of allegiance was reduced to its primitive simplicity, and the
coronation-oath rendered more explicit. The clergy were enjoined to take
the new oaths before the first day of August, on pain of being suspended
from their office for six months, and of entire deprivation, in case
they should not take them before the expiration of this term. They
generally complied, though with such reservations and distinctions as
were not much for the honour of their sincerity.


The king, though baffled in his design against the sacramental test,
resolved to indulge the dissenters with a toleration; and a bill for
this purpose being prepared by the earl of Nottingham, was, after some
debate, passed into a law, under the title of an act for exempting their
majesties' protestant subjects, dissenting from the church of England,
from the penalties of certain laws. It enacted, That none of the penal
laws should be construed to extend to those dissenters who should take
the oaths to the present government, and subscribe the declaration of
the thirtieth year of the reign of Charles II. provided that they should
hold no private assemblies or conventicles with the doors shut; that
nothing should be construed to exempt them from the payment of tithes or
other parochial duties: that, in case of being chosen into the office
of constable, churchwarden, overseer, &c. and of scrupling to take the
oaths annexed to such offices, they should be allowed to execute the
employment by deputy: that the preachers and teachers in congregations
of dissenting protestants who should take the oaths, subscribe the
declaration, together with all the articles of religion, except
the thirty-fourth and the two succeeding articles, and part of the
twentieth, should be exempted from the penalties decreed against
non-conformists, as well as from serving upon juries, or acting in
parish offices: yet all justices of the peace were empowered to require
such dissenters to subscribe the declaration and take the oaths; and, in
case of refusal, to commit them to prison without bail or mainprize.
The same indulgence was extended to anabaptists, and even to quakers,
on their solemn promise before God to be faithful to the king and queen,
and their assenting by profession and asseveration to those articles
which the others ratified upon oath: they were likewise required to
profess their belief in the Trinity and the Holy Scriptures. Even the
papists felt the benign influence of William's moderation in spiritual
matters: he rejected the proposal of some zealots, who exhorted him to
enact severe laws against popish recusants. Such a measure, he observed,
would alienate all the papists of Europe from the interests of England,
and might produce a new Catholic league which would render the war
a religious quarrel; besides, he would not pretend to screen the
protestants of Germany and Hungary, while he himself should persecute
the Catholics of England. He therefore resolved to treat them with
lenity; and though they were not comprehended in the act, they enjoyed
the benefit of the toleration.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}


We have observed that, in consequence of the motion made by the bishops
when they withdrew from parliament, a bill was brought into the house
of lords for uniting their majesties' protestant subjects. This was
extremely agreeable to the king, who had the scheme of comprehension
very much at heart. In the progress of the bill a warm debate arose
about the posture of kneeling at the sacrament, which was given up
in favour of the dissenters. Another no less violent ensued upon the
subsequent question, "Whether there should be an addition of laity in
the commission to be given by the king to the bishops and others of the
clergy, for preparing such a reformation of ecclesiastical affairs as
might be the means of healing divisions, and correcting whatever might
be erroneous or defective in the constitution." A great number of
the temporal lords insisted warmly on this addition, and when it was
rejected four peers entered a formal protest. Bishop Burnet was a
warm stickler for the exclusion of the laity; and, in all probability,
manifested this warmth in hopes of ingratiating himself with his
brethren, among whom his character was very far from being popular. But
the merit of this sacrifice was destroyed by the arguments he had used
for dispensing with the posture of kneeling at the sacrament; and by his
proposing in another proviso of the bill, that the subscribers, instead
of expressing assent or consent, should only submit with a promise of


The bill was with difficulty passed in the house of lords, but the
commons treated it with neglect. By this time a great number of
malcontent members, who had retired from parliament, were returned with
a view to thwart the administration, though they could not prevent
the settlement. Instead of proceeding with the bill they presented
an address to the king, thanking him for his gracious declaration and
repeated assurances that he would maintain the church of England as by
law established; a church whose doctrine and practice had evinced its
loyalty beyond all contradiction. They likewise humbly besought his
majesty to issue writs for calling a convocation of the clergy, to be
consulted in ecclesiastical matters according to the ancient usage
of parliaments; and they declared they would forthwith take into
consideration proper methods for giving ease to protestant dissenters.
Though the king was displeased at this address, in which the lords also
had concurred, he returned a civil answer by the mouth of the earl
of Nottingham, professing his regard for the church of England, which
should always be his peculiar care, recommending the dissenters to their
protection, and promising to summon a convocation as soon as such a
measure should be convenient. This message produced no effect in favour
of the bill which lay neglected on the table. Those who moved for it
had no other view than that of displaying their moderation: and now they
excited their friends to oppose it with all their interest. Others were
afraid of espousing it lost they should be stigmatized as enemies to the
church; and a great number of the most eminent presbyterians wore
averse to a scheme of comprehension, which diminished their strength and
weakened the importance of the party. Being therefore violently opposed
on one hand, and but faintly supported on the other, no wonder it
miscarried. The king however was so bent upon the execution of his
design, that it was next session revived in another form though with no
better success.


The next object that engrossed the attention of the parliament was the
settlement of a revenue for the support of the government. Hitherto
there had been no distinction of what was allotted for the king's
use, and what was assigned for the service of the public; so that the
sovereign was entirely master of the whole supply. As the revenue in the
late reigns had been often embezzled and misapplied, it was now resolved
that a certain sum should be set apart for the maintenance of the king's
household and the support of his dignity; and that the rest of the
public money should be employed under the inspection of parliament.
Accordingly, since this period, the commons have appropriated the
yearly supplies to certain specified services; and an account of the
application has been constantly submitted to both houses at the next
session. At this juncture the prevailing party, or the whigs, determined
that the revenue should be granted from year to year, or at least for a
small term of years; that the king might find himself dependent upon
the parliament, and merit the renewal of the grant by a just and popular
administration. In pursuance of this maxim, when the revenue fell under
consideration, they, under pretence of charges and anticipations which
they had not time to examine, granted it by a provisional act for one
year only. The civil list was settled at six hundred thousand pounds,
chargeable with the appointments of the queen dowager, the prince and
princess of Denmark, the judges, and mareschal Schomberg, to whom
the parliament had already granted one hundred thousand pounds, in
consideration of his important services to the nation. The commons also
voted that a constant revenue of twelve hundred thousand pounds should
be established for the support of the crown in time of peace.


The king took umbrage at these restraints laid upon the application of
the public money, which were the most salutary fruits of the revolution.
He considered them as marks of diffidence by which he was distinguished
from his predecessors; and thought them an ungrateful return for the
services he had done the nation. The tories perceived his disgust, and
did not fail to foment his jealousy against their adversaries, which
was confirmed by a fresh effort of the whigs in relation to a militia.
A bill was brought into the house for regulating it in such a manner as
would have rendered it in a great measure independent both of the king
and the lords-lieutenants of counties. These being generally peers,
the bill was suffered to lie neglected on the table, but the attempt
confirmed the suspicion of the king, who began to think himself in
danger of being enslaved by a republican party. The tories had, by the
channel of Nottingham, made proffers of service to his majesty; but
complained at the same time that as they were in danger of being
prosecuted for their lives and fortunes, they could not, without an act
of indemnity, exert themselves in favour of the crown, lest they should
incur a persecution from their implacable enemies.


These remonstrances made such an impression on the king, that he sent a
message to the house by Mr. Hambden, recommending a bill of indemnity
as the most effectual means for putting an end to all controversies,
distinctions, and occasions of discord. He desired it might be prepared
with all convenient expedition, and with such exceptions only as should
seem necessary for the vindication of public justice, the safety of
him and his consort, and the settlement and welfare of the nation. An
address of thanks to his majesty was unanimously voted. Nevertheless,
his design was frustrated by the backwardness of the whigs, who
proceeded so slowly on the bill that it could not be brought to maturity
before the end of the session. They wanted to keep the scourge over the
heads of their enemies until they should find a proper opportunity for
revenge; and, in the meantime, restrain them from opposition by the
terror of impending vengeance. They affected to insinuate that the
king's design was to raise the prerogative as high as it had been in
the preceding reigns; and that he for this purpose pressed an act of
indemnity, by virtue of which he might legally use the instruments of
the late tyranny. The earls of Monmouth and Warrington industrously
infused these jealousies into the minds of their party: on the other
hand, the earl of Nottingham inflamed William's distrust of his old
friends: both sides succeeded in kindling an animosity, which had like
to have produced confusion, notwithstanding the endeavours used by the
earls of Shrewsbury and Devonshire, to allay those heats and remove the
suspicions that mutually prevailed.


It was now judged expedient to pass an act for settling the succession
of the crown according to the former resolution of the convention. A
bill for this purpose was brought into the lower house, with a clause
disabling papists from succeeding to the throne: to this the lords
added, "Or such as should marry papists," absolving the subject in that
case from allegiance, The bishop of Salisbury, by the king's direction,
proposed that the princess Sophia, duchess of Hanover, and her
posterity, should be nominated in the act of succession as the next
protestant heirs, failing issue of the king and Anne princess of
Denmark. These amendments gave rise to warm debates in the lower house,
where they were vigorously opposed, not only by those who wished well in
secret to the late king and the lineal succession, but likewise by the
republican party, who hoped to see monarchy altogether extinguished in
England by the death of the three persons already named in the bill
of succession. The lords insisted upon their amendments, and several
fruitless conferences were held between the two houses. At length the
bill was dropt for the present in consequence of an event which in a
great measure dissipated the fears of a popish successor. This was the
delivery of the princess Anne, who, on the twenty-seventh day of July,
brought forth a son, christened by the name of William, and afterwards
created duke of Gloucester.


In the midst of these domestic disputes, William did not neglect the
affairs of the continent. He retained all his former influence in
Holland, as his countrymen had reason to confide in his repeated
assurances of inviolable affection. The great scheme which he had
projected of a confederacy against France began at this period to
take effect. The princes of the empire assembled in the diet, solemnly
exhorted the emperor to declare war against the French king, who had
committed numberless infractions of the treaties of Munster, Osnabruck,
Nimeguen, and the truce, invaded their country without provocation,
and evinced himself an inveterate enemy of the holy Roman empire. They
therefore besought his imperial majesty to conclude a treaty of peace
with the Turks, who had offered advantageous terms, and proceed to an
open rupture with Louis, in which case they would consider it as a war
of the empire, and support their head in the most effectual manner. The
states-general published a declaration against the common enemy, taxing
him with manifold infractions of the treaty of commerce; with having
involved the subjects of the republic in the persecution which he had
raised against the protestants; with having cajoled and insulted them
with deceitful promises and insolent threats; with having plundered and
oppressed the Dutch merchants and traders in France; and, finally, with
having declared war against the states without any plausible reason
assigned. The elector of Brandenburg denounced war against France as
a power whose perfidy, cruelty, and ambition, it was the duty of every
prince to oppose. The marquis de Castanaga, governor of the Spanish
Netherlands, issued a counter declaration to that of Louis, who had
declared against his master. He accused the French king of having laid
waste the empire, without any regard to the obligations of religion and
humanity, or even to the laws of war; of having countenanced the most
barbarous acts of cruelty and oppression; and of having intrigued with
the enemies of Christ for the destruction of the empire. The emperor
negotiated an alliance offensive and defensive with the states-general,
binding the contracting parties to co-operate with their whole power
against France and her allies. It was stipulated that neither side
should engage in a separate treaty on any pretence whatsoever; that no
peace should be admitted until the treaties of Westphalia, Osnabruck,
Minister, and the Pyrenees, should have been vindicated; that, in case
of a negotiation for a peace or truce, the transactions on both sides
should be communicated _bona fide_; and that Spain and England should be
invited to accede to the treaty. In a separate article, the contracting
powers agreed, that, in case of the Spanish king's dying without issue,
the states-general should assist the emperor with all their forces to
take possession of that monarchy: that they should use their friendly
endeavours with the princes electors, their allies, towards elevating
his son Joseph to the dignity of king of the Romans, and employ their
utmost force against France should she attempt to oppose his elevation.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}


William, who was the soul of this confederacy, found no difficulty in
persuading the English to undertake a war against their old enemies and
rivals. On the sixteenth day of April, Mr. Hambden made a motion for
taking into consideration the state of the kingdom with respect to
France, and foreign alliances; and the commons unanimously resolved,
that, in case his majesty should think fit to engage in a war with
France, they would, in a parliamentary way, enable him to carry it on
with vigour. An address was immediately drawn up and presented to the
king, desiring that he would seriously consider the destructive methods
taken of late years by the French king against the trade, quiet, and
interest of the nation, particularly his present invasion of Ireland,
and supporting the rebels in that kingdom. They did not doubt but the
alliances already made, and those that might hereafter be concluded by
his majesty, would be sufficient to reduce the French king to such a
condition, that it should not be in his power to violate the peace of
Christendom, nor prejudice the trade and prosperity of England; in the
mean time they assured his majesty he might depend upon the assistance
of his parliament, according to the vote which had passed in the house
of commons. This was a welcome address to king William. He assured them
that no part of the supplies which they might grant for the prosecution
of the war should be misapplied; and, on the seventh day of May, he
declared war against the French monarch. On this occasion, Louis was
charged with having ambitiously invaded the territories of the emperor,
and denounced war against the allies of England, in violation of the
treaties confirmed under the guarantee of the English crown; with
having encroached upon the fishery of Newfoundland, invaded the Caribbee
Islands, taken forcible possession of New-York and Hudson's-bay, made
depredations on the English at sea, prohibited the importation of
English manufactures, disputed the right of the flag, persecuted many
English subjects on account of religion, contrary to express treaties
and the law of nations, and sent an armament to Ireland, in support of
the rebels of that kingdom.


Having thus described the progress of the revolution in England, we
shall now briefly explain the measures that were prosecuted in Scotland,
towards the establishment of William on the throne of that kingdom. The
meeting of the Scottish convention was fixed for the fourteenth day of
March; and both parties employed all their interest to influence the
election of members. The duke of Hamilton, and all the presbyterians,
declared for William. The duke of Gordon maintained the castle of
Edinburgh for his old master; but, as he had neglected to lay in a store
of provisions, he depended entirely upon the citizens for subsistence.
The partisans of James were headed by the earl of Balcarras, and Graham
viscount Dundee, who employed their endeavours to preserve union among
the individuals of their party; to confirm the duke of Gordon, who
began to waver in his attachment to their sovereign; and to manage their
intrigues in such a manner as to derive some advantage to their cause
from the transactions of the ensuing session. When the lords and commons
assembled at Edinburgh, the bishop of that diocese, who officiated as
chaplain to the convention, prayed for the restoration of king James.
The first dispute turned upon the choice of a president. The friends of
the late king set up the marquis of Athol in opposition to the duke of
Hamilton; but this last was elected by a considerable majority; and
a good number of the other party, finding their cause the weakest,
deserted it from that moment. The earls of Lothian and Tweedale were
sent as deputies, to require the duke of Gordon, in the name of the
estates, to quit the castle in four-and-twenty hours, and leave the
charge of it to the protestant officer next in command. The duke, though
in himself irresolute, was animated by Dundee to demand such conditions
as the convention would not grant. The negociation proving ineffectual,
the states ordered the heralds, in all their formalities, to summon him
to surrender the castle immediately, on pain of incurring the penalties
of high treason; and he refusing to obey their mandate, was proclaimed
a traitor. All persons were forbid, under the same penalties, to aid,
succour, or correspond with him; and the castle was blocked up with the
troops of the city.


Next day an express arrived from London, with a letter from king William
to the estates; and, at the same time, another from James was presented
by one Crane, an English domestic of the abdicated queen. William
observed that he had called a meeting of their estates at the desire of
the nobility and gentry of Scotland assembled at London, who requested
that he would take upon himself the administration of their affairs. He
exhorted them to concert measures for settling the peace of the kingdom
upon a solid foundation; and to lay aside animosities and factions,
which served only to impede that salutary settlement. He professed
himself sensible of the good effects that would arise from an union of
the two kingdoms; and assured them he would use his best endeavours
to promote such a coalition. A committee being appointed to draw up a
respectful answer to these assurances, a debate ensued about the letter
from the late king James. This they resolved to favour with a reading,
after the members should have subscribed an act, declaring that
notwithstanding any thing that might be contained in the letter for
dissolving the convention, or impeding their procedure, they were a free
and lawful meeting of the states; and would continue undissolved until
they should have settled and secured the protestant religion, the
government, laws, and liberties of the kingdom. Having taken this
precaution, they proceeded to examine the letter of the late sovereign,
who conjured them to support his interest as faithful subjects, and
eternize their names by a loyalty suitable to their former professions.
He said he would not fail to give them such a speedy and powerful
assistance as would enable them to defend themselves from any foreign
attempt; and even to assert his right against those enemies who had
depressed it by the blackest usurpations and unnatural attempts, which
the Almighty God would not allow to pass unpunished. He offered pardon
to all those who should return to their duty before the last day of the
month; and threatened to punish rigorously such as should stand out in
rebellion against him and his authority.


This address produced very little effect in favour of the unfortunate
exile, whose friends were greatly outnumbered in this assembly. His
messenger was ordered into custody, and afterwards dismissed with a
pass instead of an answer. James, foreseeing this contempt, had, by an
instrument dated in Ireland, authorised the archbishop of Glasgow, the
earl of Balcarras, and the viscount Dundee, to call a convention of the
estates at Stirling. These three depended on the interest of the marquis
of Athol and the earl of Mar, who professed the warmest affection
for the late king; and they hoped a secession of their friends would
embarrass the convention, so as to retard the settlement of king
William. Their expectations, however, were disappointed. Athol deserted
their cause; and Mar suffered himself to be intercepted in his retreat.
The rest of their party were, by the vigilance of the duke of Hamilton,
prevented from leaving the convention, except the viscount Dundee, who
retreated to the mountains with about fifty horse, and was pursued
by order of the estates. This design being frustrated, the convention
approved and recognized, by a solemn act, the conduct of the nobility
and gentlemen who had entreated the king of England to take upon him
the administration. They acknowledged their obligation to the prince of
Orange, who had prevented the destruction of their laws, religion, and
fundamental constitution; they besought his highness to assume the reins
of government for that kingdom; they issued a proclamation requiring
all persons, from sixteen to sixty, to be in readiness to take arms
when called upon for that purpose; they conferred the command of their
horse-militia upon sir Patrick Hume, who was formerly attainted for
having been concerned in Argyle's insurrection; they levied eight
hundred men for a guard to the city of Edinburgh, and constituted the
earl of Leven their commander; they put the militia all over the kingdom
into the hands of those on whom they could rely; they created the earl
of Mar governor of Stirling-castle; they received a reinforcement of
five regiments from England under the command of Mac-kay, whom they
appointed their general; and they issued orders for securing all
disaffected persons. Then they dispatched lord Ross with an answer to
king William's letter, professing their gratitude to their deliverer,
and congratulating him upon his success. They thanked him for assuming
the administration of their affairs, and assembling a convention of
their estates.

They declared they would take effectual and speedy measures for securing
the protestant religion, as well as for establishing the government,
laws, and liberties of the kingdom. They assured him they would, as much
as lay in their power, avoid disputes and animosities; and desired the
continuance of his majesty's care and protection.


After the departure of lord Ross, they appointed a committee, consisting
of eight lords, eight knights, and as many burgesses, to prepare the
plan of a new settlement: but this resolution was not taken without
a vigorous opposition from some remaining adherents of the late king,
headed by the archbishop of Glasgow; all the other prelates, except
he of Edinburgh, having already deserted the convention. After warm
debates, the committee agreed in the following vote:--"The estates of
the kingdom of Scotland find and declare, That king James VII. being a
profest papist, did assume the royal power, and act as a king, without
ever taking the oath required by law; and had, by the advice of evil
and wicked counsellors, invaded the fundamental constitution of
this kingdom, and altered it from a legal and limited monarchy to an
arbitrary despotic power, and had governed the same to the subversion of
the protestant religion, and violation of the laws and liberties of the
nation, inverting all the ends of government; whereby he had forfaulted
the right of the crown, and the throne was become vacant." When this
vote was reported, the bishop of Edinburgh argued strenuously against
it, as containing a charge of which the king was innocent; and he
proposed that his majesty should be invited to return to his Scottish
dominions. All his arguments were defeated or overruled, and the house
confirmed the vote, which was immediately enacted into a law by a great
majority. The lord president declared the throne vacant, and proposed
that it might be filled with William and Mary, king and queen of
England. The committee was ordered to prepare an act for settling the
crown upon their majesties, together with an instrument of government
for securing the subjects from the grievances under which they

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}


On the eleventh day of April, this act, with the conditions of
inheritance, and the instrument, were reported, considered, unanimously
approved, and solemnly proclaimed at the market-cross of Edinburgh,
in presence of the lord president, assisted by the lord provost and
magistracy of the city, the duke of Queensbury, the marquisses of Athol
and Douglas, together with a great number of the nobility and gentry.
At the same time they published another proclamation, forbidding all
persons to acknowledge, obey, assist, or correspond with the late king
James; or by word, writing, or sermon, to dispute or disown the
royal authority of king William and queen Mary; or to misconstrue the
proceedings of the estates, or create jealousies or misapprehensions
with regard to the transactions of the government, on pain of incurring
the most severe penalties. Then, having settled the coronation oath,
they granted a commission to the earl of Argyle for the lords, to sir
James Montgomery for the knights, and to sir John Dalrymple for
the boroughs, empowering them to repair to London, and invest their
majesties with the government. This affair being discussed, the
convention appointed a committee to take care of the public peace, and
adjourned to the twenty-first day of May. On the eleventh day of that
month, the Scottish commissioners being introduced to their majesties at
Whitehall, presented first a preparatory letter from the estates, then
the instrument of government, with a paper containing a recital of the
grievances of the nation; and an address desiring his majesty to convert
the convention into a parliament. The king having graciously promised to
concur with them in all just measures for the interest of the kingdom,
the coronation oath was tendered to their majesties by the earl of
Argyle. As it contained a clause, importing that they should root out
heresy, the king declared, that he did not mean by these words that he
should be under an obligation to act as a persecutor: the commissioners
replying that such was not the meaning or import of the oath, he desired
them, and others present, to bear witness to the exception he had made.


In the meantime lord Dundee exerted himself with uncommon activity in
behalf of his master. He had been summoned by a trumpet to return to the
convention, refused to obey the citation on pretence that the whigs had
made an attempt upon his life; and that the deliberations of the estates
were influenced by the neighbourhood of English troops, under the
command of Mackay. He was forthwith declared a fugitive, outlaw, and
rebel. He was rancorously hated by the pres-byterians, on whom he had
exercised some cruelties as an officer under the former government:
and for this reason the states resolved to inflict upon him exemplary
punishment. Parties were detached in pursuit of him and Balcarras. This
last fell into their hands, and was committed to a common prison;
but Dundee fought his way through the troops that surrounded him, and
escaped to the Highlands, where he determined to take arms in favour
of James, though that prince had forbid him to make any attempt of this
nature until he should receive a reinforcement from Ireland. While this
officer was employed in assembling the clans of his party, king
William appointed the duke of Hamilton commissioner to the convention
parliament. The post of secretary for Scotland was bestowed upon lord
Melvil, a weak and servile nobleman, who had taken refuge in Holland
from the violence of the late reigns: but the king depended chiefly for
advice upon Dalrymple lord Stair, president of the college of justice,
an old crafty fanatic, who for forty years had complied in all things
with all governments. Though these were rigid pres-byterians, the king,
to humour the opposite party, admitted some individuals of the episcopal
nobility to the council-board; and this intermixture, instead of
allaying animosities, served only to sow the seeds of discord and
confusion. The Scottish convention, in their detail of grievances,
enumerated the lords of the articles; the act of parliament in the reign
of Charles II. by which the king's supremacy was raised so high that he
could prescribe any mode of religion according to his pleasure; and the
superiority of any office in the church above that of presbyters. The
king in his instructions to the lord commissioner, consented to the
regulation of the lords of the articles, though he would not allow the
institution to be abrogated; he was contented that the act relating to
the king's supremacy should be rescinded, and that the church government
should be established in such a manner as would be most agreeable to the
inclinations of the people.


On the seventeenth day of June, duke Hamilton opened the Scottish
parliament, after the convention had assumed this name, in consequence
of an act passed by his majesty's direction; but the members in general
were extremely chagrined when they found the commissioners so much
restricted in the affair of the lords of the articles, which they
considered as their chief grievance. [008] _[See note D, at the end of
this Vol.]_ The king permitted that the estates should choose the lords
by their own suffrages, and that they should be at liberty to reconsider
any subject which the said lords might reject. He afterwards indulged
the three estates with the choice of eleven delegates each, for this
committee, to be elected monthly, or oftener if they should think fit:
but even these concessions proved unsatisfactory while the institution
itself remained. Their discontents were not even appeased by the passing
of an act abolishing prelacy. Indeed their resentment was inflamed by
another consideration, namely, that of the king's having given seats
in the council to some individuals attached to the hierarchy. They
manifested their sentiments on this subject by bringing in a bill
excluding from any public trust, place, or employment under their
majesties, all such as had been concerned in the encroachments of the
late reign, or had discovered disaffection to the late happy change, or
in any way retarded or obstructed the designs of the convention. This
measure was prosecuted with great warmth; and the bill passed through
all the forms of the house, but proved ineffectual for want of the royal


Nor were they less obstinate in the affair of the judges whom the
king had ventured to appoint by virtue of his own prerogative. The
malcontents brought in a bill declaring the bench vacant, as it was at
the restoration; asserting their own right to examine and approve those
who should appointed to fill it; providing that if in time to come any
such total vacancy should occur, the nomination should be in the king or
queen, or regent for the time being, and the parliament retain the right
of approbation; and that all the clauses in the several acts relating to
the admission of the ordinary lords of session, and their qualifications
for that office, should be ratified and confirmed for perpetual
observation. Such was the interest of this party, that the bill was
carried by a great majority, notwithstanding the opposition of the
ministers, who resolved to maintain the king's nomination even in
defiance of a parliamentary resolution. The majority, exasperated at
this open violation of their privileges, forbade the judges whom the
king had appointed to open their commissions, or hold a session until
his majesty's further pleasure should be known: on the other hand they
were compelled to act by the menaces of the privy-council. The dispute
was carried on with great acrimony on both sides, and produced such a
ferment, that before the session opened, the ministry thought proper
to draw a great number of forces into the neighbourhood of Edinburgh to
support the judges in the exercise of their functions.


The lord commissioner, alarmed at this scene of tumult and confusion,
adjourned the house till the eighth day of October; a step which, added
to the other unpopular measures of the court, incensed the opposition to
a violent degree. They drew up a remonstrance to the king, complaining
of this adjournment while the nation was yet unsettled, recapitulating
the several instances in which they had expressed their zeal and
affection for his majesty; explaining their reasons for dissenting from
the ministry in some articles; beseeching him to consider what they had
represented, to give his royal assent to the acts of parliament which
they had prepared, and take measures for redressing all the other
grievances of the nation. This address was presented to the king at
Hampton-court. William was so touched with the reproaches it implied, as
if he had not fulfilled the conditions on which he accepted the crown of
Scotland, that he, in his own vindication, published his instructions
to the commissioner; and by these it appeared that the duke might have
proceeded to greater lengths in obliging his countrymen. Before the
adjournment, however, the parliament had granted the revenue for life;
and raised money for maintaining a body of forces, as well as for
supporting the incidental expense of the government for some months; yet
part of the troops in that kingdom were supplied and subsisted by the
administration of England. In consequence of these disputes in the
Scottish parliament, their church was left without any settled form of
government; for, though the hierarchy was abolished, the presbyterian
discipline was not yet established, and ecclesiastical affairs were
occasionally regulated by the privy-council, deriving its authority from
that very act of supremacy, which, according to the claim of rights,
ought to have been repealed.


The session was no sooner adjourned than sir John Lanier converted the
blockade of Edinburgh castle into a regular siege, which was prosecuted
with such vigour that in a little time the fortifications were ruined,
and the works advanced at the foot of the walls, in which the besiegers
had made several large breaches. The duke of Gordon, finding his
ammunition expended, his defences destroyed, his intelligence entirely
cut off, and despairing of relief from the adherents of his master,
desired to capitulate, and obtained very favourable terms for his
garrison; but he would not stipulate any conditions for himself,
declaring that he had so much respect for all the princes descended from
king James VI. that he would not affront any of them so far as to insist
upon terms for his own particular: he therefore, on the thirteenth day
of June, surrendered the castle and himself at discretion. All the hopes
of James and his party were now concentred in the viscount Dundee, who
had assembled a body of Highlanders, and resolved to attack Mackay, on
an assurance he had received by message, that the regiment of Scottish
dragoons would desert that officer, and join him in the action. Mackay
having received intimation of this design, decamped immediately, and by
long marches retired before Dundee, until he was reinforced by Ramsey's
dragoons, and another regiment of English infantry: then he faced about,
and Dundee in his turn retreated into Lochaber. Lord Murray, son of the
marquis of Athol, assembled his vassals, to the number of twelve hundred
men, for the service of the regency; but he was betrayed by one of his
own dependents, who seized the castle of Blair for Dundee, and prevailed
upon the Athol men to disperse, rather than fight against James their
lawful sovereign.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}


The viscount was by this time reduced to great difficulty and distress.
His men had not for many weeks tasted bread or salt, or any drink but
water: instead of five hundred infantry, three hundred horse, with a
supply of arms, ammunition, and provision, which James had promised to
send from Ireland, he received a reinforcement of three hundred naked
recruits; but the transports with the stores fell into the hands of the
English. Though this was a mortifying disappointment, he bore it without
repining; and, far from abandoning himself to despair, began his march
to the castle of Blair, which was threatened with a seige by general
Mackay. When he reached this fortress, he received intelligence that the
enemy had entered the pass of Killycrankie, and he resolved to give
them battle without delay. He accordingly advanced against them, and
a furious engagement ensued, though it was not of long duration. The
Highlanders having received and returned the fire of the English, fell
in among them sword in hand with such impetuosity, that the foot were
utterly broke in seven minutes. The dragoons fled at the first charge
in the utmost consternation. Dundee's horse, not exceeding one hundred,
broke through Mackay's own regiment; the earl of Dumbarton, at the
head of a few volunteers, made himself master of the artillery: twelve
hundred of Mackay's forces were killed on the spot, five hundred taken
prisoners, and the rest fled with great precipitation for some hours,
until they were rallied by their general, who was an officer of approved
courage, conduct, and experience. Nothing could be more complete or
decisive than the victory which the Highlanders obtained; yet it was
clearly purchased with the death of their beloved chieftain the viscount
Dundee, who fell by a random shot in the engagement, and his fate
produced such confusion in his army as prevented all pursuit. He
possessed an enterprising spirit, undaunted courage, inviolable
fidelity, and was peculiarly qualified to command the people who fought
under his banner. He was the life and soul of that cause which he
espoused, and after his death it daily declined into ruin and disgrace.
He was succeeded in command by colonel Cannon, who landed the
reinforcement from Ireland; but all his designs miscarried; so that the
clans, wearied with repeated misfortunes, laid down their arms by
degrees, and took the benefit of a pardon which king William offered to
those who should submit within the time specified in his proclamation.


After this sketch of Scottish affairs, it will be necessary to take
a retrospective view of James, and relate the particulars of his
expedition to Ireland. That unfortunate prince and his queen were
received with the most cordial hospitality by the French monarch, who
assigned the castle of St. Germain for the place of their residence,
supported their household with great magnificence, enriched them with
presents, and undertook to re-establish them on the throne of England.
James, however, conducted himself in such a manner as conveyed no
favourable idea of his spirit and understanding. He seems to have been
emasculated by religion: he was deserted by that courage and magnanimity
for which his youth had been distinguished. He did not discover great
sensibility at the loss of his kingdom. All his faculties were swallowed
up in bigotry. Instead of contriving plans for retrieving his crown, he
held conferences with the Jesuits on topics of religion. The pity which
his misfortunes excited in Louis was mingled with contempt. The pope
supplied him with indulgencies, while the Romans laughed at him in
pasquinades: "There is a pious man, (said the archbishop of Rheims
ironically,) who has sacrificed three crowns for a mass." In a word, he
subjected himself to the ridicule and raillery of the French nation.


All the hope of re-ascending the British throne depended upon his
friends in Scotland and Ireland. Tyr-connel, who commanded in this last
kingdom, was confirmed in his attachment to James by the persuasions of
Hamilton, who had undertaken for his submission to the prince of Orange.
Nevertheless, he disguised his sentiments, and temporized with William,
until James should be able to supply him with reinforcements from
France, which he earnestly solicited by private messages. In the
meantime, with a view to cajole the protestants of Ireland, and
amuse king William with hope of his submission, he persuaded the lord
Mountjoy, in whom the protestants chiefly confided, and baron Rice, to
go in person with a commission to James, representing the necessity of
yielding to the times, and of waiting a fitter opportunity to make use
of his Irish subjects. Mountjoy, on his arrival at Paris, instead of
being favoured with an audience by James, to explain the reasons which
Tyrconnel had suggested touching the inability of Ireland to restore his
majesty, was committed prisoner to the Bastile, on account of the zeal
with which he had espoused the protestant interest. Although Louis was
sincerely disposed to assist James effectually, his intentions were
obstructed by the disputes of his ministry. Louvois possessed the chief
credit in council; but Seignelai enjoyed a greater share of personal
favour, both with the king and madame de Maintenon, the favourite
concubine. To this nobleman, as secretary for marine affairs, James made
his chief application; and he had promised the command of the troops
destined for his service to Latisun, whom Louvois hated. For these
reasons this minister thwarted his measures, and retarded the assistance
which Louis had promised towards his restoration.


Yet notwithstanding all his opposition, the succours were prepared and
the fleet ready to put to sea by the latter end of February. The French
king is said to have offered an army of fifteen thousand natives of
France to serve in this expedition; but James replied, that he would
succeed by the help of his own subjects, or perish in the attempt.
Accordingly, he contented himself with about twelve hundred British
subjects, [010] _[See note E, at the end of this Vol.]_ and a good
number of French officers, who were embarked in the fleet at Brest,
consisting of fourteen ships of the line, seven frigates, three
fire-ships, with a good number of transports. The French king also
supplied him with a considerable quantity of arms for the use of his
adherents in Ireland; accommodated him with a large sum of money, superb
equipages, store of plate, and necessaries of all kinds for the camp
and the household. At parting he presented him with his own cuirass, and
embracing him affectionately, "The best thing I can wish you (said he)
is, that I may never see you again." On the seventh day of March, James
embarked at Brest, together with the count D'Avaux, who accompanied him
in quality of ambassador, and his principal officers. He was detained
in the harbour by contrary winds till the seventeenth day of the month,
when he set sail, and on the twenty-second landed at Kinsale in Ireland.
By this time, king William perceiving himself amused by Tyrconnel, had
published a declaration, requiring the Irish to lay down their arms
and submit to the new government. On the twenty-second day of February,
thirty ships of war had been put in commission, and the command of them
conferred upon admiral Herbert; but the armament was retarded in such
a manner by the disputes of the council and the king's attention to the
affairs of the continent, that the admiral was not in a condition to
sail till the beginning of April, and then with part of his fleet only.
James was received with open arms at Kinsale, and the whole country
seemed to be at his devotion; for although the protestants in the North
had declared for the new government, their strength and number was
deemed inconsiderable when compared with the power of Tyrconnel. This
minister had disarmed all the other protestant subjects in one day, and
assembled an army of thirty thousand foot, and eight thousand cavalry,
for the service of his master.


In the latter end of March, James made his public entry into Dublin,
amidst the acclamations of the inhabitants. He was met at the
castle-gate by a procession of popish bishops and priests in their
pontificals, bearing the host, which he publicly adored. He dismissed
from the council-board the lord Granard, judge Keating, and other
protestants, who had exhorted the lord lieutenant to an accommodation
with the new government. In their room he admitted the French
ambassador, the bishop of Chester, colonel Darrington, and, by degrees,
the principal noblemen who accompanied him in the expedition. On the
second day after his arrival in Dublin, he issued five proclamations:
the first recalled all the subjects of Ireland who had abandoned the
kingdom, by a certain time, on pain of outlawry and confiscation, and
requiring all persons to join him against the prince of Orange. The
second contained expressions of acknowledgement to his catholic subjects
for their vigilance and fidelity, and an injunction to such as were not
actually in his service, to retain and lay up their arms until it
should be found necessary to use them for his advantage. By the third he
invited the subjects to supply his army with provisions; and prohibited
the soldiers to take anything without payment. By the fourth he raised
the value of the current coin; and in the fifth he summoned a parliament
to meet on the seventh day of May, at Dublin. Finally, he created
Tyrconnel a duke, in consideration of his eminent services.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}


The adherents of James in England pressed him to settle the affairs
of Ireland immediately, and bring over his army either to the north of
England, or the west of Scotland, where it might be joined by his party,
and act without delay against the usurper; but his council dissuaded him
from complying with their solicitations, until Ireland should be totally
reduced to obedience. On the first alarm of an intended massacre, the
protestants of Londonderry had shut their gates against the regiment
commanded by the earl of Antrim, and resolved to defend themselves
against the lord lieutenant. They transmitted this resolution to the
government of England, together with an account of the danger they
incurred by such a vigorous measure, and implored immediate assistance.
They were accordingly supplied with some arms and ammunition, but did
not receive any considerable reinforcement till the middle of April,
when two regiments arrived in Loughfoyl, under the command of Cunningham
and Richards. By this time king James had taken Coleraine, invested
Killmore, and was almost in sight of Londonderry. George Walker,
rector of Donaghmore, who had raised a regiment for the defence of the
protestants, conveyed this intelligence to Lundy the governor. This
officer directed him to join colonel Grafton, and take post at the
Long-causey, which he maintained a whole night against the advanced
guard of the enemy; until being overpowered by numbers, he retreated to
Londonderry and exhorted the governor to take the field, as the army of
king James was not yet completely formed. Lundy assembling a council of
war, at which Cunningham and Richards assisted; they agreed, that as the
place was not tenable, it would be imprudent to land the two regiments,
and that the principal officers should withdraw themselves from
Londonderry, the inhabitants of which would obtain the more favourable
capitulation in consequence of their retreat. An officer was immediately
dispatched to king James with proposals of a negotiation; and
lieutenant-general Hamilton agreed that the army should halt at the
distance of four miles from the town. Notwithstanding this preliminary,
James advanced at the head of his troops; but met with such a warm
reception from the besieged, that he was fain to retire to St. John's
Town in some disorder. The inhabitants and soldiers in garrison at
Londonderry were so incensed at the members of the council of war,
who had resolved to abandon the place, that they threatened immediate
vengeance. Cunningham and Richards retired to their ships, and Lundy
locked himself in his chamber. In vain did Walker and major Baker exhort
him to maintain his government. Such was his cowardice or treachery,
that he absolutely refused to be concerned in the defence of the place,
and he was suffered to escape in disguise with a load of match upon his
back; but he was afterwards apprehended in Scotland, from whence he was
sent to London to answer for his perfidy or misconduct.


After his retreat, the townsmen chose Mr. Walker and major Baker for
their governors, with joint authority; but this office they would
not undertake until it had been offered to colonel Cunningham, as the
officer next in command to Lundy. He rejected the proposal, and with
Richards returned to England, where they were immediately cashiered. The
two new governors, thus abandoned to their fate, began to prepare for
a vigorous defence; indeed their courage seems to have transcended
the bounds of discretion, for the place was very ill fortified; their
cannon, which did not exceed twenty pieces, were wretchedly mounted;
they had not one engineer to direct their operations; they had a very
small number of horse; the garrison consisted of people unacquainted
with military discipline; they wore destitute of provisions; they were
besieged by a king in person, at the head of a formidable army, directed
by good officers, and supplied with all the necessary implements for a
siege or battle. This town was invested on the twentieth day of April;
the batteries were soon opened, and several attacks were made with great
impetuosity; but the besiegers were always repulsed with considerable
loss. The townsmen gained divers advantages in repeated sallies, and
would have held their enemies in the utmost contempt, had they not been
afflicted with a contagious distemper, as well as reduced to extremity
by want of provisions. They were even tantalized in their distress;
for they had the mortification to see some ships which had arrived
with supplies from England, prevented from sailing up the river by the
batteries the enemy had raised on both sides, and a boom with which they
had blocked up the channel. At length a reinforcement arrived in the
Lough, under the command of general Kirke, who had deserted his master
and been employed in the service of king William. He found means to
convey intelligence to Walker, that he had troops and provisions on
board for their relief, but found it impracticable to sail up the river:
he promised, however, that he would land a body of forces at the Inch,
and endeavour to make a diversion in their favour-, when joined by the
troops at Inniskilling, which amounted to five thousand men, including
two thousand cavalry. He said he expected six thousand men from England,
where they were embarked before he set sail. He exhorted them to
persevere in their courage and loyalty, and assured them he would come
to their relief at all hazards. These assurances enabled them to bear
their miseries a little longer, though their numbers daily diminished.
Major Baker dying, his place was filled with colonel Michel-burn, who
now acted as colleague to Mr. Walker.


King James having returned to Dublin to be present at the parliament,
the command of his army devolved to the French general Rosene, who was
exasperated at such an obstinate opposition by a handful of half-starved
militia. He threatened to raze the town to its foundations, and destroy
the inhabitants without distinction of age or sex, unless they would
immediately submit themselves to their lawful sovereign. The governors
treated his menaces with contempt, and published an order that no
person, on pain of death, should talk of surrendering. They had now
consumed the last remains of their provisions, and supported life by
eating the flesh of horses, dogs, cats, rats, mice, tallow, starch,
and salted hides, and even this loathsome food began to fail. Rosene,
finding him deaf to all his proposals, threatened to wreak his vengeance
on all the protestants of that country, and drive them under the walls
of Londonderry, where they should be suffered to perish by famine. The
bishop of Meath being informed of this design, complained to king James
of the barbarous intention, entreating his majesty to prevent its being
put in execution. That prince assured him that he had already ordered
Rosene to desist from such proceeding: nevertheless, the Frenchman
executed his threats with the utmost rigour. Parties of dragoons
were detached on this cruel service: after having stripped all the
protestants for thirty miles round, they drove these unhappy people
before them like cattle, without even sparing the enfeebled old men,
nurses with infants at their breasts, tender children, women just
delivered, and some even in the pangs of labour. Above four thousand of
these miserable objects were driven under the walls of Londonderry. This
expedient, far from answering the purpose of Rosene, produced quite
a contrary effect. The besieged were so exasperated at this act of
inhumanity, that they resolved to perish rather than submit to such
a barbarian. They erected a gibbet in sight of the enemy, and sent a
message to the French general, importing that they would hang all the
prisoners they had taken during the siege, unless the protestants whom
they had driven under the walls should be immediately dismissed. This
threat produced a negotiation, in consequence of which the protestants
were released after they had been detained three days without tasting
food. Some hundreds died of famine or fatigue; and those who lived to
return to their own habitations, found them plundered and sacked by the
papists, so that the greater number perished for want, or were murdered
by the straggling parties of the enemy; yet these very people had for
the most part obtained protections from king James, to which no respect
was paid by his general.


The garrison of Londonderry was now reduced from seven to five thousand
seven hundred men, and these were driven to such extremity of distress,
that they began to talk of killing the popish inhabitants and feeding on
their bodies. In this emergency Kirke, who had hitherto lain inactive,
ordered two ships laden with provisions to sail up the river under
convoy of the Dartmouth frigate. One of them, called the Mountjoy, broke
the enemy's boom; and all the three, after having sustained a very hot
fire from both sides of the river, arrived in safety at the town to
the inexpressible joy of the inhabitants. The army of James were so
dispirited by the success of this enterprise, that they abandoned the
siege in the night and retired with precipitation, after having
lost about nine thousand men before the place. Kirke no sooner took
possession of the town, than Walker was prevailed upon to embark
for England with an address of thanks from the inhabitants to their
majesties for the seasonable relief they had received.


The Inniskilliners were no less remarkable than the people of
Londonderry for the valour and perseverance with which they opposed the
papists. They raised twelve companies, which they regimented under the
command of Gustavus Hamilton, whom they chose for their governor. They
proclaimed William and Mary on the eleventh day of March, and resolved
in a general council to maintain their title against all opposition. The
lord Gilmoy invested the castle of Groin belonging to the protestants
in the neighbourhood of Inniskilling, the inhabitants of which threw
succours into the place, and compelled Gilmoy to retire to Belturbet. A
detachment of the garrison, commanded by lieutenant-colonel Lloyd, took
and demolished the castle of Aughor, and they gained the advantage in
several skirmishes with the enemy. On the day that preceded the relief
of Londonderry, they defeated six thousand Irish papists at a place
called Newton-Butler, and took their commander Macarty, commonly called
lord Moncashel.


The Irish parliament being assembled at Dublin, according to the
proclamation of king James, he, in a speech from the throne, thanked
them for the zeal, courage, and loyalty they had manifested; extolled
the generosity of the French king, who had enabled him to visit them in
person; insisted upon executing his design of establishing liberty of
conscience as a step equally agreeable to the dictates of humanity and
discretion, and promised to concur with them in enacting such laws as
would contribute to the peace, affluence, and security of his subjects.
Sir Richard Neagle, being chosen speaker of the commons, moved for an
address of thanks to his majesty, and that the count D'Avaux should be
desired to make their acknowledgments to the most christian king for
the generous assistance he had given to their sovereign. These addresses
being drawn up with the concurrence of both houses, a bill was brought
in to recognize the king's title, to express their abhorence of the
usurpation by the prince of Orange, as well as of the defection of the
English. Next day James published a declaration, complaining of the
calumnies which his enemies had spread to his prejudice; expatiating
upon his own impartiality in preferring his protestant subjects;
his care in protecting them from their enemies, in redressing their
grievances, and in granting liberty of conscience; promising that he
would take no step but with the approbation of parliament; offering a
free pardon to all persons who should desert his enemies and join with
him in four-and-twenty days after his landing in Ireland, and charging
all the blood that might be shed upon those who should continue in

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}


His conduct, however, very ill agreed with this declaration; nor can it
be excused on any other supposition but that of his being governed, in
some cases against his own inclination, by the count D'Avaux and the
Irish catholics, on whom his whole dependence was placed. As both houses
were chiefly filled with members of that persuasion, we ought not to
wonder at their bringing in a bill for repealing the act of settlement,
by which the protestants of the kingdom had been secured in the
possession of their estates. These were by this law divested of their
lands, which reverted to the heirs of those catholics to whom they
belonged before the rebellion. This iniquitous bill was framed in such
a manner, that no regard was paid to such protestant owners as had
purchased estates for valuable considerations; no allowance was made for
improvements, nor any provision for protestant widows; the possessor,
and tenants were not even allowed to remove their stock and corn. When
the bill was sent up to the lords, Dr. Dopping, bishop of Meath, opposed
it with equal courage and ability, and an address in behalf of the
purchasers under the act of settlement was presented to the king by the
earl of Granard; but notwithstanding these remonstrances, it received
the royal assent, and the protestants of Ireland were mostly ruined.


Yet in order to complete their destruction, an act of attainder was
passed against all protestants, whether male or female, whether of high
or low degree, who were absent from the kingdom, as well as against all
those who retired into any part of the three kingdoms, which did not own
the authority of king James, or corresponded with rebels, or were any
ways aiding, abetting, or assisting them, from the first day of August
in the preceding year. The number of protestants attainted by name in
this act amounted to about three thousand, including two archbishops,
one duke, seventeen earls, seven countesses, as many bishops, eighteen
barons, three-and-thirty baronets, one-and-fifty knights, eighty-three
clergymen, who were declared traitors, and adjudged to suffer the pains
of death and forfeiture. The individuals subjected to this dreadful
proscription, were even cut off from all hope of pardon and all benefit
of appeal; for by a clause in the act, the king's pardon was deemed null
unless enrolled before the first day of December. A subsequent law was
enacted, declaring Ireland independent of the English parliament. This
assembly passed another act, granting twenty thousand pounds per annum
out of the forfeited estates to Tyrconnel, in acknowledgment of his
signal services: they imposed a tax of twenty thousand pounds per month
for the service of the king: the royal assent was given to an act for
liberty of conscience; they enacted that the tithes payable by papists
should be delivered to priests of that communion: the maintenance of
the protestant clergy in cities and corporations was taken away; and all
dissenters were exempted from ecclesiastical jurisdictions. So that
the established church was deprived of all power and prerogative,
notwithstanding the express promise of James, who had declared,
immediately after his landing, that he would maintain the clergy in
their rights and privileges.


Nor was the king less arbitrary in the executive part of his government,
if we suppose that he countenanced the grievous acts of oppression that
were daily committed upon the protestant subjects of Ireland; but the
tyranny of his proceedings may be justly imputed to the temper of
his ministry, consisting of men abandoned to all sense of justice and
humanity, who acted from the dictates of rapacity and revenge, inflamed
with all the acrimony of religious rancour. Soldiers were permitted to
live upon free quarter; the people were robbed and plundered; licenses
and protections were abused in order to extort money from the trading
part of the nation. The king's old stores were ransacked; the shops of
tradesmen and the kitchens of burghers were pillaged, to supply the mint
with a quantity of brass, which was converted into current coin for his
majesty's occasions; an arbitrary value was set upon it, and all persons
were required and commanded to take it in payment under the severest
penalties, though the proportion between its intrinsic worth and
currency was nearly as one to three hundred. A vast sum of this
counterfeit coin was issued in the course of one year, and forced upon
the protestants in payment of merchandize, provision, and necessaries
for the king's service. James, not content with the supply granted by
parliament, imposed, by his own authority, a tax of twenty thousand
pounds per month on chattels, as the former was laid upon lands. This
seems to have been a temporary expedient during the adjournment of the
two houses, as the term of the assessment was limited to three months;
it was however levied by virtue of a commission under the seals, and
seems to have been a stretch of prerogative the less excusable, as he
might have obtained the money in a parliamentary way. Understanding that
the protestants had laid out all their brass money in purchasing great
quantities of hides, tallow, wool, and corn, he assumed the despotic
power of fixing the prices of these commodities, and then bought them
for his own use. One may see his ministers were bent upon the utter
destruction of those unhappy people.


All vacancies in public schools were supplied with popish teachers. The
pension allowed from the exchequer to the university of Dublin was
cut off; the vice-provost, fellows, and scholars, were expelled: their
furniture, plate, and public library were seized without the least
shadow or pretence, and in direct violation of a promise the king had
made to preserve their privileges and immunities. His officers converted
the college into a garrison, the chapel into a magazine, and the
apartments into prisons; a popish priest was appointed provost; one
Maccarty, of the same persuasion, was made library-keeper, and the whole
foundation was changed into a catholic seminary. When bishoprics and
benefices in the gift of the crown became vacant, the king ordered the
profits to be lodged in the exchequer, and suffered the cures to be
totally neglected. The revenues were chiefly employed in the maintenance
of Romish bishops and priests, who grew so insolent under this
indulgence, that in several places they forcibly seized the protestant
churches. When complaint was made of this outrage, the king promised
to do justice to the injured, and in some places actually ordered the
churches to be restored; but the popish clergy refused to comply with
this order, alleging, that in spirituals they owed obedience to no
earthly power but the holy see, and James found himself unable to
protect his protestant subjects against a powerful body which he durst
not disoblige. Some ships appearing in the bay of Dublin, a proclamation
was issued forbidding the protestants to assemble in any place of
worship, or elsewhere, on pain of death. By a second, they were
commanded to bring in their arms on pain of being treated as rebels and
traitors. Luttrel, governor of Dublin, published an ordinance by beat
of drum, requiring the farmers to bring in their corn for his majesty's
horses within a certain day, otherwise he would order them to be hanged
before their own doors. Brigadier Sarsfield commanded all protestants
of a certain district to retire to the distance of ten miles from their
habitations on pain of death; and in order to keep up the credit of the
brass money, the same penalty was denounced, in a proclamation, against
any person who should give more than one pound eighteen shillings for a

[Illustration: 2-013-dover.jpg DOVER]


All the revenues of Ireland, and all the schemes contrived to bolster up
the credit of the base coin, would have proved insufficient to support
the expenses of the war, had not James received occasional supplies from
the French monarch. After the return of the fleet which had conveyed
him to Ireland, Louis sent another strong squadron, commanded by Chateau
Benault, as a convoy to some transports laden with arms, ammunition, and
a large sum of money for the use of king James. Before they sailed
from Brest, king William, being informed of their destination, detached
admiral Herbert from Spithead with twelve ships of the line, one
fire-ship, and four tenders, in order to intercept the enemy. He was
driven by stress of weather into Mil-ford-haven, from whence he steered
his course to Kin-sale, on the supposition that the French fleet had
sailed from Brest, and that in all probability he should fall in with
them on the coast of Ireland. On the first day of May he discovered them
at anchor in Bantry-bay, and stood in to engage them, though they were
greatly superior to him in number. They no sooner perceived him at
day-break, than they weighed, stood out to windward, formed their line,
bore down, and began the action, which was maintained for two hours
with equal valour on both sides, though the English fleet sustained
considerable damage from the superior fire of the enemy. Herbert tacked
several times in hope of gaining the weather-gage; but the French
admiral kept his wind with uncommon skill and perseverance. At length
the English squadron stood off to sea, and maintained a running fight
till five in the afternoon, when Chateau Renault tacked about and
returned into the bay, content with the honour he had gained. The loss
of men was inconsiderable on both sides; and where the odds were so
great, the victor could not reap much glory. Herbert retired to
the isles of Scilly, where he expected a reinforcement; but being
disappointed in this expectation, he returned to Portsmouth in very
ill humour, with which his officers and men were infected. The common
sailors still retained some attachment to James, who had formerly been
a favourite among them; and the officers complained that they had been
sent upon this service with a force so much inferior to that of the
enemy. King William, in order to appease their discontent, made an
excursion to Portsmouth, where he dined with the admiral on board
the ship Elizabeth, declared his intention of making him an earl in
consideration of his good conduct and services, conferred the honour of
knighthood on the captains Ashby and Shovel, and bestowed a donation of
ten shillings on every private sailor.


The parliament of England thought it incumbent upon them not only to
raise supplies for the maintenance of the war in which the nation was
involved, but also to do justice with respect to those who had been
injured by illegal or oppressive sentences in the late reigns. The
attainders of lord Russel, Algernon Sidney, alderman Cornish, and lady
Lisle, were now reversed. A committee of privileges was appointed by
the lords to examine the case of the earl of Devonshire, who in the
late reign had been fined thirty thousand pounds for assaulting colonel
Culpepper in the presence-chamber. They reported that the court of
king's bench, in overruling the earl's plea of privilege of parliament,
had committed a manifest breach of privilege; that the fine was
excessive and exhorbitant, against the great charter, the common right
of the subject, and the law of the realm. The sentence pronounced upon
Samuel Johnson, chaplain to lord Russel, in consequence of which he
had been degraded, fined, scourged, and set in the pillory, was now
annulled, and the commons recommended him to his majesty for some
ecclesiastical preferment. He received one thousand pounds in money,
with a pension of three hundred pounds for his own life and that of his
son, who was moreover gratified with a place of one hundred pounds a
year; but the father never obtained any ecclesiastical benefice. Titus
Oates seized this opportunity of petitioning the house of lords for a
reversal of the judgments given against him on his being convicted of
perjury. The opinions of all the judges and counsel at the bar were
heard on this subject, and a bill of reversal passed the commons; but
the peers having inserted some amendments and a proviso, a conference
was demanded, and violent heats ensued. Oates, however, was released
from confinement, and the lords, with the consent of the commons,
recommended him to his majesty for a pardon, which he obtained, together
with a comfortable pension. The committee appointed to inquire into the
cases of the state-prisoners, found sir Robert Wright, late lord chief
justice, to have been concerned in the cruelties committed in the west
after the insurrection of Monmouth; as also one of the ecclesiastical
commissioners, and guilty of manifold enormities. Death had by this time
delivered Jefferies from the resentment of the nation. Graham and Burton
had acted as solicitors in the illegal prosecutions carried on against
those who opposed the court in the reign of Charles II.; these were now
reported guilty of having been instrumental in taking away the lives and
estates of those who had suffered the loss of either under colour of
law for eight years last past; of having, by malicious indictments,
informations, and prosecutions of _quo warranto_, endeavoured the
subversion of the protestant religion, and the government of the realm;
and of having wasted many thousand pounds of the public revenue in the
course of their infamous practices.


Nor did the misconduct of the present ministry escape the animadversion
of the parliament. The lords having addressed the king to put the
Isle of Wight, Jersey, Guernsey, Scilly, Dover-castle, and the other
fortresses of the kingdom, in a posture of defence, and to disarm the
papists, empowered a committee to inquire into the miscarriages in
Ireland, which were generally imputed to the neglect of the marquisses
of Caermarthan and Halifax. They presented an address to the king,
desiring the minute-book of the committee for Irish affairs might be
put into their hands; but his majesty declined gratifying them in this
particular: then the commons voted that those persons who had advised
the king to delay this satisfaction were enemies to the kingdom.
William, alarmed at this resolution, allowed them to inspect the book,
in which they found very little for their purpose. The house resolved,
that an address should be presented to his majesty, declaring that the
succour of Ireland had been retarded by unnecessary delays; that the
transports prepared were not sufficient to convey the forces to that
kingdom; and that several ships had been taken by the enemy, for want
of proper convoy. At the same time the question was put, whether or not
they should address the king against the marquis of Halifax. But it was
carried in the negative by a small majority. Before this period, Howe,
vice-chamberlain to the queen, had moved for an address against such
counsellors as had been impeached in parliament, and betrayed the
liberties of the nation. This motion was levelled at Caemarthen and
Halifax, the first of whom had been formerly impeached of high treason,
under the title of earl of Danby; and the other was charged with all the
misconduct of the present administration. Warm debates ensued, and in
all probability the motion would have been carried in the affirmative,
had not those who spoke warmly in behalf it suddenly cooled in the
course of the dispute. Some letters from king James to his partisans
being intercepted, and containing some hints of an intended invasion,
Mr. Hambden, chairman of the committee of the whole house, enlarged upon
the imminent danger to which the kingdom was exposed, and moved for
a further supply to his majesty. In this unexpected motion he was not
seconded by one member. The house, however, having taken the letters
into consideration, resolved to draw up an address to the king, desiring
him to secure and disarm all papists of note; and they brought in a bill
for attainting several persons in rebellion against their majesties; but
it was not finished during this session.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}


Another bill being prepared in the house of lords, enjoining the
subjects to wear the woollen manufacture at certain seasons of the year,
a petition was presented against it by the silk-weavers of London and
Canterbury, assembled in a tumultuous manner at Westminster. The
lords refused their petition, because this was an unusual manner of
application. They were persuaded to return to their respective places
of abode; precautions were taken against a second riot; and the bill was
unanimously rejected in the upper house. This parliament passed an act,
vesting in the two universities the presentations belonging to papists:
those of the southern counties being given to Oxford; and those of
the northern to Cambridge, on certain specified conditions, Courts of
conscience were erected at Bristol, Gloucester, and Newcastle; and that
of the marches of Wales was abolished as an intolerable oppression. The
protestant clergymen, who had been forced to leave their benefices in
Ireland, were rendered capable of holding any living in England, without
forfeiting their title to their former preferment, with the proviso that
they should resign their English benefices when restored to 'those
they had been obliged to relinquish. The statute of Henry IV. against
multiplying gold and silver was now repealed; the subjects were allowed
to melt and refine metals and ores, and extract gold and silver from
them, on condition that it should be brought to the Mint, and converted
into money, the owners receiving its full value in current coin. These,
and several other bills of smaller importance being passed, the two
houses adjourned to the twentieth clay of September, and afterwards to
the nineteenth day of October.


     _Duke of Schomberg lands with an Army in Ireland..... The
     Inniskilliners obtain a Victory over the Irish.....
     Schomberg censured for his Inactivity..... The French
     worsted at Walcourt..... Success of the Confederates in
     Germany..... The Turks defeated at Pacochin, Nissa, and
     Widen..... Death of Pope Innocent XI..... .King William
     becomes unpopular..... A good Number of the Clergy refuse to
     take the Oaths..... The King grants a Commission for
     reforming Church Discipline..... Meeting of the
     Convocation..... Their Session discontinued by repeated
     Prorogations..... Proceedings in Parliament..... The Whigs
     obstruct the Bill of Indemnity..... The Commons resume the
     Inquiry into the Cause of the Miscarriages in Ireland.....
     King William irritated against the Whigs..... Plot against
     the Government by Sir James Montgomery discovered by Bishop
     Burnet..... Warm Debates in Parliament about the Corporation
     Bills..... The King resolves to finish the Irish War in
     Person ..... General Ludlow arrives in England, but is
     obliged to withdraw..... Efforts of the Jacobites in
     Scotland..... The Court Interest triumphs over all
     Opposition in that Country..... The Tory Interest prevails
     in the New Parliament of England..... Bill for recognising
     their Majesties..... Another violent Contest about the Bill
     of Abjuration..... King William lands in Ireland..... King
     James marches to the Boyne..... William resolves to give him
     battle..... Battle of the Boyne..... Death and Character of
     Schomberg..... James embarks for France..... William enters
     Dublin and publishes his Declaration..... The French obtain
     a Victory over the English and Dutch Fleets off Beachy-
     head..... Torrington committed Prisoner to the Tower.....
     Progress of William in Ireland..... He Invests Limerick; but
     is obliged to raise the Siege, and returns to England.....
     Cork and Kinsale reduced by the Earl of Marlborough .....
     Lausun and the French Forces quit Ireland..... The Duke of
     Savoy joins the Confederacy..... Prince Waldeck defeated at
     Fleurus..... The Archduke Joseph elected King of the
     Romans..... Death of the Duke of Lorrain..... Progress of
     the War against the Turks..... Meeting of the
     Parliament..... The Commons comply with all the King's
     Demands..... Petition of the Tories in the City of
     London..... Attempt against the Marquis of Caermarthen.....
     The King's Voyage to Holland..... He assists at a
     Congress..... Returns to England._

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}


Though the affairs of Ireland were extremely pressing, and the
protestants of that country had made repeated application for relief,
the succours were retarded either by disputes among the ministers, or
the neglect of those who had the management of the expedition, in such
a manner that king James had been six months in Ireland before the army
was embarked for that kingdom. At length eighteen regiments of infantry,
and five of dragoons, being raised for that service, a train of
artillery provided, and transports prepared, the duke of Sehomberg, on
whom king William had conferred the chief command of this armament,
set out for Chester, after he had in person thanked the commons for the
uncommon regard they had paid to his services, and received assurances
from the house, that they would pay particular attention to him and his
army. On the thirteenth day of August he landed in the neighbourhood
of Carrickfergus with about ten thousand foot and dragoons, and took
possession of Belfast, from whence the enemy retired at his approach
to Carrickfergus, where they resolved to make a stand. The duke having
refreshed his men, marched thither, and invested the place; the siege
was carried on till the twenty-sixth clay of the month, when the
breaches being practicable, the besieged capitulated, on condition of
marching out with their arms, and as much baggage as they could carry on
their backs; and of their being conducted to the next Irish garrison,
which was at Newry. During this siege the duke was joined by the rest of
his army from England; but he had left orders for conveying the greater
part of the artillery and stores from Chester directly to Carlingford.
He now began his march through Lisburne and Hillsborough, and encamped
at Drummore, where the protestants of the north had been lately routed
by Hamilton; thence he proceeded to Loughbrillane, where he was joined
by the horse and dragoons of Inniskilling. Then the enemy abandoned
Newry and Dundalk, in the neighbourhood of which Sehomberg encamped on a
low damp ground, having the town and river on the south, and surrounded
on every other part by hills, bogs, and mountains.


His army, consisting chiefly of new-raised men little inured to
hardship, began to flag under the fatigue of marching, the inclemency of
the weather, and scarcity of provisions. Here he was reinforced by the
regiments of Kirke, Hanmer, and Stuart; and would have continued his
march to Drogheda, where he understood Rosene lay with about twenty
thousand men, had he not been obliged to wait for the artillery, which
was not yet arrived at Carlingford. King James, having assembled all
his forces, advanced towards Schomberg, and appeared before his
intrenchments in order of battle; but the duke, knowing they were
greatly superior in number of horse, and that his own army was
undisciplined, and weakened by death and sickness, restrained his men
within the lines, and in a little time the enemy retreated. Immediately
after their departure, a conspiracy was discovered in the English camp,
hatched by some French papists, who had insinuated themselves into
the protestant regiments. One of these, whose name was Du Plessis, had
written a letter to the ambassador D'Avaux, promising to desert with
all the papists of the three French regiments in Schomberg's army. This
letter being found, Du Plessis and five accomplices were tried by a
court-martial, and executed. About two hundred and fifty papists being
discovered in the French regiments, they were sent over to England,
from thence to Holland. While Schomberg remained in this situation, the
Inniskilliners made excursions in the neighbourhood, under the command
of colonel Lloyd; and on the twenty-seventh day of September they
obtained a complete victory over five times their number of the Irish.
They killed seven hundred on the spot, and took O'Kelly their commander,
with about fifty officers, and a considerable booty of cattle. The duke
was so pleased with their behaviour on this occasion, that they received
a very honourable testimony of his approbation.


Meanwhile, the enemy took possession of James-Town, and reduced Sligo,
one of the forts of which was gallantly defended by St. Sauver, a
French captain, and his company of grenadiers, until he was obliged
to capitulate for want of water and provisions. A contagious distemper
still continued to rage in Schomberg's camp, and swept off a great
number of officers and soldiers; so that in the beginning of next
spring, not above half the number of those who went over with the
general remained alive. He was censured for his inactivity, and the
king, in repeated letters, desired him to hazard an engagement, provided
any opportunity should occur; but he did not think proper to run the
risk of a battle, against an enemy that was above thrice his number,
well disciplined, healthy, and conducted by able officers. Nevertheless,
he was certainly blameable for having chosen such an unwholesome
situation. At the approach of winter he retired into quarters, in hopes
of being reinforced with seven thousand Danes, who had already arrived
in Britain. These auxiliaries were stipulated in a treaty which William
had just concluded with the king of Denmark. The English were not more
successful at sea than they had proved in their operations by land.
Admiral Herbert, now created earl of Torrington, having sailed to
Ireland with the combined squadrons of England and Holland, made a
fruitless attempt upon Cork, and lost a great number of seamen by
sickness, which was imputed to bad provisions. The Dartmouth ship of war
fell into the hands of the enemy, who infested the channel with such
a number of armed ships and privateers, that the trade of England
sustained incredible damage.


The affairs of France wore but a gloomy aspect on the continent, where
all the powers of Europe seemed to have conspired her destruction. King
William had engaged in a new league with the states-general, in which
former treaties of peace and commerce were confirmed. It was stipulated,
that in case the king of Great Britain should be attacked, the Dutch
should assist him with six thousand infantry, and twenty ships of the
line; and that, provided hostilities should be committed against the
states-general, England should supply them with ten thousand infantry,
and twenty ships of war. This treaty was no sooner ratified, than king
William dispatched the lord Churchill, whom he had by this time created
earl of Marlborough, to Holland, in order to command the British
auxiliaries in that service to the number of eleven thousand, the
greater part of which had been in the army of king James when the prince
of Orange landed in England. The earl forthwith joined the Dutch army,
under the command of prince Waldeck, who had fixed his rendezvous in the
county of Liege, with a view to act against the French army commanded by
the mareschal D'Humieres; while the prince of Vaudemont headed a little
army of observation, consisting of Spaniards, Dutch, and Germans, to
watch the motions of Calvo in another part of the Low-Countries. The
city of Liege was compelled to renounce the neutrality, and declare for
the allies. Mareschal D'Humieres attacked the foragers belonging to the
army of the states at Walcourt, in the month of August; an obstinate
engagement ensued, and the French were obliged to retreat in confusion,
with the loss of two thousand men, and some pieces of artillery. The
army of observation levelled part of the French lines on the side of
Courtray, and raised contributions on the territories of the enemy.


The French were almost entire masters of the three ecclesiastical
electorates of Germany. They possessed Mentz, Triers, Bonne,
Keiserswaert, Philipsburgh, and Landau. They had blown up the castle of
Heildelberg, in the Palatinate, and destroyed Manheim. They had reduced
Worms and Spiers to ashes; and demolished Frankendahl, together
with several other fortresses. These conquests, the fruits of sudden
invasion, were covered with a numerous army, commanded by the mareschal
de Duras; and all his inferior generals were officers of distinguished
courage and ability. Nevertheless, he found it difficult to maintain
his ground against the different princes of the empire. The duke of
Lorraine, who commanded the imperial troops, invested Mentz, and took
it by capitulation; the elector of Brandenburgh, having reduced
Keiserswaert, undertook the siege of Bonne, which the garrison
surrendered after having made a long and vigorous defence. Nothing
contributed more to the union of the German princes than their
resentment of the shocking barbarity with which the French had
plundered, wasted, and depopulated their country. Louis having, by his
intrigues in Poland and at Constantinople, prevented a pacification
between the emperor and the Ottoman Porte, the campaign was opened in
Croatia, where five thousand Turks were defeated by a body of Croates
between Vihitz and Novi. The prince of Baden, who commanded the
imperialists on that side, having thrown a bridge over the Morava at
Passarowitz, crossed that river, and marched in quest of a Turkish
army amounting to fifty thousand men, headed by a seraskier. On the
thirteenth day of August he attacked the enemy in their intrenchments
near Patochin, and forced their lines, routed them with great slaughter,
and took possession of their camp, baggage, and artillery. They returned
to Nissa, where the general finding them still more numerous than the
imperialists, resolved to make a stand, and encamped in a situation that
was inaccessible in every part except the rear, which he left open
for the convenience of a retreat. Through this avenue he was, on the
twenty-fourth day of September, attacked by the prince of Baden,
who, after a desperate resistance, obtained another complete victory,
enriched his troops with the spoil of the enemy, and entered Nissa
without opposition. There he found above three thousand horses and a
vast quantity of provisions. Having reposed his army for a few days in
this place, he resumed his march against the Turks, who had chosen
an advantageous post at Widen, and seemed ambitious of retrieving the
honour they had lost in the two former engagements. The Germans attacked
their lines without hesitation; and though the Musselmen fought with
incredible fury, they were a third time defeated with great slaughter.
This defeat was attended with the loss of Widen, which being surrendered
to the victor, he distributed his troops in winter quarters, and
returned to Vienna covered with laurels.


The French were likewise baffled in their attempt upon Catalonia, where
the duke de Noailles had taken Campredon in the month of May. Leaving a
garrison in this place, he retreated to the frontiers of France, while
the duke de Villa Hermosa, at the head of a Spanish army, blocked up the
place and laid Rousillon under contribution. He afterwards undertook the
siege in form, and Noailles marched to its relief; but he was so hard
pressed by the Spaniards that he withdrew the garrison, dismantled the
place, and retreated with great precipitation. The French king hoped to
derive some considerable advantage from the death of Pope Innocent XL
which happened on the twelfth day of August. That pontiff had been an
inveterate enemy to Louis ever since the affair of the franchises, and
the seizure of Avignon. [016] _[See note F, at the end of this Vol.]_
Cabals were immediately formed at Eome by the French faction against
the Spanish and Imperial interest. The French cardinals, de Bouillon and
Bonzi, accompanied by Furstemberg, repaired to Eome with a large sum
of money. Peter Ottoboni, a Venetian, was elected pope, and assumed the
name of Alexander VIII. The duke de Chaulnes, ambassador from France,
immediately signified in the name of his master, that Avignon should
be restored to the patrimony of the church; and Louis renounced the
franchises in a letter written by his own hand to the pontiff. Alexander
received these marks of respect with the warmest acknowledgments; but
when the ambassador and Furstemberg besought him to re-examine the
election of the bishop of Cologne, which had been the source of so much
calamity to the empire, he lent a deaf ear to their solicitations.
He even confirmed the dispensations granted by his predecessor to the
prince of Bavaria, who was thus empowered to take possession of the
electorate, though he had not yet attained the age required by the
canons. Furstemberg retired in disgust to Paris, where Louis immediately
gratified him with the abbey of St. Germains.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}


King William found it an easier task to unite the councils of Europe
against the common enemy than to conciliate and preserve the affections
of his own subjects, among whom he began visibly to decline in point of
popularity. Many were dissatisfied with his measures; and a great number
even of those who exerted themselves for his elevation had conceived a
disgust from his personal deportment, which was very unsuitable to the
manners and disposition of the English people. Instead of mingling
with his nobility in social amusements and familiar conversation, he
maintained a disagreeable reserve which had all the air of sullen pride;
he seldom or never spoke to his courtiers or attendants, he spent his
time chiefly in the closet retired from all communication; or among
his troops in a camp he had formed at Hounslow; or in the exercise of
hunting, to which he was immoderately addicted. This had been prescribed
to him by physicians as necessary to improve his constitution, which was
naturally weak, and by practice had become so habitual that he could not
lay it aside. His ill health co-operating with his natural aversion
to society, produced a peevishness which could not fail of being
displeasing to those who were near his person: this was increased by the
disputes in his cabinet, and the opposition of those who were professed
enemies to his government, as well as by the alienation of his former
friends. As he could not breathe without difficulty in the air of
London, he resided chiefly at Hampton-court, and expended considerable
sums in beautifying and enlarging that palace; he likewise purchased the
house at Kensington of the earl of Nottingham; and such profusion in the
beginning of an expensive war gave umbrage to the nation in general.
Whether he was advised by his counsellors, or his own sagacity pointed
out the expediency of conforming with the English humour, he now seemed
to change his disposition, and in some measure adopt the manners of his
predecessors. In imitation of Charles II. he resorted to the races at
Newmarket; he accepted an invitation to visit Cambridge, where he
behaved himself with remarkable affability to the members of the
university; he afterwards dined with the lord-mayor of London, accepted
the freedom of the city, and condescended so far as to become
sovereign-master of the company of grocers.


While William thus endeavoured to remove the prejudices which had been
conceived against his person, the period arrived which the parliament
had prescribed for taking the oaths to the new government. Some
individuals of the clergy sacrificed their benefices to their scruples
of conscience, and absolutely refused to take oaths that were contrary
to those they had already sworn in favour of their late sovereign. These
were distinguished by the epithet of nonjurors: but their number bore
a very small proportion to that of others, who took them with such
reservations and distinctions as redounded very little to the honour of
their integrity. Many of those who had been the warmest advocates for
non-resistance and passive obedience, made no scruple of renouncing
their allegiance to king James, and complying with the present act,
after having declared that they took the oaths in no other sense than
that of a peaceable submission to the powers that were. They even
affirmed that the legislature itself had allowed the distinction between
a king _de facto_ and a king _de jure_, as they had dropped the word
"rightful" when the form was under debate. They alleged that as prudence
obliged them to conform to the letter of the oath, so conscience
required them to give it their own interpretation. Nothing could be more
infamous and of worse tendency than this practice of equivocating in
the most sacred of all obligations. It introduced a general disregard of
oaths, which hath been the source of universal perjury and corruption.
Though this set of temporizers were bitterly upbraided both by the
nonjurors and the papists, they all concurred in representing William as
an enemy to the church; as a prince educated in the doctrines of Calvin,
which he plainly espoused, by limiting his favour and preferment to such
as were latitudinarians in religion, and by his abolishing episcopacy
in Scotland. The presbyterians in that kingdom now tyrannized in their
turn. They were headed by the earl of Crawford, a nobleman of a violent
temper and strong prejudices. He was chosen president of the parliament
by the interest of Melvil, and oppressed the episcopalians in such a
manner that the greater part of them from resentment became well-wishers
to king James. Every circumstance of the hardships they underwent was
reported in England; and the earl of Clarendon, as well as the suspended
bishops, circulated these particulars with great assiduity. The oaths
being rejected by the archbishop of Canterbury, the bishops of Ely,
Chichester, Bath and Wells, Peterborough and Gloucester, they were
suspended from their functions, and threatened with deprivation. Lake
of Chichester, being seized with a dangerous distemper, signed a solemn
declaration, in which he professed his adherence to the doctrine of
non-resistance and passive obedience, which he believed to be the
distinguishing characteristic of the church of England. After his death
this paper was published, industriously circulated, and extolled by the
party as an inspired oracle pronounced by a martyr to religious truth
and sincerity.


All the clamour that was raised against the king could not divert him
from prosecuting the scheme of comprehension. He granted a commission
under the great seal to ten bishops and twenty dignitaries of the
church, authorizing them to meet from time to time in the Jerusalem
chamber, to prepare such alterations of the liturgy and the canons, and
such proposals for the reformation of ecclesiastical courts as might
most conduce to the good order, edification, and uniting of the church,
and tend to reconcile all religious differences among the protestant
subjects of the kingdom. A cry was immediately raised against this
commission, as an ecclesiastical court illegal and dangerous. At their
first meeting the authority of the commission was questioned by Sprat,
bishop of Rochester, who retired in disgust, and was followed by Mew of
Winchester, and the doctors Jane and Aldrich. These were averse to any
alteration of the forms and constitution of the church in favour of an
insolent and obstinate party, which ought to have been satisfied with
the toleration they enjoyed. They observed that an attempt to make such
alteration would divide the clergy, and bring the liturgy into disesteem
with the people, as it would be a plain acknowledgment that it wanted
correction. They thought they should violate the dignity of the church
by condescending to make offers which the dissenters were at liberty to
refuse; and they suspected some of their colleagues of a design to give
up episcopal ordination--a step inconsistent with their honour, duty,
oaths, and subscriptions.


The commissioners, notwithstanding this secession, proceeded to debate
with moderation on the abuses of which the dissenters had complained,
and corrected every article that seemed liable to any just objection;
but the opposite party employed all their art and industry to inflame
the minds of the people. The two universities declared against all
alterations, and those who promoted them. The king himself was
branded as an enemy to the hierarchy; and they bestirred themselves so
successfully in the election of members for the convocation, that
they procured a very considerable majority. At their first meeting the
friends of the comprehension scheme proposed Dr. Tillotson, clerk of the
closet to his majesty, as prolocutor; but the other party carried it in
favour of Dr. Jane, who was counted the most violent churchman in the
whole Assembly. In a Latin speech to the bishop of London as president,
he, in the name of the lower house, asserted that the liturgy of England
needed no amendment, and concluded with the old declaration of the
barons, "_Nolumus leges Angliae mutari_. We will not suffer the laws
of England to be changed." The bishop, in his reply, exhorted them
to moderation, charity, and indulgence towards their brethren the
dissenters, and to make such abatements in things indifferent as might
serve to open a door of salvation to multitudes of straying christians.
His injunctions, however, produced no favourable effect; the lower house
seemed to be animated by a spirit of opposition. Next day the president
prorogued them, on pretence that the royal commission, by which
they were to act, was defective for want of being sealed, and that a
prorogation was necessary until that sanction should be obtained. In
this interval means were used to mollify their non-compliant tempers,
but all endeavours proved ineffectual. When they met again, the earl of
Nottingham delivered the king's commission to both houses, with a
speech of his own, and a message from his majesty, importing that he had
summoned them out of a pious zeal to do every thing that might tend to
the best establishment of the church of England, which should always
enjoy his favour and protection. He exhorted them to lay aside all
prejudice, and consider calmly and impartially whatever should be
proposed: he assured them he would offer nothing but what should be for
the honour, peace, and advantage of the protestant religion in general,
and particularly of the church of England.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}


The bishops adjourning to the Jerusalem chamber, prepared a zealous
address of thanks to his majesty, which, being sent to the lower house
for their concurrence, met with violent opposition. Amendments were
proposed; a conference ensued, and, after warm debates, they agreed upon
a cold address, which was accordingly presented. The majority of the
lower house, far from taking any measures in favour of dissenters,
converted all their attention to the relief of their nonjuring brethren.
Zealous speeches were made in behalf of the suspended bishops; and Dr.
Jane proposed that something might be done to qualify them to sit in the
convocation. This, however, was such a dangerous point as they would not
venture to discuss; yet, rather than proceed upon the business for which
they had been assembled, they began to take cognizance of some pamphlets
lately published, which they conceived to be of dangerous consequence
to the christian religion. The president and his party, perceiving
the disposition of the house, did not think proper to communicate any
proposal touching the intended reformation, and the king suffered the
session to be discontinued by repeated prorogations.


The parliament meeting on the nineteenth day of October, the king, in a
speech of his own composing, explained the necessity of a present supply
to carry on the war. He desired that they might be speedy in their
determinations on this subject, for these would in a great measure
influence the deliberations of the princes and states concerned in the
war against France, as a general meeting of them was appointed to be
held next month at the Hague, to settle the operations of the ensuing
campaign. He concluded with recommending the dispatch of a bill of
indemnity, that the minds of his subjects might be quieted, and that
they might unanimously concur in promoting the honour and welfare of the
kingdom. As several inflammatory bills and disputes, which had produced
heats and animosities in the last session, were still depending, the
king, after having consulted both houses, resolved to put an end to
those disputes by a prorogation. He accordingly went to the house of
lords and prorogued the parliament till the twenty-first day of October,
by the mouth of the new speaker, sir Robert Atkins; the marquis of
Halifax having resigned that office. When they re-assembled, the
king referred them to his former speech: then the commons unanimously
resolved to assist his majesty in reducing Ireland, and in joining with
his allies abroad for a vigorous prosecution of the war against France:
for these purposes they voted a supply of two millions.


During this session the whigs employed all their influence and intrigues
in obstructing the bill of indemnity, which they knew would open a door
for favour and preferment to the opposite party, which began to gain
ground in the king's good graces. With this view they revived the
prosecution of the state prisoners. A committee was appointed to prepare
a charge against Burton and Graham. The commons resolved to impeach the
earls of Peterborough, Salisbury, and Castlemain, sir Edward Hales,
and Obadiah Walker, of high treason, for having been reconciled to the
church of Rome, contrary to the laws of the realm. A bill was ordered
to be brought in to declare the estate of the late lord chancellor
Jefferies forfeited to the crown, and attaint his blood; but it met with
such opposition that the measure was dropped: the house however agreed,
that the pecuniary penalties incurred by those persons who had exercised
offices contrary to the laws against popish recusants, should be
speedily levied and applied to the public service. The lord Griffin
being detected in maintaining a correspondence with king James and his
partizans, was committed to the Tower; but as no other evidence appeared
against him than written letters, found in the false bottom of a pewter
bottle, they could not help consenting to his being released upon bail,
as they had lately resolved that Algernon Sidney was unjustly condemned
in the reign of Charles II. because nothing but writings had been
produced against him at his trial. The two houses concurred in
appointing a committee to inquire who were the advisers and prosecutors
in taking away the lives of lord Russel, colonel Sydney, sir Thomas
Armstrong, alderman Cornish, and others; and who were chiefly concerned
in the arbitrary practices touching the writs of _quo warranto_, and
the surrender of charters. This inquiry was levelled at the marquis of
Halifax, who had concurred with the ministry of Charles in all these
severities. Though no proof appeared upon which votes or addresses could
be founded, that nobleman saw it was necessary for him to withdraw
himself from the administration; he therefore resigned the privy-seal,
which was put in commission, and reconciled himself to the tories, of
whom he became the patron and protector.


The commons likewise resumed the examination of the miscarriages in
Ireland, and desired the king would appoint commissioners to go over
and inquire into the condition of the army in that kingdom. Schomberg,
understanding that he had been blamed in the house of commons for his
inactivity, transmitted to the king a satisfactory vindication of his
own conduct; and it appeared that the miscarriages in Ireland were
wholly owing to John Shales, purveyor-general to the army. The commons
immediately presented an address to his majesty, praying that Shales
might be taken into custody; that all his papers, accounts, and stores,
should be secured; and that duke Schomberg might be empowered to fill
his place with a more able purveyor. The king gave them to understand
that he had already sent orders to the general for that purpose.
Nevertheless, they in another petition requested his majesty to name
those who had recommended Shales to his service, as he had exercised the
same office under king James, and was suspected of treasonable practices
against the government. William declined gratifying their request; but
he afterwards sent a message to the house, desiring them to recommend
a certain number of commissioners to superintend such provisions and
preparations as might be necessary for that service, as well as to
nominate certain persons to go over and examine the state of the army
in Ireland. The commons were so mollified by this instance of his
condescension, that they left the whole affair to his own direction,
and proceeded to examine other branches of misconduct. Instances of
mismanagement appeared so numerous and so flagrant, that they resolved
upon a subsequent address, to explain the ill conduct and success of
his army and navy; to desire he would find out the author of these
miscarriages, and for the future intrust unsuspected persons with the
management of affairs. They ordered the victuallers of the fleet to be
taken into custody, on suspicion of their having furnished the navy with
unwholesome provisions, and new commissioners were appointed. Bitter
reproaches were thrown out against the ministry. Mr. Hambden expressed
his surprise that the administration should consist of those very
persons whom king James had employed, when his affairs were desperate,
to treat with the prince of Orange, and moved that the king should be
petitioned in an address to remove such persons from his presence and
councils. This was a stroke aimed at the earl of Nottingham, whose
office of secretary Hambden desired to possess; but his motion was not
seconded, the court-members observing that James did not depute these
lords to the prince of Orange because they were attached to his own
interest, but for a very different reason, namely, that they were well
known to disapprove of his measures, and therefore would be the more
agreeable to his highness. The house however voted an address to the
king, desiring that the authors of the miscarriages might be brought to
condign punishment.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}


In the sequel, the question was proposed, Whether a placeman ought to
have a seat in the house? and a very warm debate ensued: but it was
carried in the affirmative, on the supposition that by such exclusion
the commonwealth would be deprived of some of the ablest senators of the
kingdom. But what chiefly irritated William against the whigs was their
backwardness in promoting the public service, and their disregard of the
earnest desire he expressed to see his revenue settled for life. He said
his title was no more than a pageant, and the worst of all governments
was that of a king without treasure. Nevertheless, they would not grant
the civil list for a longer term than one year. They began to think
there was something arbitrary in his disposition. His sullen behaviour
in all probability first infused this opinion, which was strengthened
and confirmed by the insinuations of his enemies. The Scots who had come
up to London to give an account of the proceedings in their parliament,
were infected with the same notion. One Simpson, a presbyterian of that
country, whom the earl of Portland employed as a spy, had insinuated
himself into the confidence of Nevil Payne, an active and intelligent
partisan and agent of king James; by which means he supplied the earl
with such intelligence as raised him to some degree of credit with that
minister. This he used in prepossessing the earl against the king's best
friends, and infusing jealousies which were soon kindled into mutual
distrust and animosity.


Sir James Montgomery, who had been a warm advocate for the revolution,
received advice that the court suspected him and others of disaffection,
and was employed in seeking evidence by which they might be prosecuted.
They were equally alarmed and incensed at this intimation, and Payne
seized the opportunity of seducing them into a correspondence with the
exiled king. They demanded the settlement of the presbytery in Scotland,
and actually engaged in a treaty for his restoration. They reconciled
themselves to the duke of Queensbury, and the other noblemen of the
episcopal party: they wrote to James for a supply of money, arms, and
ammunition, together with a reinforcement of three thousand men from
Dunkirk. Montgomery had acquired great interest among the whigs of
England, and this he-employed in animating them against the king and
the ministry. He represented them as a set of wicked men, who employed
infamous spies to insnare and ruin the fast friends of the government,
and found means to alienate them so much from William, that they began
to think in earnest of recalling their banished prince The duke of
Bolton and the earl of Monmouth were almost persuaded into a conspiracy
for this purpose; they seemed to think James was now so well convinced
of his former errors, that they might trust him without scruple.
Montgomery and Payne were the chief managers of the scheme, and they
admitted Ferguson into their councils, as a veteran in the arts of
treason. In order to blast William's credit in the city, they circulated
a report that James would grant a full indemnity, separate himself
entirely from the French interest, and be contented with a secret
connivance in favour of the Roman catholics. Montgomery's brother
assured the bishop of Salisbury that a treaty with king James was
absolutely concluded, and an invitation subscribed by the whole cabal.
He said this paper would be sent to Ireland by the way of France, as the
direct communication was difficult; and he proposed a method for seizing
it before it should be conveyed out of the kingdom. Williamson, the
supposed bearer of it, had obtained a pass for Flanders, and a messenger
being sent in pursuit of him, secured his clothes and portmanteau; but
after a very strict examination nothing appeared to justify the
intelligence. Williamson had previously delivered the papers to Simpson,
who hired a boat at Deal, and arrived in safety at France. He returned
with large assurances, and twelve thousand pounds were remitted to the
Scottish undertakers. Montgomery the informer seeing his intelligence
falsified, lost his credit with the bishop, and dreading the resentment
of the other party, retired to the continent. The conspirators loudly
complained of the false imputations they had incurred. The pretended
discoveries were looked upon as fictions of the ministry, and the king
on this occasion suffered greatly in the opinion of his subjects.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}


The tories still continued to carry on a secret negotiation with the
court. They took advantage of the ill-humour subsisting between the
king and the whigs; and promised large supplies of money provided this
parliament should be dissolved and another immediately convoked. The
opposite party, being apprized of their intention, brought a bill into
the house of commons for restoring corporations to their ancient rights
and privileges. They knew their own strength at elections consisted
in these corporations; and they inserted two additional severe clauses
against those who were in any shape concerned in surrendering charters.
The whole power of the tories was exerted against this clause; and now
the whigs vied with them in making court to his majesty, promising to
manifest the most submissive obedience should this bill be enacted into
a law. The strength of the tories was now become so formidable to
the house, that they out-voted the other party, and the clauses were
rejected; but the bill passed in its original form. The lords debated
upon the point, Whether a corporation could be forfeited or surrendered?
Lord chief justice Holt and two other judges declared their opinion in
the affirmative: the rest thought otherwise, as no precedents could be
produced farther back than the reign of Henry VIII. when the abbeys were
surrendered; and this instance seemed too violent to authorize such a
measure in a regular course of administration. The bill, however, passed
by one voice only. Then both parties quickened their applications to the
king, who found himself so perplexed and distracted between two factions
which he equally feared, that he resolved to leave the government in the
queen's hands and retire to Holland. He communicated this design to the
marquis of Carmarthen, the earl of Shrewsbury, and some other noblemen,
who pressed him to lay aside his resolution, and even mingled tears with
their remonstrances.


He at length complied with their request, and determined to finish the
Irish war in person. This design was far from being agreeable to the
parliament. His friends dreaded the climate of that country, which might
prove fatal to his weak constitution. The well-wishers of James were
afraid of that prince's being hard pressed, should William take the
field against him in person.

Both houses, therefore, began to prepare an address against this
expedition. In order to prevent this remonstrance, the king went to the
parliament, and formally signified his resolution. After his speech they
were prorogued to the second day of April. On the sixth day of February
they were dissolved by proclamation, and a new parliament was summoned
to meet on the twentieth day of March. During this session, the commons,
in an address to the king, desired that a revenue of fifty thousand
pounds might be settled upon the prince and princess of Denmark, out of
the civil list; and his majesty gratified them in this particular: yet
the warmth and industry with which the friends of the princess
exerted themselves in promoting the settlement, produced a coldness and
misunderstanding between the two sisters; and the subsequent disgrace of
the earl of Marlborough was imputed to the part which his wife acted on
the occasion. She was lady of the bed-chamber, and chief confidant to
the princess, whom she strenuously advised to insist upon the settlement
rather than depend upon the generosity of the king and queen.


About this period general Ludlow, who at the restoration had been
excepted from the act of indemnity, as one of those who sat in judgment
upon Charles I. arrived in England, and offered his service in reducing
Ireland, where he had formerly commanded. Though a rigid republican,
he was reputed a conscientious man, and a good officer. He had received
some encouragement to come over, and probably would have been employed
had not the commons interposed. Sir Edward Seymour, who enjoyed by grant
an estate in Wiltshire which had formerly belonged to Ludlow, began to
be in pain for his possession. He observed in the house, that the nation
would be disgraced should one of the J parricides be suffered to live in
the kingdom. An address was immediately presented to the king, desiring
a proclamation might be issued promising a reward for apprehending
general Ludlow. This was accordingly published; but not before he had
landed in Holland, from whence he returned to Vevay in Switzerland,
where he wrote the memoirs of his life, and died after an exile of
thirty years.


While king William fluctuated between two parties in England, his
interest in Scotland had well nigh given way to a coalition between the
original Jacobites and Montgomery's party of discontented presbyterians.
Colonel Cannon, who succeeded the viscount Dundee in command, after
having made several unsuccessful efforts in favour of the late king's
interest, retired into Ireland; and the highlanders chose sir Hugh
Cameron for their leader. Under him they renewed their incursions with
the better prospect of success, as several regiments of the regular
troops had been sent to reinforce the army of Schomberg. James assisted
them with clothes, arms, and ammunition, together with some officers,
amongst whom was colonel Bucan, appointed to act as their chief
commander. This officer, at the head of fifteen hundred men, advanced
into the shire of Murray, in hopes of being joined by other malcontents;
but he was surprised and routed by sir Thomas Livingstone, while major
Ferguson destroyed the places they possessed in the Isle of Mull; so
that the highlanders were obliged to retire and conceal themselves among
their hills and fastnesses. The friends of James, despairing of doing
any thing effectual for his service in the field, converted all their
attention to the proceedings in parliament; where they imagined their
interest was much stronger than it appeared to be upon trial. They took
the oaths without hesitation, and hoped, by the assistance of their new
allies, to embroil the government in such a manner that the majority of
the people would declare for a restoration. But the views of these new
cemented parties were altogether incompatible, and their principles
diametrically opposite. Notwithstanding their concurrence in parliament,
the earl of Melvil procured a small majority. The opposition was
immediately discouraged: some individuals retracted, rather than fall
with a sinking cause; and mutual jealousies began to prevail. The
leaders of the coalition treated separately with king James; made
inconsistent demands; reciprocally concealed their negotiations; in a
word, they distrusted and hated one another with the most implacable


The earls of Argyle, Annandale, and Breadalbane, withdrew from their
councils and repaired to England. Montgomery, terrified at their
defection, went privately to London, after he had hinted something
of the plot to Melvil, and solicited a pass from the queen, which was
refused. Annandale, having received information that Montgomery had
disclosed all the particulars of the negotiation, threw himself upon the
queen's mercy, and discovered all he knew of the conspiracy. As lie had
not treated with any of the malcontents in England, they remained secure
from his evidence; but he informed against Nevil Payne, who had been
sent down as their agent to Scotland, where he now resided. He was
immediately apprehended by the council of that kingdom, in consequence
of a letter from the earl of Nottingham; and twice put to the torture,
which he resolutely bore, without discovering his employers. Montgomery
still absconded in London, soliciting a pardon; but finding he could not
obtain it, except on condition of making a full discovery, he
abandoned his country, and chose to die in exile rather than betray his
confederates. This disunion of the conspirators, and discovery of the
plot, left the earl of Melvil in possession of a greater majority;
though even this he was fain to secure by overstraining his instructions
in the articles of patronage, and the supremacy of the crown, which he
yielded up to the fury of the fanatic presbyterians, contrary to the
intention of king William. In lieu of these, however, they indulged him
with the tax of chimney or hearth-money; as well as with a test to be
imposed upon all persons in office or parliament, declaring William and
Mary their lawful sovereigns, and renouncing the pretended title of king
James. All the laws in favour of episcopacy were repealed. Threescore
of the presbyterian ministers, who had been ejected at the restoration,
were still alive; and these the parliament declared the only sound part
of the church. The government of it was lodged in their hands; and
they were empowered to admit such as they should think proper to their
assistance. A few furious fanatics being thus associated, proceeded with
ungovernable violence to persecute the episcopal party, exercising the
very same tyranny against which they themselves had so loudly exclaimed.


While the presbyterian interest thus triumphed in Scotland, the
two parties that divided England employed their whole influence and
attention in managing the elections for a new parliament; and the tories
obtained the victory. The king seemed gradually falling into the arms of
this party. They complained of their having been totally excluded from
the lieutenancy of London at the king's accession to the crown; and
now a considerable number of the most violent tories in the city were
admitted into the commission by the interest and address of the bishop
of London, the marquis of Carmarthen, and the earl of Nottingham. To
gratify that party, the earls of Monmouth and Warrington were dismissed
from their employments; nay, when the parliament met on the twentieth
day of March, the commons chose for their speaker sir John Trevor, a
violent partisan of that faction, who had been created master of the
rolls by the late king. He was a bold artful man, and undertook to
procure a majority to be at the devotion of the court, provided
he should be supplied with the necessary sums for the purposes of
corruption. William, finding there was no other way of maintaining his
administration in peace, thought proper to countenance the practice of
purchasing votes, and appointed Trevor first commissioner of the great
seal. In his speech to the new parliament, he gave them to understand
that he still persisted in his resolution of going in person to Ireland.
He desired they would make a settlement of the revenue, or establish it
for the present as a fund of credit, upon which the necessary sums for
the service of government might be immediately advanced; he signified
his intention of sending to them an act of grace, with a few exceptions,
that he might manifest his readiness to extend his protection to all his
subjects, and leave no colour of excuse for raising disturbances in
his absence, as he knew how busy some ill-affected men were in their
endeavours to alter the established government; he recommended an union
with Scotland, the parliament of which had appointed commissioners for
that purpose; he told them he should leave the administration in the
hands of the queen, and desired they would prepare an act to confirm her
authority; he exhorted them to dispatch the business for which they were
assembled, to avoid debates, and expressed his hope that they should
soon meet again to finish what might be now left imperfect.


The commons, in compliance with his request, voted a supply of twelve
hundred thousand pounds, one million of that sum to be raised by a
clause of credit in the revenue bills; but he could not prevail
upon them to settle the revenue for life. They granted, however, the
hereditary excise for that term, but the customs for four years only.
They considered this short term as the best security the kingdom could
have for frequent parliaments; though this precaution was not at all
agreeable to their sovereign. A poll-bill was likewise passed, other
supplies were granted, and both parties seemed to court his majesty
by advancing money on those funds of credit. The whigs, however, had
another battery in reserve. They produced, in the upper house, a bill
for recognising their majesties as the rightful and lawful sovereign of
these realms, and for declaring all the acts of the last parliament
to be good and valid. The tories were now reduced to a very perplexed
situation. They could not oppose the bill without hazarding the
interest they had so lately acquired, nor assent to it without solemnly
renouncing their former arguments and distinctions. They made no great
objections to the first part, and even proposed to enact, That those
should be deemed good laws for the time to come; but they refused to
declare them valid for that which was past. After a long debate, the
bill was committed; yet the whigs lost their majority on the report;
nevertheless, the bill was recovered, and passed with some alteration in
the words; in consequence of a nervous spirited protest, signed Bolton,
Macclesfield, Stamford, Newport, Bedford, Her bert, Suffolk, Monmouth,
Delamere, and Oxford. The whole interest of the court was thrown into
the scale with this bill, before it would preponderate against the
tories; the chiefs of whom, with the earl of Nottingham at their head,
protested in their turn. The same party in the house of commons were
determined upon a vigorous opposition; and in the mean time some
trifling objections were made, that it might be committed for amendment;
but their design was prematurely discovered by one of their faction,
who chanced to question the legality of the convention, as it was not
summoned by the king's writ. This insinuation was answered by Somers the
solicitor general, who observed, that if it was not a legal parliament,
they who were then met, and who had taken the oaths enacted by that
parliament, were guilty of high treason; the laws repealed by it were
still in force: it was their duty therefore to return to king James; and
all concerned in collecting and paying the money levied by the acts of
that parliament were highly criminal. The tories were so struck with
these arguments that the bill passed without further opposition, and
immediately received the royal assent. Thus the settlement was confirmed
by those very people who had so loudly exclaimed against it as illegal;
but the whigs, with all their management, would not have gained their
point had not the court been interested in the dispute.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}


There was another violent contest between the two parties, on the import
of a bill requiring all subjects in office to abjure king James on pain
of imprisonment. Though the clergy were at first exempted from this
test, the main body of the tories opposed it with great vehemence; while
the whigs, under countenance of the ministry, supported it with equal
vigour. It produced long and violent debates; and the two factions
seemed pretty equally balanced. At length the tories represented to
the king that a great deal of precious time would be lost in fruitless
altercation; that those who declared against the bill would grow sullen
and intractable, so as to oppose every other motion that might be made
for the king's service; that, in case of its being carried, his majesty
must fall again into the hands of the whigs, who would renew their
former practices against the prerogative; and many individuals, who
were now either well affected to him, or at least neutral, would become
Jacobites from resentment. These suggestions had such weight with king
William, that he sent an intimation to the commons, desiring they would
drop the debate and proceed to matters that were more pressing. The
whigs in general were disgusted at this interposition; and the earl of
Shrewsbury, who had interested himself warmly in behalf of the bill,
resented it so deeply that he insisted on resigning his office of
secretary of state. The king, who revered his talents and integrity,
employed Dr. Tillotson and others, who were supposed to have credit with
the earl, to dissuade him from quitting his employment; but he continued
deaf to all their remonstrances, and would not even comply with the
request of his majesty, who pressed him to keep the seals until he
should return from Ireland. Long debates were likewise managed in the
house of lords upon the bill of abjuration, or rather an oath of special
fidelity to William, in opposition to James. The tories professed
themselves willing to enter into a negative engagement against the late
king and his adherents; but they opposed the oath of abjuration with all
their might: and the house was so equally divided that neither side was
willing to hazard a decision, so that all the fruit of their debates was
a prolongation of the session.


An act was prepared for investing the queen with the administration
during the king's absence; another for reversing the judgment on a _quo
warranto_ against the city of London, and restoring it to its ancient
rights and privileges; at length the bill of indemnity so cordially
recommended by the king passed both houses. [021] _[See note G, at the
end of this Vol.]_ On the twenty-first day of May, the king closed the
session with a Short speech, in which he thanked them for the supplies
they had granted, and recommended to them a punctual discharge of their
duties in their respective counties, that the peace of the nation might
not be interrupted in his absence. The houses were adjourned to the
seventh day of July, when the parliament was prorogued and adjourned
successively. As a further security for the peace of the kingdom, the
deputy-lieutenants were authorized to raise the militia in case of
necessity. All papists were prohibited to stir above five miles from
their respective places of abode; a proclamation was published for
apprehending certain disaffected persons; sir John Cochran and Ferguson
were actually arrested on suspicion of treasonable practices. On the
fourth day of June the king set out for Ireland, attended by prince
George of Denmark, the duke of Ormond, the earls of Oxford, Scarborough,
Manchester, and many other persons of distinction: on the fourteenth
day of the month he landed at Carrickfergus, from whence he immediately
proceeded to Belfast, where he was met by the duke of Schomberg, the
prince of Wirtemberg, major-general Kirke, and other officers. By this
time colonel Wolsey, at the head of a thousand men, had defeated a
strong detachment of the enemy near Belturbat; sir John Lanier had
taken Bedloe castle; and that of Charlemont, a strong post of great
importance, together with Balingary near Cavan, had been reduced. King
William having reposed himself for two or three days at Belfast, visited
the duke's head-quarters at Lis-burne; then advancing to Hillsborough,
published an order against pressing horses, and committing violence on
the country people. When some of his general officers proposed cautious
measures, he declared he did not come to Ireland to let the grass
grow under his feet. He ordered the army to encamp and be reviewed
at Loughbrilland, where he found it amount to six-and-thirty thousand
effective men, well appointed. Then he marched to Dundalk; and
afterwards advanced to Ardee, which the enemy had just abandoned.


King James trusted so much to the disputes in the English parliament,
that he did not believe his son-in-law would be able to quit that
kingdom; and William had been six days in Ireland before he received
intimation of his arrival. This was no sooner known than he left
Dublin under the guard of the militia commanded by Luttrel, and with
a reinforcement of six thousand infantry, which he had lately received
from France, joined the rest of his forces, which now almost equalled
William's army in number, exclusive of about fifteen thousand men who
remained in different garrisons. He occupied a very advantageous post
on the bank of the Boyne, and, contrary to the advice of his general
officers, resolved to stand battle. They proposed to strengthen their
garrisons and retire to the Shannon to wait the effect of the operations
at sea. Louis had promised to equip a powerful armament against the
English fleet, and send over a great number of small frigates to destroy
William's transports, as soon as their convoy should be returned to
England. The execution of this scheme was not at all difficult, and must
have proved fatal to the English army; for their stores and ammunition
were still on board; the ships sailed along the coast as the troops
advanced in their march; and there was not one secure harbour into
which they could retire on any emergency. James, however, was bent upon
hazarding an engagement; and expressed uncommon confidence and alacrity.
Besides the river which was deep, his front was secured by a morass and
a rising ground, so that the English army could not attack him without
manifest disadvantage.


King William marched up to the opposite bank of the river, and, as
he reconnoitred their situation, was exposed to the fire of some
field-pieces which the enemy purposely planted against his person.
They killed a man and two horses close by him; and the second bullet,
rebounding from the earth, grazed upon his right shoulder so as to carry
off part of his clothes and skin, and produce a considerable contusion.
This accident, which he bore without the least emotion, created some
confusion among his attendants, which the enemy perceiving, concluded
he was killed, and shouted aloud in token of their joy. The whole camp
resounded with acclamation; and several squadrons of their horse
were drawn down towards the river as if they had intended to pass
it immediately and attack the English army. The report was instantly
communicated from place to place until it reached Dublin; from thence
it was conveyed to Paris, where, contrary to the custom of the French
court, the people were encouraged to celebrate the event with bonfires
and illuminations. William rode along the line to show himself to the
army after this narrow escape. At night he called a council of war, and
declared his resolution to attack the enemy in the morning. Schomberg
at first opposed his design; but finding the king determined, he advised
that a strong detachment of horse and foot should that night pass the
Boyne at Slane-bridge, and take post between the enemy and the pass of
Duleck, that the action might be the more decisive. This council
being rejected, the king determined that early in the morning
lieutenant-general Douglas, with the right wing of infantry, and young
Schomberg, with the horse, should pass at Slane-bridge, while the main
body of foot should force their passage at Old-bridge, and the left
at certain fords between the enemy's camp and Drogheda. The duke,
perceiving his advice was not relished by the Dutch generals, retired to
his tent, where the order of battle being brought to him, he received it
with an air of discontent, saying, It was the first that had ever been
sent him in that manner. The proper dispositions being made, William
rode quite through the army by torchlight, and then retired to his tent,
after having given orders for the soldiers to distinguish themselves
from the enemy by wearing green boughs in their hats during the action.


At six o'clock in the morning, general Douglas, with young Schomberg,
the earl of Portland, and Auverquerque, marched towards Slane-bridge,
and passed the river with very little opposition. When they reached
the farther bank, they perceived the enemy drawn up in two lines, to a
considerable number of horse and foot, with a morass in their front,
so that Douglas was obliged to wait for a reinforcement. This being
arrived, the infantry was led on to the charge through the morass, while
count Schomberg rode round it with his cavalry to attack the enemy
in flank. The Irish, instead of waiting the assault, faced about and
retreated towards Duleck with some precipitation; yet not so fast but
that Schomberg fell in among their rear and did considerable execution.
King James however soon reinforced his left wing from the centre;
and the count was in his turn obliged to send for assistance. At this
juncture, king William's main body, consisting of the Dutch guards,
the French regiments, and some battalions of English, passed the river,
which was waist high, under a general discharge of artillery. King
James had imprudently removed his cannon from the other side; but he
had posted a strong body of musqueteers along the bank, behind hedges,
houses, and some works raised for the occasion. These poured in a close
fire upon the English troops before they reached the shore; but
it produced very little effect: then the Irish gave way; and some
battalions landed without further opposition. Yet, before they could
form, they were charged with great impetuosity by a squadron of the
enemy's horse; and a considerable body of their cavalry and foot,
commanded by general Hamilton, advanced from behind some little hillocks
to attack those that were landed, as well as to prevent the rest
from reaching the shore. His infantry turned their backs and fled
immediately; but the horse charged with incredible fury, both upon the
bank and in the river, so as to put the unformed regiments in confusion.
Then the duke of Schomberg, passing the river in person, put himself
at the head of the French protestants, and pointing to the enemy,
"Gentlemen," said he, "those are your persecutors;" with these words he
advanced to the attack, where he himself sustained a violent onset from
a party of the Irish horse which had broke through one of the regiments,
and were now on their return. They were mistaken for English, and
allowed to gallop up to the duke, who received two severe wounds in
the head; but the French regiments being now sensible of their mistake,
rashly threw in their fire upon the Irish while they were engaged with
the duke, and instead of saving, shot him dead upon the spot. The fate
of this general had well nigh proved fatal to the English army, which
was immediately involved in tumult and disorder; while the infantry
of king James rallied, and returned to their posts with a face of
resolution. They were just ready to fall upon the centre, when king
William having passed with the left wing, composed of the Danish, Dutch,
and Inniskilling horse, advanced to attack them on the right. They were
struck with such a panic at his appearance that they made a sudden halt,
and then facing about, retreated to the village of Dunore. There they
made such a vigorous stand that the Dutch and Danish horse, though
headed by the king in person, recoiled; even the Inniskillmers gave
way; and the whole wing would have been routed, had not a detachment
of dragoons, belonging to the regiment of Cunningham and Livison,
dismounted, and lined the hedges on each side of the defile through
which the fugitives were driven. There they did such execution upon the
pursuers as soon checked their ardour. The horse, which were broken, had
now time to rally, and returning to the charge, drove the enemy before
them in their turn. In this action general Hamilton, who had been the
life and soul of the Irish during the whole engagement, was wounded and
taken--an incident which discouraged them to such a degree, that they
made no further efforts to retrieve the advantage they had lost. He was
immediately brought to the king, who asked him if he thought the Irish
would make any further resistance; and he replied, "Upon my honour, I
believe they will; for they have still a good body of horse entire."
William, eyeing him with a look of disdain, repeated, "Your honour! your
honour!" but took no other notice of his having acted contrary to
his engagement, when he was permitted to go to Ireland on promise of
persuading Tyrconnel to submit to the new government. The Irish now
abandoned the field with precipitation; but the French and Swiss troops,
that acted as their auxiliaries under Lausun, retreated in good order,
after having maintained the battle for some time with intrepidity and


As king William did not think proper to pursue the enemy, the carnage
was not great. The Irish lost fifteen hundred men, and the English
about one-third of that number; though the victory was dearly purchased,
considering the death of the gallant duke of Schomberg, who fell in the
eighty-second year of his age, after having rivalled the best generals
of the time in military reputation. He was descended of a noble family
in the Palatinate, and his mother was an English woman, daughter of lord
Dudley. Being obliged to leave his country on account of the troubles
by which it was agitated, he commenced a soldier of fortune, and served
successively in the armies of Holland, England, France, Portugal, and
Brandenburgh. He attained to the dignities of mareschal in France,
grandee in Portugal, generalissimo in Prussia, and duke in England.
He professed the protestant religion; was courteous and humble in his
deportment; cool, penetrating, resolute, and sagacious; nor was his
probity inferior to his courage. This battle likewise proved fatal
to the brave Caillemote, who had followed the duke's fortunes, and
commanded one of the protestant regiments. After having received a
mortal wound, he was carried back through the river by four soldiers,
and though almost in the agonies of death, he with a cheerful
countenance encouraged those who were crossing to do their duty,
exclaiming, "_A la gloire, mes enfans; a la gloire_. To glory, my
lads; to glory!" The third remarkable person who lost his life on
this occasion was Walker the clergyman, who had so valiantly defended
Londonderry against the whole army of king James. He had been very
graciously received by king William, who gratified him with a reward of
five thousand pounds, and a promise of further favour; but his military
genius still predominating, he attended his royal patron in this battle,
and being shot in the belly, died in a few minutes. The persons of
distinction who fell on the other side were the lords Dongan and
Carlingford, sir Neile O'Neile, and the marquis of Hoequincourt. James
himself stood aloof during the action on the hill of Dunmore, surrounded
with some squadrons of horse; and seeing victory declare against him,
retired to Dublin without having made the least effort to re-assemble
his broken forces. Had he possessed either spirit or conduct, his army
might have been rallied, and reinforced from his garrisons, so as to be
in a condition to keep the field, and even act upon the offensive; for
his loss was inconsiderable, and the victor did not attempt to molest
his troops in their retreat--an omission which has been charged upon him
as a flagrant instance of misconduct. Indeed, through the whole of this
engagement, William's personal courage was much more conspicuous than
his military skill.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}


King James no sooner arrived at Dublin than he assembled the magistrates
and council of the city, and in a short speech resigned them to the
fortune of the victor. He complained of the cowardice of the Irish;
signified his resolution of leaving the kingdom immediately; forbade
them, on their allegiance, to burn or plunder the city after his
departure; and assured them, that, though he was obliged to yield to
force, he would never cease to labour for their deliverance. Next day he
set out for Waterford, attended by the duke of Berwick, Tyrconnel,
and the marquis of Powis. He ordered all the bridges to be broken down
behind him, and embarked in a vessel which had been prepared for his
reception. At sea he fell in with the French squadron, commanded by the
Sieur de Foran, who persuaded him to go on board one of his frigates,
which was a prime sailer. In this he was safely conveyed to France, and
returned to the place of his former residence at St. Germain's. He had
no sooner quitted Dublin than it was also abandoned by all the papists.
The protestants immediately took possession of the arms belonging to
the militia, under the conduct of the bishops of Meath and Limerick.
A committee was formed to take charge of the administration; and an
account of these transactions was transmitted to king William, together
with a petition that he would honour the city with his presence.


On the morning after the battle of the Boyne, William sent a detachment
of horse and foot, under the command of M. Mellionere, to Drogheda, the
governor of which surrendered the place without opposition. The king at
the head of the army began his march for Dublin, and halted the first
night at Bally-Breghan; where, having received advice of the enemy's
retreat from the capital, he sent the duke of Ormond with a body of
horse to take possession. These were immediately followed by the Dutch
guards, who secured the castle. In a few days the king encamped at
Finglas, in the neighbourhood of Dublin, where he was visited by the
bishops of Meath and Limerick, at the head of the protestant clergy,
whom he assured of his favour and protection. Then he published a
declaration of pardon to all the common people who had served against
him, provided they should return to their dwellings and surrender their
arms by the first day of August. Those that rented lands of popish
proprietors who had been concerned in the rebellion, were required to
retain their rents in their own hands until they should have notice
from the commissioners of the revenue to whom they should be paid. The
desperate leaders of the rebellion, who had violated the laws of the
kingdom, called in the French, authorized the depredations which had
been committed upon protestants, and rejected the pardon offered to them
on the king's first proclamation, were left to the event of war, unless
by evident demonstrations of repentance they should deserve mercy, which
would never be refused to those who were truly penitent. The next step
taken by king William was to issue a proclamation reducing the brass
money to nearly its intrinsic value. In the meantime, the principal
officers in the army of James, after having seen him embark at
Waterford, returned to their troops, determined to prosecute the war as
long as they could be supplied with means to support their operations.


During these transactions, the queen, as regent, found herself
surrounded with numberless cares and perplexities. Her council was
pretty equally divided into whigs and tories, who did not always act
with unanimity. She was distracted between her apprehensions for her
father's safety and her husband's life: she was threatened with an
invasion by the French from abroad, and with an insurrection by the
Jacobites at home. Nevertheless she disguised her fears, and behaved
with equal prudence and fortitude. Advice being received that a fleet
was ready to sail from Brest, lord Torrington hoisted his flag in the
Downs, and sailed round to St. Helen's, in order to assemble such a
number of ships as would enable him to give them battle. The enemy
being discovered off Plymouth on the twentieth day of June, the English
admiral, reinforced with a Dutch squadron, stood out to sea with a view
to intercept them at the back of the Isle of Wight, should they presume
to sail up the channel, not that he thought himself strong enough to
cope with them in battle. Their fleet consisted of seventy-eight ships
of war, and two-and-twenty fire-ships; whereas, the combined squadrons
of England and Holland did not exceed six-and-fifty; but he had received
orders to hazard an engagement if he thought it might be done with any
prospect of success. After the hostile fleets had continued five days
in sight of each other, lord Torrington bore down upon the enemy off
Beachy-head, on the thirtieth day of June, at day-break. The Dutch
squadron, which composed the van, began the engagement about nine in
the morning; in about half an hour the blue division of the English were
close engaged with the rear of the French; but the red, which formed
the centre, under the command of Torrington in person, did not fill the
line till ten o'clock, so that the Dutch were almost surrounded by the
enemy, and, though they fought with great valour, sustained considerable
damage. At length the admiral's division drove between them and the
French, and in that situation the fleet anchored about five in the
afternoon, when the action was interrupted by a calm. The Dutch had
suffered so severely, that Torrington thought it would be imprudent to
renew the battle; he therefore weighed anchor in the night, and with the
tide of flood retired to the eastward. The next day the disabled ships
were destroyed, that they might not be retarded in their retreat.
They were pursued as far as Rye; an English ship of seventy guns being
stranded near Winchelsea, was set on fire and deserted by the captain's
command. A Dutch ship of sixty-four guns met with the same accident, and
some French frigates attempted to burn her; but the captain defended her
so vigorously that they were obliged to desist, and he afterwards found
means to carry her safe to Holland. In this engagement the English lost
two ships, two sea-captains, and about four hundred men; but the Dutch
were more unfortunate: six of their great ships were destroyed. Dick
and Brackel, rear-admirals, were slain, together with a great number
of inferior officers and seamen. Torrington retreated without further
interruption into the mouth of the Thames; and, having taken precaution
against any attempts of the enemy in that quarter, returned to London,
the inhabitants of which were overwhelmed with consternation.


The government was infected with the same panic. The ministry pretended
to believe that the French acted in concert with the malcontents of the
nation; that insurrections in the different parts of the kingdom had
been projected by the Jacobites; and that there would be a general
revolt in Scotland. These insinuations were circulated by the court
agents in order to justify, in the opinion of the public, the measures
that were deemed necessary at this juncture; and they produced the
desired effect. The apprehensions thus artfully raised among the people
inflamed their aversion to nonjurors and Jacobites. Addresses were
presented to the queen by the Cornish tinners, by the lieutenancy of
Middlesex, and by the mayor, aldermen, and lieutenancy of London, filled
with professions of loyalty and promises of supporting their majesties
as their lawful sovereigns, against all opposition. The queen at this
crisis exhibited remarkable proofs of courage, activity, and discretion.
She issued out proper orders and directions for putting the nation in a
posture of defence, as well as for refitting and augmenting the fleet;
she took measures for appeasing the resentment of the states-general,
who exclaimed against the earl of Torrington for his behaviour in the
late action. He was deprived of his command, and sent prisoner to
the Tower; and commissioners were appointed to examine the particular
circumstances of his conduct. A camp was formed in the neighbourhood
of Torbay, where the French seemed to threaten a descent. Their fleet,
which lay at anchor in the bay, cannonaded a small village called
Teign-mouth. About a thousand of their men landed without opposition,
set fire to the place, and burned a few coasting vessels; then they
re-embarked and returned to Brest, so vain of this achievement that they
printed a pompous account of their invasion. Some of the whig partizans
published pamphlets and diffused reports, implying that the suspended
bishops were concerned in the conspiracy against the government; and
these arts proved so inflammatory among the common people, that the
prelates thought it necessary to print a paper, in which they asserted
their innocence in the most solemn protestations. The court seems to
have harboured no suspicion against them, otherwise they would not have
escaped imprisonment. The queen issued a proclamation for apprehending
the earls of Litchfield, Aylesbury, and Castlemain; viscount Preston; the
lords Montgomery and Bellasis; sir Edward Hales, sir Robert Tharold, sir
Robert Hamilton, sir Theophilus Oglethorpe, colonel Edward Sackville,
and some other officers. These were accused of having conspired with
other disaffected persons to disturb and destroy the government, and of
a design to concur with her majesty's enemies in the intended invasion.
The earl of Torrington continued a prisoner in the Tower till next
session, when he was brought into the house of commons and made a speech
in his own defence. His case produced long debates in the upper house,
where the form of his commitment was judged illegal: at length he
was tried by a court-martial appointed by the commissioners of the
admiralty, though not before an act had passed, declaring the power of
a lord high-admiral vested in those commissioners. The president of the
court was sir Ralph Delavai, who had acted as vice-admiral of the blue
in the engagement. The earl was acquitted, but the king dismissed him
from the service; and the Dutch exclaimed against the partiality of his


William is said to have intercepted all the papers of his father-in-law
and Tyrconnel, and to have learned from them not only the design
projected by the French to burn the English transports, but likewise the
undertaking of one Jones, who engaged to assassinate king William. No
such attempt however was made, and in all probability the whole report
was a fiction, calculated to throw an odium on James' character. On the
ninth day of July, William detached general Douglas with a considerable
body of horse and foot towards Athlone, while he himself, having left
Trelawny to command at Dublin, advanced with the rest of his army to
Inchiquin in his way to Kilkenny. Colonel Grace, the governor of Athlone
for king James, being summoned to surrender, fired a pistol at the
trumpeter, saying, "These are my terms." Then Douglas resolved to
undertake the siege of the place, which was naturally very strong, and
defended by a resolute garrison. An inconsiderable breach was made, when
Douglas, receiving intelligence that Sarsfield was on his march to the
relief of the besieged, abandoned the enterprise after having lost above
four hundred men in the attempt. The king continued his march to the
westward; and, by dint of severe examples, established such order and
discipline in his army, that the peasants were secure from the least
violence. At Carlow he detached the duke of Ormond to take possession of
Kilkenny, where that nobleman regaled him in his own castle, which
the enemy had left undamaged. While the army encamped at Carrick,
major-general Kirke was sent to Waterford, the garrison of which,
consisting of two regiments, capitulated upon condition of marching out
with their arms and baggage, and being conducted to Mallow. The fort of
Duncannon was surrendered on the same terms. Here the lord Dover and the
lord George Howard were admitted to the benefit of the king's mercy and


On the first day of August, William being at Chapel-Izard, published a
second declaration of mercy, confirming the former, and even extending
it to persons of superior rank and station, whether natives or
foreigners, provided they would, by the twenty-fifth day of the month,
lay down their arms and submit to certain conditions. This offer of
indemnity produced very little effect, for the Irish were generally
governed by their priests, and the news of the victory which the French
fleet had obtained over the English and Dutch, was circulated with such
exaggerations as elevated their spirits, and effaced all thoughts of
submission. The king had returned to Dublin with a view to embark for
England, but receiving notice that the designs of his domestic enemies
were discovered and frustrated, that the fleet was repaired, and the
French navy retired to Brest, he postponed his voyage and resolved to
reduce Limerick; in which Monsieur Boisseleau commanded as governor, and
the duke of Berwick and colonel Sarsfield acted as inferior officers.
On the ninth day of August, the king having called in his detachment and
advanced into the neighbourhood of the place, summoned the commander to
deliver the town; and Boisseleau answered, that he imagined the best way
to gain the good opinion of the prince of Orange, would be a vigorous
defence of the town which his majesty had committed to his charge.
Before the place was fully invested, colonel Sarsfield, with a body of
horse and dragoons, passed the Shannon in the night, intercepted the
king's train of artillery on its way to the camp, routed the troops that
guarded it, disabled the cannon, destroyed the carriages, waggons, and
ammunition, and returned in safety to Limerick. Notwithstanding this
disaster, the trenches were opened on the seventeenth day of the month,
and a battery was raised with some cannon brought from Waterford. The
siege was carried on with vigour, and the place defended with great
resolution. At length the king ordered his troops to make a lodgment in
the covered way or counterscarp, which was accordingly assaulted with
great fury; but the assailants met with such a warm reception from the
besieged, that they were repulsed with the loss of twelve hundred men
either killed on the spot or mortally wounded. This disappointment,
concurring with the badness of the weather, which became rainy and
unwholesome, induced the king to renounce his undertaking. The heavy
baggage and cannon being sent away, the army decamped and marched
towards Clonmel. William having constituted the lord Sydney and Thomas
Coningsby lords justices of Ireland, and left the command of the army
with count Solmes, embarked at Duncannon with prince George of Denmark
on the fifth of September, and next day arrived in King road, near
Bristol, from whence he repaired to Windsor.


About the latter end of this month the earl of Marlborough arrived in
Ireland with five thousand English troops, to attack Cork and Kinsale in
conjunction with a detachment from the great army, according to a scheme
he had proposed to king William. Having landed his soldiers without much
opposition in the neighbourhood of Cork, he was joined by five thousand
men under the prince of Wirtemberg, between whom and the earl a dispute
arose about the command; but this was compromised by the interposition
of La Mellionere. The place being invested, and the batteries raised,
the besiegers proceeded with such rapidity that a breach was soon
effected. Colonel Mackillicut the governor demanded a parley, and
hostages were exchanged; but he rejected the conditions that were
offered, and hostilities recommenced with redoubled vigour. The duke
of Grafton, who served on this occasion as a volunteer, was mortally
wounded in one of the attacks, and died regretted as a youth of
promising talents. Preparations being made for a general assault,
the besieged thought proper to capitulate, and surrendered themselves
prisoners of war. Besides the governor and colonel Bicaut, the victor
found the earls of Clancarty and Tyrone among the individuals of
the garrison. Marlborough having taken possession of Cork, detached
brigadier Villiers with a body of horse and dragoons to summon the town
and forts of Kinsale, and next day advanced with the rest of the forces.
The old fort was immediately taken by assault; but sir Edward Scott,
who commanded the other, sustained a regular siege until the breach
was practicable, and then obtained an honourable capitulation. These
maritime places being reduced, all communication between France and
the enemy on this side of the island was cut off, and the Irish
were confined to Ulster, where they could not subsist without great
difficulty. The earl of Marlborough having finished this expedition in
thirty days, returned with his prisoners to England, where the fame of
this exploit added greatly to his reputation.


During these transactions count de Lausan, commander of the French
auxiliaries in Ireland, lay inactive in the neighbourhood of Galway, and
transmitted such a lamentable account of his situation to the court of
France, that transports were sent over to bring home the French forces.
In these he embarked with his troops, and the command of the Irish
forces devolved to the duke of Berwick, though it was afterwards
transferred to M. St. Ruth. Lausan was disgraced at Versailles for
having deserted the cause before it was desperate: Tyrconnel, who
accompanied him in his voyage, solicited the French court for a further
supply of officers, arms, clothes, and ammunition for the Irish army,
which he said would continue firm to the interest of king James if thus
supported. Meanwhile they formed themselves into separate bodies
of freebooters, and plundered the country, under the appellation of
rapparees: while the troops of king William either enjoyed their ease in
quarters, or imitated the rapine of the enemy; so that between both the
poor people were miserably harassed.


The affairs of the continent had not yet undergone any change of
importance, except in the conduct of the duke of Savoy, who renounced
his neutrality, engaged in an alliance with the emperor and king of
Spain; and, in a word, acceded to the grand confederacy. He had no
sooner declared himself, than Catinat the French general entered his
territories at the head of eighteen thousand men, and defeated him in
a pitched battle near Saluces, which immediately surrendered to the
conqueror. Then he reduced Savillana, Villa Franca, with several other
places, pursued the duke to Carignan, surprised Suza, and distributed
his forces in winter quarters, partly in Provence and partly in the
duchy of Savoy, which St. Ruth had lately reduced under the dominion
of France. The duke finding himself disappointed in the succours he
expected from the emperor and the king of Spain, demanded assistance of
the states-general and king William: to this last he sent an ambassador,
to congratulate him upon his accession to the throne of England. The
confederates in their general congress at the Hague, had agreed that
the army of the states under prince Waldeck should oppose the forces
of France, commanded by the duke of Luxembourg in Flanders; while the
elector of Brandenburgh should observe the marquis de Boufflers on
the Moselle: but before the troops of Brandenburgh could be assembled,
Boufflers encamped between the Sambre and the Mouse, and maintained a
free communication with Luxembourg.


Prince Waldeck understanding that this general intended to cross
the Sambre between Namur and Charleroy, in order to lay the Spanish
territories under contribution, decamped from the river Pieton, and
detached the count of Berlo with a great body of horse to observe
the motions of the enemy. He was encountered by the French army near
Fleuras, and slain: and his troops, though supported by two other
detachments, were hardly able to rejoin the main body, which continued
all night in order of battle. Next day they were attacked by the French,
who were greatly superior to them in number: after a very obstinate
engagement the allies gave way, leaving about five thousand men dead
upon the field of battle. The enemy took about four thousand prisoners,
and the greatest part of their artillery; but the victory was dearly
bought. The Dutch infantry fought with surprising resolution and
success. The duke of Luxembourg owned with surprise, that they had
surpassed the Spanish foot at the battle of Rocroy. "Prince Waldeck,
said he, ought always to remember the French horse; and I shall never
forget the Dutch infantry." The Dutch general exerted himself with
such activity, that the French derived very little advantage from their
victory. The prince being reinforced with the five English regiments,
nine thousand Hanoverians, ten thousand from the bishopric of Liege and
Holland, joined the elector of Brandenburgh; so that the confederate
army amounted to five-and-fifty thousand men, and they marched by
the way of Genap to Bois-Seigneur-Isaac. They were now superior to
Luxembourg, who thought proper to fortify his camp, that he might not
be obliged to fight except with considerable advantage. Nevertheless,
prince Waldeck would have attacked him in his intrenchments, had he not
been | prohibited from hazarding another engagement by an express
order of the states-general; and when this restriction was removed, the
elector would not venture a battle.


By this time the emperor's son Joseph was by the electoral college
chosen king of the Romans; but his interest sustained a rude shock in
the death of the gallant duke of Lorraine, who was suddenly seized
with a quin-sey at a small village near Lintz, and expired, not without
suspicion of having fallen a sacrifice to the fears of the French king,
against whom he had formerly declared war as a sovereign prince unjustly
expelled from his territories. He possessed great military talents, and
had threatened to enter Lorraine at the head of forty thousand men, in
the course of the ensuing summer. The court of France, alarmed at this
declaration, is said to have had recourse to poison, for preventing the
execution of the duke's design. At his death the command of the imperial
army was conferred upon the elector of Bavaria. This prince having
joined the elector of Saxony, advanced against the Dauphin, who had
passed the Rhine at Fort-Louis with a considerable army, and intended to
penetrate into Wirtemberg; but the duke of Bavaria checked his progress,
and he acted on the defensive during the remaining part of the campaign.
The emperor was less fortunate in his efforts against the Turks, who
rejected the conditions of peace he had offered, and took the field
under a new vizier. In the month of August, count Tekeli defeated a
body of imperialists near Cronstadt, in Transylvania; then convoking
the states of that province at Albajulia, he compelled them to elect him
their sovereign; but his reign was of short duration. Prince Louis of
Baden, having taken the command of the Austrian army, detached four
regiments into Belgrade, and advanced against Tekeli, who retired into
Valachia at his approach. Meanwhile the grand vizier invested Belgrade,
and carried on his attacks with surprising resolution. At length a bomb
falling upon a great tower in which the powder magazine of the besieged
was contained, the place blew up with a dreadful explosion. Seventeen
hundred soldiers of the garrison were destroyed; the walls and ramparts
were overthrown; the ditch was filled up, and so large a breach was
opened that the Turks entered by squadrons and battalions, cutting in
pieces all that fell in their way. The fire spread from magazine to
magazine until eleven were destroyed; and in the confusion the
remaining part of the garrison escaped to Peterwaradin. By this time
the imperialists were in possession of Transylvania, and cantoned at
Cronstadt and Clausinburgh. Tekeli undertook to attack the province on
one side, while a body of Turks should invade it on the other: these
last were totally dispersed by prince Louis of Baden; but prince
Augustus of Hanover, whom he had detached against the count, was
slain in a narrow defile, and his troops were obliged to retreat with
precipitation. Tekeli however did not improve this advantage: being
apprized of the fate of his allies, and afraid of seeing his retreat cut
off by the snow that frequently chokes up the passes of the mountains,
he retreated again to Valachia, and prince Louis returned to Vienna.


King William having published a proclamation requiring the attendance of
the members on the second day of October, both houses met accordingly,
and he opened the session with a speech to the usual purport. He
mentioned what he had done towards the reduction of Ireland; commended
the behaviour of the troops; told them the supplies were not equal to
the necessary expense; represented the danger to which the nation would
be exposed unless the war should be prosecuted with vigour; conjured
them to clear his revenue, which was mortgaged for the payment of former
debts, and enable him to pay off the arrears of the army; assured them
that the success of the confederacy abroad would depend upon the vigour
and dispatch of their proceedings; expressed his resentment against
those who had been guilty of misconduct in the management of the fleet;
recommended unanimity and expedition; and declared, that whoever should
attempt to divert their attention from those subjects of importance
which he had proposed, could neither be a friend to him nor a
well-wisher to his country. The late attempt of the French upon the
coast of England, the rumours of a conspiracy by the Jacobites,
the personal valour which William had displayed in Ireland, and the
pusillanimous behavour of James, concurred in warming the resentment of
the nation against the adherents of the late king, and in raising a
tide of loyalty in favour of the new government. Both houses presented
separate addresses of congratulation to the king and queen, upon his
courage and conduct in the field, and her fortitude and sagacity at
the helm in times of danger and disquiet. The commons, pursuant to an
estimate laid before them of the next year's expenses, voted a supply of
four millions for the maintenance of the army and navy, and settled the
funds for that purpose.


They proposed to raise one million by the sale of forfeited estates in
Ireland: they resolved that a bill should be brought in for confiscating
those estates, with a clause, empowering the king to bestow a third part
of them on those who had served in the war, as well as to grant such
articles and capitulations to those who were in arms, as he should think
proper. This clause was rejected; and a great number of petitions were
offered against the bill, by creditors and heirs who had continued
faithful to the government. These were supposed to have been suggested
by the court, in order to retard the progress of the bill; for
the estates had been already promised to the king's favourites:
nevertheless, the bill passed the lower house, and was sent up to the
lords, among whom it was purposely delayed by the influence of the
ministry. It was at this juncture that lord Torrington was tried and
acquitted, very much to the dissatisfaction of the king, who not only
dismissed him from the service, but even forbade him to appear in his
presence. When William came to the house of lords to give the royal
assent to a bill for doubling the excise, he told the parliament
that the posture of affairs required his presence at the Hague; that,
therefore, they ought to lose no time in perfecting such other supplies
as were still necessary for the maintenance of the army and navy; and
he reminded them of making some provision for the expense of the civil
government. Two bills were accordingly passed for granting to their
majesties the duties of goods imported, for five years; and these,
together with the mutiny-bill, received the royal assent: upon which
occasion the king observed, that if some annual provision could be made
for augmenting the navy, it would greatly conduce to the honour
and safety of the nation. In consequence of this hint, they voted a
considerable supply for building additional ships of war,* and proceeded
with such alacrity and expedition, as even seemed to anticipate the
king's desires. This liberality and dispatch were in a great measure
owing to the management of lord Godolphin, who was now placed at the
head of the treasury, and sir John Somers, the solicitor-general.
The place of secretary of state, which had remained vacant since the
resignation of the earl of Shrewsbury, was now filled with lord Sidney;
and sir Charles Porter was appointed one of the justices of Ireland in
the room of this nobleman.

     * This supply was raised by the additional duties upon beer,
          ale, and other liquors. They also provided in the bill,
          that the impositions on wines, vinegar, and tobacco,
          should be made a fund of credit: that the surplus of the
          grants they had made, after the current service was
          provided for, should be applicable to the payment of the
          debts contracted by the war: and, that it should be
          lawful for their majesties to make use of five hundred
          thousand pounds out of the said grants, on condition of
          that sum being repaid from the revenue.--_Ralph_.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}


Notwithstanding the act for reversing the proceedings against the city
charter, the whigs had made shift to keep possession of the magistracy:
Pilkington continued mayor, and Eobinson retained the office of
chamberlain. The tories of the city, presuming upon their late services,
presented a petition to the house of commons, complaining, That the
intent of the late act of parliament, for reversing the judgment on the
quo warranto, was frustrated by some doubtful expression; so that the
old aldermen elected by commission under the late king's great seal
still acted by virtue of that authority: that sir Thomas Pilkington
was not duly returned as mayor by the common-hall: and, that he and
the aldermen had imposed Mr. Leonard Eobinson upon them as chamberlain,
though another person was duly elected into that office: that divers
members of the common-council were illegally excluded, and others, duly
elected, were refused admittance. They specified other grievances, and
petitioned for relief. Pilkington and his associates undertook to prove
that those allegations were either false or frivolous; and presented the
petition as a contrivance of the Jacobites to disturb the peace of the
city, that the supply might be retarded and the government distressed.
In the late panic which overspread the nation, the whigs had appeared
to be the monied men, and subscribed largely for the security of the
settlement they had made, while the tories kept aloof with a suspicious
caution. For this reason the court now interposed its influence in such
a manner, that little or no regard was paid to their remonstrance.


The marquis of Caermarthen, lord president, who was at the head of the
tory interest in the ministry, and had acquired great credit with the
king and queen, now fell under the displeasure of the opposite faction:
and they resolved if possible to revive his old impeachment. The earl of
Shrewsbury, and thirteen other leading men, had engaged in this design.
A committee of lords was appointed to examine precedents, and inquire
whether impeachments continued in statu quo from parliament to
parliament. Several such precedents were reported; and violent
debates ensued: but the marquis eluded the vengeance of his enemies in
consequence of the following question: "Whether the earls of Salisbury
and Peterborough, who had been impeached in the former parliament for
being reconciled to the church of Rome, shall be discharged from their
bail?" The house resolved in the affirmative, and several lords
entered a protest. The commons having finished a bill for appointing
commissioners to take and state the public accounts, and having chosen
the commissioners from among their own members, sent it up to the house
of lords. There the earl of Rochester moved, That they should add some
of their number to those of the commons: they accordingly chose an equal
number by ballot; but Rochester himself being elected, refused to act:
the others followed his example, and the bill passed without alteration.
On the fifth day of January, the king put an end to the session with
a speech, in which he thanked them for the repeated instances they had
exhibited of their affection to his person and government. He told them,
it was high time for him to embark for Holland: recommended unanimity;
and assured them of his particular favour and protection. Then lord
chief baron Atkins signified his majesty's pleasure, that the two houses
should adjourn themselves to the thirty-first day of March.*

     * In this year the English planters repossessed themselves
     of part of the inland of St. Christopher, from which they
     had been driven by the French.


William, having settled the affairs of the nation, set out for Margate
on the sixth day of January; but the ship in which he proposed to
embark being detained by an easterly wind and hard frost, he returned to
Kensington. On the sixteenth, however, he embarked at Gravesend with a
numerous retinue, and set sail for Holland under convoy of twelve
ships of war commanded by admiral Rooke. Next day, being informed by a
fisherman that he was within a league and a half of Goree, he quitted
the yacht and went into an open boat, attended by the duke of
Ormond, the earls of Devonshire, Dorset, Portland, and Monmouth, with
Auverquerque and Zuylestcin, Instead of landing immediately, they lost
sight of the fleet, and, night coming on, were exposed in very severe
weather to the danger of the enemy and the sea, which ran very high
for eighteen hours, during which the king and all his attendants were
drenched with sea-water. When the sailors expressed their apprehensions
of perishing, the king asked if they were afraid to die in his company?
At day-break, he landed on the isle of Goree, where he took some
refreshment in a fisherman's hut; then he committed himself to the
boat again, and was conveyed to the shore in the neighbourhood of
Masslandsluys. A deputation of the states received him at Hounslardyke:
about six in the evening he arrived at the Hague, where he was
immediately complimented by the states-general, the states of Holland,
the council of state, the other colleges, and the foreign ministers.
He afterwards, at the request of the magistrates, made his public entry
with surprising magnificence; and the Dutch celebrated his arrival with
bonfires, illuminations, and other marks of tumultuous joy. He assisted
at their different assemblies; informed them of his successes in England
and Ireland; and assured them of his constant zeal and affection for his
native country.


At a solemn congress of the confederate princes, he represented in a
set speech the dangers to which they were exposed from the power
and ambition of France; and the necessity of acting with vigour and
dispatch. He declared he would spare neither his credit, forces, nor
person, in concurring with their measures; and that in the spring he
would come at the head of his troops to fulfil his engagements. They
forthwith resolved to employ two hundred and twenty-two thousand men
against France in the ensuing campaign. The proportions of the different
princes and states were regulated; and the king of England agreed to
furnish twenty thousand. He supplied the duke of Savoy so liberally,
that his affairs soon assumed a more promising aspect. The plan of
operations was settled, and they transacted their affairs with such
harmony that no dispute interrupted their deliberations. In the
beginning of March, immediately after the congress broke up, the siege
of Mons was undertaken by the French king in person, accompanied by the
Dauphin, the dukes of Orleans and Chartres. The garrison consisted
of about six thousand men, commanded by the prince of Bergue: but the
besiegers carried on their works with such rapidity as they could
not withstand. King William no sooner understood that the place
was invested, than he ordered prince Waldeck to assemble the army,
determined to march against the enemy in person. Fifty thousand men were
soon collected at Halle, near Brussels: but when he went thither,
he found the Spaniards had neglected to provide carriages, and other
necessaries for the expedition. Meanwhile, the burghers of Mons, seeing
their town in danger of being utterly destroyed by the bombs and cannon
of the enemy, pressed the governor to capitulate, and even threatened to
introduce the besiegers: so that he was forced to comply, and obtained
very honourable conditions. William, being apprized of this event,
returned to the Hague, embarked for England, and arrived at Whitehall on
the thirteenth day of April.*

     * A few days before his arrival, great part of the palace of
     Whitehall was consumed by fire, through the negligence of
     a female servant.


     _Conspiracy against the Government by Lord Preston and
     others..... The King fills up the vacant Bishoprics.....
     Affairs of Scotland..... Campaign in Flanneitt..... Progress
     of the Trench in Piedmont..... Election of a New Pope....The
     Emperor's Success against the Turks..... Affairs of
     Ireland..... General Ginckel reduces Athlone..... Defeats
     the Irish at Aghrim..... Undertakes the Siege of
     Limerick..... The French and Irish obtain an honourable
     Capitulation..... Twelve Thousand Irish Catholics are
     transported to France..... Meeting of the English
     Parliament..... Discontent of the Nation..... Transactions
     in Parliament..... Disputes concerning the Bill for
     regulating Trials in Cases of High Treason..... The English
     and Dutch Fleets baffled by the French..... The King
     disobliges the Presbyterians of Scotland..... The Earl of
     Breadalbane undertakes for the Submission of the
     Highlanders..... Massacre of Glencoe..... Preparations for a
     Descent upon England..... Declaration of King James.....
     Efforts of his Friends in England..... Precautions taken by
     the Queen for the Defence of the Nation..... Admiral Russel
     puts to Sea..... He obtains a complete Victory over the
     French Fleet off La Bogue..... Troops embarked at St.
     Helen's for a Descent upon France..... The Design laid
     aside..... The Troops landed at Ostend..... The French King
     takes Namur in sight of King William..... The Allies are
     defeated at Steenkirk..... Extravagant rejoicings in France
     on Account of this Victory..... Conspiracy against the Life
     of King William, hatched by the French Ministry.....
     Miscarriage of a Design upon Dunkirk..... The Campaign is
     inactive on the Rhine and in Hungary..... The Duke of Savoy
     invades Dauphine..... The Duke of Hanover created an Elector
     of the Empire._


A conspiracy against the government had been lately discovered. In the
latter end of December, the master of a vessel who lived at Barking, in
Essex, informed the marquis of Carmarthen that his wife had let out one
of his boats to carry over some persons to France, and that they would
embark on the thirteenth day of the month. This intelligence being
communicated to the king and council, an order was sent to captain
Billop to watch the motion of the vessel and secure the passengers.
He accordingly boarded her at Gravesend, and found in the hold lord
Preston, Mr. Ashton, a servant of the late queen, and one Elliot.
He likewise seized a bundle of papers, some of which were scarce
intelligible; among the rest, two letters supposed to be written by
Turner, bishop of Ely, to king James and his queen, under fictitious
names. The whole amounted to an invitation to the French king to assist
king James in re-ascending the throne upon certain conditions, while
William should be absent from the kingdom; but the scheme was ill laid,
and countenanced but by a very few persons of consideration, among whom
the chiefs were the earl of Clarendon, the bishop of Ely, lord Preston,
his brother Mr. Graham, and Penn the famous quaker. Notwithstanding
the outcries which had been made against the severities of the late
government, Preston and his accomplice Ashton were tried at the Old
Bailey for compassing the death of their majesties king William and
queen Mary; and their trials were hurried on without any regard to
their petitions for delay. Lord Preston alleged in his defence that the
treasons charged upon him were not committed in the county of Middlesex,
as laid in the indictment; that none of the witnesses declared he had
any concern in hiring the vessel; that the papers were not found upon
him; that there ought to be two credible witnesses to every fact,
whereas the whole proof against him rested on similitude of hands and
mere supposition. He was, nevertheless, found guilty. Ashton behaved
with great intrepidity and composure. He owned his purpose of going to
France in pursuance of a promise he had made to general Worden, who,
on his death-bed, conjured him to go thither and finish some affairs of
consequence which he had left there depending, as well as with a view
to recover a considerable sum of money due to himself. He denied that he
was privy to the contents of the papers found upon him; he complained of
his having been denied time to prepare for his trial; and called several
persons to prove him a protestant of exemplary piety and irreproachable
morals. These circumstances had no weight with the court. He was
brow-beaten by the bench, and found guilty by the jury, as he had the
papers in his custody; yet there was no privity proved; and the whig
party themselves had often expressly declared, that of all sorts of
evidence that of finding papers in a person's possession is the weakest,
because no man can secure himself from such danger. Ashton suffered with
equal courage and decorum. In a paper which he delivered to the sheriff,
he owned his attachment to king James; he witnessed to the birth of the
prince of Wales; denied his knowledge of the contents of the papers that
were committed to his charge; complained of the hard measure he had
met with from the judges and the jury, but forgave them in the sight of
heaven. This man was celebrated by the nonjurors as a martyr to loyalty;
and they boldly affirmed, that his chief crime in the eyes of the
government was his having among his baggage an account of such evidence
as would have been convincing to all the world concerning the birth
of the prince of Wales, which by a great number of people was believed
supposititious.* Lord Preston obtained a pardon; Elliot was not tried,
because no evidence appeared against him; the earl of Clarendon was
sent to the Tower, where he remained some months, and he was afterwards
confined to his own house in the country--an indulgence which he owed to
his consanguinity with the queen, who was his first cousin. The bishop
of Ely, Graham, and Penn, absconded; and a proclamation was issued for
apprehending them as traitors.

     * To one of the pamphlets published on this occasion, is
     annexed a petition to the present government in the name of
     king James's adherents, importing, that some grave and
     learned person should be authorized to compile a treatise,
     showing the grounds of William's title; and declaring, that
     in case the performance should carry conviction along with
     it, they would submit to that title, as they had hitherto
     opposed it from a principle of conscience. The best answer
     that could be made to this summons was Locke's book upon
     government, which appeared at this period.--_Ralph_.


This prelate's being concerned in a conspiracy, furnished the king with
a plausible pretence for filling up the vacant bishoprics. The deprived
bishops had been given to understand, that an act of parliament might
be obtained to excuse them from taking the oaths, provided they would
perform their episcopal functions; but as they declined this expedient,
the king resolved to fill up their places at his return from Holland.
Accordingly, the archbishopric of Canterbury was conferred upon
Dr. Tillotson,* one of the most learned, moderate, and virtuous
ecclesiastics of the age, who did not accept of this promotion without
great reluctance, because he foresaw that he should be exposed to the
slander and malevolence of that party which espoused the cause of his
predecessor. The other vacant Sees were given to divines of unblemished
character; and the public in general seemed very well satisfied with
this exertion of the king's supremacy. The deprived bishops at first
affected all the meekness of resignation. They remembered those
shouts of popular approbation by which they had been animated in the
persecution they suffered under the late government; and they hoped the
same cordial would support them in their present affliction; but finding
the nation cold in their concern, they determined to warm it by argument
and declamation. The press groaned with the efforts of their learning
and resentment, and every essay was answered by their opponents. The
nonjurors affirmed that Christianity was a doctrine of the cross;
that no pretence whatever could justify an insurrection against the
sovereign; that the primitive christians thought it their indispensable
duty to be passive under every invasion of their rights; and that
non-resistance was the doctrine of the English church, confirmed by all
the sanctions that could be derived from the laws of God and man.
The other party not only supported the natural rights of mankind, and
explained the use that might be made of the doctrine of non-resistance
in exciting fresh commotions, but they also argued that if passive
obedience was right in any instance, it was conclusively so with regard
to the present government; for the obedience required by scripture was
indiscriminate. "The powers that be are ordained of God--let every soul
be subject to the higher powers." From these texts they inferred that
the new oaths ought to be taken without scruple, and that those who
refused them concealed party under the cloak of conscience. On the other
hand, the fallacy and treachery of this argument were demonstrated. They
said, it levelled all distinctions of justice and duty; that those who
taught such doctrines attached themselves solely to possession, however
unjustly acquired; that if twenty different usurpers should succeed one
another, they would recognize the last, notwithstanding the allegiance
they had so solemnly sworn to his predecessor, like the fawning spaniel
that followed the thief who mounted his master's horse after
having murdered the right owner. They also denied the justice of a
lay-deprivation, and with respect to church government started tire same
distinctions "_De jure and de facto_" which they had formerly made in
the civil administration. They had even recourse to all the bitterness
of invective against Tillotson and the new bishops, whom they reviled as
intruders and usurpers; their acrimony was chiefly directed against Dr.
Sherlock, who had been one of the most violent sticklers against the
revolution, but thought proper to take the oaths upon the retreat
of king James from Ireland. They branded him as an apostate who had
betrayed his cause, and published a review of his whole conduct,
which proved a severe satire upon his character. Their attacks upon
individuals were mingled with their vengeance against the government;
and indeed the great aim of their divines, as well as of their
politicians, was to sap the foundation of the new settlement. In order
to alienate the minds of the people from the interests of the reigning
prince, they ridiculed his character; inveighed against his measures;
they accused him of sacrificing the concerns of England to the advantage
of his native country; and drew invidious comparisons between the
wealth, the trade, the taxes, of the last and of the present reign. To
frustrate these efforts of the malcontents, the court employed
their engines to answer and recriminate; all sorts of informers were
encouraged and caressed; in a proclamation issued against papists and
other disaffected persons, all magistrates were enjoined to make search,
and apprehend those who should, by seditious discourses and libels,
presume to defame the government. Thus the revolutioners commenced the
professed enemies of those very arts and practices which had enabled
them to bring their scheme to perfection.

     * Beveridge was promoted to the See of Bath and Wells,
     Fowler to that of Gloucester, Cumberland to Peterborough,
     Moor to Norwich, Grove to Chicester, and Patrick to Ely.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}


The presbyterians in Scotland acted with such folly, violence, and
tyranny, as rendered them equally odious and contemptible. The
transactions in their general assembly were carried on with such
peevishness, partiality, and injustice, that the king dissolved it by
an act of state, and convoked another for the month of November in the
following year. The episcopal party promised to enter heartily into the
interests of the new government, to keep the highlanders quiet, and
induce the clergy to acknowledge and serve king William, provided he
would balance the power of Melvil and his partisans in such a manner as
would secure them from violence and oppression; provided the episcopal
ministers should be permitted to perform their functions among those
people by whom they were beloved; and' that such of them as were willing
to mix with the presbyterians in their judicatories should be admitted
without any severe imposition in point of opinion. The king, who was
extremely disgusted at the presbyterians, relished the proposal, and
young Dalrymple, son of lord Stair, was appointed joint secretary
of state with Melvil. He undertook to bring over the majority of the
Jacobites, and a great number of them took the oaths; but at the same
time they maintained a correspondence with the court of St. Germains, by
the connivance of which they submitted to William that they might be in
a condition to serve James the more effectually. The Scottish parliament
was adjourned by proclamation to the sixteenth day of September.
Precautions were taken to prevent any dangerous communication with the
continent; a committee was appointed to put the kingdom in a posture of
defence; to exercise the powers of the regency in securing the enemies
of the government; and the earl of Home, with sir Peter Fraser and sir
AEneas Macpherson, were apprehended and imprisoned.


The king having settled the operations of the ensuing campaign in
Ireland, where general Ginckel exercised the supreme command, manned
his fleet by dint of pressing sailors, to the incredible annoyance of
commerce; then leaving the queen as before at the helm of government in
England, he returned to Holland accompanied by lord Sidney, secretary
of state, the earls of Marlborough and Portland, and began to make
preparations for taking the field in person. On the thirtieth day of
May, the duke of Luxembourg having passed the Scheld at the head of a
large army, took possession of Halle, and gave it up to plunder in sight
of the confederates, who were obliged to throw up intrenchments for
their preservation. At the same time the marquis de Boufflers, with a
considerable body of forces, intrenched himself before Liege with a view
to bombard that city. In the beginning of June, king William took upon
himself the command of the allied army, by this time reinforced in such
a manner as to be superior to the enemy. He forthwith detached the count
de Tilly with ten thousand men to the relief of Liege, which was already
reduced to ruins and desolation by the bombs, bullets, and repeated
attacks of Boufflers, who now thought proper to retreat to Dinant. Tilly
having thus raised the siege, and thrown a body of troops into Huy,
rejoined the confederate army, which had been augmented ever since his
departure with six thousand men from Brandenburgh, and ten thousand
Hessians commanded by the landgrave in person. Such was the vigilance of
Luxembourg, that William could not avail himself of his superiority.
In vain he exhausted his invention in marches, counter-marches, and
stratagems, to bring on a general engagement; the French marshal avoided
it with such dexterity as baffled all his endeavours. In the course of
this campaign the two armies twice confronted each other; but they were
situated in such a manner that neither could begin the attack without a
manifest disadvantage. While the king lay encamped at Court-sur-heure,
a soldier, corrupted by the enemy, set fire to the fusees of several
bombs, the explosion of which might have blown up the whole magazine
and produced infinite confusion in the army, had not the mischief been
prevented by the courage of the men who guarded the artillery; even
while the fusees were burning, they disengaged the waggons from
the line, and overturned them down the side of a hill, so that the
communication of the fire was intercepted. The person who made this
treacherous attempt being discovered, owned he had been employed for
this purpose by the duke of Luxembourg. He was tried by a court-martial
and suffered the death of a traitor. Such perfidious practices not only
fix an indelible share of infamy on the French general, but prove how
much the capacity of William was dreaded by his enemies. King William,
quitting Court-sur-heure, encamped upon the plain of St. Girard, where
he remained till the fourth day of September, consuming the forage and
exhausting the country. Then he passed the Sambre near Jemeppe, while
the French crossed it at La Busiere, and both armies marched towards
Enghien. The enemy, perceiving the confederates were at their heels,
proceeded to Gramont, passed the Lender, and took possession of a
strong camp between Aeth and Oudenarde; William followed the same route,
and encamped between Aeth and Leuse. While he continued in his post, the
Hessian forces and those of Liege, amounting to about eighteen thousand
men, separated from the army and passed the Meuse at Naimir; then the
king returned to the Hague, leaving the command to prince Waldeck, who
forthwith removed to Leuse, and on the twentieth day of the month began
his march to Cambron. Luxembourg, who watched his motions with a curious
eye, found means to attack him in his retreat so suddenly that his rear
was surprised and defeated, though the French were at last obliged to
retire. The prince continued his route to Cambron, and in a little time
both armies retired into winter quarters. In the meantime, the Duke de
Noailles besieged and took Urgel in Catalonia, while a French squadron,
commanded by the count d'Etrees, bombarded Barcelona and Alicant.

The confederates had proposed to act vigorously in Italy against the
French; but the season was far advanced before they were in a condition
to take the field. The emperor and Spain had undertaken to furnish
troops to join the duke of Savoy; and the maritime powers contributed
their proportion in money. The elector of Bavaria was nominated to the
supreme command of the imperial forces in that country; the marquis
de Leganez, governor of the Milanese, acted as trustee for the Spanish
monarch; duke Schomberg, son of that groat general who lost his life
at the Boyne, lately created duke of Leinster, managed the interest of
William, as king of England and stadtholder, and commanded a body of the
Vaudois paid by Great Britain. Before the German auxiliaries arrived,
the French had made great progress in their conquests. Catinat besieged
and took Villa-Franca, Nice, and some other fortifications; then he
reduced Villana and Carmagnola, and detached the marquis de Feuquieres
to invest Coni, a strong fortress garrisoned by the Vaudois and French
refugees. The duke of Savoy was now reduced to the brink of ruin. He saw
almost all his places of strength in the possession of the enemy; Coni
was besieged; and La Hoguette, another French general, had forced the
passes of the valley of Aoste, so that he had free admission into the
Verceillois, and the frontiers of the Milanese. Turin was threatened
with a bombardment; the people were dispirited and clamorous, and their
sovereign lay with his little army encamped on the hill of Montcallier,
from whence he beheld his towns taken, and his palace of Rivoli
destroyed. Duke Schomberg exhorted him to act on the offensive, and give
battle to Catinat while that officer's army was weakened by detachments,
and prince Eugene* supported his remonstrance; but this proposal was
vehemently opposed by the marquis de Leganez, who foresaw that if the
duke should be defeated, the French would penetrate into the territories
of Milan. The relief of Coni, however, was undertaken by prince
Eugene, who began his march for that place with a convoy guarded by
two-and-twenty hundred horse; at Magliano he was reinforced by five
thousand militia; Bulonde, who commanded at the siege, no sooner heard
of his approach than he retired with the utmost precipitation, leaving
behind some pieces of cannon, mortars, bombs, arms, ammunition, tents,
provisions, utensils, with all his sick and wounded. When he joined
Catinat he was immediately put under arrest, and afterwards cashiered
with disgrace. Hoguette abandoned the valley of Aoste; Feuquieres was
sent with a detachment to change the garrison of Casal; and Catinat
retired with his army towards Villa Nova d'Aste.

     * Prince Eugene of Savoy, who in the sequel rivalled the
     fame of the greatest warriors of antiquity, was descended on
     the father's side from the house of Savoy, and on the
     mother's from the family of Soissons, a branch of the house
     of Bourbon. His father was Eugene Maurice, of Savoy, count
     of Soissons, colonel of the Switzers, and governor of
     Champagne and Brie: his mother was the celebrated Olimpia de
     Mancini, niece of Cardinal Mazarine. Eugene finding himself
     neglected at the court of France, engaged as a soldier of
     fortune in the service of the emperor, and soon
     distinguished himself by his great military talents: he
     was, moreover, an accomplished gentleman, learned, liberal,
     mild, and courteous; an unshaken friend; a generous enemy;
     an invincible captain; a consummate politician.


The miscarriage of the French before Coni affected Louvois, the minister
of Louis, so deeply, that he could not help shedding tears when he
communicated the event to his master, who told him with great composure
that he was spoiled by good fortune. But the retreat of the French
from Piedmont had a still greater influence over the resolutions of the
conclave at Rome, then sitting for the election of a new pope in
the room of Alexander VIII., who died in the beginning of February.
Notwithstanding the power and intrigues of the French faction headed by
cardinal d'Etrees, the affairs of Piedmont had no sooner taken this turn
than the Italians joined the Spanish and Imperial interest, and cardinal
Pignatelli, a Neapolitan, was elected pontiff. He assumed the name of
Innocent, in honour of the last pope known by that appellation, and
adopted all his maxims against the French monarch. When the German
auxiliaries arrived under the command of the elector of Bavaria, the
confederates resolved to give battle to Catinat; but he repassed the Po,
and sent couriers to Versailles to solicit a reinforcement. Then prince
Eugene invested Carmagnola, and carried on the siege with such vigour
that in eleven days the garrison capitulated. Meanwhile the marquis de
Hoquincourt undertook the conquest of Montmelian, and reduced the town
without much resistance. The castle, however, made such a vigorous
defence that Catinat marched thither in person; and, notwithstanding all
his efforts, the place held out till the second day of December, when it
surrendered on honourable conditions.


This summer produced nothing of importance on the Rhine. The French
endeavoured to surprise Mentz, by maintaining a correspondence with one
of the emperor's commissioners; but this being discovered, their design
was frustrated. The imperial army, under the elector of Saxony, passed
the Rhine in the neighbourhood of Manheim; and the French, crossing
the same river at Philipsburgh, reduced the town of Portzheim in the
marquisate of Baden-Dourlach. The execution of the scheme projected
by the emperor for this campaign, was prevented by the death of his
general, the elector of Saxony, which happened on the second day of
September. His affairs wore a more favourable aspect in Hungary, where
the Turks were totally defeated by prince Louis of Baden on the banks
of the Danube. The imperialists afterwards undertook the siege of Great
Waradin in Translyvania; bitt this was turned into a blockade, and the
place was not surrendered till the following spring. The Turks were so
dispirited by the defeat, by which they had lost the grand vizier, that
the emperor might have made peace upon very advantageous terms; but
his pride and ambition overshot his success. He was weak, vain, and
superstitious; he imagined that now the war of Ireland was almost
extinguished, king William, with the rest of his allies, would be able
to humble the French power, though he himself should not co-operate with
heretics, whom he abhorred; and that, in the meantime, he should not
only make an entire conquest of Transylvania, but also carry his
victorious arms to the gates of Constantinople, according to some
ridiculous prophecy by which his vanity had been flattered. The Spanish
government was become so feeble, that the ministry, rather than be at
the expense of defending the Netherlands, offered to deliver the whole
country to king William, either as monarch of England, or stadtholder of
the United Provinces. He declined this offer, because he knew the people
would never be reconciled to a protestant government; but he proposed
that the Spaniards should confer the administration of Flanders upon the
elector of Bavaria, who was ambitious of signalizing his courage,
and able to defend the country with his own troops and treasure. This
proposal was relished by the court of Spain; the emperor imparted it
to the elector, who accepted the office without hesitation; and he was
immediately declared governor of the Low Countries by the council of
state at Madrid. King William, after his return from the army, continued
some time at the Hague settling the operations of the ensuing campaign.
That affair being discussed, he embarked in the Maese, and landed in
England on the nineteenth day of October.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}


Before we explain the proceedings in parliament, it will be necessary to
give a detail of the late transactions in Ireland. In the beginning
of the season, the French king had sent a large supply of provisions,
clothes, and ammunition, for the use of the Irish at Limerick, under
the conduct of Monsieur St. Ruth, accompanied by a great number of
French officers furnished with commissions from king James, though St.
Kuth issued all his orders in the name of Louis. Tyrconnel had arrived
in January with three frigates and nine vessels, laden with succours of
the same nature; otherwise the Irish could not have been so long kept
together. Nor indeed could these supplies prevent them from forming
separate and independent bands of rapparees, who plundered the country,
and committed the most shocking barbarities. The lords justices, in
conjunction with general Ginckel, had taken every step their prudence
could suggest to quiet the disturbances of the country, and prevent such
violence and rapine, of which the soldiers in king William's army were
not entirely innocent. The justices had issued proclamations denouncing
severe penalties against those who should countenance or conceal such
acts of cruelty and oppression: they promised to protect all papists who
should live quietly within a certain frontier line; and Ginckel gave the
catholic rebels to understand that he was authorized to treat with them,
if they were inclined to return to their duty. Before the armies took
the field, several skirmishes had been fought between parties; and these
had always turned out so unfortunate to the enemy, that their spirits
were quite depressed, while the confidence of the English rose in the
same proportion.

St. Euth and Tyrconnel were joined by the rapparees, and general Ginckel
was reinforced by Mackay, with those troops which had reduced the
highlanders in Scotland. Thus strengthened, he, in the beginning of
June, marched from Mullingar to Ballymore, which was garrisoned by a
thousand men under colonel Bourke, who, when summoned to surrender,
returned an evasive answer. But, when a breach was made in the place,
and the besiegers began to make preparations for a general assault, his
men laid down their arms and submitted at discretion. The fortifications
of this place being repaired and augmented, the general left a garrison
for its defence, and advanced to Athlone, situated on the other side of
the Shannon, and supported by the Irish army encamped almost under its
walls. The English town on the hither side of the river was taken
sword in hand, and the enemy broke down an arch of the bridge in their
retreat. Batteries were raised against the Irish town, and several
unsuccessful attempts were made to force the passage of the bridge,
which was defended with great vigour. At length it was resolved, in a
council of war, that a detachment should pass at a ford a little to the
left of the bridge, though the river was deep and rapid, the bottom foul
and stony, and the pass guarded by a ravelin, erected for that purpose.
The forlorn hope consisted of sixty grenadiers in armour, headed by
captain Sandys and two lieutenants. They were seconded by another
detachment, and this was supported by six battalions of infantry. Never
was a more desperate service, nor was ever exploit performed with more
valour and intrepidity. They passed twenty a-breast in the face of the
enemy, through an incessant shower of balls, bullets, and grenades.
Those who followed them took possession of the bridge, and laid planks
over the broken arch. Pontoons were fixed at the same time, that
the troops might pass in different places. The Irish were amazed,
confounded, and abandoned the town in the utmost consternation; so that
in half an hour it was wholly secured by the English, who did not
lose above fifty men in this attack. Mackay, Tetteau, and Ptolemache,
exhibited proofs of the most undaunted courage in passing the river;
and general Ginckel, for his conduct, intrepidity, and success on this
occasion, was created earl of Athlone. When St. Ruth was informed,
by express, that the English had entered the river, he said, it was
impossible they should pretend to take a town which he covered with his
army, and that he would give a thousand pistoles if they would
attempt to force a passage. Sarsfield insisted upon the truth of the
intelligence, and pressed him to send succours to the town; he ridiculed
this officer's fears, and some warm expostulation passed between them.
Being at length convinced that the English were in possession of the
place, he ordered some detachments to drive them out again; but the
cannon of their own works being turned against them, they found the task
impracticable, and that very night their army decamped. St. Ruth, after
a march of ten miles, took post at Aghrim; and having, by drafts from
garrisons, augmented his army to five-and-twenty thousand men, resolved
to hazard a decisive engagement.

Ginckel, having put Athlone in a posture of defence, passed the Shannon
and marched up to the enemy, determined to give them battle, though his
forces did not exceed eighteen thousand, and the Irish were posted in a
very advantageous situation. St. Ruth had made an admirable disposition,
and taken every precaution that military skill could suggest. His centre
extended along a rising ground, uneven in many places, intersected with
banks and ditches, joined by lines of communication, and fronted by a
large bog almost impassable. His right was fortified with intrenchments,
and his left secured by the castle of Aghrim. He harangued his army
in the most pathetic strain, conjuring them to exert their courage
in defence of their holy religion, in the extirpation of heresy, in
recovering their ancient honours and estates, and in restoring a pious
king to the throne, from whence he had been expelled by an unnatural
usurper. He employed the priests to enforce his exhortations; to assure
the men that they might depend upon the prayers of the church; and that,
in case they should fall in battle, the saints and angels would convey
their souls to heaven. They are said to have sworn upon the sacrament
that they would not desert their colours, and to have received an order
that no quarter should be given to the French heretics in the army of
the prince of Orange. Ginckel had encamped on the Roscommon side of the
river Sue, within three miles of the enemy: after having reconnoitred
their posture, he resolved, with the advice of a council of war, to
attack them on Sunday the twelfth day of July. The necessary orders
being given, the army passed the river at two fords and a stone bridge,
and, advancing to the edge of the great bog, began about twelve o'clock
to force the two passages, in order to possess the ground on the other
side. The enemy fought with surprising fury, and the horse were several
times repulsed; but at length the troops upon the right carried their
point by moans of some field pieces. The day was now so far advanced,
that the general determined to postpone the battle till next morning;
but perceiving some disorder among the enemy, and fearing they would
decamp in the night, he altered his resolution and ordered the attack to
be renewed. At six o'clock in the evening the left wing of the English
advanced to the right of the Irish, from whom they met with such a warm
and obstinate reception, that it was not without the most surprising
efforts of courage and perseverance that they at length obliged them to
give ground; and even then they lost it by inches. St. Ruth, seeing them
in danger of being overpowered, immediately detached succours to them
from his centre and left wing. Mackay no sooner perceived them weakened
by these detachments, then he ordered three battalions to skirt the
bog and attack them on the left, while the centre advanced through the
middle of the morass, the men wading up to the waist in mud and water.
After they had reached the other side, they found themselves obliged
to ascend a rugged hill fenced with hedges and ditches; and these were
lined with musqeteers, supported at proper intervals with squadrons of
cavalry. They made such a desperate resistance, and fought with such
impetuosity, that the assailants were repulsed into the middle of the
bog with great loss, and St. Ruth exclaimed--"Now will I drive the
English to the gates of Dublin." In this critical conjuncture Ptolemache
came tip with a fresh body to sustain them, rallied the broken troops,
and renewed the charge with such vigour that the Irish gave way in their
turn, and the English recovered the ground they had lost, though they
found it impossible to improve their advantage. Mackay brought a body of
horse and dragoons to the assistance of the left wing, and first turned
the tide of battle in favour of the English. Major-general Rouvigny, who
had behaved with great gallantry during the whole action, advanced
with five regiments of cavalry to support the centre; when St. Kuth,
perceiving his design, resolved to fall upon him in a dangerous hollow
way which he was obliged to pass. For this purpose he began to descend
Kircommodon-hill with his whole reserve of horse; but in his way was
killed by a cannon-ball. His troops immediately halted, and his guards
retreated with his body. His fate dispirited the troops, and produced
such confusion as Sarsfield could not remedy; for though he was next
in command, he had been at variance with St. Ruth since the affair at
Athlone, and was ignorant of the plan he had concerted. Rouvigny having
passed the hollow way without opposition, charged the enemy in flank,
and bore down all before him with surprising impetuosity; the centre
redoubled their efforts and pushed the Irish to the top of the hill,
and then the whole line giving way at once from right to left threw down
their arms. The foot fled towards a bog in their rear, and their horse
took the route by the highway to Loughneagh; both were pursued by the
English cavalry, who for four miles made a terrible slaughter. In the
battle, which lasted two hours, and in the pursuit, above four thousand
of the enemy were slain and six hundred taken, together with all their
baggage, tents, provisions, ammunition, and artillery, nine-and-twenty
pair of colours, twelve standards, and almost all the arms of the
infantry. In a word, the victory was decisive, and not above eight
hundred of the English were killed upon the field of battle. The
vanquished retreated in great confusion to Limerick, where they resolved
to make a final stand in hope of receiving such succours from France as
would either enable them to retrieve their affairs, or obtain good terms
from the court of England. There Tyrconnel died of a broken heart,
after having survived his authority and reputation. He had incurred the
contempt of the French, as well as the hatred of the Irish, whom he
had advised to submit to the new government rather than totally ruin
themselves and their families.

Immediately after the battle detachments were sent to reduce Portumny,
Bonnachar, and Moorcastle, considerable passes on the Shannon, which
were accordingly secured. Then Ginckel advanced to Galway, which he
summoned to surrender; but he received a defiance from lord Dillon
and general D'Ussone who commanded the garrison. The trenches were
immediately opened; a fort which commanded the approaches to the town
was taken by assault; six regiments of foot and four squadrons of horse
passed the river on pontoons, and the place being wholly invested, the
governor thought proper to capitulate. The garrison marched out with
the honours of war, and was allowed safe conduct to Limerick. Ginckel
directed his march to the same town, which was the only post of
consequence that now held out for king James. Within four miles of the
place he halted until the heavy cannon could be brought from Athlone.
Hearing that Luttrel had been seized by the French general D'Ussone, and
sentenced to be shot for having proposed to surrender, he sent a trumpet
to tell the commander that if any person should be put to death for such
a proposal, he would make retaliation on the Irish prisoners. On the
twenty-fifth day of August the enemy were driven from all their advanced
posts: captain Cole, with a squadron of ships, sailed up the Shannon,
and his frigates anchored in sight of the town. On the twenty-sixth day
of the month the batteries were opened, and a line of contra-vallation
was formed; the Irish army lay encamped on the other side of the river,
on the road to Killalow, and the fords were guarded with four regiments
of their dragoons. On the fifth day of September, after the town had
been almost laid in ruins by the bombs, and large breaches made in the
wails by the battering cannon, the guns were dismounted, the out-forts
evacuated, and such other motions made as indicated a resolution to
abandon the siege. The enemy expressed their joy in loud acclamations;
but this was of short continuance. In the night the besiegers began to
throw a bridge of pontoons over the river about a mile higher up than
the camp, and this work was finished before morning. A considerable body
of horse and foot had passed when the alarm was given to the enemy, who
were seized with such consternation, that they threw down their arms and
betook themselves to flight, leaving behind them their tents, baggage,
two pieces of cannon, and one standard. The bridge was immediately
removed nearer the town and fortified; all the fords and passes were
secured, and the batteries continued firing incessantly till the
twenty-second day of the month, when Ginckel passed over with a division
of the army and fourteen pieces of cannon. About four in the afternoon
the grenadiers attacked the forts that commanded Thomond-bridge, and
carried them sword in hand after an obstinate resistance. The garrison
had made a sally from the town to support them; and this detachment was
driven back with such precipitation, that the French officer on command
in that quarter, fearing the English would enter pell-mell with the
fugitives, ordered the bridge to be drawn up, leaving his own men to the
fury of a victorious enemy. Six hundred were killed, two hundred taken
prisoners, including many officers, and a great number were drowned in
the Shannon.


Then the English made a lodgement within ten paces of the bridge-foot;
and the Irish, seeing themselves surrounded on all sides, determined
to capitulate. General Sarsfield and colonel Wahop signified their
resolution to Scrvenmore and Rouvigny; hostages were exchanged; a
negotiation was immediately begun, and hostilities ceased on both sides
of the river. The lords justices arrived in the camp on the first day of
October, and on the fourth the capitulation was executed, extending to
all the places in the kingdom that were still in the hands of the Irish.
The Roman catholics were restored to the enjoyment of such liberty in
the exercise of religion as was consistent with the laws of Ireland, and
conformable with that which they possessed in the reign of Charles II.
All persons whatever were entitled to the protection of these laws, and
restored to the possession of their estates, privileges, and immunities,
upon their submitting to the present government, and taking the oath
of allegiance to their majesties king William and queen Mary, excepting
however certain persons who were forfeited or exiled. This article even
extended to all merchants of Limerick, or any other garrison possessed
by the Irish, who happened to be abroad, and had not borne arms since
the declaration in the first year of the present reign, provided they
should return within the term of eight months. All the persons comprised
in this and the forgoing article were indulged with a general pardon of
all attainders, outlawries, treasons, misprisons of treason, premunires,
felonies, trespasses, and other crimes and misdemeanors whatsoever,
committed since the beginning of the reign of James II.; and the lords
justices promised to use their best endeavours towards the reversal
of such attainders and outlawries as had passed against any of them
in parliament. In order to allay the violence of party and extinguish
private animosities, it was agreed that no person should be sued or
impleaded on either side for any trespass, or made accountable for the
rents, tenements, lands, or houses he had received or enjoyed since the
beginning of the war. Every nobleman and gentleman comprised in these
articles was authorized to keep a sword, a case of pistols, and a gun,
for his defence or amusement. The inhabitants of Limerick and other
garrisons were permitted to remove their goods and chattels, without
search, visitation, or payment of duty. The lords justices promised
to use their best endeavours that all persons comprehended in this
capitulation should for eight months be protected from all arrests
and executions for debt or damage; they undertook that their majesties
should ratify these articles within the space of eight months, and
use their endeavours that they might be ratified and confirmed in
parliament. The subsequent article was calculated to indemnify colonel
John Brown, whose estate and effects had been seized for the use of the
Irish army by Tyrconnel and Sarsfield, which last had been created Lord
Lucan by king James, and was now mentioned by that title. All persons
were indulged with free leave to remove with their families and effects
to any other country except England and Scotland. All officers and
soldiers in the service of king James, comprehending even the rapparees,
willing to go beyond sea, were at liberty to inarch in bodies to the
places of embarkation, to be conveyed to the continent with the French
officers and troops. They were furnished with passports, convoys, and
carriages by land and water; and general Gluckel engaged to provide
seventy ships, if necessary, for their transportation, with two men of
war for the accommodation of their officers, and to serve as a convoy to
the fleet. It was stipulated, That the provisions and forage for their
subsistence should be paid for on their arrival in France; that hostages
should be given for this indemnification, as well as for the return of
the ships; that all the garrisons should march out of their respective
towns and fortresses with the honours of war; that the Irish should have
liberty to transport nine hundred horses; that those who should choose
to stay behind might dispose of themselves according to their own fancy,
after having surrendered their arms to such commissioners as the general
should appoint; that all prisoners of war should be set at liberty on
both sides; that the general should provide two vessels to carry over
two different persons to France with intimation of this treaty; and that
none of those who were willing to quit the kingdom should be detained on
account of debt, or any other pretence.--This was the substance of the
famous treaty of Limerick, which the Irish Roman catholics considered
as the great charter of their civil and religious liberties. The town of
Limerick was surrendered to Ginckel; but both sides agreed that the two
armies should intrench themselves till the Irish could embark, that no
disorders might arise from a communication.


The protestant subjects of Ireland were extremely disgusted at these
concessions made in favour of vanquished rebels, who had exercised such
acts of cruelty and rapine. They complained, That they themselves, who
had suffered for their loyalty to king William, were neglected, and
obliged to sit down with their losses; while their enemies, who had
shed so much blood in opposing his government, were indemnified by
the articles of the capitulation, and even favoured with particular
indulgencies. They were dismissed with the honours of war; they were
transported at the government's expense, to fight against the English in
foreign countries; an honourable provision was made for the rapparees,
who were professed banditti; the Roman catholic interest in Ireland
obtained the sanction of regal authority; attainders were overlooked,
forfeitures annulled, pardons extended, and laws set aside, in order to
effect a pacification. Ginckel had received orders to put an end to
the war at any rate, that William might convert his whole influence
and attention to the affairs of the continent. When the articles of
capitulation were ratified, and hostages exchanged for their being duly
executed, about two thousand Irish foot, and three hundred horse, began
their march for Cork, where they proposed to take shipping for France,
under the conduct of Sarsfield; but three regiments refusing to quit
the kingdom, delivered up their arms and dispersed to their former
habitations. Those who remained at Limerick embarked on the seventh day
of November, in French transports; and sailed immediately to France,
under the convoy of a French squadron which had arrived in the bay of
Dangle immediately after the capitulation was signed. Twelve thousand
men chose to undergo exile from their native country rather than submit
to the government of king William. When they arrived in France they were
welcomed by a letter from James, who thanked them for their loyalty,
assured them they should still serve under his commission and command,
and that the king of France had already given orders for their being new
clothed and put into quarters of refreshment.


The reduction of Ireland being thus completed, baron Ginckel returned to
England, where he was solemnly thanked by the house of commons for
his great services, after he had been created earl of Athlone by his
majesty. When the parliament met on the twenty-second day of October,
the king in his speech insisted upon the necessity of sending a strong
fleet to sea early in the season, and of maintaining a considerable army
to annoy the enemy abroad, as well as to protect the kingdom from insult
and invasion; for which purposes, he said, sixty-five thousand men would
be barely sufficient. Each house presented an address of congratulation
upon his majesty's safe return to England, and on the reduction of
Ireland: they promised to assist him to the utmost of their power,
in prosecuting the war with France; and, at the same time, drew up
addresses to the queen, acknowledging her prudent administration during
his majesty's absence. Notwithstanding this appearance of cordiality
and complaisance, a spirit of discontent had insinuated itself into both
houses of parliament, and even infected great part of the nation.

A great number of individuals who wished well to their country, could
not, without anxiety and resentment, behold the interest of the nation
sacrificed to foreign connexions, and the king's favour so partially
bestowed upon Dutchmen in prejudice to his English subjects. They
observed, that the number of forces he demanded was considerably greater
than that of any army which had ever been paid by the public, even when
the nation was in the most imminent danger; that instead of contributing
as allies to the maintenance of the war upon the continent, they had
embarked as principals and bore the greatest part of the burden, though
they had the least share of the profit. They even insinuated that such
a standing army was more calculated to make the king absolute at home,
than to render him formidable abroad; and the secret friends of the
late king did not fail to enforce these insinuations. They renewed their
animadversions upon the disagreeable part of his character; they dwelt
upon his proud reserve, his sullen silence, his imperious disposition,
and his base ingratitude, particularly to the earl of Marlborough, whom
he had dismissed from all his employments immediately after the signal
exploits he had performed in Ireland. The disgrace of this nobleman
was partly ascribed to the freedom with which he had complained of the
king's undervaluing his services, and partly to the intrigues of his
wife, who had gained an ascendancy over the princess Anne of Denmark,
and is said to have employed her influence in fomenting a jealousy
between the two sisters. The malcontents of the whiggish faction,
enraged to find their credit declining at court, joined in the cry
which the Jacobites had raised against the government. They scrupled not
to say, that the arts of corruption were shamefully practised to secure
a majority in parliament; that the king was as tender of the prerogative
as any of his predecessors had ever been; and that he even ventured
to admit Jacobites into his council, because they were known tools of
arbitrary power. These reflections alluded to the earls of Rochester
and Kanelagh, who, with sir Edward Seymour, had been lately created
privy-counsellors. Rochester entertained very high notions of regal
authority; he proposed severity as one of the best supports of
government; was clear in his understanding, violent in his temper, and
incorrupt in his principles. Ranelagh was a man of parts and pleasure,
who possessed the most plausible and winning address; and was capable
of transacting the most important and intricate affairs, in the midst of
riot and debauchery. He had managed the revenue of Ireland in the reign
of Charles II.; he enjoyed the office of paymaster in the army of King
James, and now maintained the same footing under the government of
William and Mary. Sir Edward Seymour was the proudest commoner in
England, and the boldest orator that ever filled the speaker's chair. He
was intimately acquainted with the business of the house, and knew every
individual member so exactly, that with one glance of his eye he could
prognosticate the fate of every motion. He had opposed the court with
great acrimony, questioned the king's title, censured his conduct, and
reflected upon his character. Nevertheless, he now became a proselyte,
and was brought into the treasury.


The commons voted three millions, four hundred and eleven thousand, six
hundred and seventy-five pounds, for the use of the ensuing year: but
the establishment of funds for raising these supplies was retarded,
partly by the ill-humour of the opposition, and partly by intervening
affairs that diverted the attention of the commons. Several eminent
merchants presented a petition to the house against the East-India
company, charging them with manifold abuses; at the same time, a
counter-petition was delivered by the company, and the affair referred
to the examination of a committee appointed for that purpose. After
a minute inquiry into the nature of the complaints, the commons voted
certain regulations with respect to the stock and the traffic;
and resolved to petition his majesty, that, according to the said
regulations, the East-India company should be incorporated by charter.
The committee was ordered to bring in a bill for this establishment; but
divers petitions being presented against it, and the company's answers
proving unsatisfactory, the house addressed the king to dissolve it,
and grant a charter to a new company. He said it was an affair of great
importance to the trade of the kingdom; therefore, he would consider the
subject, and in a little time return a positive answer. The parliament
was likewise amused by a pretended conspiracy of the papists in
Lancashire, to raise a rebellion and restore James to the throne.
Several persons were seized, and some witnesses examined: but nothing
appeared to justify the information. At length one Fuller, a prisoner
in the king's bench, offered his evidence, and was brought to the bar of
the house of commons, where he produced some papers. He obtained a blank
pass from the king for two persons, who he said would come from the
continent to give evidence. He was afterwards examined at his own
lodgings, where he affirmed that colonel Thomas Delavai and James Hayes
were the witnesses for whom he had procured the pass and the protection.
Search was made for them according to his direction, but no such persons
were found. Then the house declared Fuller a notorious impostor, cheat,
and false accuser. He was, at the request of the commons, prosecuted by
the attorney-general, and sentenced to stand in the pillory; a disgrace
which he accordingly underwent.

A bill for regulating trials in cases of high treason having been laid
aside by the lords in the preceding session, was now again brought upon
the carpet, and passed the lower house. The design of this bill was to
secure the subject from the rigours to which he had been exposed in the
late reigns: it provided, That the prisoner should be furnished with a
copy of his indictment, as also of the panel, ten days before his trial;
and, that his witnesses should be examined upon oath as well as those of
the crown. The lords, in their own behalf, added a clause enacting,
That upon the trials of any peer or peeress, for treason or misprison of
treason, all the peers who have a right to sit and vote in parliament,
should be duly summoned to assist at the trial; that this notice should
be given twenty days before the trial; and that every peer so summoned,
and appearing, should vote upon the occasion. The commons rejected this
amendment; and a free conference ensued. The point was argued with great
vivacity on both sides, which served only to inflame the dispute, and
render each party the more tenacious of their own opinion. After three
conferences that produced nothing but animosity, the bill was dropped;
for the commons resolved to bear the hardships of which they complained,
rather than be relieved at the expense of purchasing a new privilege to
the lords; and without this advantage, the peers would not contribute to
their relief.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}


The next object that engrossed the attention of the lower house, was the
miscarriage of the fleet during the summer's expedition. Admiral Russel,
who commanded at sea, having been joined by a Dutch squadron, sailed
in quest of the enemy; but as the French king had received undoubted
intelligence that the combined squadrons were superior to his navy in
number of ships and weight of metal, he ordered Tourville to avoid
an engagement. This officer acted with such vigilance, caution, and
dexterity, as baffled all the endeavours of Russel, who was moreover
perplexed with obscure and contradictory orders. Nevertheless, he
cruised all summer either in the channel or in soundings, for the
protection of the trade, and in particular secured the homeward-bound
Smyrna fleet, in which the English and Dutch had a joint concern
amounting to four millions sterling. Having scoured the channel, and
sailed along great part of the French coast, he returned to Torbay in
the beginning of August, and received fresh orders to put to sea again,
notwithstanding his repeated remonstrances against exposing large
ships to the storms that always blow about the time of the equinox. He
therefore sailed back to soundings, where he continued cruising till
the second day of September, when he was overtaken by a violent tempest,
which drove him into the channel, and obliged him to make for the port
of Plymouth. The weather being hazy, he reached the Sound with great
difficulty: the Coronation, a second-rate, foundered at anchor off the
Ram-head; the Harwich, a third-rate, bulged upon the rocks and perished;
two others ran ashore, but were got off with little damage; but the
whole fleet was scattered and distressed. The nation murmured at the
supposed misconduct of the admiral, and the commons subjected him to an
inquiry: but when they examined his papers, orders, and instructions,
they perceived he had adhered to them with great punctuality, and
thought proper to drop the prosecution out of tenderness to the
ministry. Then the house took into consideration some letters which had
been intercepted in a French ship taken by sir Ralph Delaval. Three of
these are said to have been written by king James, and the rest sealed
with his seal. They related to the plan of an insurrection in Scotland,
and in the northern parts of England: Legge, lord Dartmouth, with one
Crew, being mentioned in them as agents and abettors in the design,
warrants were immediately issued against them; Crew absconded, but lord
Dartmouth was committed to the Tower. Lord Preston was examined touching
some ciphers which they could not explain, and, pretending ignorance,
was imprisoned in Newgate, from whence however he soon obtained
his release. The funds for the supplies of the ensuing year being
established, and several acts* passed relating to domestic regulations,
the king on the twenty-fourth day of February closed the session with
a short speech, thanking the parliament for their demonstrations of
affection in the liberal supplies they had granted, and communicating
his intention of repairing speedily to the continent. Then the two
houses, at his desire, adjourned themselves to the twelfth day of April,
and the parliament was afterwards prorogued to the twenty-ninth day of
May, by proclamation. [035] _[See note H, at the end of this Vol.]_

     * The laws enacted in this session were those: an act for
     abrogating the oath of supremacy in Ireland, and appointing
     other oaths; an act for taking away clergy from some
     offenders, and bringing others to punishment; an act against
     deer-stealing; an act for repairing the highways, and
     settling the rates of carriage of goods; an act for the
     relief of creditors against fraudulent devices; an act for
     explaining and supplying the defects of former laws for the
     settlement of the poor; an act for the encouragement of the
     breeding and feeding of cattle; and an act for ascertaining
     the tithes of hemp and flax.


The king had suffered so much in his reputation by his complaisance to
the presbyterians of Scotland, and was so displeased with the conduct of
that stubborn sect of religionists, that he thought proper to admit some
prelatists into the administration. Johnston, who had been sent envoy to
the elector of Brandenburgh was recalled, and with the master of Stair,
made joint secretary of Scotland; Melvil, who had declined in his
importance, was made lord privy-seal of that kingdom; Tweedale was
constituted lord chancellor; Crawford retained the office of president
of the council; and Lothian was appointed high commissioner to the
general assembly. The parliament was adjourned to the fifteenth day
of April, because it was not yet compliant enough to be assembled with
safety; and the episcopal clergy were admitted to a share of the church
government. These measures, instead of healing the divisions, served
only to inflame the animosity of the two parties. The episcopalians
triumphed in the king's favour, and began to treat their antagonists
with insolence and scorn: the presbyterians were incensed to see
their friends disgraced, and their enemies distinguished by the royal
indulgence. They insisted upon the authority of the law, which happened
to be upon their side: they became more than ever sour, surly, and
implacable; they refused to concur with the prelatists or abate in
the least circumstances of discipline; and the assembly was dissolved
without any time or place assigned for the next meeting. The
presbyterians pretended an independent right of assembling annually,
even without a call from his majesty; they therefore adjourned
themselves, after having protested against the dissolution. The king
resented this measure as an insolent invasion of the prerogative, and
conceived an aversion to the whole sect, who in their turn began to lose
all respect for his person and government.

As the highlanders were not yet totally reduced, the earl of Breadalbane
undertook to bring them over, by distributing sums of money among their
chiefs; and fifteen thousand pounds were remitted from England for this
purpose. The clans being informed of this remittance, suspected that the
earl's design was to appropriate to himself the best part of the money,
and when he began to treat with them made such extravagant demands that
he found his scheme impracticable. He was therefore obliged to refund
the sum he had received; and he resolved to wreak his vengeance with
the first opportunity on those who had frustrated his intention. He
who chiefly thwarted his negotiation was Macdonald of Glencoe, whose
opposition rose from a private circumstance which ought to have had
no effect upon a treaty that regarded the public weal. Macdonald had
plundered the lands of Breadalbane during the course of hostilities; and
this nobleman insisted upon being indemnified for his losses, from the
other's share of the money which he was employed to distribute. The
highlander not only refused to acquiesce in these terms, but, by his
influence among the clans, defeated the whole scheme, and the earl in
revenge devoted him to destruction. King William had by proclamation
offered an indemnity to all those who had been in arms against him,
provided they would submit and take the oaths by a certain day; and this
was prolonged to the close of the present year, with a denunciation of
military execution against those who should hold out after the end of
December. Macdonald, intimidated by this declaration, repaired on the
very last day of the month to Fort-William, and desired that the oaths
might be tendered to him by colonel Hill, governor of that fortress.
As this officer was not vested with the power of a civil magistrate,
he refused to administer them; and Macdonald set out immediately for
Inverary, the county-town of Argyle. Though the ground was covered with
snow, and the weather intensely cold, he travelled with such diligence,
that the term prescribed by the proclamation was but one day elapsed
when he reached the place, and addressed himself to sir John Campbell,
sheriff of the county, who, in consideration of his disappointment at
Fort-William, was prevailed upon to administer the oaths to him and his
adherents. Then they returned to their own habitations in the valley
of Glencoe, in full confidence of being protected by the government to
which they had so solemnly submitted.


Breadalbane had represented Macdonald at court as an incorrigible rebel,
as a ruffian inured to bloodshed and rapine, who would never be obedient
to the laws of his country, nor live peaceably under any sovereign. He
observed, that he had paid no regard to the proclamation, and proposed
that the government should sacrifice him to the quiet of the kingdom,
in extirpating him with his family and dependents by military execution.
His advice was supported by the suggestions of the other Scottish
ministers; and the king, whose chief virtue was not humanity, signed a
warrant for the destruction of those unhappy people, though it does
not appear that he knew of Macdonald's submission. An order for this
barbarous execution, signed and countersigned by his majesty's own hand,
being transmitted to the master of Stair, secretary for Scotland, this
minister sent particular directions to Livingstone, who commanded the
troops in that kingdom, to put the inhabitants of Glencoe to the
sword, charging him to take no prisoners, that the scene might be more
terrible. In the month of February, captain Campbell of Glenlyon, by
virtue of an order from major Duncanson, marched into the valley of
Glencoe with a company of soldiers belonging to Argyle's regiment, on
pretence of levying the arrears of the land-tax and hearth-money. When
Macdonald demanded whether they came as friends or enemies, he answered,
as friends, and promised upon his honour that neither he nor his people
should sustain the least injury. In consequence of this declaration, he
and his men were received with the most cordial hospitality, and lived
fifteen days with the men of the valley in all the appearance of the
most unreserved friendship. At length the fatal period approached.
Macdonald and Campbell having passed the day together, parted about
seven in the evening, with mutual professions of the warmest affection.
The younger Macdonald, perceiving the guards doubled, began to suspect
some treachery, and communicated his suspicion to his brother; but
neither he nor the father would harbour the least doubt of Campbell's
sincerity: nevertheless the two young men went forth privately to make
further observations. They overheard the common soldiers say they
liked not the work; that though they would have willingly fought the
Macdonalds of the Glen fairly in the field, they held it base to murder
them in cool blood, but that their officers were answerable for the
treachery. When the youths hastened back to apprize their father of the
impending danger, they saw the house already surrounded; they heard
the discharge of muskets, the shrieks of women and children; and, being
destitute of arms, secured their own lives by immediate flight. The
savage ministers of vengeance had entered the old man's chamber, and
shot him through the head. He fell down dead in the arms of his wife,
who died next day distracted by the horror of her husband's fate. The
laird of Auchintrincken, Macdonald's guest, who had, three months before
this period, submitted to the government, and at this very time had a
protection in his pocket, was put to death without question. A boy of
eight years, who fell at Campbell's feet imploring mercy, and offering
to serve him for life, was stabbed to the heart by one Drummond a
subaltern officer. Eight-and-thirty persons suffered in this manner,
the greater part of whom were surprised in their beds, and hurried into
eternity before they had time to implore the divine mercy. The design
was to butcher all the males under seventy that lived in the valley, the
number of whom amounted to two hundred; but some of the detachments did
not arrive soon enough to secure the passes; so that one hundred and
sixty escaped. Campbell having perpetrated this cruel massacre, ordered
all the houses to be burned, made a prey of all the cattle and effects
that were found in the valley, and left the helpless women and children,
whose fathers and husbands he had murdered, naked and forlorn, without
covering, food, or shelter, in the midst of the snow that covered the
whole face of the country, at the distance of six long miles from any
inhabited place. Distracted with grief and horror, surrounded with the
shades of night, shivering with cold, and appalled with the apprehension
of immediate death from the swords of those who had sacrificed their
friends and kinsmen, they could not endure such a complication of
calamities, but generally perished in the waste, before they could
receive the least comfort or assistance. This barbarous massacre,
performed under the sanction of king William's authority, answered the
immediate purpose of the court by striking terror into the hearts of the
Jacobite high-landers; but at the same time excited the horror of all
those who had not renounced every sentiment of humanity, and produced
such an aversion to the government, as all the arts of a ministry could
never totally surmount. A detail of the particulars was published
at Paris, with many exaggerations, and the Jacobites did not fail
to expatiate on every circumstance, in domestic libels and private
conversation. The king, alarmed at the outcry which was raised upon this
occasion, ordered an inquiry to be set on foot, and dismissed the master
of Stair from his employment of secretary: he likewise pretended that he
had subscribed the order amidst a heap of other papers, without knowing
the purport of it; but as he did not severely punish those who had made
his authority subservient to their own cruel revenge, the imputation
stuck fast to his character; and the highlanders, though terrified
into silence and submission, were inspired with the most implacable
resentment against his person and administration.


A great number in both kingdoms waited impatiently for an opportunity to
declare in behalf of their exiled monarch, who was punctually informed
of all these transactions, and endeavoured to make his advantage of the
growing discontent. King William having settled the domestic affairs
of the nation, and exerted uncommon care and assiduity in equipping a
formidable fleet, embarked for Holland on the fifth day of March, and
was received by the states-general with expressions of the most cordial
regard. While he was here employed in promoting the measures of the
grand confederacy, the French king resolved to invade England in his
absence, and seemed heartily engaged in the interest of James, whose
emissaries in Britain began to bestir themselves with uncommon assiduity
in preparing the nation for his return. One Lant, who was imprisoned on
suspicion of distributing his commissions, had the good fortune to be
released, and the papists of Lancashire dispatched him to the court of
St. Germain's with an assurance that they were in a condition to receive
their old sovereign. He returned with advice that king James would
certainly land in the spring; and that colonel Parker and other officers
should be sent over with full instructions, touching their conduct at
and before the king's arrival. Parker accordingly repaired to England,
and made the Jacobites acquainted with the whole scheme of a descent,
which Louis had actually concerted with the late king. He assured them
that their lawful sovereign would once more visit his British dominions,
at the head of thirty thousand effective men, to be embarked at La
Hogue; that the transports were already prepared, and a strong squadron
equipped for their convoy; he therefore exhorted them to be speedy and
secret in their preparation, that they might be in readiness to take
arms and co-operate in effecting his restoration. This officer, and one
Johnson a priest, are said to have undertaken the assassination of king
William; but before they could execute their design his majesty set sail
for Holland.


Meanwhile James addressed a letter to several lords who had been
formerly members of his council, as well as to divers ladies of quality
and distinction, intimating the pregnancy of his queen, and requiring
them to attend as witnesses at the labour. He took notice of the injury
his family and honour had sustained, from the cruel aspersions of his
enemies concerning the birth of his son, and as Providence had now
favoured him with an opportunity of refuting the calumny of those who
affirmed that the queen was incapable of child-bearing, he assured them
in the name of his brother the French king, as well as upon his own
royal word, that they should have free leave to visit his court and
return after the labour.*

     * The letter was directed not only for privy counsellors,
     but also to the duchesses of Somerset and Beaufort, the
     marchioness of Halifax, the countesses of Derby, Mulgrave,
     Rutland, Brooks, Nottingham, Lumley, and Danby, the ladies
     Fitzharding and Fretchville, those of sir John Trevor,
     speaker of the house of commons, sir Edward Seymour, sir
     Christopher Musgrave, the wives of sir Thomas Stamford,
     lord-mayor of London, sir William Ashhurst and sir Richard
     Levert, the sheriffs, and, lastly, to Dr. Chamberlain, the
     famous practitioner in midwifery.

This invitation however no person would venture to accept. He afterwards
employed his emissaries in circulating a printed declaration, importing
that the king of France had enabled him to make another effort to
retrieve his crown; and that although he was furnished with a number of
troops sufficient to untie the hands of his subjects, he did not intend
to deprive them of their share in the glory of restoring their lawful
king and their ancient government. He exhorted the people to join his
standard. He assured them that the foreign auxiliaries should behave
with the most regular discipline, and be sent back immediately after his
re-establishment. He observed, that when such a number of his subjects
were so infatuated as to concur with the unnatural design of the prince
of Orange, he had chosen to rely upon the fidelity of his English army,
and refused considerable succours that were offered to him by his most
christian majesty; that when he was ready to oppose force with force, he
nevertheless offered to give all reasonable satisfaction to his subjects
who had been misled, and endeavoured to open their eyes with respect to
the vain pretences of his adversary, whose aim was not the reformation
but the subversion of the government; that when he saw himself deserted
by his army, betrayed by his ministers, abandoned by his favourites, and
even his own children, and at last rudely driven from his own palace
by a guard of insolent foreigners, he had for his personal safety taken
refuge in France: that his retreat from the malice and cruel designs
of the usurper had been construed into an abdication, and the whole
constitution of the monarchy destroyed by a set of men illegally
assembled, who, in fact, had no power to alter the property of the
meanest subject. He expressed his hope that by this time the nation had
fairly examined the account, and from the losses and enormous expense of
the three last years, were convinced that the remedy was worse than the
disease; that the beginning, like the first years of Nero's reign, would
in all probability be found the mildest part of the usurpation, and
the instruments of the new establishment live to suffer severely by the
tyranny they had raised; that even though the usurpation should continue
during his life, an indisputable title would survive in his issue,
and expose the kingdom to all the miseries of a civil war. He not only
solicited but commanded his good subjects to join him, according to
their duty and the oaths they had taken. He forbade them to pay taxes
or any part of the revenue to the usurper. He promised pardon, and even
rewards, to all those who should return to their duty, and to procure in
his first parliament an act of indemnity, with an exception of certain
persons * whom he now enumerated.

     * Those excepted were the duke of Ormond, the marquis of
     Winchester, the earls of Sunderland, Bath, Danhy, and
     Nottingham; the lords Newport, Delamere, Wiltshire,
     Colchester, Cornhury, Dunblain, and Churchill; the bishops
     of London and St. Asaph; sir Robert Howard, sir John Worden,
     sir Samuel Grimstone, sir Stephen Fox, sir George Treby, sir
     Basil Dixwell, sir James Oxenden; Dr. John Tillotson, Dr.
     Gilbert Burnet; Francis Russel, Richard Lovison, John
     Trenchard, Charles Duncomb, citizens of London; Edwards,
     Stapleton, and Hunt, fishermen, and all others who had
     offered personal indignities to him at Feyersham; or had
     been concerned in the barbarous murder of John Ashton Cross,
     or any other who had suffered death for their loyalty; and
     all spies, or such as had betrayed his council during his
     late absence from England.

He declared that all soldiers who should quit the service of the usurper
and enlist under his banners, might depend upon receiving their pardon
and arrears; and that the foreign troops, upon laying clown their
arms, should be paid and transported to their respective countries.
He solemnly protested that he would protect and maintain the church
of England, as by law established, in all her rights, privileges, and
possessions: he signified his resolution to use his influence with the
parliament for allowing liberty of conscience to all his subjects, as
an indulgence agreeable to the spirit of the christian religion, and
conducive to the wealth and prosperity of the nation. He said his
principal care should be to heal the wounds of the late distractions; to
restore trade by observing the act of navigation, which had been
lately so much violated in favour of strangers; to put the navy in a
flourishing condition; and to take every step that might contribute
to the greatness of the monarchy and the happiness of the people. He
concluded with professions of resignation to the Divine Will, declaring
that all who should reject his offers of mercy, and appear in arms
against him, would be answerable to Almighty God for all the blood that
should be spilt, and all the miseries in which these kingdoms might be
involved by their desperate and unreasonable opposition.

While this declaration operated variously on the minds of the people,
colonel Parker, with some other officers, enlisted men privately for
the service of James, in the counties of York, Lancaster, and in the
bishopric of Durham: at the same time, Fountaine and Holeman were
employed in raising two regiments of horse at London, that they might
join their master immediately after his landing. His partisans sent
captain Lloyd with an express to lord Melfoot, containing a detail
of these particulars, with an assurance that they had brought over
rear-admiral Carter to the interest of his majesty. They likewise
transmitted a list of the ships that composed the English fleet, and
exhorted James to use his influence with the French king, that the
count do Tourville might be ordered to attack them before they should be
joined by the Dutch squadron. It was in consequence of this advice that
Louis commanded Tourville to fall upon the English fleet, even without
waiting for the Toulon squadron commanded by the marquis D'Etrees. By
this time James had repaired to La Hogue, and was ready to embark with
his army, consisting of a body of French troops, together with
some English and Scotch refugees, and the regiments which had been
transported from Ireland by virtue of the capitulation of Limerick.


The ministry of England was informed of all these particulars, partly
by some agents of James who betrayed his cause, and partly by admiral
Carter, who gave the queen to understand he had been tampered with; and
was instructed to amuse the Jacobites with a negotiation. King William
no sooner arrived in Holland than he hastened the naval preparations
of the Dutch, so that their fleet was ready for sea sooner than was
expected; and when he received the first intimation of the projected
descent, he detached general Ptolemache with three of the English
regiments from Holland. These, reinforced with other troops remaining in
England, were ordered to encamp in the neighbourhood of Portsmouth.
The queen issued a proclamation, commanding all papists to depart from
London and Westminster: the members of both houses of parliament were
required to meet on the twenty-fourth day of May, that she might avail
herself of their advice in such a perilous conjuncture. Warrants
were expedited for apprehending divers disaffected persons; and
they withdrawing themselves from their respective places of abode, a
proclamation was published for discovering and bringing them to justice.
The earls of Scarsdale, Litchfield, and Newburgh; the lords Griffin,
Forbes, sir John Fenwick, sir Theophilus Oglethorpe, and others, found
means to elude the search. The earls of Huntingdon and Marlborough
were sent to the Tower; Edward Ridley, Knevitt, Hastings, and Robert
Ferguson, were imprisoned in Newgate. The bishop of Rochester was
confined to his own house; the lords Brudenal and Fanshaw were secured;
the earls of Dunmore, Middleton, and sir Andrew Forrester, were
discovered in a quaker's house, and committed to prison with several
other persons of distinction. The trainbands of London and Westminster
were armed by the queen's direction, and she reviewed them in person:
admiral Russell was ordered to put to sea with all possible expedition;
and Carter, with a squadron of eighteen sail, continued to cruise along
the French coast to observe the motions of the enemy.


On the eleventh day of May, Russel sailed from Rye to St. Helen's,
where he was joined by the squadron under Delaval and Carter. There he
received a letter from the earl of Nottingham, intimating that a
report having been spread of the queen's suspecting the fidelity of the
sea-officers, her majesty had ordered him to declare in her name that
she reposed the most entire confidence in their attachment, and
believed the report was raised by the enemies of the government. The
flag-officers and captains forthwith drew up a very loyal and dutiful
address, which was graciously received by the queen, and published for
the satisfaction of the nation. Russel, being reinforced by the Dutch
squadrons commanded by Allemonde, Callemberg, and Vandergoes, set sail
for the coast of France on the eighteenth day of May, with a fleet of
ninety-nine ships of the line, besides frigates and fire-ships. Next
day, about three o'clock in the morning, he discovered the enemy under
the count de Tour-ville, and threw out the signal for the line of
battle, which by eight o'clock was formed in good order, the Dutch in
the van, the blue division in the rear, and the red in the centre. The
French fleet did not exceed sixty-three ships of the line, and as they
were to windward Tourville might have avoided an engagement; but he had
received a positive order to fight, on the supposition that the Dutch
and English squadrons had not joined. Louis indeed was apprised of their
junction before they were descried by his admiral, to whom he dispatched
a countermanding order by two several vessels; but one of them was taken
by the English, and the other did not arrive till the day after the

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}

[Illustration: 2-038-hogue-battle.jpg BATTLE OF LA HOGUE]


Tourville therefore, in obedience to the first mandate, bore down
alongside of Russel's own ship, which he engaged at a very small
distance. He fought with great fury till one o'clock, when his rigging
and sails being considerably damaged, his ship, the Rising-Sun, which
carried one hundred and four cannon, was towed out of the line in great
disorder. Nevertheless the engagement continued till three, when the
fleets were parted by a thick fog: when this abated, the enemy were
descried flying to the northward, and Russel made the signal for
chasing. Part of the blue squadron came up with the enemy about eight in
the evening, and engaged them half an hour, during which admiral Carter
was mortally wounded. Finding himself in extremity, he exhorted his
captain to fight as long as the ship could swim, and expired with great
composure. At length the French bore away for Conquet road, having lost
four ships in this day's action. Next day, about eight in the morning,
they were discovered crowding away to the westward, and the combined
fleets chased with all the sail they could carry, until Russel's
foretopmast came by the board. Though he was retarded by this accident,
the fleet still continued the pursuit, and anchored near Cape La Hogue.
On the twenty-second of the month, about seven in the morning, part
of the French fleet was perceived near the Race of Alderney, some at
anchor, and some driving to the eastward with the tide of flood. Russel
and the ships nearest him immediately slipped their cables and chased.
The Rising Sun having lost her masts, ran ashore near Cherbourg, where
she was burned by sir Ralph Delaval, together with the Admirable,
another first-rate, and the Conquerant of eighty guns. Eighteen other
ships of their fleet ran into La Hogue, where they were attacked by sir
George Rooke, who destroyed them and a great number of transports laden
with ammunition, in the midst of a terrible fire from the enemy, and in
sight of the Irish camp. Sir John Ashby, with his own squadron and some
Dutch ships, pursued the rest of the French fleet, which escaped through
the Race of Alderney by such a dangerous passage as the English could
not attempt without exposing their ships to the most imminent hazard.
This was a very mortifying defeat to the French king, who had been so
long flattered with an uninterrupted series of victories; it reduced
James to the lowest ebb of despondence, as it frustrated the whole
scheme of his embarkation, and overwhelmed his friends in England with
grief and despair. Some historians allege that Russel did not improve
his victory with all advantages that might have been obtained before
the enemy recovered their consternation. They say his affection to the
service was in a great measure cooled by the disgrace of his friend
the earl of Marlborough; that he hated the earl of Nottingham, by whose
channel he received his orders; and that he adhered to the letter
rather than to the spirit of his instructions. But this is a malicious
imputation, and a very ungrateful return for his manifold services to
the nation. He acted in this whole expedition with the genuine spirit
of a British admiral. He plied from the Nore to the Downs with a very
scanty wind through the dangerous sands, contrary to the advice of
all his pilots; and by this bold passage effected a junction of the
different squadrons, which otherwise the French would have attacked
singly and perhaps defeated. He behaved with great gallantry during the
engagement, and destroyed about fifteen of the enemy's capital ships; in
a word, he obtained such a decisive victory, that during the remaining
part of the war the French would not hazard another battle by sea with
the English.

Russel having ordered Sir John Ashby and the Dutch admiral Callemberg to
steer towards Havre de Grace, and endeavour to destroy the remainder
of the French fleet, sailed back to St. Helen's that the damaged ships
might be refitted, and the fleet furnished with fresh supplies of
provisions and ammunition; but his principal motive was to take on board
a number of troops provided for a descent upon France, which had been
projected by England and Holland, with a view to alarm and distract the
enemy in their own dominions. The queen was so pleased with the victory
that she ordered thirty thousand pounds to be distributed among the
sailors. She caused medals to be struck in honour of the action; and the
bodies of admiral Carter and captain Hastings, who had been killed in
the battle, to be interred with great funeral pomp. In the latter end of
July seven thousand men, commanded by the duke of Leinster, embarked on
board transports to be landed at St. Maloes, Brest, or Rochefort, and
the nation conceived the most sanguine hopes of this expedition. A
council of war, consisting of land and sea officers, being held on board
the Breda to deliberate upon the scheme of the ministry, the members
unanimously agreed that the season was too far advanced to put it in
execution. Nevertheless, the admiral having detached sir John Ashby with
a squadron to intercept the remains of the French fleet in their passage
from St. Maloes to Brest, set sail for La Hogue with the rest of the
fleet and transports; but in a few days the wind shifting, lie was
obliged to return to St. Helen's.

The queen immediately dispatched the marquis of Carmarthen, the earls of
Devonshire, Dorset, Nottingham, and Rochester, together with the lords
Sidney and Cornwallis, to consult with the admiral, who demonstrated the
impracticability of making an effectual descent upon the coast of France
at that season of the year. The design was therefore laid aside, and the
forces were transported to Flanders. The higher the hopes of the
nation had been raised by this armament, the deeper they felt their
disappointment. A loud clamour was raised against the ministry as
the authors of this miscarriage. The people complained that they were
plundered and abused; that immense sums were extorted from them by the
most grievous impositions; that, by the infamous expedient of borrowing
upon established funds, their taxes were perpetuated; that their burdens
would daily increase; that their treasure was either squandered away in
chimerical projects or expended in foreign connexions, of which England
was naturally independent. They were the more excusable for exclaiming
in this manner, as their trade had suffered grievously by the French
privateers which swarmed in the Channel. In vain the merchants had
recourse to the Admiralty, which could not spare particular convoys
while large fleets were required for the defence of the nation. The
French king having nothing further to apprehend from the English
armament, withdrew his troops from the coast of Normandy; and James
returned in despair to St. Germain's, where his queen had been in his
absence delivered of a daughter, who was born in the presence of the
archbishop of Paris, the keeper of the seals, and other persons of


Louis had taken the field in the latter end of May. On the twentieth day
of that month he arrived at his camp in Flanders with all the effeminate
pomp of an Asiatic emperor, attended by his women and parasites, his
band of music, his dancers, his opera, and, in a word, by all the
ministers of luxury and sensual pleasure. Having reviewed his army,
which amounted to about one hundred and twenty thousand men, he
undertook the siege of Namur, which he invested on both sides of the
Sambre with about one-half of his army, while the other covered the
siege under the command of Luxembourg. Namur is situated on the conflux
of the Meuse and the Sambre. The citadel was deemed one of the strongest
forts in Flanders, strengthened with a new work contrived by the famous
engineer Coehorn, who now defended it in person. The prince de Barbason
commanded the garrison, consisting of nine thousand men. The place was
well supplied, and the governor knew that king William would make strong
efforts for its relief, so that the besieged were animated with many
concurring considerations. Notwithstanding these advantages, the
assailants carried on their attacks with such vigour that in seven days
after the trenches were opened, the town capitulated and the garrison
retired into the citadel. King William, being joined by the troops of
Brandenburgh and Liege, advanced to the Mehaigne at the head of one
hundred thousand effective men, and encamped within cannon shot of
Luxembourg's army, which lay on the other side of the river. That
general however had taken such precautions, that the king of England
could not interrupt the siege nor attack the French lines without
great disadvantage. The besiegers, encouraged by the presence of
their monarch, and assisted by the superior abilities of Vau-ban their
engineer, repeated their attacks with such impetuosity that the fort
of Cohorn was surrendered after a very obstinate defence, in which
he himself had been dangerously wounded. The citadel being thus left
exposed to the approaches of the enemy, could not long withstand
the violence of their operations; the two covered ways were taken
by assault. On the twentieth of May the governor capitulated, to the
unspeakable mortification of king William, who saw himself obliged to
lie inactive at the head of a powerful army, and be an eye-witness of
the loss of the most important fortress in the Netherlands. Louis having
taken possession of the place, returned in triumph to Versailles,
where he was flattered with all the arts of adulation; while William's
reputation suffered a little from his miscarriage, and the prince of
Barbason incurred the suspicion of treachery or misconduct.


Luxembourg having placed a strong garrison in Namur, detached Bounders
with a body of troops to La Bassiere, and with the rest of his army
encamped at Soignies. The king of England sent off detachments towards
Liege and Ghent; and on the sixth day of July posted himself at Genap,
resolved to seize the first opportunity of retrieving his honour by
attacking the enemy. Having received intelligence that the French
general was in motion and intended to take post between Steenkirk and
Enghien, he passed the river Senne in order to anticipate his purpose;
but in spite of all his diligence Luxembourg gained his point, and
William encamped at Lembecq, within six miles of the French army.
Here he resolved in a council of war to attack the enemy, and every
disposition was made for that purpose. The heavy baggage he ordered
to be conveyed to the other side of the Senne; and one Millevoix, a
detected spy, was compelled by menaces to mislead Luxembourg with false
intelligence, importing that he need not be alarmed at the motions of
the allies, who intended the next day to make a general forage. On the
twenty-fourth day of July, the army began to move from the left in two
columns, as the ground would not admit of their marching in an extended
front. The prince of Wirtemberg began the attack on the right of the
enemy at the head of ten battalions of English, Danish, and Dutch
infantry; he was supported by a considerable body of British horse and
foot, commanded by lieutenant-general Mackay. Though the ground was
intersected by hedges, ditches, and narrow defiles, the prince marched
with such diligence that he was in a condition to begin the battle about
two in the afternoon, when he charged the French with such impetuosity
that they were driven* from their posts, and their whole camp became a
scene of tumult and confusion. Luxembourg, trusting to the intelligence
he had received, allowed himself to be surprised, and it required the
full exertion of his superior talents to remedy the consequences of his
neglect. He forthwith forgot a severe indisposition under which he then
laboured; he rallied his broken battalions; he drew up his forces in
order of battle, and led them to the charge in person. The duke de
Chartres, who was then in the fifteenth year of his age, the dukes
of Bourbon and Vendome, the prince of Conti, and a great number of
volunteers of the first quality, put themselves at the head of the
household troops, and fell with great fury upon the English, who were
very ill supported by count Solmes, the officer who commanded the centre
of the allies. The prince of Wirtemberg had taken one of the enemies'
batteries, and actually penetrated into their lines; but finding himself
in danger of being overpowered by numbers, he sent an aidecamp twice to
demand succours from Solmes, who derided his distress, saying, "Let us
see what sport these English bull-dogs will make." At length, when the
king sent an express order commanding him to sustain the left wing, he
made a motion with his horse, which could not act while his infantry
kept their ground, and the British troops, with a few Dutch and Danes,
bore the whole brunt of the engagement. They fought with surprising
courage and perseverance against dreadful odds; and the event of the
battle continued doubtful, until Boufliers joined the French army with
a great body of dragoons. The allies could not sustain the additional
weight of this reinforcement, before which they gave way, though the
retreat was made in tolerable order, and the enemy did not think
proper to prosecute the advantage they had gained. In this action the
confederates lost the earl of Angus, general Mackay, sir John Lanier,
sir Robert Douglas, and many other gallant officers, together with about
three thousand men left dead on the spot, the same number wounded or
taken, a great many colours and standards, and several pieces of cannon.


The French however reaped no solid advantage from this victory, which
cost them about three thousand men, including the prince of Turenne,
the marquis de Bellefond, Tilladet, and Fernacon, with many officers of
distinction: as for Millevoix the spy, he was hanged on a tree on the
right wing of the allied army. King William retired unmolested to
his own camp; and notwithstanding all his overthrows, continued a
respectable enemy, by dint of invincible fortitude and a genius fruitful
in resources. That he was formidable to the French nation, even in the
midst of his ill success, appears from divers undeniable testimonies,
and from none more than from the extravagance of joy expressed by the
people of France on the occasion of this unimportant victory. When the
princes who served in the battle returned to Paris, the roads through
which they passed were almost blocked up with multitudes; and the
whole air resounded with acclamation. All the ornaments of the fashion
peculiar to both sexes adopted the name of Steenkirk: every individual
who had been personally engaged in the action was revered as a being
of a superior species, and the transports of the women rose almost to a
degree of frenzy.


The French ministry did not entirely depend upon the fortune of the war
for the execution of their revenge against king William, They likewise
employed assassins to deprive him of life in the most treacherous

When Louvois died, his son the marquis de Barbesieux, who succeeded him
in his office of secretary, found among his papers the draft of a scheme
for this purpose, and immediately revived the design by means of the
chevalier de Grandval, a captain of dragoons in the service. He and
colonel Parker engaged one Dumont, who undertook to assassinate king
William. Madame de Maintenon, and Paparel, paymaster to the French army,
were privy to the scheme, which they encouraged: the conspirators are
said to have obtained an audience of king James, who approved of their
undertaking, and assured them of his protection; but that unfortunate
monarch was unjustly charged with the guilt of countenancing the
intended murder, as they communicated nothing to him but an attempt to
seize the person of the prince of Orange. Dumont actually enlisted in
the confederate army, that he might have the better opportunity to shoot
the king of England when he should ride out to visit the linos,
while Grandval and Parker repaired to the French camp, with orders
to Luxembourg to furnish them with a party of horse for the rescue of
Dumont, after the blow should be struck. Whether this man's heart failed
him, or he could not find the opportunity he desired, after having
resided some weeks in the camp of the allies, he retired to Hanover; but
still corresponded with Grandval and Barbesieux. This last admitted one
Leofdale, a Dutch baron, into the secret, and likewise imparted it
to monsieur Chanlais, quarter-master general of the French army, who
animated Grandval and Leefdale with the promise of a considerable
reward, and promised to cooperate with Parker for bringing off Dumont,
for this assassin still persisted in his undertaking. Leefdale had been
sent from Holland on purpose to dive to the bottom of this conspiracy,
in consequence of advice given by the British envoy at Hanover, where
Dumont had dropped some hints that alarmed his suspicion. The Dutchman
not only insinuated himself into the confidence of the conspirators,
but likewise inveigled Grandval to Eyndhoven, where he was apprehended.
Understanding that Dumont had already discovered the design to the duke
of Zell, and that he himself had been betrayed by Leefdale, he freely
confessed all the particulars without enduring the torture; and, being
found guilty by a court-martial, was executed as a traitor.

About this period the duke of Leinster arrived at Ostend, with the
troops which had been embarked at St. Helen's. He was furnished with
cannon sent down the Meuse from Maestricht, and reinforced by a large
detachment from the king's camp at Gramont, under the command of general
Ptolemache. He took possession of Furnes, was joined by the earl of
Portland and M. d'Auverquerque, and a disposition was made for investing
Dunkirk; but on further deliberation the enterprise was thought very
dangerous, and therefore laid aside. Furnes and Dixmuyde, lately reduced
by brigadier Ramsay, were strengthened with new works, and secured by
strong garrisons. The cannon were sent back, and the troops returning to
Ostend, re-embarked for England. This fruitless expedition, added to
the inglorious issue of the campaign, increased the ill humour of the
British nation. They taxed William with having lain inactive at Gramont
with an army of one hundred thousand men, while Luxembourg was posted
at Courtray with half that number. They said, if he had found the French
lines too strong to be forced, he might have passed the Scheld higher
up, and not only laid the enemy's conquests under contribution, but even
marched into the bowels of France; and they complained that Furnes
and Dixmuyde were not worth the sums expended in maintaining their
garrisons. On the twenty-sixth day of September king William left the
army under the command of the elector of Bavaria, and repaired to his
house at Loo: in two days after his departure the camp at Gramont was
broke up; the infantry marched to Marienkerke, and the horse; to Caure.
On the sixteenth day of October, the king receiving intelligence that
Boufflers had invested Charleroy, and Luxembourg taken post in the
neighbourhood of Conde, ordered the troops to be instantly reassembled
between the village of Ixells and Halle, with design to raise the siege,
and repaired to Brussels, where he held a council of war, in which the
proper measures were concerted. He then returned to Holland, leaving the
command with the elector of Bavaria, who forthwith began his march for
Charleroy. At his approach Boufflers abandoned the siege, and moved
towards Philip-ville. The elector having reinforced the place, and
thrown supplies into Aeth, distributed his forces into winter-quarters.
Then Luxembourg, who had cantoned his army between Conde, Leuzet, and
Tournay, returned to Paris, leaving Boufflers to command in his absence.


The allies had been unsuccessful in Flanders, and they were not
fortunate in Germany. The landgrave of Hesse Cassol undertook the siege
of Eberemburgh, which, however, he was obliged to abandon. The duke
de Lorges, who commanded the French forces on the Rhine, surprised,
defeated, and took the duke of Wirtemberg, who had posted himself with
four thousand horse near Ridelsheim, to check the progress of the enemy.
Count Tallard having invested Rhinefield, the landgrave marched to its
relief with such expedition that the French wore obliged to desist and
retreat with considerable damage. The elector of Saxony had engaged
to bring an army into the field; but he complained that the emperor left
the burden of the war with France upon the princes, and converted his
chief power and attention to the campaign in Hungary. A jealousy and
misunderstanding ensued: Schoning the Saxon general, in his way to the
hot baths at Dablitz in Bohemia, was seized by the emperor's order on
suspicion of having maintained a private correspondence with the enemy,
and very warm expostulations on this subject passed between the courts
of Vienna and Dresden. Schoning was detained two years in custody; and
at length released on condition that he should never be employed again
in the empire. The war in Hungary produced no event of importance.
The ministry of the Ottoman Porte was distracted by factions, and the
seraglio threatened with tumults. The people were tired of maintaining
an unsuccessful war; the vizier was deposed; and in the midst of this
confusion, the garrison of great Waradin, which had been blocked up by
the imperialists during the whole winter, surrendered on capitulation.
Lord Paget, the English ambassador at Vienna, was sent to Constantinople
with powers to mediate a peace; but the terms offered by the emperor
were rejected at the Porte: the Turkish army lay upon the defensive, and
the season was spent in a fruitless negotiation.


The prospect of affairs in Piedmont was favourable for the allies; but
the court of France had brought the pope to an accommodation, and began
to tamper with the duke of Savoy. M. Chanlais was sent to Turin with
advantageous proposals, which however the duke would not accept, because
he thought himself entitled to better terms, considering that the
allied army in Piedmont amounted to fifty thousand effective men, while
Catinat's forces were not sufficient to defend his conquests in that
country. In the month of July the duke marched into Dauphine, where he
plundered a number of villages, and reduced the fortress of Guillestre;
then passing the river Darance, he invested Ambrun, which, after a siege
of nine days, surrendered on capitulation: he afterwards laid all
the neighbouring J towns under contribution. Here duke Schomberg, who
commanded the auxiliaries in the English pay, published a declaration
in the name of king William, inviting the people to join his standard,
assuring them that his master had no other design in ordering his troops
to invade France, but that of restoring the noblesse to their ancient
splendour, their parliaments to their former authority, and the people
to their just privileges. He even offered his protection to the clergy,
and promised to use his endeavours for reviving the edict of Nantes,
which had been guaranteed by the kings of England. These offers,
however, produced little effect; and the Germans ravaged the whole
country in revenge for the cruelties which the French had committed
in the Palatinate. The allied army advanced from Ambrun to Gap, on the
frontiers of Provence, and this place submitted without opposition. The
inhabitants of Grenoble, the capital of Dauphine, and even of Lyons,
were overwhelmed with consternation; and a fairer opportunity of
humbling France could never occur, as that part of the kingdom had been
left almost quite defenceless; but this was fatally neglected, either
from the spirit of dissension which began to prevail in the allied army,
or from the indisposition of the duke of Savoy, who was seized with the
small-pox in the midst of this expedition; or, lastly, from his want of
sincerity, which was shrewdly suspected. He is said to have maintained a
constant correspondence with the court of Versailles, in complaisance to
which he retarded the operations of the confederates. Certain it is, he
evacuated all his conquests, and about the middle of September quitted
the French territories, after having pillaged and laid waste the country
through which he had penetrated.* In Catalonia the French attempted
nothing of importance during this campaign, and the Spaniards were
wholly inactive in that province.

     * At this period queen Mary, understanding that the
     protestant Vaudois were destitute of ministers to preach or
     teach the gospel, established a fund from her own privy
     purse to maintain ten preachers, and as many schoolmasters,
     in the valleys of Piedmont.


The protestant interest in Germany acquired an accession of strength by
the creation of a ninth electorate in favour of Ernest Augustus, duke of
Hanover. He had by this time renounced all his connexions with France,
and engaged to enter heartily into the interest of the allies, in
consideration of his obtaining the electoral dignity. King William
exerted himself so vigorously in his behalf at the court of Vienna, that
the emperor agreed to the proposal, in case the consent of the other
electors could be procured. This assent, however, was extorted by the
importunities of the king of England, whom he durst not disoblige.
Leopold was blindly bigotted to the religion of Rome, and consequently
averse to a new creation that would weaken the catholic interest in the
electoral college. He therefore employed his emissaries to thwart the
duke's measures. Some protestant princes opposed him from motives of
jealousy, and the French king used all his artifice and influence
to prevent the elevation of the house of Hanover. When the duke had
surmounted all this opposition, so far as to gain over a majority of
the electors, new objections were started. The emperor suggested that
another popish electorate should be created to balance the advantage
which the Lutherans would reap from that of Hanover; and he proposed
that Austria should be raised to the same dignity; but violent
opposition was made to this expedient, which would have vested the
emperor with a double vote in the electoral college. At length, after
a tedious negotiation, the duke of Hanover, on the nineteenth day of
December, was honoured with the investiture as elector of Brunswick;
created great marshal of the empire, and did homage to the emperor:
nevertheless, he was not yet admitted into the college, because he had
not been able to procure the unanimous consent of all the electors.*

     * In the beginning of September the shock of an earthquake
     was felt in London, and many other parts of England, as well
     as in France, Germany, and the Netherlands. Violent
     agitations of the same kind had happened about two months
     before in Sicily and Malta; and the town of Port-Royal in
     Jamaica was almost totally ruined by the earthquake: the
     place was so suddenly overflowed, that about fifteen hundred
     persons perished.


     _False Information against the Earl of Marlborough, the
     Bishop of Rochester, and others..... Sources of National
     Discontent..... Dissension between the Queen and the
     Prince's Anne of Denmark..... The House of Lords vindicate
     their Privileges in behalf of their imprisoned Members.....
     The Commons present Addresses to The King and Queen.....
     They acquit Admiral Russel, and resolve to advise his
     Majesty..... They comply with all the Demands of the
     Ministry..... The Lords present an Address of Advice to the
     King..... The Dispute between the Lords and Commons
     concerning Admiral Russel..... The Commons address the
     King..... They establish the Land tax and other
     Impositions..... Burnet's Pastoral Letter burned by the
     Hangman..... Proceedings of the Lower House against the
     Practice of kidnapping Men for the Service..... The two
     Houses address the King on the Grievances of Ireland .....
     An Account of the Place-bill, and that for triennial
     Parliaments..... The Commons petition his Majesty that he
     would dissolve the East India Company..... Trial of Lord
     Mohan for Murder..... Alterations in the Ministry..... The
     king repairs to the Continent, and assembles the Confederate
     Army in Flanders..... The French reduce Huy..... Luxembourg
     resolves to attack the Allies..... who are defeated at
     Landen..... Charleroy is besieged and taken by the
     Enemy..... Campaign on the Rhine..... The Duke of Savoy is
     defeated bv Catinat in the Plain of Marsaglia.....
     Transactions in Hungary and Catalonia..... Naval
     Affairs..... A Fleet of Merchant Ships under Convoy of Sir
     George Rooke attacked, and partly destroyed by the French
     Squadrons ..... Wheeler's Expedition to the West Indies.....
     Benbow bombards St. Maloes..... The French King has recourse
     to the Mediation of Denmark..... Severity of the Government
     against the Jacobites..... Complaisance of the Scottish
     Parliament..... The King returns to England, makes some
     Changes in the Ministry, and opens the Session of
     Parliament..... Both Houses inquire into the Miscarriages by
     Sea..... The Commons grant a vast Sum for the Services of
     the ensuing Year..... The King rejects the Bill against free
     and impartial Proceedings in Parliament; and the Lower House
     remonstrates on this Subject..... Establishment of the Bank
     of England..... The East India Company obtain a now
     Charter..... Bill for a general Naturalization dropped.....
     Sir Francis Wheeler perishes in a Storm..... The English
     attempt to make a Descent in Camaret Bay, but are repulsed
     with Loss..... They bombard Dieppe, Havre-de-Grace, Dunkirk,
     and Calais..... Admiral Russel sails for the Mediterranean,
     relieves Barcelona, and winters at Cadiz..... Campaign in
     Flanders..... The Allies reduce Huy..... The Prince of Baden
     passes the Rhine, but is obliged to repass that River.....
     Operations in Hungary..... Progress of the French in
     Catalonia..... State of the War in Piedmont..... The King
     returns to England..... The Parliament meets..... The Bill
     for Triennial Parliaments receives the Royal Assent.....
     Death of Archbishop Tillotson and of Queen Mary.....
     Reconciliation between the King and the Princess of

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}


While king William seemed wholly engrossed by the affairs of the
continent, England was distracted by domestic dissension, and overspread
with vice, corruption, and profaneness. Over and above the Jacobites,
there was a set of malcontents whose number daily increased. They
not only murmured at the grievances of the nation, but composed and
published elaborate dissertations upon the same subject. These made
such impressions upon the people, already irritated by heavy burdens,
distressed in their trade, and disappointed in their sanguine
expectations, that the queen thought it necessary to check the progress
of those writers by issuing out a proclamation offering a reward to such
as would discover seditious libellers. The earl of Marlborough had
been committed to the Tower on the information of one Robert Young, a
prisoner in Newgate, who had forged that nobleman's hand-writing, and
contrived the scheme of an association in favour of king James, to which
he affixed the names of the earls of Marlborough and Salisbury, Sprat,
bishop of Rochester, the lord Cornbury, and sir Basil Firebrace. One of
his emissaries had found means to conceal this paper in a certain part
of the bishop's house at Bromley in Kent, where it was found by the
king's messengers, who secured the prelate in consequence of Young's
information. But he vindicated himself to the satisfaction of the whole
council; and the forgery of the informer was detected by the confession
of his accomplice. The bishop obtained his release immediately and the
earl of Marlborough was admitted to bail in the court of king's bench.


So many persons of character and distinction had been imprisoned during
this reign upon the slightest suspicion, that the discontented part
of the nation had some reason to insinuate they had only exchanged
one tyrant for another. They affirmed that the _habeas-corpus_ act was
either insufficient to protect the subject from false imprisonment, or
had been shamefully misused. They expatiated upon the loss of ships,
which had lately fallen a prey to the enemy; the consumption of seamen;
the neglect of the fisheries; the interruption of commerce, in which the
nation was supplanted by her allies, as well as invaded by her enemies;
the low ebb of the kingdom's treasure, exhausted in hiring foreign
bottoms, and paying foreign troops to fight foreign quarrels; and the
slaughter of the best and bravest of their countrymen, whose blood had
been lavishly spilt in support of connexions with which they ought to
have had no concern. They demonstrated the mischiefs that necessarily
arose from the unsettled state of the nation. They observed that the
government could not be duly established until a solemn declaration
should confirm the legality of that tenure by which their majesties
possessed the throne; that the structure of parliaments was deficient
in point of solidity, as they existed entirely at the pleasure of
the crown, which would use them no longer than they should be found
necessary in raising supplies for the use of the government. They
exclaimed against the practice of quartering soldiers in private houses
contrary to the ancient laws of the land, the petition of rights, and
the subsequent act on that subject passed in the reign of the second
Charles. They enumerated among their grievances the violation of
property, by pressing transport ships into the service without settling
any fund of payment for the owners; the condition of the militia, which
was equally burdensome and useless; the flagrant partiality in favour
of allies, who carried on an open commerce with France, and supplied the
enemy with necessaries, while the English laboured under the severest
prohibitions, and were in effect the dupes of those very powers
whom they protected. They dwelt upon the ministry's want of conduct,
foresight, and intelligence, and inveighed against their ignorance,
insolence, and neglect, which were as pernicious to the nation as if
they had formed a design of reducing it to the lowest ebb of disgrace
and destruction. By this time, indeed, public virtue was become the
object of ridicule, and the whole kingdom was overspread with
immorality and corruption; towards the increase of which many concurring
circumstances happened to contribute. The people were divided into three
parties, namely, the Williamites, the Jacobites, and the discontented
Revolutioners; these factions took all opportunities to thwart, to
expose, and to ridicule the measures and principles of each other, so
that patriotism was laughed out of doors as an hypocritical pretence.
This contention established a belief that every man consulted his own
private interest at the expense of the public, a belief that soon grew
into a maxim almost universally adopted. The practice of bribing a
majority in parliament had a pernicious influence upon the morals of all
ranks of people, from the candidate to the lowest borough elector. The
expedient of establishing funds of credit for raising supplies to defray
the expenses of government, threw large premiums and sums of money into
the hands of low sordid usurers, brokers, and jobbers, who distinguished
themselves by the name of the monied interest. Intoxicated by this flow
of wealth, they affected to rival the luxury and magnificence of their
superiors; but being destitute of sentiment and taste to conduct them
in their new career, they ran into the most absurd and illiberal
extravagancies. They laid aside all decorum; became lewd, insolent,
intemperate, and riotous. Their example was caught by the vulgar.
All principle, and even decency, was gradually banished; talent lay
uncultivated, and the land was deluged with a tide of ignorance and


King William having ascertained the winter quarters of the army, and
concerted the operations of the ensuing campaign with the states-general
and the ministers of the allies, set sail for England on the fifteenth
day of October; on the eighteenth landed at Yarmouth, was met by the
queen at Newhall, and passed through the city of London to Kensington
amidst the acclamations of the populace. He received a congratulatory
address from the lord-mayor and aldermen, with whom he dined in public
by invitation. A day of thanksgiving was appointed for the victory
obtained at sea. The lustring company was established by patent, and
the parliament met on the fourth day of November. The house of lords was
deeply infected with discontent, which in some measure proceeded
from the dissension between the queen and her sister, the princess of
Denmark, which last underwent every mortification which the court could
inflict. Her guards were taken away; all honours which had been paid to
her rank by the magistrates of Bath, where she sometimes resided,
and even by the ministers of the church where she attended at divine
service, were discontinued by the express order of his majesty. Her
cause was naturally espoused by those noblemen who had adhered to her
in her former contest with the king about an independent settlement; and
these were now reinforced by all the friends of the earl of Marlborough,
united for a double tie; for they resented the disgrace and confinement
of that lord, and thought it their duty to support the princess Anne
under a persecution incurred by an attachment to his countess. The earl
of Shrewsbury lived in friendship with Marlborough, and thought he had
been ungratefully treated by the king; the marquis of Halifax befriended
him from opposition to the ministry; the earl of Mulgrave for an
opportunity to display his talents, and acquire that consideration which
he thought due to his merit. Devonshire, Montague, and Bradford, joined
in the same cause from principle; the same pretence was used by the
earls of Stamford, Monmouth, Warrington, and other whigs, though in
effect they were actuated by jealousy and resentment against those
by whom they had been supplanted. As for the Jacobites, they gladly
contributed their assistance to promote any scheme that had a tendency
to embroil the administration.


The king, in his speech to parliament, thanked them for their last
supplies, congratulated them upon the victory obtained at sea, condoled
them on the bad success of the campaign by land, magnified the power of
France, represented the necessity of maintaining a great force to oppose
it, and demanded subsidies equal to the occasion. He expressed his
reluctance to load them with additional burdens, which he said could not
be avoided, without exposing his kingdom to inevitable destruction. He
desired their advice towards lessening the inconveniences of exporting
money for the payment of the forces. He intimated a design of making a
descent upon France; declared he had no aim but to make his subjects a
happy people; and that he would again cheerfully expose his life for the
welfare of the nation. The lords, after an adjournment of three days,
began with great warmth to assert their privileges, which they conceived
had been violated in the cases of the earl of Marlborough and the other
noblemen who had been apprehended, committed to prison, and afterwards
admitted to bail by the court of king's-bench. These circumstances
being fully discussed in a violent debate, the house ordered lord Lucas,
constable of the Tower, to produce the warrants of commitment, and the
clerk of the king's-bench to deliver the affidavit of Aaron Smith, the
court solicitor, upon which the lords had been remanded to prison. At
the same time the whole affair was referred to a committee, empowered
to send for persons, papers, and records. The judges were ordered to
attend: Aaron Smith was examined touching the evidence against the
committed lords. The committee reported their general resolution,
which produced a vehement dispute. The opinion of the judges was
unsatisfactory to both parties; the debate was referred to a committee
of the whole house, in which it was resolved and declared, as the sense
of that assembly, that in pursuance of the _habeas-corpus_ act, it was
the duty of the judges and gaol-delivery to discharge the prisoner on
bail if committed for high treason, unless it be made appear, upon oath,
that there are two witnesses against the said prisoner, who cannot be
produced in that term, session, or general gaol-delivery. They likewise
resolved it was the intention of the said statute, that in case there
should be more than one prisoner to be bailed or remanded, there must be
oath made that there are two witnesses against each prisoner, otherwise
he cannot be remanded to prison. These resolutions were entered in the
books as standing directions to all future-judges, yet not without
great opposition from the court members. The next debate turned upon
the manner in which the imprisoned lords should be set at liberty.
The contest became so warm that the courtiers began to be afraid, and
proposed an expedient which was put in practice. The house adjourned to
the seventeenth day of the month, and at its next meeting was given to
understand that the king had discharged the imprisoned noblemen. After
another warm debate, a formal entry was made in the journals, importing,
That the house being informed of his majesty's having given directions
for discharging the lords under bail in the king's-bench, the debate
about that matter ceased. The resentment of the peers being thus
allayed, they proceeded to take his majesty's speech into consideration.


The commons having voted an address of thanks, and another, praying that
his majesty's foreign alliances should be laid before them, determined
on a bill for regulating trials in cases of high treason. They passed
a vote of thanks to admiral Russel, his officers and seamen, for the
victory they had obtained, and then proceeded to an inquiry, Why that
victory had not been pursued? why the descent had not been made? and why
the trade had not been better protected from the enemy's cruisers? The
admiral having justified his own conduct, they commanded the lords of
the admiralty to produce copies of all the letters and orders which had
been sent to the admiral; they ordered Russel to lay before them his
answers; and the commissioners of the transports, victuallers, and
office of ordnance, to deliver in an account of their proceedings. They
then presented addresses to the king and queen, acknowledging the favour
of God in restoring him to his people; congratulating him upon his
deliverance from the snares of his open and secret enemies; and assuring
him they would, according to his majesty's desire in his most gracious
speech, be always ready to advise and assist him in the support of
his government. The queen was thanked for her gracious and prudent
administration during his majesty's absence; they congratulated her on
their signal deliverance from a bold and cruel design formed for their
destruction, as well as on the glorious victory which her fleet had
gained; and they assured her that the grateful sense they had of their
happiness under her government, should always be manifested in constant
returns of duty and obedience.

After this formal compliment, the house, instead of proceeding to the
supplies, insisted upon perusing the treaties, public accounts, and
estimates, that they might be in a condition to advise as well as to
assist his majesty. Being indulged with those papers, they passed a
previous vote that a supply should be given; then they began to concert
their articles of advice. Some of the members loudly complained of
partiality to foreign generals, and particularly reflected upon the
insolence of count Solmes, and his misconduct at Steenkirk. After some
warm altercation, the house resolved one article of their advice should
be, that his majesty would be pleased to fill up the vacancies that
should happen among the general officers, with such only as were natives
of his dominions, and that the commander-in-chief of the English should
be an Englishman. Their next resolution implied, that many of the great
affairs of the government having been for some time past unsuccessfully
managed, the house should advise his majesty to prevent such mischiefs
for the future, by employing men of knowledge, ability, and integrity.
Individual members inveighed bitterly against cabinet councils, as a
novelty in the British system of government by which the privy-council
was jostled out of its province. They complained that all the grievances
of the nation proceeded from the vicious principles of the ministry:
they observed, that he who opposed the establishment could not be
expected to support it with zeal. The earl of Nottingham was mentioned
by name, and the house resolved that his majesty should be advised to
employ in his councils such persons only whose principles obliged them
to support his rights against the late king, and all other pretenders.
Marlborough's interest still predominated among the commons. His friend
Russel acquitted himself to the satisfaction of the house, and shifted
the blame of the miscarriage upon his enemy the earl of Nottingham,
by declaring that twenty days elapsed between his first letter to that
nobleman and his lordship's answer. The earl's friends, of whom there
was a great number in the house, espoused his cause with great vigour,
and even recriminated upon Russel; so that a very violent debate ensued.
Both parties agreed that there had been mismanagement in the scheme of a
descent. It was moved, that one cause of the miscarriage was the want of
giving timely and necessary orders, by those to whom the management of
the affair was committed. The house divided, and it was carried in the
affirmative by one voice only. At the next sitting of the committee,
sir Richard Temple proposed they should consider how to pay the forces
abroad, by means of English manufactures, without ex porting money. They
resolved that the house should be moved to appoint a committee to
take this expedient into consideration. Sir Francis Wilmington was
immediately called upon to leave the chair, and the speaker resumed his
place. All that had been done was now void, as no report had been made;
and the committee was dissolved. The house however revived it, and
appointed a day for its sitting; but before it could resume its
deliberations, admiral Russel moved for its being adjourned, and all its
purposes were defeated.

The court agents had by this time interposed, and secured a majority
by the infamous arts of corruption. The commons no longer insisted upon
their points of advice. Their whole attention was now centered in
the article of assistance. They granted about two millions for the
maintenance of three-and-thirty thousand seamen, the building of some
additional ships of war, and the finishing of Plymouth dock; and seven
hundred and fifty thousand pounds to supply the deficiency of the
quarterly poll. The estimates of the land-service were not discussed
without tedious debates and warm disputes. The ministry demanded
fifty-four thousand men, twenty thousand of whom should be kept at home
for the defence of the nation, while the rest should serve abroad in the
allied army. Many members declared their aversion to a foreign war,
in which the nation had no immediate concern and so little prospect
of success. Others agreed that the allies should be assisted on the
continent with a proportion of British forces; but that the nation
should act as an auxiliary, not as a principal, and pay no more than
what the people would cheerfully contribute to the general expense.
These reflections, however, produced no other effect than that of
prolonging the debate. Ministerial influence had surmounted all
opposition. The house voted the number of men demanded. Such was their
servile complaisance, that when they examined the treaties by which the
English and Dutch contracted equally with the German princes, and found
that, notwithstanding these treaties, Britain bore two-thirds of the
expense, they overlooked this flagrant instance of partiality, and
enabled the king to pay the proportion. Nay, their maxims were so much
altered, that, instead of prosecuting their resentment against foreign
generals, they assented to a motion that the prince of Wirtemberg, the
major-generals Tetteau and La Forest, who commanded the Danish troops in
the pay of the states-general, should be indulged with such an addition
to their appointments as would make up the difference between the pay of
England and that of Holland. Finally, they voted above two millions
for the subsistence of the land forces, and for defraying extraordinary
expenses attending the war upon the continent, including subsidies to
the electors of Saxony and Hanover.


The house of lords meanwhile was not free from animosity and contention.
The Marlborough faction exerted themselves with great vivacity. They
affirmed, it was the province of their house to advise the sovereign:
like the commons, they insisted upon the king's having asked their
advice because he had mentioned that word in his speech, though he never
dreamed that they would catch at it with such eagerness. They moved,
that the task of digesting the articles of advice should be undertaken
by a joint committee of both houses; but all the dependents of the court,
including the whole bench of bishops, except Watson of St. David's, were
marshalled to oppose this motion, which was rejected by a majority of
twelve; and this victory was followed with a protest of the vanquished.
Notwithstanding this defeat, they prosecuted their scheme of giving
advice; and after much wrangling and declamation, the house agreed in an
address of remonstrance, advising and beseeching his majesty, That the
commanding officer of the British forces should be an Englishman; that
English officers might take rank of those in the confederate armies, who
did not belong to crowned heads; that the twenty thousand men to be left
for the defence of the kingdom should be all English, and commanded
by an English general; that the practice of pressing men for the fleet
should be remedied; that such officers as were guilty of this practice
should be cashiered and punished; and, lastly, that no foreigners should
sit at the board of ordnance. This address was presented to the king,
who received it coldly, and said he would take it into consideration.

Then the lords resolved to inquire into the miscarriage of the purposed
descent, and called for all the papers relating to that affair; but
the aim of the majority was not so much to rectify the errors of the
government, as to screen Nottingham, and censure Russel. That nobleman
produced his own book of entries, together with the whole correspondence
between him and the admiral, whom he verbally charged with having
contributed to the miscarriage of the expedition. This affair was
referred to a committee. Sir John Ashby was examined. The house directed
the earl to draw up the substance of his charge; and these papers were
afterwards delivered to a committee of the commons, at a conference
by the lord-president, and the rest of the committee above. They were
offered for the inspection of the commons, as they concerned some
members of that house, by whom they might be informed more fully of
the particulars they contained. At another conference which the commons
demanded, their committee declared, in the name of the house, That they
had read and well considered the papers which their lordships had sent
them, and which they now returned: that finding Mr. Russel, one of
their members, often mentioned in the said papers, they had unanimously
resolved, that admiral Russel, in his command of the fleets during
the last summer's expedition, had behaved with fidelity, courage, and
conduct. The lords irritated at this declaration, and disappointed in
their resentment against Russel, desired a free conference between the
committees of both houses. The earl of Rochester told the commons, he
was commanded by the house of lords to inform them that their lordships
looked upon the late vote and proceeding of the lower house, in
returning their papers, to be irregular and unparliamentary, as they had
not communicated to their lordships the lights they had received,
and the reason upon which their vote was founded. A paper to the same
purport was delivered to colonel Granville, who promised to present it to
the commons, and make a faithful report of what his lordship had said.
Thus the conference ended, and the inquiry was discontinued.


The lower house seemed to be as much exasperated against the earl of
Nottingham as the lords were incensed at Russel. A motion was made that
his majesty should be advised to appoint such commissioners of the board
of admiralty as were of known experience in maritime affairs. Although
this was overruled, they voted an address to the king, praying, that
for the future, all orders for the engagement of the fleet might pass
through the hands of the said commissioners; a protest by implication
against the conduct of the secretary. The consideration of ways and
means was the next object that engrossed the attention of the lower
house. They resolved that a rate of four shillings in the pound, for one
year, should be charged upon all lands according to their yearly value;
as also upon all personal estates, and upon all offices and employments
of profit, other than military offices in the army and navy. The act
founded on this resolution empowered the king to borrow money on the
credit of it, at seven per cent. They further enabled him to raise one
million on the general credit of the exchequer, by granting annuities.
They laid several new duties on a variety of imports. They renewed the
last quarterly poll, providing that in case it should not produce three
hundred thousand pounds, the deficiencies might be made up by borrowing
on the general credit of the exchequer. They continued the impositions
on wine, vinegar, tobacco, and sugar, for five years; and those on
East-India goods for four years. They laid a new imposition of eight per
cent, on the capital stock of the East-India company, estimated at seven
hundred and forty-four thousand pounds; of one per cent, on the African;
of five pounds on every share of the stock belonging to the Hudson's Bay
company; and they empowered his majesty to borrow five hundred thousand
pounds on these funds, which were expressly established for maintaining
the war with vigour.*

     * The French king hearing how liberally William was
     supplied, exclaimed, with some emotion, "My little cousin
     the prince of Orange is fixed in the saddle--but, no matter,
     the last Louis d'or must carry it."


The money-bills were retarded in the upper house by the arts of Halifax,
Mulgrave, and other malcontents. They grafted a clause on the land-tax
bill, importing, that the lords should tax themselves. It was adopted by
the majority, and the bill sent with this amendment to the commons,
by whom it was unanimously rejected as a flagrant attempt upon their
privileges. They demanded a conference, in which they declared that
the clause in question was a notorious encroachment upon the right
the commons possessed, of regulating all matters relating to supplies
granted by parliament. When this report was debated in the house of
lords, the earl of Mulgrave displayed uncommon powers of eloquence and
argument, in persuading the house, that, by yielding to this claim of
the commons, they would divest themselves of their true greatness, and
nothing would remain but the name and shadow of a peer, which was but a
pageant. Notwithstanding all his oratory, the lords relinquished their
clause, declaring, at the same time, that they had agreed to pass the
bill without alteration, merely in regard to the present urgent state of
affairs, as being otherwise of opinion that they had a right to insist
upon their clause. A formal complaint being made in the house of commons
against the pamphlet entitled, "King William and Queen Mary Conquerors,"
as containing assertions of dangerous consequence to their majesties, to
the liberty of the subject, and the peace of the kingdom, the licenser
and printer were taken into custody. The book being examined, resolved
that it should be burned by the hands of the common hangman, and that
the king should be moved to dismiss the licenser from his employment.
The same sentence they pronounced upon a pastoral letter of bishop
Burnet, in which this notion of conquest had been at first asserted.
The lords, in order to manifest their sentiments on the same subject,
resolved, That such an assertion was highly injurious to their
majesties, inconsistent with the principles on which the government
was founded, and tending to the subversion of the rights of the people.
Bohun the licenser was brought to the bar of the house, and discharged
upon his own petition, after having been reprimanded on his knees by the

Several members having complained that their servants had been kidnapped
and sent to serve as soldiers in Flanders, the house appointed a
committee to inquire into the abuses committed by press-masters; and
a suitable remonstrance was presented to the king, who expressed his
indignation at this practice, and assured the house that the delinquents
should be brought to exemplary punishment. Understanding however in the
sequel, that the methods taken by his majesty for preventing this abuse
had not proved, effectual, they resumed their inquiry, and proceeded
with, uncommon vigour on the information they received. A great number
of persons who had been pressed were discharged by order of the house;
and captain Winter, the chief undertaker for this method of recruiting
the army, was carried by the sergeant before the lord chief justice,
that he might be prosecuted according to law.


Before the heats occasioned by this unpopular expedient were allayed,
the discontent of the nation was further inflamed by complaints from
Ireland, where lord Sidney was said to rule with despotic authority.
These complaints were exhibited by sir Francis Brewster, sir William
Gore, sir John Macgill, lieutenant Stafford, Mr. Stone, and Mr. Kerne.
They were examined at the bar of the house, and delivered an account
of their grievances in writing. Both houses concurred in this inquiry;
which, being finished, they severally presented addresses to the king.
The lords observed, That there had been great abuses in disposing of the
forfeited estates; that protections had been granted to the Irish not
included in the articles of Limerick; so that protestants were deprived
of the benefit of the law against them; that the quarters of the army
had not been paid according to the provision made by parliament; that
a mayor had been imposed upon the city of Dublin for two years
successively, contrary to the ancient privileges and charter; that
several persons accused of murder had been executed without proof;
and one Sweetman, the most guilty, discharged without prosecution. The
commons spoke more freely in their address; they roundly explained the
abuses and mismanagement of that government, by exposing the protestant
subjects to the free quarter and violence of a licentious army; by
recruiting the troops with Irish papists who had been in open rebellion
against his majesty; by granting protections to Irish Roman-catholics,
whereby the course of the law was stopped; by reversing outlawries for
high treason not comprehended in the articles of Limerick; by letting
the forfeited estates at undervalue, to the prejudice of his majesty's
revenue; by embezzling the stores left in the towns and garrisons by
the late king James, as well as the effects belonging to the forfeited
estates, which might have been employed for the better preservation
of the kingdom; and, finally, by making additions to the articles of
Limerick after the capitulation was signed and the place surrendered.
They most humbly besought his majesty to redress these abuses, which had
greatly encouraged the papists, and weakened the protestant interest in
Ireland. The king graciously received both addresses, and promised
to pay a particular regard to all remonstrances that should come from
either house of parliament; but no material step was taken against the
lords Sidney, Athlone, and Coningsby, who appeared to have engrossed
great part of the forfeitures by grants from the crown; and even
commissioner Culliford, who had been guilty of the most grievous acts of
oppression, escaped with impunity.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}


The old whig principle was not yet wholly expelled from the lower house.
The undue influence of the court was exerted in such an open scandalous
manner, as gave offence to the majority of the commons. In the midst of
all their condescension, sir Edward Hussey, member for Lincoln, brought
in a bill touching free and impartial proceedings in parliament. It was
intended to disable all members of parliament from enjoying places of
trust and profit, and particularly levelled against the officers of
the army and navy, who had insinuated themselves into the house in such
numbers, that this was commonly called the officers' parliament. The
bill passed the house of commons, and was sent up to the lords, by whom
it was read a second time and committed; but the ministry employing
their whole strength against it, on the report it was thrown out by a
majority of two voices. The earl of Mulgrave again distinguished himself
by his elocution, in a speech that was held in great veneration by the
people; and, among those who entered a protest in the journals of the
house when the majority rejected the bill, was prince George of Denmark,
duke of Cumberland. The court had not collected themselves from the
consternation produced by such a vigorous opposition, when the earl of
Shrewsbury produced another bill for triennial parliaments, providing
that there should be an annual session; that if, at the expiration of
three years, the crown should not order the writs to be issued, the lord
chancellor, or keeper, or commissioner of the great seal, should issue
them _ex officio_, and by authority of this act, under severe penalties.
The immediate object of this bill was the dissolution of the present
parliament, which had already sat three sessions, and began to be
formidable to the people from its concessions to the ministry. The
benefits that would accrue to the constitution from the establishment
of triennial parliaments were very well understood, as these points had
been frequently discussed in former reigns. The courtiers now objected,
that frequent elections would render the free-holders proud and
insolent, encourage faction among the electors, and entail a continual
expense upon the member, as he would find himself obliged, during the
whole time of the sitting, to behave like a candidate, conscious how
soon the time of election would revolve. In spite of the ministerial
interest in the upper house, the bill passed, and contained a proviso
that the present parliament should not continue any longer than the
month of January next ensuing. The court renewed its efforts against it
in the house of commons, where nevertheless it was carried, with some
alterations which the lords approved. But all these endeavours were
frustrated by the prerogative of the king, who, by refusing his assent,
prevented its being enacted into a law.

It was at the instigation of the ministry that the commons brought in a
bill for continuing and explaining certain temporary laws then expiring
or expired. Among these was an act for restraining the liberty of the
press, which owed its original to the reign of Charles II., and had been
revived in the first year of the succeeding reign. The bill passed the
lower house without difficulty, but met with warm opposition in the
house of lords; a good number of whom protested against it, as a law
that subjected all learning and true information to the arbitrary will
of a mercenary, and perhaps ignorant licenser, destroyed the properties
of authors, and extended the evil of monopolies. The bill for regulating
trials was dropped, and, in lieu of it, another produced for the
preservation of their majesties' sacred persons and government; but this
too was rejected by the majority in consequence of the ministry's
secret management. The East India company narrowly escaped dissolution.
Petitions and counter-petitions were delivered into the house of
commons; the pretensions on both sides were carefully examined; a
committee of the whole house resolved, that there should be a new
subscription of a joint stock, not exceeding two millions five hundred
thousand pounds, to continue for one-and-twenty years. The report was
made and received, and the public expected to see the affair brought
to a speedy issue; but the company had recourse to the same expedients
which had lately proved so successful in the hands of the ministry.
Those who had been the most warm in detecting their abuses suddenly
cooled; and the prosecution of the affair began to languish. Not but
that the house presented an address to his majesty, praying that he
would dissolve the company upon three years' warning, according to
the condition of their charter. He told them he would consider their
address, and they did not further urge their remonstrance. The bill for
ascertaining the commissions and salaries of the judges, to which the
king had refused the royal assent in the last session, was revived,
twice read, and rejected; and another for preventing the exportation and
melting of the coin, they suffered to lie neglected on the table. On the
fourteenth day of March the king put an end to the session, after having
thanked the parliament for so great testimonies of their affection, and
promised the supplies should not be misapplied. He observed that
the posture of affairs called him abroad, but that he would leave a
sufficient number of troops for the security of the kingdom; he assured
them he would expose his person upon all occasions for the advantage of
these kingdoms; and use his utmost endeavours to make them a flourishing
nation. [046] _[See note I, at the end of this Vol.]_


During the course of this session, lord Mohun was indicted and tried
by the peers in Westminster-hall, as an accomplice in the murder of
one Montford a celebrated comedian, the marquis of Carmarthen acting as
lord-steward upon this occasion. The judges having been consulted,
the peers proceeded to give their judgments _seriatim_, and Mohun was
acquitted by a great majority. The king, who from his first accession
to the throne had endeavoured to trim the balance between the whigs and
tories, by mingling them together in his ministry, made some alterations
at this period that savoured of the same policy. The great seal, with
the title of lord keeper, was bestowed upon sir John Somers, who was
well skilled in the law, and in many other branches of polite and useful
literature. He possessed a remarkable talent for business, in which he
exerted great patience and assiduity; was gentle, candid, and equitable;
a whig in principles, yet moderate, pacific, and conciliating. Of the
same temper was sir John Trenchard, now appointed secretary of state.
He had been concerned with the duke of Monmouth, and escaped to the
continent, where he lived some years; was calm, sedate, well acquainted
with foreign affairs, and considered as a leading man in his party.
These two are said to have been promoted at the recommendation of the
earl of Sunderland, who had by this time insinuated himself into the
king's favour and confidence; though his success confirmed the opinion
which many entertained of his having betrayed his old master. The
leaders of the opposition were sir Edward Seymour, again become a
malcontent, and sir Christopher Mus-grave, a gentleman of Cumberland,
who though an extravagant tory from principle, had refused to concur
with all the designs of the late king. He was a person of a grave and
regular deportment, who had rejected many offers of the ministry, which
he opposed with great violence; yet on some critical occasions his
patriotism gave way to his avarice, and he yielded up some important
points in consideration of large sums which he received from the court
in secret. Others declared war against the administration, because they
thought their own talents were not sufficiently considered. Of these the
chief were Paul Foley and Robert Harley. The first was a lawyer of good
capacity, extensive learning, and virtuous principles; but peevish,
obstinate, and morose. He entertained a very despicable opinion of the
court; and this he propagated with equal assiduity and success. Harley
possessed a good fund of learning; was capable of uncommon application,
particularly turned to politics. He knew the forms of parliament, had a
peculiar dexterity at protracting and perplexing debates; and cherished
the most aspiring ambition. Admiral Russel was created treasurer of
the household; but the command of the fleet was vested in the hands
of Killigrew, Delavai, and Shovel. Sir George Rooke was declared
vice-admiral of the red, and John lord Berkeley of the blue division;
their rear-admirals were Matthew Aylmer and David Mitchel.


The king having visited the fleet and fortifications at Portsmouth,
given instructions for annoying the enemy by sea, and left the
administration in the hands of the queen, embarked on the last day of
March, near Gravesend, and arrived in Holland on the third of April. The
troops of the confederates were forthwith ordered to assemble: but while
he was employed in making preparations for the campaign, the French king
actually took the field, attended by madame de Maintenon, and all the
court ladies. His design was supposed to be upon some town in Brabant:
his army amounted to one hundred and twenty thousand men, completely
armed, and abundantly supplied with all necessaries for every sort of
military operation. King William immediately took possession of the
strong camp at Parke near Lou-vain, a situation which enabled him to
cover the places that were most exposed. Understanding that the French
emissaries had sown the seeds of dissension between the bishop and
chapter of Liege, he sent the duke of Wirtemberg thither, to reconcile
the different parties, and concert measures for the further security
of the place. He reinforced the garrison with nine battalions; and
the elector palatine lay with his troops in readiness to march to its
relief. William likewise threw reinforcements into Maestricht, Huy, and
Char-leroy; and he himself resolved to remain on the defensive, at the
head of sixty thousand men, with a numerous train of artillery.


Louis having reviewed his army at Gemblours, and seen his designs upon
Brabant defeated by the diligence of his antagonist, detached Boufflers
with twenty thousand men to the Upper Rhine to join the dauphin, who
commanded in that quarter; then leaving the conduct of his forces in
the Netherlands to the duke de Luxembourg, he returned with his court
to Versailles. Immediately after his departure, Luxembourg fixed his
head-quarters at Mildert; and king William strengthened his camp on
that side with ten battalions and eight-and-twenty pieces of cannon.
The enemy's convoys were frequently surprised by detachments from the
garrison of Charleroy; and a large body of horse, foot, and dragoons,
being drafted out of Liege and Maestricht, took post at Huy, under the
command of the count de Tilly, so as to straiten the French in their
quarters. These however were dislodged by Luxembourg in person, who
obliged the count to pass the Jaar with precipitation, leaving behind
three squadrons and all his baggage, which fell into the hands of the
enemy. This check however was balanced by the success of the duke of
Wirtemberg, who, at the head of thirteen battalions of infantry and
twenty squadrons of horse, forced the French lines between the
Scheldt and the Lys, and laid the whole country as far as Lisle under
contribution. On that very day, which was the eighteenth of July,
Luxembourg marched towards Huy, which was next morning invested by M.
de Villeroy. The other covered the siege, and secured himself from the
allies by lines of contravallation. Before their batteries began to
play, the town capitulated. On the twenty-third day of the month the
garrison mutined, the castles were surrendered, the governor remained
a prisoner, and his men were conducted to Liege. The confederate army
advanced in order to relieve the town; but the king being apprised of
its fate, detached ten battalions to reinforce the garrison of Liege,
and next day returned to Neer-Hespen.


Luxembourg made a motion towards Liege as if he had intended to besiege
the place; and encamped at Hellecheim, about seven leagues from the
confederates. Knowing how much they were weakened by the different
detachments which had been made from their army, he resolved to attack
them in their camp, or at least fall upon their rear should they retreat
at his approach. On the twenty-eighth day of July he began his march in
four columns, and passed the Jaar near its source, with an army superior
to the allies by five-and-thirty thousand men. The king of England at
first looked upon this motion as a feint to cover the design upon Liege;
but receiving intelligence that their whole army was in full march to
attack him in his camp, he resolved to keep his ground, and immediately
drew up his forces in order of battle. His general officers advised him
to repass the Geete; but he chose to risk a battle, rather than expose
the rear of his army in repassing that river. His right wing extended as
far as Neer-Winden, along the Geete, covered with hedges, hollow ways,
and a small rivulet; the left reached to Neer-Landen; and these two
villages were joined by a slight intrenchment which the king ordered
to be thrown up in the evening. Brigadier Ramsay, with the regiments of
O'Farrel, Mackay, Lauder, Leven and Monroe, were ordered to the right of
the whole army, to line some hedges and hollow ways on the farther side
of the village of Lare. Six battalions of Brandenburgh were posted
to the left of this village; and general Dumont, with the Hanoverian
infantry, possessed the village of Neer-Winden, which covered part
of the camp, between the main body and the right wing of the cavalry.
Neer-Landen, on the left, was secured by six battalions of English,
Danes, and Dutch. The remaining infantry was drawn up in one line behind
the intrenchment. The dragoons upon the left guarded the village of
Donnai upon the brook of Beck, and from thence the left wing of horse
extended to Neer-Landen, where it was covered by this rivulet.

The king having visited all the posts on horseback, and given the
necessary orders, reposed himself about two hours in his coach; and
early in the morning sent for his chaplain, whom he joined in prayer
with great devotion. At sun-rising the enemy appeared drawn up in order
of battle; and the allies began to play their cannon with good success.
About eight in the morning they attacked the villages of Lare and
Neer-Winden with great fury; and twice made themselves masters of these
posts, from whence they were as often repulsed.

The allies still kept their ground; and the duke of Berwick was taken by
his uncle brigadier Churchill. Then the French made an attack upon the
left wing of the confederates at Neer-Landen; and after a very obstinate
dispute, were obliged to give way, though they still kept possession of
the avenues. The prince of Conti, however, renewed the charge with the
flower of the French infantry; and the confederates being overpowered,
retreated from the village, leaving the camp in that part exposed.
Villeroy marching this way with a body of horse, was encountered and
repulsed by the count D'Arco, general of the Bavarian cuirassiers; and
the duke de Chartres narrowly escaped being taken. Meanwhile Luxembourg,
the prince of Conti, the count de Marsin, and the marshal de Joyeuse,
charged on the right, and in different parts of the line with such
impetuosity as surmounted all resistance. The camp of the confederates
was immediately filled with French troops: the villages of Lare
and Neer-Winden were taken after a long and desperate dispute. The
Hanoverian and Dutch horse being broken, the king in person brought the
English cavalry to their assistance. They fought with great gallantry;
and for some time retarded the fate of the day. The infantry were
rallied, and stood firm until all their ammunition was expended. In a
word, they were scarce able to sustain the weight of such a superiority
in point of number, when the marquis D'Harcourt joined the enemy from
Huy, with two-and-twenty fresh squadrons, which immediately turned
the scale in their favour. The elector of Bavaria, after having made
extraordinary efforts, retreated with great difficulty over the bridge
to the other side of the river, where he rallied the troops in order
to favour the retreat of those who had not passed. The king seeing the
battle lost, and the whole army in confusion, retired with the infantry
to Dormul on the brook of Beck, where the dragoons of the left wing were
posted, and then ordered the regiments of Wyndham, Lumley, and Calway,
to cover his retreat over the bridge at Neer-Hespen, which he effected
with great difficulty. Now all was tumult, rout, and consternation; and
a great number of the fugitives threw themselves into the river, where
they were drowned. This had like to have been the fate of the brave earl
of Athlone; the duke of Ormond was wounded in several places, and taken
prisoner by the enemy; and the count de Solmes was mortally wounded.
Ptolemache brought off the greater part of the English infantry with
great gallantry and conduct; as for the baggage, it had been sent to
Liege before the engagement; but the confederates lost sixty pieces of
cannon, and nine mortars, a great number of standards and colours,* with
about seven thousand men killed and wounded in the action. It must be
owned that the allies fought with great valour and perseverance; and
that king William made prodigious efforts of courage and activity to
retrieve the fortune of the day. He was present in all parts of the
battle; he charged in person both on horseback and on foot, where the
danger was most imminent. His peruke, the sleeve of his coat, and the
knot of his scarf, were penetrated by three different musket bullets;
and he saw a great number of soldiers fall on every side of him. The
enemy bore witness to his extraordinary valour. The prince of Conti, in
a letter to his princess which was intercepted, declared that he saw the
prince of Orange exposing himself to the greatest dangers; and that such
valour richly deserved the peaceable possession of the crown he
wore. Yet here, as in every other battle he fought, his conduct and
disposition were severely censured. Luxembourg having observed the
nature of his situation immediately before the engagement, is said to
have exclaimed, "Now I believe Waldeck is really dead;" alluding to that
general's known sagacity in choosing ground for an encampment. Be that
as it will, he paid dear for his victory. His loss in officers and men
exceeded that of the allies; and he reaped no solid advantage from the
battle. He remained fifteen days inactive at Waren, while king William
recalled the duke of Wirtemberg, and drafting troops from Liege and
other garrisons, was in a few days able to hazard another engagement.

     * The duke of Luxembourg sent such a number of standards and
     ensigns to Paris during the course of this war, that the
     prince of Conti called him the Upholsterer of Notre Dame, a
     church in which those trophies were displayed.


Nothing remarkable happened during the remaining part of the
Campaign, until Luxembourg, being rejoined by Boufflers with a strong
reinforcement from the Rhine, invested Charleroy. He had taken his
measures with such caution and dexterity, that the allies could not
frustrate his operations, without attacking his lines at a great
disadvantage. The king detached the elector of Bavaria and the duke
of Wirtemberg, with thirty battalions and forty squadrons, to make a
diversion in Flanders; but they returned in a few days without having
attempted any thing of consequence. The garrison of Charleroy defended
the place with surprising valour, from the tenth of September to
the eleventh of October, during which period they had repulsed the
assailants in several attacks; but at length despairing of relief, the
governor capitulated on the most honourable conditions: the reduction
of the place was celebrated with a _Te Deum_, and other rejoicings
at Paris. Louis however, in the midst of all his glory, was extremely
mortified when he reflected what little advantage he had reaped from
all his late victories. The allies had been defeated successively at
Fleurus, Steenkirk, and Landen; yet in a fortnight after each of those
battles William was always in a condition to risk another engagement.
Formerly Louis had conquered half of Holland, Flanders, and
Franche-Comte, without a battle; whereas, now he could not with his
utmost efforts, and after the most signal victories, pass the frontiers
of the United Provinces. The conquest of Charleroy concluded the
campaign in the Netherlands, and both armies went into winter-quarters.


The French army on the Rhine, under De Lorges, passed that river in the
month of May at Philipsburgh, and invested the city of Heidelberg,
which they took, plundered, and reduced to ashes. This general committed
numberless barbarities in the Palatinate, which he ravaged without even
sparing the tombs of the dead. The French soldiers on this occasion seem
to have been actuated by the most brutal inhumanity. They butchered
the inhabitants, violated the women, plundered the houses, rifled the
churches, and murdered the priests at the altar. They broke open the
electoral vault, and scattered the ashes of that illustrious family
about the streets. They set fire to different quarters of the city; they
stripped about fifteen thousand of the inhabitants, without distinction
of age or sex, and drove them naked into the castle, that the garrison
might be the sooner induced to capitulate. There they remained like
cattle in the open air, without food or covering, tortured between the
horrors of their fete and the terrors of a bombardment. When they were
set at liberty, in consequence of the fort's being surrendered, a great
number of them died along the banks of the Neckar, from cold, hunger,
anguish, and despair. These enormous cruelties, which would have
disgraced the arms of a Tartarian freebooter, were acted by the express
command of Louis XIV. of France, who has been celebrated by so many
venal pens, not only as the greatest monarch, but also as the most
polished prince of Christendom. De Lorges advanced towards the Neckar
against the prince of Baden, who lay encamped on the other side of
the river; but in attempting to pass, he was twice repulsed with
considerable damage. The dauphin joining the army, which now amounted to
seventy thousand men, crossed without opposition; but found the Germans
so advantageously posted, that he would not hazard an attack; having
therefore repassed the river, he secured Stutgard with a garrison,
sent detachments into Flanders and Piedmont, and returned in August to
Versailles. In Piedmont the allies were still more unfortunate. The duke
of Savoy and his confederates seemed bent upon driving the French from
Casal and Pignerol. The first of these places was blocked up, and the
other actually invested. The fort of St. Bridget that covered the place
was taken, and the town bombarded. Meanwhile Catinat being reinforced,
descended into the plains. The duke was so apprehensive of Turin that
he abandoned the siege of Pignerol, after having blown up the fort,
and marched in quest of the enemy to the plain of Mar-saglia, in the
neighbourhood of his capital. On the fourth day of October, the French
advanced upon them from the hills between Orbasson and Prosasque, and
a desperate engagement ensued. The enemy charged the left wing of the
confederates sword in hand with incredible fury; though they were
once repulsed, they renewed the attack with such impetuosity that the
Neapolitan and Milanese horse were obliged to give way, and disordered
the German cavalry. These falling upon the foot, threw the whole wing
into confusion. Meanwhile the main body and the other wing sustained the
charge without flinching, until they were exposed in flank by the defeat
of the cavalry; then the whole front gave way. In vain the second line
was brought up to sustain them; the horse turned their backs, and the
infantry was totally routed. In a word, the confederates were obliged to
retire with precipitation, leaving their cannon and about eight thousand
men killed or wounded on the field of battle. The duke of Schomberg
having been denied the post which was his due, insisted upon fighting at
the head of the troops maintained by the king of Great Britain, who were
posted in the centre, and behaved with great gallantry under the eye
of their commander. When the left wing was defeated, the count de los
Torres desired he would take upon him the command, and retreat with the
infantry and right wing; but he refused to act without the order of his
highness, and said things were come to such a pass that they must either
conquer or die. He continued to animate his men with his voice and
example, until he received a shot in the thigh. His valet seeing him
fall, ran to his assistance, and called for quarter, but was killed by
the enemy before he could be understood. The duke being taken at the
same instant, was afterwards dismissed upon his parole, and in a few
days died at Turin, universally lamented on account of his great and
amiable qualities. The earl of Warwick and Holland, who accompanied him
as a volunteer, shared his fate in being wounded and taken prisoner;
but he soon recovered his health and liberty. This victory was as
unsubstantial as that of Landen, and almost as dear in the purchase;
for the confederates made an obstinate defence, and yielded solely to
superior number. The duke of Savoy retreated to Moncalier, and threw a
reinforcement into Coni, which Catinat would not venture to besiege,
so severely had he been handled in the battle. He therefore contented
himself with laying the country under contribution, reinforcing the
garrisons of Casal, Pignerol, and Suza, and making preparations for
repassing the mountains. The news of this victory no sooner reached
Paris, than Louis dispatched M. de Chanlais to Turin, with proposals
for detaching the duke of Savoy from the interest of the allies; and the
pope, who was now become a partisan of France, supported the negotiation
with his whole influence; but the French king had not yet touched upon
the right string. The duke continued deaf to all his addresses.


France had been alike successful in her intrigues at the courts of Rome
and Constantinople. The vizier at the Porte had been converted into a
pensionary and creature of Louis; but the war in which the Turks had
been so long and unsuccessfully engaged, rendered him so odious to the
people, that the grand seignor deposed him in order to appease their
clamours. The English and Dutch ambassadors at Constantinople forthwith
renewed their mediation for a peace with the emperor; but the terms
they proposed were still rejected with disdain. In the meantime general
Heusler, who commanded the imperialists at Transylvania, reduced the
fortresses of Jeno and Villaguswar. In the beginning of July the duc de
Croy assumed the chief command of the German army, passed the Danube and
the Saave, and invested Belgrade. The siege was carried on for some
time with great vigour, but at length abandoned at the approach of the
vizier, who obliged the imperialists to repass the Saave, and sent out
parties which made incursions into Upper-Hungary. The power of France
had never been so conspicuous as at this juncture, when she maintained
a formidable navy at sea, and four great armies in different parts of
Europe. Exclusive of the operations in Flanders, Germany, and Piedmont,
the count de Noailles invested Eoses in Catalonia, about the latter end
of May, while at the same time it was blocked up by the French fleet
under the command of the count D'Etrees. In a few days the place was
surrendered by capitulation, and the castle of Ampurias met with the
same fate. The Spanish power was reduced to such a degree, that Noailles
might have proceeded in his conquests without interruption, had he
not been obliged to detach part of his army to reinforce Catinat in

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}


Nothing could be more inglorious for the English than their operations
by sea in the course of this summer. The king had ordered the admirals
to use all possible despatch in equipping the fleets, that they might
block up the enemy in their own ports and protect the commerce, which
had suffered severely from the French privateers. They were however so
dilatory in their proceedings, that the squadrons of the enemy sailed
from their harbours before the English fleet could put to sea. About the
middle of May it was assembled at St. Helen's, and took on board five
regiments intended for a descent on Brest; but this enterprise was never
attempted. When the English and Dutch squadrons joined, so as to form
a very numerous fleet, the public expected they would undertake some
expedition of importance; but the admirals were divided in opinion,
nor did their orders warrant their executing any scheme of consequence.
Killigrew and Delavai did not escape the suspicion of being disaffected
to the service; and France was said to have maintained a secret
correspondence with the malcontents in England. Louis had made
surprising efforts to repair the damage which his navy had sustained.
He had purchased several large vessels and converted them into ships of
war; he had laid an embargo on all the shipping of his kingdom until his
squadrons were manned; he had made a grand naval promotion to encourage
the officers and seamen; and this expedient produced a wonderful spirit
of activity and emulation. In the month of May his fleet sailed to the
Mediterranean in three squadrons, consisting of seventy-one capital
ships, besides bomb-ketches, fire-ships, and tenders.

In the beginning of June, the English and Dutch fleets sailed down the
channel. On the sixth, sir George Rooke was detached to the Straits
with a squadron of three-and-twenty ships as convoy to the Mediterranean
trade. The grand fleet returned to Torbay, while he pursued his voyage,
having taken under his protection about four hundred merchant ships
belonging to England, Holland, Denmark, Sweden, Hamburgh, and Flanders.
On the sixteenth his scouts discovered part of the French fleet under
Cape St. Vincent; next day their whole navy appeared, to the amount of
eighty sail. Sixteen of these plied up to the English squadron, while
the vice-admiral of the white stood off to sea to intercept the ships
under convoy. Sir George Rooke, by the advice of the Dutch vice-admiral
Vandergoes, resolved if possible to avoid an engagement, which could
only tend to their absolute ruin. He forthwith sent orders to the small
ships that were near the land to put into the neighbouring ports of
Faro, St. Lucar, and Cadiz, while he himself stood off with an easy sail
for the protection of the rest. About six in the evening, ten sail of
the enemy came up with two Dutch ships of war commanded by the captains
Schrijver and Vander-Poel, who seeing no possibility of escaping, tacked
in shore, and, thus drawing the French after them, helped to save the
rest of the fleet. When attacked they made a most desperate defence, but
at last were overpowered by numbers and taken. An English ship of war
and a rich pinnace were burned; nine-and-twenty merchant vessels
were taken, and about fifty destroyed by the counts de Tourville and
D'Etrees. Seven of the largest Smyrna ships fell into the hands of M.
de Cotlegon, and four he sunk in the bay of Gibraltar. The value of
the loss sustained on this occasion amounted to one million sterling.
Meanwhile Rooke stood off with a fresh gale, and on the nineteenth sent
home the Lark ship of war with the news of his misfortune; then he bore
away for the Madeiras, where having taken in wood and water, he set sail
for Ireland, and on the third day of August arrived at Cork with fifty
sail, including ships of war and trading vessels. He detached captain
Fairborne to Kinsale with all his squadron except six ships of the
line, with which, in pursuance of orders, he joined the great fleet then
cruising in the chops of the channel. On the twenty-fifth day of August
they returned to St. Helen's, and the four regiments were landed. On
the nineteenth day of September, fifteen Dutch ships of the line and
two frigates set sail for Holland; and twenty-six sail, with seven
fire-ships, were assigned as guard-ships during the winter.


The French admirals, instead of pursuing Rooke to Madeira, made an
unsuccessful attempt upon Cadiz, and bombarded Gibraltar, where the
merchants sunk their ships that they might not fall into the hands of
the enemy. Then they sailed along the coast of Spain, destroyed some
English and Dutch vessels at Malaga, Alicant, and other places, and
returned in triumph to Toulon. About this period sir Francis Wheeler
returned to England with his squadron from an unfortunate expedition in
the West Indies. In conjunction with colonel Codrington, governor of
the Leeward Islands, he made unsuccessful attempts upon the islands of
Martinique and Dominique. Then he sailed to Boston in New England with
a view to concert an expedition against Quebec, which was judged
impracticable. He afterwards steered for Placentia in Newfoundland,
which he would have attacked without hesitation; but the design
was rejected by a majority of voices in the council of war. Thus
disappointed, he set sail for England, and arrived at Portsmouth in a
very shattered condition, the greater part of his men having died in the
course of this voyage.


In November another effort was made to annoy the enemy. Commodore Benbow
sailed with a squadron of twelve capital ships, four bomb-ketches, and
ten brigantines, to the coast of St. Maloes, and anchoring within
half a mile of the town, cannonaded and bombarded it for three days
successively. Then his men landed on an island where they burned a
convent. On the nineteenth they took the advantage of a dark night, a
fresh gale, and a strong tide, to send in a fire-ship of a particular
contrivance, styled the Infernal, in order to burn the town; but she
struck upon a rock before she arrived at the place, and the engineer was
obliged to set her on fire and retreat. She continued burning for some
time, and at last blew up with such an explosion as shook the whole town
like an earthquake, unroofed three hundred houses, and broke all the
glass and earthenware for three leagues around. A capstan that weighed
two hundred pounds was transported into the place, and falling upon a
house, levelled it to the ground; the greatest part of the wall
towards the sea tumbled down; and the inhabitants were overwhelmed
with consternation, so that a small number of troops might have taken
possession without resistance, but there was not a soldier on board.
Nevertheless the sailors took and demolished Quince-fort, and did
considerable damage to the town of St. Maloes, which had been a nest of
privateers that infested the English commerce. Though this attempt was
executed with great spirit and some success, the clamours of the people
became louder and louder. They scrupled not to say that the councils
of the nation were betrayed; and their suspicions rose even to the
secretary's office. They observed, that the French were previously
acquainted with all the motions of the English, and took their measures
accordingly for their destruction. They collected and compared a
good number of particulars that seemed to justify their suspicion of
treachery. But the misfortunes of the nation in all probability arose
from a motley ministry divided among themselves, who, instead of acting
in concert for the public good, employed all their influence to thwart
the views and blacken the reputations of each other. The people in
general exclaimed against the marquis of Carmarthen, the earls of
Nottingham and Rochester, who had acquired great credit with the queen,
and, from their hatred to the whigs, betrayed the interests of the


But if the English were discontented, the French were miserable in spite
of all their victories. That kingdom laboured under a dreadful famine,
occasioned partly from unfavourable seasons, and partly from the
war, which had not left hands sufficient to cultivate the ground.
Notwithstanding all the diligence and providence of their ministry
in bringing supplies of corn from Sweden and Denmark, their care
in regulating the price and furnishing the markets, their liberal
contributions for the relief of the indigent, multitudes perished of
want, and the whole kingdom was reduced to poverty and distress. Louis
pined in the midst of his success. He saw his subjects exhausted by
a ruinous war, in which they had been involved by his ambition. He
tampered with the allies apart, in hopes of dividing and detaching them
from the grand confederacy; he solicited the northern crowns to engage
as mediators for a general peace. A memorial was actually presented by
the Danish minister to king William, by which it appears that the
French king would have been contented to purchase a peace with some
considerable concessions; but the terms were rejected by the king of
England, whose ambition and revenge were not yet gratified, and whose
subjects, though heavily laden, could still bear additional burdens.

The Jacobites had been very attentive to the progress of dissatisfaction
in England, which they fomented with their usual assiduity. The late
declaration of king James had been couched in such imperious terms as
gave offence even to some of those who favoured his interest. The earl
of Middleton therefore, in the beginning of the year, repaired to St.
Germain's and obtained another, which contained the promise of a general
pardon without exception, and every other concession that a British
subject could demand of his sovereign. About the latter end of May, two
men named Canning and Dormer were apprehended for dispersing copies of
this paper, tried at the Old Bailey, found guilty of not only dispersing
but also of composing a false and seditious libel, sentenced to pay five
hundred marks a-piece, to stand three times in the pillory, and find
sureties for their good behaviour. But no circumstance reflected more
disgrace on this reign than the fate of Anderton, the supposed printer
of some tracts against the government. He was brought to trial for
high treason; he made a vigorous defence in spite of the insults
and discouragement he sustained from a partial bench. As nothing but
presumptions appeared against him, the jury scrupled to bring in
a verdict that would affect his life, until they were reviled and
reprimanded by judge Treby, then they found him guilty. In vain recourse
was had to the queen's mercy; he suffered death at Tyburn, and left a
paper protesting solemnly against the proceedings of the court, which
he affirmed was appointed not to try but to convict him, and petitioning
heaven to forgive his penitent jury. The severity of the government
was likewise exemplified in the case of some adventurers, who having
equipped privateers to cruise upon the English, under joint commissions
from the late king James and Louis XIV., happened to be taken by the
English ships of war. Dr. Oldys, the king's advocate, being commanded
to proceed against them as guilty of treason and piracy, refused to
commence the prosecution; and gave his opinion in writing that they
were neither traitors nor pirates. He supported his opinion by arguments
before the council; these were answered by Dr. Littleton, who succeeded
him in the office from which he was dismissed; and the prisoners were
executed as traitors. The Jacobites did not fail to retort those
arts upon the government which their adversaries had so successfully
practised in the late reign. They inveighed against the vindictive
spirit of the administration, and taxed it with encouraging informers
and false witnesses--a charge for which there was too much foundation.

The friends of James in Scotland still continued to concert designs
in his favour; but their correspondence was detected, and their aims
defeated, by the vigilance of the ministry in that kingdom. Secretary
Johnston not only kept a watchful eye over all their transactions, but
by a dexterous management of court liberality and favour, appeased the
discontents of the presbyterians so effectually, that the king ran no
risk in assembling the parliament. Some offices were bestowed upon the
leaders of the kirk party, and the duke of Hamilton, being reconciled
to the government, was appointed commissioner. On the eighteenth day of
April the session was opened, and the king's letter, replete with the
most cajoling expressions, being read, the parliament proceeded to
exhibit undeniable specimens of their good humour. They drew up a very
affectionate answer to his majesty's letter; they voted an addition of
six new regiments to the standing forces of the kingdom; they granted
a supply of above one hundred and fifty thousand pounds sterling to his
majesty; they enacted a law for levying men to serve on board the royal
navy; they fined all absentees, whether lords or commons, and vacated
the seats of all those commissioners who refused to take the oath of
assurance, which was equivalent to an abjuration of king James; they
set on foot an inquiry about an intended invasion; they published some
intercepted letters supposed to be written to king James by Nevil Payne,
whom they committed to prison and threatened with a trial for high
treason; but he eluded the danger by threatening in his turn to impeach
those who had made their peace with the government; they passed an
act for the comprehension of such of the episcopal clergy as should
condescend to take the oaths by the tenth day of July. All that the
general assembly required of them was, an offer to subscribe the
confession of faith, and to acknowledge presbytery as the only
government of the Scottish church; but they neither submitted to
these terms, nor took the oaths within the limited time, so that
they forfeited all legal right to their benefices. Nevertheless they
continued in possession, and even received private assurances of the
king's protection. It was one of William's political maxims to court his
domestic enemies; but it was never attended with any good effect. This
indulgence gave offence to the presbyterians, and former distractions
began to revive.


The king having prevailed upon the states-general to augment their land
forces and navy for the service of the ensuing campaign, embarked for
England, and arrived at Kensington on the thirtieth day of October.
Finding the people clamorous and discontented, the trade of the
nation decayed, the affairs of state mismanaged, and the ministers
recriminating upon one another, he perceived the necessity of changing
hands, and resolved to take his measures accordingly. Sunderland,
his chief counsellor, represented that the tories were averse to the
continuance of a war which had been productive of nothing but damage and
disgrace; whereas, the whigs were much more tractable, and would bleed
freely, partly from the terror of invasion and popery, partly from the
ambition of being courted by the crown, and partly from the prospect of
advantage, in advancing money to the government on the funds established
by parliament; for that sort of traffic which obtained the appellation
of the monied interest was altogether a whig-gish institution. The king
revolved these observations in his own mind; and, in the meantime, the
parliament met on the seventh day of November, pursuant to the last
prorogation. In his speech, he expressed his resentment against
those who were the authors of the miscarriages at sea; represented the
necessity of increasing the land forces and the navy; and demanded a
suitable supply for these purposes. In order to pave the way to their
condescension, he had already dismissed from his council the earl
of Nottingham, who, of all his ministers, was the most odious to the
people. His place would have been immediately filled with the earl of
Shrewsbury; but that nobleman suspecting this was a change of men rather
than of measures, stood aloof for some time, until he received such
assurances from the king as quieted his scruples, and then he accepted
the office of secretary. The lieutenancy for the city of London, and all
other commissions over England, were altered with a view to favour the
whig interest; and the individuals of that party were indulged with
many places of trust and profit; but the tories were too powerful in the
house of commons to be exasperated, and therefore a good number of them
were retained in office.


On the sixth day of the session, the commons unanimously resolved
to support their majesties and their government; to inquire into
miscarriages; and to consider of means for preserving the trade of the
nation. The Turkey company was summoned to produce the petitions they
had delivered to the commissioners of the Admiralty for convoy: lord
Falkland, who sat at the head of that board, gave in copies of all the
orders and directions sent to sir George Rooke concerning the Straits
fleet, together with a list of all the ships at that time in commission.
It appeared, in the course of this inquiry, that the miscarriage of
Rooke's fleet was in a great measure owing to the misconduct of the
admirals, and the neglect of the victualling-office; but they were
screened by a majority. Mr. Harley, one of the commissioners for taking
and stating the public accounts, delivered a report, which contained a
charge of peculation against lord Falkland. Rainsford, receiver of the
rights and perquisites of the navy, confessed that he had received and
paid more money than that which was charged in the accounts; and, in
particular, that he had paid four thousand pounds to lord Falkland
by his majesty's order. This lord had acknowledged before the
commissioners, that he had paid one half of the sum, by the king's
order, to a person who was not a member of either house; and that the
remainder was still in his hands. Rainsford owned he had the original
letter which he received from Falkland, demanding the money; and this
nobleman desiring to see it, detained the voucher; a circumstance
that incensed the commons to such a degree, that a motion was made for
committing him to the Tower, and debated with great warmth, but was at
last over-ruled by the majority. Nevertheless, they agreed to make him
sensible of their displeasure, and he was reprimanded in his place. The
house of lords having also inquired into the causes of the miscarriages
at sea, very violent debates arose, and at length the majority resolved,
that the admirals had done well in the execution of the orders they had
received. This was a triumph over the whig lords, who had so eagerly
prosecuted the affair, and now protested against the resolution not
without great appearance of reason. The next step of the lords was to
exculpate the earl of Nottingham, as the blame seemed to lie with him on
the supposition that the admirals were innocent. With a view therefore
to transfer this blame to Trenchard, the whiggish secretary, the earl
gave the house to understand that he had received intelligence from
Paris in the beginning of June, containing a list of the enemy's fleet
and the time of their sailing; that this was communicated to a committee
of the council, and particularly imparted to secretary Trenchard,
whose province it was to transmit instructions to the admirals. Two
conferences passed on this subject between the lords and commons.
Trenchard delivered in his defence in writing; and was in his turn
screened by the whole efforts of the ministry, in which the whig
influence now predominated. Thus an inquiry of such national
consequence, which took its rise from the king's own expression of
resentment against the delinquents, was stifled by the arts of the
court, because it was likely to affect one of its creatures; for, though
there was no premeditated treachery in the case, the interest of
the public was certainly sacrificed to the mutual animosity of the
ministers. The charge of lord Falkland being resumed in the house
of commons, he appeared to have begged and received of the king the
remaining two thousand pounds of money which had been paid by Rainsford:
he was therefore declared guilty of a high misdemeanor and breach of
trust, and committed to the Tower; from whence however he was in two
days discharged upon his petition.


Harley, Foley, and Harcourt, presented to the house a state of the
receipts and issues of the revenue, together with two reports from the
commissioners of accounts concerning sums issued for secret services,
and to members of parliament. This was a discovery of the most
scandalous practices in the mystery of corruption, equally exercised on
the individuals of both parties, in occasional bounties, grants,
places, pensions, equivalents, and additional salaries. The malcontents
therefore justly observed, the house of commons was so managed that the
king could baffle any bill, quash all grievances, stifle accounts,
and rectify the articles of Limerick. When the commons took into
consideration the estimates and supplies of the ensuing year, the king
demanded forty thousand men for the navy, and above one hundred thousand
for the purposes of the land service. Before the house considered these
enormous demands, they granted four hundred thousand pounds by way of
advance, to quiet the clamours of the seamen, who were become mutinous
and desperate for want of pay, upwards of one million being due to them
for wages. Then the commons voted the number of men required for the
navy; but they were so ashamed of that for the army, that they thought
it necessary to act in such a manner as should imply that they still
retained some regard for their country. They called for all the treaties
subsisting between the king and his allies; they examined the different
proportions of the troops furnished by the respective powers; they
considered the intended augmentations, and fixed the establishment of
the year at four-score and three thousand, one hundred, and twenty-one
men, including officers. For the maintenance of these they allotted the
sum of two millions, five hundred and thirty thousand, five hundred and
nine pounds. They granted two millions for the navy, and about five
hundred thousand pounds, to make good the deficiencies of the annuity
and poll bills; so that the supplies for the year amounted to about
five millions and a half, raised by a land-tax of four shillings in the
pound, by two more lives in the annuities, a further excise on beer, a
new duty on salt, and a lottery.

Though the malcontents in parliament could not withstand this torrent of
profusion, they endeavoured to distress the court interest, by reviving
the popular bills of the preceding session; such as that for regulating
trials in cases of high treason, the other for the more frequent calling
and meeting of parliaments, and that concerning free and impartial
proceedings in parliament. The first was neglected in the house of
lords; the second was rejected; the third was passed by the commons, on
the supposition that it would be defeated in the other house. The lords
returned it with certain amendments, to which the commons would not
agree: a conference ensued; the peers receded from their corrections,
and passed the bill, to which the king however refused his assent.
Nothing could be more unpopular and dangerous than such a step at this
juncture. The commons, in order to recover some credit with the people,
determined to disapprove of his majesty's conduct. The house formed
itself into a committee, to take the state of the kingdom into
consideration. They resolved, that whoever advised the king to refuse
the royal assent to that bill, was an enemy to their majesties and the
kingdom. They likewise presented an address, expressing their concern
that he had not given his consent to the bill; and beseeching his
majesty to hearken for the future to the advice of his parliament,
rather than to the counsels of particular persons, who might have
private interests of their own, separate from those of his majesty
and his people. The king thanked them for their zeal, professed a warm
regard for their constitution, and assured them he would look upon
all parties as enemies who should endeavour to lessen the confidence
subsisting between the sovereign and the people. The members in the
opposition were not at all satisfied with this general reply. A day
being appointed to take it into consideration, a warm debate was
maintained with equal eloquence and acrimony. At length the question
being put that an address should be made for a more explicit answer, it
passed in the negative by a great majority.


The city of London petitioned that a parliamentary provision should be
made for the orphans, whose fortunes they had scandalously squandered
away. Such an application had been made in the preceding session, and
rejected with disdain, as an imposition on the public; but now those
scruples were removed, and the house passed a bill for this purpose,
consisting of many clauses, extending to different charges on the city
lands, aqueducts, and personal estates; imposing duties on binding
apprentices, constituting freemen, as also upon wines and coals imported
into London. On the twenty-third day of March these bills received
the royal assent; and the king took that opportunity of recommending
despatch, as the season of the year was far advanced, and the enemy
diligently employed in making preparations for an early campaign. The
scheme of a national bank, like those of Amsterdam and Genoa, had been
recommended to the ministry as an excellent institution, as well for
the credit and security of the government, as the increase of trade and
circulation. One project was invented by Dr. Hugh Chamberlain, proposing
the circulation of tickets on land security; but William Paterson was
author of that which was carried into execution, by the interest of
Michael Godfrey and other active projectors. The scheme was founded
on the motion of a transferable fund, and a circulation by bill on the
credit of a large capital. Forty merchants subscribed to the amount of
five hundred thousand pounds, as a fund of ready money, to circulate one
million at eight per cent, to be lent to the government; and even
this fund of ready money bore the same interest. When it was properly
digested in the cabinet, and a majority in parliament secured for its
reception, the undertakers for the court introduced it into the house of
commons, and expatiated upon the national advantages that would accrue
from such a measure. They said it would rescue the nation out of the
hands of extortioners and usurers, lower interest, raise the value
of land, revive and establish public credit, extend circulation,
consequently improve commerce, facilitate the annual supplies, and
connect the people the more closely with the government. The project was
violently opposed by a strong party, who affirmed that it would become
a monopoly, and engross the whole money of the kingdom; that, as it must
infallibly be subservient to government views, it might be employed
to the worst purposes of arbitrary power; that instead of assisting it
would weaken commerce, by tempting people to withdraw their money from
trade and employ it in stock-jobbing; that it would produce a swarm of
brokers and jobbers to prey upon their fellow-creatures, encourage
fraud and gaming, and further corrupt the morals of the nation.
Notwithstanding these objections, the bill made its way through the two
houses, establishing the funds for the security and advantage of the
subscribers; empowering their majesties to incorporate them by the name
of the governor and company of the bank of England, under a proviso,
that at any time after the first day of August, in the year one thousand
seven hundred and five, upon a year's notice, and the repayment of the
twelve hundred thousand pounds, the said corporation should cease and
determine. The bill likewise contained clauses of appropriation for the
services of the public. The whole subscription was filled in ten clays
after its being opened; and the court of directors completed the payment
before the expiration of the time prescribed by the act, although they
did not call in more than seven hundred and twenty thousand pounds
of the money subscribed. All these funds proving inadequate to the
estimates, the commons brought in a bill to impose stamp duties upon all
vellum, parchment, and paper, used in almost every kind of intercourse
between man and man; and they crowned the oppression of the year with
another grievous tax upon carriages, under the name of a bill for
licensing and regulating hackney and stage coaches.


The commons, in a clause of the bill for taxing several joint-stocks,
provided, that in case of a default in the payment of that tax, within
the time limited by the act, the charter of the company so failing
should be deemed void and forfeited. The East India company actually
neglected their payment, and the public imagined the ministry would
seize this opportunity of dissolving a monopoly against which so
many complaints had been made; but the directors understood their own
strength; and, instead of being broken, obtained the promise of a new
charter. This was no sooner known, than the controversy between them
and their adversaries was revived with such animosity, that the council
thought proper to indulge both parties with a hearing. As this produced
no resolution, the merchants who opposed the company petitioned, that,
in the meanwhile, the new charter might be suspended. Addresses of the
same kind were presented by a great number of clothiers, linen-drapers,
and other dealers. To these a written answer was published by the
company; the merchants printed a reply, in which they undertook to prove
that the company had been guilty of unjust and unwarrantable actions,
tending to the scandal of religion, the dishonour of the nation, the
reproach of our laws, the oppression of the people, and the ruin of
trade. They observed, that two private ships had exported in one year
three times as many cloths as the company had exported in three years.
They offered to send more cloth and English merchandise to the Indies
in one year than the company had exported in five; to furnish the
government with five hundred tons of saltpetre for less than one half
of the usual price; and they represented, that the company could neither
load the ships they petitioned for in England, nor reload them in the
East Indies. In spite of all these remonstrances, the new charter passed
the great seal; though the grants contained in it were limited in such a
manner that they did not amount to an exclusive privilege, and subjected
the company to such alterations, restrictions, and qualifications, as
the king should direct before the twenty-ninth day of September. This
indulgence, and other favours granted to the company, were privately
purchased of the ministry, and became productive of a loud outcry
against the government. The merchants published a journal of the whole
transaction, and petitioned the house of commons that their liberty of
trading to the East Indies might be confirmed by parliament. Another
petition was presented by the company, praying that their charter
might receive a parliamentary sanction. Both parties employed all their
address in making private application to the members. The house having
examined the different charters, the book of their new subscriptions,
and every particular relating to the company, resolved that all the
subjects of England had an equal right to trade to the East Indies
unless prohibited by act of parliament.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}


But nothing engrossed the attention of the public more than a bill which
was brought into the house for a general naturalization of all foreign
protestants. The advocates for this measure alleged, That great part
of the lands of England lay uncultivated; that the strength of a nation
consisted in the number of inhabitants; that the people were thinned by
the war and foreign voyages, and required an extraordinary supply; that
a great number of protestants, persecuted in France and other countries,
would gladly remove to a land of freedom, and bring along with them
their wealth and manufactures; that the community had been largely
repaid for the protection granted to those refugees who had already
settled in the kingdom. They had introduced several new branches of
manufacture, promoted industry, and lowered the price of labour; a
circumstance of the utmost importance to trade, oppressed as it was with
taxes, and exposed to uncommon hazard from the enemy. The opponents
of the bill urged with great vehemence, That it would cheapen the
birthright of Englishmen; that the want of culture was owing to the
oppression of the times; that foreigners being admitted into the
privileges of the British trade, would grow wealthy at the expense of
their benefactors, and transfer the fortunes they had gained into their
native country; that the reduction in the price of labour would be a
national grievance, while so many thousands of English manufacturers
were starving for want of employment, and the price of provisions
continued so high that even those who were employed could scarce supply
their families with bread; that the real design of the bill was to make
such an accession to the dissenters as would render them an equal match
in the body politic for those of the church of England; to create a
greater dependence on the crown, and, in a word, to supply a foreign
head with foreign members. Sir John Knight, a member of the house, in
a speech upon this subject, exaggerated the bad consequences that would
attend such a bill, with all the wit and virulence of satire: it was
printed and dispersed through the kingdom, and raised such a flame among
the people as had not appeared since the revolution. They exclaimed,
that all offices would be conferred upon Dutchmen, who would become
lord-danes, and prescribe the modes of religion and government; and they
extolled sir John Knight as the saviour of the nation. The courtiers,
incensed at the progress of this clamour, complained in the house of
the speech which had been printed; and sir John was threatened with
expulsion and imprisonment. He therefore thought proper to disown
the paper, which was burned by the hands of the common hangman. This
sacrifice served only to increase the popular disturbance, which rose
to such a height of violence, that the court party began to tremble; and
the bill was dropped for the present.

Lord Coningsby and Mr. Porter had committed the most flagrant acts of
oppression in Ireland. These had been explained during the last session
by the gentlemen who appealed against the administration of lord Sidney,
but they were screened by the ministry; and therefore the earl of
Bellamont now impeached them in the house of commons, of which he
and they were members. After an examination of the articles exhibited
against them, the commons, who were by this time at the devotion of the
court, declared, that, considering the state of affairs in Ireland, they
did not think them fit grounds for an impeachment.--In the course of
this session, the nation sustained another misfortune in the fate of
sir Francis Wheeler, who had been appointed commander-in-chief of the
Mediterranean squadron. He received instructions to take under his
convoy the merchant ships bound to Turkey, Spain, and Italy; to cruise
thirty days in a certain latitude for the protection of the Spanish
plate-fleet homeward bound; to leave part of his squadron at Cadiz
as convoy to the trade for England; to proceed with the rest to the
Mediterranean; to join the Spanish fleet in his return; and to act in
concert with them, until he should be joined by the fleet from Turkey
and the Straits, and accompany them back to England. About the latter
end of October he set sail from Saint Helen's, and in January arrived
at Cadiz with the ships under his convoy. There leaving rear-admiral
Hopson, he proceeded for the Mediterranean. In the bay of Gibraltar he
was overtaken by a dreadful tempest, under a lee-shore, which he could
not possibly weather, and where the ground was so foul that no anchor
would hold. This expedient however was tried. A great number of ships
were driven ashore, and many perished. The admiral's ship foundered at
sea, and he and all his crew were buried in the deep, except two Moors
who were miraculously preserved. Two other ships of the line, three
ketches, and six merchant ships were lost. The remains of the fleet
were so much shattered, that, instead of prosecuting their voyage,
they returned to Cadiz in order to be refitted, and sheltered from the
attempts of the French squadrons, which were still at sea under the
command of Chateau-Renaud and Cabaret. On the twenty-fifth day of April,
the king-closed the session with a speech in the usual style, and the
parliament was prorogued to the eighteenth day of September. [053]
_[See note K, at the end of this Vol.]_


Louis of France being tired of the war, which had impoverished his
country, continued to tamper with the duke of Savoy, and, by the canal
of the pope, made some offers to the king of Spain, which were rejected.
Meanwhile he resolved to stand upon the defensive during the ensuing
campaign, in every part but Catalonia, where his whole naval force might
co-operate with the count de Noailles, who commanded the land army.
King William having received intelligence of the design upon Barcelona,
endeavoured to prevent the junction of the Brest and Toulon squadrons,
by sending Russel to sea as early as the fleet could be in a condition
to sail; but before he arrived at Portsmouth, the Brest squadron had
quitted that harbour. On the third day of May the admiral sailed
from St. Helen's with the combined squadrons of England and Holland,
amounting to ninety ships of the line, besides frigates, fire-ships,
and tenders. He detached captain Pritchard of the Monmouth with
two fire-ships, to destroy a fleet of French merchant ships near
Conquet-bay; and this service being performed, he returned to St.
Helen's, where he had left Adm. Cloudesley Shovel with a squadron, to
take on board a body of land forces intended for a descent upon the
coast of France. These being embarked under the command of general
Ptolemache, the whole fleet sailed again on the twenty-ninth of May.
The land and sea officers, in a council of war, agreed that part of the
fleet designed for this expedition should separate from the rest and
proceed to Camaret-bay, where the forces should be landed. On the fifth
day of June, lord Berkeley, who commanded this squadron, parted with the
grand fleet, and on the seventh anchored between the bays of Camaret and
Bertaume. Next day the marquis of Carmarthen, afterwards duke of
Leeds, who served under Berkeley as rear-admiral of the blue, entered
Camaret-bay with two large ships and six frigates, to cover the troops
in landing. The French had received intelligence of the design, and
taken such precautions, under the conduct of the celebrated engineer
Vauban, that the English were exposed to a terrible fire from new
erected batteries, as well as from a strong body of troops, and though
the ships cannonaded them with great vigour, the soldiers could not
maintain any regularity in landing. A good number were killed in the
open boats before they reached the shore; and those who landed were
soon repulsed, in spite of all the endeavours of general Ptolemache,
who received a wound in the thigh, which proved mortal. Seven hundred
soldiers are said to have been lost on this occasion, besides those who
were killed on board of the ships. The Monk ship of war was towed off
with great difficulty; but a Dutch frigate of thirty guns fell into the
hands of the enemy.

After this unfortunate attempt, lord Berkeley, with the advice of a
council of war, sailed back for England, and at St. Helen's received
orders from the queen to call a council, and deliberate in what manner
the ships and forces might be best employed. They agreed to make some
attempt upon the coast of Normandy. With this view they set sail on the
fifth day of July. They bombarded Dieppe, and reduced the greatest part
of the town to ashes. Thence they steered to Havre-de-Grace, which met
with the same fate. They harassed the French troops who marched after
them along shore. They alarmed the whole coast, and filled every town
with such consternation that they would have been abandoned by the
inhabitants had not they been detained by military force. On the
twenty-sixth of July, lord Berkeley returned to St. Helen's, where he
quitted the fleet, and the command devolved upon sir Cloudesley Shovel.
This officer having received instructions to make an attempt upon
Dunkirk, sailed round to the Downs, where he was joined by M. Meesters,
with six-and-twenty Dutch pilots. On the twelfth of September he
appeared before Dunkirk; and next day sent in the Charles galley, with
two bomb-ketches, and as many of the machines called infernals. These
were set on fire without effect, and the design miscarried; then Shovel
steered to Calais, which having bombarded with little success, he
returned to the coast of England; and the bomb-ketches and machines were
sent into the river Thames.


During these transactions, admiral Russel with the grand fleet sailed
for the Mediterranean; and being joined by rear-admiral Neville from
Cadiz, together with Callemberg and Evertzen, he steered towards
Barcelona, which was besieged by the French fleet and army. At his
approach, Tourville retired with precipitation into the harbour of
Toulon; and Noailles abandoned his enterprise. The Spanish affairs were
in such a deplorable condition, that without this timely assistance the
kingdom must have been undone. While he continued in the Mediterranean,
the French admiral durst not venture to appear at sea, and all his
projects were disconcerted. After having asserted the honour of the
British flag in those seas during the whole summer, he sailed in the
beginning of November to Cadiz, where, by an express order of the
king, he passed the winter, during which he took such precautions for
preventing Tourville from passing the Straits, that he did not think
proper to risk the passage.


It will now be necessary to describe the operations on the continent.
In the middle of May king William arrived in Holland, where he consulted
with the states-general. On the third day of June he repaired to
Beth-lem-abbey near Louvain, the place appointed for the rendezvous of
the army; and there he was met by the electors of Bavaria and Cologn.
In a few days a numerous army was assembled, and every thing seemed to
promise an active campaign. On the third day of June the dauphin assumed
the command of the French forces, with which Luxembourg had taken post
between Mons and Maubeuge; and passing the Sambre, encamped at Fleuras,
but on the eighteenth he removed from thence, and took up his quarters
between St. Tron and Wanheim; while the confederates lay at Roosbeck.
On the eleventh of July, the dauphin marched in four columns to Oerle
upon the Jaar, where he pitched his camp. On the twenty-second the
confederates marched to Romale; then the dauphin took the route to
Vignamont, where he secured his army by entrenchments, as his forces
were inferior in number to those of the allies; and as he had been
directed by his father to avoid an engagement. In this situation both
armies remained till the fifteenth day of August, when king William sent
the heavy baggage to Louvain; and on the eighteenth made a motion to
Sombref. This was no sooner known to the enemy than they decamped; and
having marched all night, posted themselves between Temploux and Masy,
within a league and a half of the confederates. The king of England
resolved to pass the Scheld, and with this view marched by the way of
Nivelle and Soignes to Chievres; from thence he detached the duke of
Wirtemberg, with a strong body of horse and foot, to pass the river at
Oudenarde, while the elector of Bavaria advanced with another detachment
to pass it at Pont de Espieres. Notwithstanding all the expedition
they could make, their purpose was anticipated by Luxembourg, who being
apprised of their route had detached four thousand horse, with each
a foot soldier behind the trooper, to reinforce M. de Valette who
commanded that part of the French line. These were sustained by a choice
body of men, who travelled with great expedition without observing the
formalities of a march. Mareschal de Villeroy followed the same route
with all the cavalry of the right wing, the household troops, and twenty
field-pieces; and the rest of the army was brought up by the dauphin in
person. They marched with such incredible diligence, that the elector
of Bavaria could scarce believe his own eyes when he arrived in sight of
the Scheld and saw them intrenching themselves on the other side of the
river. King William having reconnoitred their disposition, thought it
impracticable to pass at that place; and therefore marched down the
river to Oudenarde, where a passage had been already effected by the
duke of Wirtemberg. Here the confederates passed the Scheld on the
twenty-seventh day of the month; and the king fixed his head-quarters at
Wanneghem. His intention was to have taken possession of Courtray, and
established winter-quarters for a considerable part of his army in that
district; but Luxembourg having posted himself between that place and
Menin, extended his lines in such a manner that the confederates could
not attempt to force them, nor even hinder him from subsisting his army
at the enginse (expense ?) of the castellany of Courtray, during the
remainder of the campaign. This surprising march was of such importance
to the French king, that he wrote with his own hand a letter of thanks
to his army; and ordered that it should be read to every particular
squadron and battalion.


The king of England, though disappointed in his scheme upon Courtray,
found means to make some advantage of his superiority in number. He
drafted troops from the garrison of Liege and Maestricht; and on the
third day of September reinforced his body with a large detachment from
his own camp, conferring the command upon the duke of Holstein-Ploen,
with orders to undertake the siege of Huy. Next day the whole
confederate forces passed the Lys, and encamped at Wouterghem. From
thence the king with a part of the army marched to Roselsaer; this
diversion obliged the dauphin to make considerable detachments for the
security cf Ypres and Menin on the one side, and to cover Furnes and
Dunkirk on the other. At this juncture, a Frenchman, being seized in the
very act of setting fire to one of the ammunition waggons in the allied
army, confessed he had been employed for this purpose by some of the
French generals, and suffered death as a traitor. On the sixteenth day
of the month the duke of Holstein-Ploen invested Huy, and earned on the
siege with such vigour that in ten days the garrison capitulated. The
king ordered Dixmuyde, Deynse, Ninove, and Tirelemont, to be secured for
winter quarters to part of the army; the dauphin returned to Versailles;
William quitted the camp on the last day of September; and both armies
broke up about the middle of October.

The operations on the Rhine were preconcerted between king William and
the prince of Baden, who had visited London in the winter. The dispute
between the emperor and the elector of Saxony was compromised; and this
young prince dying during the negotiation, the treaty was perfected by
his brother and successor, who engaged to furnish twelve thousand men
yearly, in consideration of a subsidy from the court of Vienna. In the
beginning of June, mareschal de Lorges passed the Rhine at Philipsburgh,
in order to give battle to the imperialists encamped at Halibron. The
prince of Baden, who was not yet joined by the Saxons, Hessians, nor by
the troops of Munster and Paderborn, dispatched couriers to quicken the
march of these auxiliaries, and advanced to Eppingen, where he proposed
to wait till they should come up; but on the fifteenth, receiving
undoubted intelligence that the enemy were in motion towards him, he
advanced to meet them in order of battle. De Lorges concluded that this
was a desperate effort, and immediately halted to make the necessary
preparations for an engagement. This pause enabled prince Louis to take
possession of a strong pass near Sintzheim, from which he could not
easily be dislodged. Then the mareschal proceeded to Viseloch, and
ravaged the adjacent country, in hopes of drawing the imperialists from
their intrenchments. The prince being joined by the Hessians, resolved
to beat up the quarters of the enemy; and the French general being
apprised of his design, retreated at midnight with the utmost
precipitation. Having posted himself at Ruth, he sent his heavy baggage
to Philipsburgh; then he moved to Gonsbergh in the neighbourhood of
Manheim, repassed the Rhine, and encamped between Spires and Worms. The
prince of Baden being joined by the allies, passed the river by a
bridge of boats near Hagenbach, in the middle of September; and laid the
country of Alsace under contribution. Considering the advanced season of
the year this was a rash undertaking; and the French general resolved
to profit by his enemy's temerity. He forthwith advanced against the
imperialists, foreseeing that should they be worsted in battle, their
whole army would be ruined. Prince Louis, informed of his intention,
immediately passed the Rhine; and this retreat was no sooner effected
than the river swelled to such a degree that the island in the middle,
and a great part of the camp he had occupied, was overflowed. Soon after
this incident both armies retired into winter-quarters. The campaign
in Hungary produced no event of importance. It was opened by the new
vizier, who arrived at Belgrade in the middle of August: and about the
same time Caprara assembled the imperial army in the neighbourhood of
Peterwaraden. The Turks passed the Saave in order to attack their camp,
and carried on their approaches with five hundred pieces of cannon; but
made very little progress. The imperialists received reinforcements; the
season wasted away; a feud arose between the vizier and the chain of the
Tartars; and the Danube being swelled by heavy rains, so as to interrupt
the operations of the Turks, their general decamped in the night of
the first of October. They afterwards made an unsuccessful attempt upon
Titul, while the imperial general made himself master of Giula. In
the course of this summer the Venetians, who were also at war with the
Turks, reduced Cyclut, a place of importance on the river Naranta, and
made a conquest of the island of Scio in the Archipelago.


We have already observed that the French king had determined to act
vigorously in Catalonia. In the beginning of May, the duke de Noailles
advanced at the head of eight and twenty thousand men to the river Ter,
on the opposite bank of which the viceroy of Catalonia was encamped with
sixteen thousand Spaniards. The French general passed the river in
the face of this army, and attacked their intrenchments with such
impetuosity, that in less than an hour they were totally defeated. Then
he marched to Palamos, and undertook the siege of that place, while at
the same time it was blocked up by the combined squadrons of Brest and
Toulon. Though the besieged made an obstinate defence, the town was
taken by storm, the houses were pillaged, and the people put to the
sword, without distinction of age, sex, or condition. Then he invested
Gironne, which in a few days capitulated. Ostalric met with the same
fate, and Noailles was created viceroy of Catalonia by the French king.
In the beginning of August he distributed his forces into quarters of
refreshment along the river Ter-dore, resolving to undertake the siege
of Barcelona, which was saved by the arrival of admiral Russel. The war
languished in Piedmont, on account of a secret negotiation between the
king of France and the duke of Savoy; notwithstanding the remonstrances
of Rouvigny earl of Galway, who had succeeded the duke of Schomberg in
the command of the British forces in that country. Casal was closely
blocked up by the reduction of Fort St. George, and the Vaudois gained
the advantage in some skirmishes in the valley of Ragclas; but no design
of importance was executed.*

     * In the course of this year, M. du Casse, governor of St.
     Domingo, made an unsuccessful attempt upon the Island of
     Jamaica; and M. St. Clair, with four men of war, formed a
     design against St. John's, Newfoundland; but he was repulsed
     with loss by the valour of the inhabitants.

England had continued very quiet under the queen's administration, if we
except some little commotions occasioned by the practices, or pretended
practices, of the Jacobites. Prosecutions were revived against certain
gentlemen of Lancashire and Cheshire, for having been concerned in the
conspiracy formed in favour of the late king's projected invasion
from Normandy. These steps were owing to the suggestions of infamous
informers, whom the ministry countenanced. Colonel Parker and one Crosby
were imprisoned, and bills of treason found against them; but Parker
made his escape from the Tower, and was never retaken, though a reward
of four hundred pounds was set upon his head. The king having settled
the affairs of the confederacy at the Hague, embarked for England on the
eighth of November, and next day landed at Margate. On the twelfth he
opened the session of parliament with a speech, in which he observed
that the posture of affairs was improved both by sea and land since they
last parted; in particular, that a stop was put to the progress of
the French arms. He desired they would continue the act of tonnage and
poundage, which would expire at Christmas; he reminded them of the
debt for the transport ships employed in the reduction of Ireland; and
exhorted them to prepare some good bill for the encouragement of seamen.
A majority in both houses was already secured; and in all probability he
bargained for their condescension by agreeing to the bill for triennial
parliaments. This Mr. Harley brought in by order of the lower house
immediately after their first adjournment; and it kept pace with the
consideration of the supplies. The commons having examined the estimates
and accounts, voted four millions, seven hundred sixty-four thousand,
seven hundred and twelve pounds, for the service of the army and navy.
In order to raise this sum they continued the land tax; they renewed the
subsidy of tonnage and poundage for five years, and imposed new duties
on different commodities.* The triennial bill enacted, that a parliament
should be held once within three years at least; that within three years
at farthest after the dissolution of the parliament then subsisting, and
so from time to time for ever after, legal writs under the great seal
should be issued by the direction of the crown for calling, assembling,
and holding another new parliament; that no parliament should continue
longer than three years at farthest, to be accounted from the first day
of the first session; and that the parliament then subsisting should
cease and determine on the first day of November next following, unless
their majesties should think fit to dissolve it sooner. The duke of
Devonshire, the marquis of Halifax, the earls of Weymouth and Aylesbury,
protested against this bill, because it tended to the continuance of the
present parliament longer than, as they apprehended, was agreeable to
the constitution of England.

     * They imposed certain rates and duties upon marriages,
     births, and burials, bachelors, and widows. They passed an
     act for laying additional duties upon coffee, tea, and
     chocolate, towards paying the debt due for the transport
     ships: and another, imposing duties on glass ware, stone,
     and earthen bottles, coal, and culm.


While this bill was depending, Dr. John Tillotson, archbishop of
Canterbury, was seized with a fit of the dead palsy in the chapel
of Whitehall, and died on the twenty-second day of November, deeply
regretted by the king and queen, who shed tears of sorrow at his
decease; and sincerely lamented by the public, as a pattern of elegance,
ingenuity, meekness, charity, and moderation. These qualities he must
be allowed to have possessed, notwithstanding the invectives of his
enemies, who accused him of puritanism, flattery, and ambition; and
charged him with having conduced to a dangerous schism in the church, by
accepting the archbishopric during the life of the deprived Sancroft.
He was succeeded in the metropolitan See by Dr. Tennison, bishop of
Lincoln, recommended by the whig-party which now predominated in the
cabinet. The queen did not long survive her favourite prelate. In about
a month after his decease she was taken ill of the smallpox, and the
symptoms proving dangerous, she prepared herself for death with great
composure. She spent some time in exercises of devotion and private
conversation with the new archbishop; she received the sacrament with
all the bishops who were in attendance; and expired on the twenty-eighth
day of December, in the thirty-third year of her age, and in the sixth
of her reign, to the inexpressible grief of the king, who for some weeks
after her death could neither see company nor attend to the business of
state. Mary was in her person tall and well-proportioned, with an oval
visage, lively eyes, agreeable features, a mild aspect, and an air
of dignity. Her apprehension was clear, her memory tenacious, and her
judgment solid. She was a zealous protestant, scrupulously exact in
all the duties of devotion, of an even temper, and of a calm and mild
conversation. She was ruffled by no passion, and seems to have been a
stranger to the emotions of natural affection; for she ascended without
compunction the throne from which her father had been deposed, and
treated her sister as an alien to her blood. In a word, Mary seems to
have imbibed the cold disposition and apathy of her husband; and to
have centered all her ambition in deserving the epithet of an humble and
obedient wife. [056] _[See note L, at the end of this Vol.]_


The princess Anne being informed of the queen's dangerous indisposition,
sent a lady of her bed-chamber to desire she might be admitted to her
majesty; but this request was not granted. She was thanked for her
expression of concern; and given to understand, that the physicians had
directed that the queen should be kept as quiet as possible. Before her
death, however, she sent a forgiving message to her sister; and after
her decease, the earl of Sunderland effected a reconciliation between
the king and the princess, who visited him at Kensington, where she was
received with uncommon civility. He appointed the palace of St. James
for her residence, and presented her with the greater part of the
queen's jewels. But a mutual jealousy and disgust subsisted under these
exteriors of friendship and esteem. The two houses of parliament waited
on the king at Kensington, with consolatory addresses on the death of
his consort; their example was followed by the regency of Scotland, the
city and clergy of London, the dissenting ministers, and almost all the
great corporations in England.*

     * The earls of Rochester and Nottingham are said to have
     started a doubt, whether the parliament was not dissolved by
     the queen's death; but this dangerous motion met with no

[Illustration: 2-056-william3.jpg WILLIAM III.]


     _Account of the Lancashire Plot..... The Commons inquire
     into the Abuses which had crept into the Army..... They
     expel and prosecute some of their own Members for Corruption
     in the Affair of the East India Company..... Examination of
     Cooke, Acton, and others..... The Commons impeach the Duke
     of Leeds..... The Parliament is prorogued..... Session of
     the Scottish Parliament..... They inquire into the Massacre
     of Glencoe..... They pass an Act for erecting a Trading
     Company to Africa and the Indies..... Proceedings in the
     Parliament of Ireland..... Disposition of the Armies in
     Flanders..... King William undertakes the Siege of
     Namur..... Famous Retreat of Prince Vaudemont..... Brussels
     is bombarded by Villeroy..... Progress of the Siege of
     Namur..... Villeroy attempts to relieve it..... The
     Besiegers make a desperate Assault..... The Place
     capitulates..... Boufflers is arrested by order of King
     William..... Campaign on the Rhine and in Hungary..... The
     Duke of Savoy takes Casal..... Transactions in
     Catalonia..... The English Fleet bombard's St. Maloes and
     other places on the Coast of France..... Wilmot's expedition
     to the West Indies..... A new Parliament..... They pass the
     Bill for regulating Trials in Cases of High Treason.....
     Resolutions with respect to the new Coinage..... The Commons
     address the King to recall a Grant he had made to the Earl
     of Portland..... Another against the new Scottish
     Company..... Intrigues of the Jacobites..... Conspiracy
     against the life of William..... Design of an Invasion
     defeated..... The two Houses engage in an Association for
     the Defence of his Majesty..... Establishment of a Land
     Bank..... Trial of the Conspirators..... The Allies burn the
     Magazine at Civet..... Louis the Fourteenth makes Advances
     towards a Peace with Holland..... He detaches the Duke of
     Savoy from the Confederacy..... Naval Transactions.....
     Proceedings in the Parliaments of Scotland and Ireland.....
     Zeal of the English Commons in their Affection to the
     King..... Resolutions touching the Coin and the support of
     Public Credit..... Enormous Impositions..... Sir John Fen-
     wick is apprehended..... A Bill of Attainder being brought
     into the House against him produces violent Debates..... His
     Defence..... The Bill passes..... Sir John Fenwick is
     beheaded..... The Earl of Monmouth sent to the Tower.....
     Inquiry into Miscarriages by Sea..... Negotiations at
     Ryswick..... The French take Barcelona..... Fruitless
     Expedition of Admiral Neville to the West Indies..... The
     Elector of Saxony is chosen King of Poland..... Peter the
     Czar of Muscovy travels in Disguise with his own Ambassadors
     ..... Proceedings in the Congress at Ryswick..... The
     Ambassadors of England, Spain, and Holland, sign the
     Treaty..... A general Pacification._

{WILLIAM, 1688--1701.}


THE kingdom now resounded with the complaints of the papists and
malcontents, who taxed the ministry with subornation of perjury in
the case of the Lancashire gentlemen who had been persecuted for the
conspiracy. One Lunt, an Irishman, had informed sir John Trench-ard,
secretary of state, that he had been sent from Ireland with commissions
from king James to divers gentlemen in Lancashire and Cheshire; that he
had assisted in buying arms and enlisting men to serve that king in
his projected invasion of England; that he had been twice despatched by
those gentlemen to the court of St. Germain's, assisted many Jacobites
in repairing to France, helped to conceal others that came from that
kingdom; and that all those persons told him they were furnished with
money by sir John Friend, to defray the expense of their expeditions.
His testimony was confirmed by other infamous emissaries, who received
but too much countenance from the government. Blank warrants were
issued, and filled up occasionally with such names as the informers
suggested. These were delivered to Aaron Smith, solicitor to the
treasury, who with messengers accompanied Lunt and his associates
to Lancashire, under the protection of a party of Dutch horse-guards
commanded by one captain Baker. They were empowered to break open
houses, seize papers, and apprehend persons, according to their
pleasure; and they committed many acts of violence and oppression. The
persons against whom these measures were taken, being apprized of the
impending danger, generally retired from their own habitations. Some,
however, were taken and imprisoned; a few arms were secured; and in
the house of Mr. Standish, at Standish-hall, they found the draft of
a declaration to be published by king James at his landing. As
this prosecution seemed calculated to revive the honour of a stale
conspiracy, and the evidences were persons of abandoned characters,
the friends of those who were persecuted found no great difficulty in
rendering the scheme odious to the nation. They even employed the pen
of Ferguson, who had been concerned in every plot that was hatched since
the Rye-house conspiracy. This veteran, though appointed housekeeper to
the excise-office, thought himself poorly recompensed for the part he
had acted in the revolution, became dissatisfied, and upon this occasion
published a letter to sir John Trenchard on the abuse of power. It
was replete with the most bitter invectives against the ministry, and
contained a great number of flagrant instances in which the court
had countenanced the vilest corruption, perfidy, and oppression. This
production was in every body's hand, and had such an effect upon the
people, that when the prisoners were brought to trial at Manchester,
the populace would have put the witnesses to death had they not been
prevented by the interposition of those who were friends of the accused
persons, and had already taken effectual measures for their safety.
Lunt's chief associate in the mystery of information was one Taaffe,
a wretch of the most profligate principles, who, finding himself
disappointed in his hope of reward from the ministry, was privately
gained over by the agents for the prisoners. Lunt, when desired in court
to point out the persons whom he had accused, committed such a mistake
as greatly invalidated his testimony; and Taaffe declared before the
bench, that the pretended plot was no other than a contrivance between
himself and Lunt in order to procure money from the government. The
prisoners were immediately acquitted, and the ministry incurred a
heavy load of popular odium, as the authors or abettors of knavish
contrivances to insnare the innocent. The government, with a view to
evince their abhorrence of such practices, ordered the witnesses to
be prosecuted for a conspiracy against the lives and estates of the
gentlemen who had been accused; and at last the affair was brought into
the house of commons. The Jacobites triumphed in their victory. They
even turned the battery of corruption upon the evidence for the crown,
not without making a considerable impression. But the cause was now
debated before judges who were not at all propitious to their views. The
commons having set on foot an inquiry, and examined all the papers and
circumstances relating to the pretended plot, resolved that there was
sufficient ground for the prosecution and trials of the gentlemen at
Manchester; and that there was a dangerous conspiracy against the king
and government. They issued an order for taking Mr. Standish into
custody; and the messenger reporting that he was not to be found, they
presented an address to the king, desiring a proclamation might be
published offering a reward for apprehending his person. The peers
concurred with the commons in their sentiments of this affair; for
complaints having been laid before their house also by the persons
who thought themselves aggrieved, the question was put whether the
government had cause to prosecute them, and carried in the affirmative,
though a protest was entered against this vote by the earls of Rochester
and Nottingham. Notwithstanding these decisions, the accused gentlemen
prosecuted Lunt and two of his accomplices for perjury at the Lancaster
assizes, and all three were found guilty. They were immediately indicted
by the crown for a conspiracy against the lives and liberties of the
persons they had accused. The intention of the ministry in laying
this indictment was to seize the opportunity of punishing some of
the witnesses for the gentlemen who had prevaricated in giving their
testimony; but their design being discovered, the Lancashire men refused
to produce their evidence against the informers; the prosecution dropped
of consequence, and the prisoners were discharged.

{WILLIAM, 1688--1701.}


When the commons were employed in examining the state of the revenue,
and taking measures for raising the necessary supplies, the inhabitants
of Royston presented a petition, complaining that the officers and
soldiers of the regiment belonging to colonel Hastings, which was
quartered upon them, exacted subsistence-money, even on pain of military
execution. The house was immediately kindled into a flame by this
information. The officers and Pauncefort, agent for the regiment, were
examined: then it was unanimously resolved that such a practice was
arbitrary, illegal, and a violation of the rights and liberties of the
subject. Upon further inquiry, Pauncefort and some other agents were
committed to the custody of the sergeant, for having neglected to pay
the subsistence money they had received for the officers and soldiers.
He was afterwards sent to the Tower, together with Henry Guy, a member
of the house and secretary to the treasury, the one for giving and the
other for receiving a bribe to obtain the king's bounty. Pauncefort's
brother was likewise committed for being concerned in the same commerce.
Guy had been employed, together with Trevor the speaker, as the
court-agent for securing a majority in the house of commons; for that
reason he was obnoxious to the members in the opposition, who took this
opportunity to brand him, and the courtiers could not with any decency
screen him from their vengeance. The house having proceeded in this
inquiry, drew up an address to the king, enumerating the abuses which
had crept into the army, and demanding immediate redress. He promised
to consider the remonstrance and redress the grievances of which they
complained. Accordingly, he cashiered colonel Hastings; appointed a
council of officers to sit weekly and examine all complaints against any
officer and soldier; and published a declaration for the maintenance
of strict discipline, and the due payment of quarters. Notwithstanding
these concessions, the commons prosecuted their examinations: they
committed Mr. James Craggs, one of the contractors for clothing the
army, because he refused to answer upon oath to such questions as might
be put to him by the commissioners of accounts. They brought in a bill
for obliging him and Mr. Richard Harnage, the other contractor, together
with the two Paunceforts, to discover how they had disposed of the sums
paid into their hands on account of the army, and for punishing them in
case they should persist in their refusal. At this period they received
a petition against the commissioners for licensing hackney-coaches.
Three of them, by means of an address to the king, were removed with
disgrace for having acted arbitrarily, corruptly, and contrary to the
trust reposed in them by act of parliament.

Those who encouraged this spirit of reformation, introduced another
inquiry about the orphans' bill, which was said to have passed into an
act by virtue of undue influence. A committee being appointed to inspect
the chamberlain's books, discovered that bribes had been given to sir
John Trevor, speaker of the house, and Mr. Hungerford, chairman of
the grand committee. The first being voted guilty of a high crime and
misdemeanor, abdicated the chair, and Paul Foley was appointed speaker
in his room. Then sir John and Hungerford were expelled the house: one
Nois, a solicitor for the bill, was taken into custody because he had
scandalized the commons, in pretending he was engaged to give great sums
to several members, and denying this circumstance on his examination.
The reformers in the house naturally concluded that the same arts had
been practised in obtaining the new charter of the East India company,
which had been granted so much against the sense of the nation. Their
books were subjected to the same committee that carried on the former
inquiry, and a surprising scene of venality and corruption was soon
disclosed. It appeared that the company, in the course of the preceding
year, had paid near ninety thousand rounds in secret services, and that
sir Thomas Cooke, one of the directors, and a member of the house, had
been the chief managers of this infamous commerce. Cooke, refusing to
answer, was committed to the Tower, and a bill of pains and penalties
brought in obliging him to discover how the sum mentioned in the report
of the committee had been distributed. The bill was violently opposed
in the upper house by the duke of Leeds, as being contrary to law
and equity, and furnishing a precedent of a dangerous nature. Cooke,
agreeably to his own petition, being brought to the bar of the house of
lords, declared that he was ready and willing to make a full discovery,
in case he might be favoured with an indemnifying vote to secure him
against all actions and suits, except those of the East India company
which he had never injured. The lords complied with his request and
passed a bill for this purpose, to which the commons added a penal
clause, and the former was laid aside.


When the king went to the house to give the royal assent to the
money-bills, he endeavoured to discourage this inquiry by telling
the parliament that the season of the year was far advanced, and the
circumstances of affairs extremely pressing, he therefore desired they
would despatch such business as they should think of most importance
to the public, as he should put an end to the session in a few days.
Notwithstanding this shameful interposition, both houses appointed
a joint committee to lay open the complicated scheme of fraud and
iniquity. Cooke, on his first examination, confessed that he
had delivered tallies for ten thousand pounds to Francis Tyssen,
deputy-governor, for the special service of the company; an equal sum
to Richard Acton, for employing his interest in preventing a new
settlement, and endeavouring to establish the old company; besides two
thousand pounds by way of interest and as a further gratuity; a thousand
guineas to colonel Fitzpatrick, five hundred to Charles Bates, and three
hundred and ten to Mr. Molinenx, a merchant, for the same purpose; and
he owned that sir Basil Firebrace had received forty thousand pounds on
various pretences. He said he believed the ten thousand pounds paid
to Tyssen had been delivered to the king by sir Josiah Child, as a
customary present which former kings had received, and that the sums
paid to Acton were distributed among some members of parliament.
Firebrace being examined, affirmed that he had received the whole forty
thousand pounds for his own use and benefit; but that Bates had received
sums of money, which he understood were offered to some persons of the
first quality. Acton declared that ten thousand pounds of the sum which
he had received was distributed among persons who had interest with
members of parliament, and that great part of the money passed through
the hands of Craggs, who was acquainted with some colonels in the
house and northern members. Bates owned he had received the money in
consideration of using his interest with the duke of Leeds in favour of
the company; that this nobleman knew of the gratuity; and that the sum
was reckoned by his grace's domestic, one Robart, a foreigner, who kept
it in his possession until this inquiry was talked of, and then it was
returned. In a word, it appeared by this man's testimony, as well as by
that of Firebrace on his second examination, that the duke of Leeds
was not free from corruption, and that sir John Trevor was a hireling


The report of the committee produced violent altercations, and the most
severe strictures upon the conduct of the lord president. At length the
house resolved that there was sufficient matter to impeach Thomas,
duke of Leeds, of high crimes and misdemeanors, and that he should be
impeached thereupon. Then it was ordered that Mr. comptroller Wharton
should impeach him before the lords in the name of the house and of all
the commons in England. The duke was actually in the middle of a speech
for his own justification, in which he assured the house, upon his
honour, that he was not guilty of the corruptions laid to his charge,
when one of his friends gave him intimation of the votes which had
passed in the commons. He concluded his speech abruptly, and repairing
to the lower house, desired he might be indulged with a hearing. He was
accordingly admitted, with the compliment of a chair, and leave to
be covered. After having sat a few minutes, he took off his hat and
addressed himself to the commons in very extraordinary terms. Having
thanked them for the favour of indulging him with a hearing, he said
that house would not have been then sitting but for him. He protested
his own innocence with respect to the crime laid to his charge. He
complained that this was the effect of a design which had been long
formed against him. He expressed a deep sense of his being under the
displeasure of the parliament and nation, and demanded speedy justice.
They forthwith drew up the articles of impeachment, which being
exhibited at the bar of the upper house, he pleaded not guilty, and the
commons promised to make good their charge; but by this time such arts
had been used as all at once checked the violence of the prosecution.
Such a number of considerable persons were involved in this mystery of
corruption, that a full discovery was dreaded by both parties. The duke
sent his domestic Robart out of the kingdom, and his absence furnished
a pretence for postponing the trial. In a word, the inquiry was dropped;
but the scandal stuck fast to the duke's character.

In the midst of these deliberations, the king went to the house on the
third day of May, when he thanked the parliament for the supplies they
had granted; signified his intention of going abroad; assured them he
would place the administration of affairs in persons of known care and
fidelity; and desired that the members of both houses would be more than
ordinarily vigilant in preserving the public peace. The parliament was
then prorogued to the eighteenth of June. [057] _[See note M, at the end
of this Vol.]_ The king immediately appointed a regency to govern the
kingdom in his absence; but neither the princess of Denmark nor
her husband were intrusted with any share in the administration--a
circumstance that evinced the king's jealousy, and gave offence to a
great part of the nation. [058] _[See note N, at the end of this Vol.]_


A session of parliament was deemed necessary in Scotland, to provide new
subsidies for the maintenance of the troops of that kingdom, which had
been so serviceable in the prosecution of the war. But as a great outcry
had been raised against the government on account of the massacre of
Glencoe, and the Scots were tired of contributing towards the expense
of a war from which they could derive no advantage, the ministry thought
proper to cajole them with the promise of some national indulgence.
In the meantime, a commission passed the great seal for taking a
precognition of the massacre, as a previous step to the trial of the
persons concerned in that perfidious transaction. On the ninth day
of May, the session was opened by the marquis of Tweedale, appointed
commissioner, who, after the king's letter had been read, expatiated
on his majesty's care and concern for their safety and welfare; and his
firm purpose to maintain the presbyterian discipline in the church of
Scotland. Then he promised, in the king's name, that if they would pass
an act for establishing a colony in Africa, America, or any other part
of the world where a colony might be lawfully planted, his majesty would
indulge them with such rights and privileges as he had granted in like
cases to the subjects of his other dominions. Finally, he exhorted
them to consider ways and means to raise the necessary supplies for
maintaining their land forces, and for providing a competent number of
ships of war to protect their commerce. The parliament immediately voted
an address of condolence to his majesty on the death of the queen; and
they granted one hundred and twenty thousand pounds sterling for the
service of the ensuing year, to be raised by a general poll-tax, a
land-tax, and an additional excise.

{WILLIAM, 1688--1701.}


Their next step was to desire the commissioner would transmit their
humble thanks to the king for his care to vindicate the honour of the
government and the justice of the nation, in ordering a precognition
to be taken with respect to the slaughter of Glencoe. A motion was
afterwards made that the commissioners should exhibit an account of
their proceedings in this affair; accordingly a report, consisting
of the king's instructions, Dalrymple's letters, the depositions
of witnesses, and the opinion of the committee, was laid before the
parliament. The motion is said to have been privately influenced by
secretary Johnston, for the disgrace of Dalrymple, who was his rival in
power and interest. The written opinion of the commissioners, who were
creatures of the court, imported, That Macdonald of Glencoe had been
perfidiously murdered; that the king's instructions contained nothing
to warrant the massacre; and that secretary Dalrymple had exceeded his
orders. The parliament concurred with this report. They resolved, That
Livingston was not to blame for having given the orders contained in
his letters to lieutenant-colonel Hamilton; that this last was liable
to prosecution; that the king should be addressed to give orders, either
for examining major Duncanson in Flanders, touching his concern in this
affair, or for sending him home to be tried in Scotland; as also, that
Campbell of Glenlyon; captain Drummond, lieutenant Lindsey, ensign
Lundy, and sergeant Barber, should be sent to Scotland, and prosecuted
according to law, for the parts they had acted in that execution. In
consequence of these resolutions, the parliament drew up an address to
the king, in which they laid the whole blame of the massacre upon the
excess in the master of Stair's letters concerning that transaction.
They begged that his majesty would give such orders about him, as he
should think fit for the vindication of his government; that the actors
in that barbarous slaughter might be prosecuted by the king's advocate
according to law; and that some reparation might be made to the men of
Glencoe who escaped the massacre, for the losses they had sustained
in their effects upon that occasion, as their habitations had been
plundered and burned, their lands wasted, and their cattle driven away;
so that they were reduced to extreme poverty. Notwithstanding this
address of the Scottish parliament, by which the king was so solemnly
exculpated, his memory is still loaded with the suspicion of having
concerted, countenanced, and enforced this barbarous execution,
especially as the master of Stair escaped with impunity, and the other
actors of the tragedy, far from being punished, were preferred in the
service. While the commissioners were employed in the inquiry, they made
such discoveries concerning the conduct of the earl of Breadalbane, as
amounted to a charge of high treason; and he was committed prisoner
to the castle of Edinburgh; but it seems he had dissembled with the
highlanders by the king's permission, and now sheltered himself under
the shadow of a royal pardon.


The committee of trade, in pursuance of the powers granted by the king
to his commissioner, prepared an act for establishing a company trading
to Africa and the Indies, empowering them to plant colonies, hold
cities, towns, or forts, in places uninhabited, or in others with the
consent of the natives; vesting them with an exclusive right, and an
exemption for one-and-twenty years from all duties and impositions.
This act was likewise confirmed by letters patent under the great seal,
directed by the parliament, without any further warrant from the crown.
Paterson, the projector, had contrived the scheme of a settlement upon
the isthmus of Darien, in such a manner as to carry on a trade in the
South Sea as well as in the Atlantic; nay, even to extend it as far
as the East Indies: a great number of London merchants, allured by the
prospect of gain, were eager to engage in such a company, exempted
from all manner of imposition and restriction. The Scottish parliament
likewise passed an act in favour of the episcopal clergy, decreeing,
That those who should enter into such engagements to the king as were
by law required, might continue in their benefices under his majesty's
protection, without being subject to the power of presbytery. Seventy
of the most noted ministers of that persuasion took the benefit of
this indulgence. Another law was enacted, for raising nine thousand men
yearly to recruit the Scottish regiments abroad; and an act for erecting
a public bank; then the parliament was adjourned to the seventh day of


Ireland began to be infected with the same factions which had broke out
in England since the revolution: lord Capel, lord-deputy, governed in a
very partial manner, oppressing the Irish papists without any regard to
equity or decorum. He undertook to model a parliament in such a manner
that they should comply with all the demands of the ministry; and he
succeeded in his endeavours by making such arbitrary changes in offices
as best suited his purpose. These precautions being taken, he convoked
a parliament for the twenty-seventh day of August, when he opened
the session with a speech, expatiating upon their obligations to
king-William, and exhorting them to make suitable returns to such a
gracious sovereign. He observed, that the revenue had fallen short
of the establishment; so that both the civil and military lists were
greatly in debt; that his majesty had sent over a bill for an additional
excise, and expected they would find ways and means to answer the
demands of the service. They forthwith voted an address of thanks, and
resolved to assist his majesty to the utmost of their power, against
all his enemies, foreign and domestic. They passed the bill for an
additional excise, together with an act for taking away the writ "_De
heretico comburendo_;" another annulling all attainders and acts passed
in the late pretended parliament of king James; a third to prevent
foreign education; a fourth for disarming papists; and a fifth for
settling the estates of intestates. Then they resolved, That a sum
not exceeding one hundred and sixty-three thousand three hundred and
twenty-five pounds, should be granted to his majesty; to be raised by
a poll-bill, additional customs, and a continuation of the additional
excise. Sir Charles Porter, the chancellor, finding his importance
diminished, if not entirely destroyed, by the assuming disposition and
power of the lord-deputy, began to court popularity by espousing the
cause of the Irish against the severity of the administration, and
actually formed a kind of tory interest which thwarted lord Capel in all
his measures. A motion was made in parliament to impeach the chancellor
for sowing discord and division among his majesty's subjects; but being
indulged with a hearing by the house of commons, he justified himself so
much to their satisfaction, that he was voted clear of all imputation
by a great majority. Nevertheless, they, at the end of the session,
sent over an address, in which they bore testimony to the mild and just
administration of their lord-deputy.


King William having taken such steps as were deemed necessary for
preserving the peace of England in his absence, crossed the sea to
Holland in the middle of May, fully determined to make some great effort
in the Netherlands that might aggrandize his military character, and
humble the power of France which was already on the decline. That
kingdom was actually exhausted in such a manner that the haughty Louis
found himself obliged to stand upon the defensive against enemies over
whom he had been used to triumph with uninterrupted success. He heard
the clamours of his people which he could not quiet; he saw his advances
to peace rejected; and to crown his misfortunes, he sustained an
irreparable loss in the death of Francis de Montmorency, duke of
Luxembourg, to whose military talents he owed the greatest part of his
glory and success. That great officer died in January at Versailles, in
the sixty-seventh year of his age; and Louis lamented his death the more
deeply, as he had not another general left in whose understanding he
could confide. The conduct of the army in Flanders was intrusted to
mareschal Villeroy, and Boufflers commanded a separate army though
subject to the other's orders. As the French king took it for granted
that the confederates would have a superiority of numbers in the field,
and was well acquainted with the enterprising genius of their chief, he
ordered a new line to be drawn between Lys and the Scheld; he caused a
disposition to be made for covering Dunkirk, Ypres, Tournay, and Namur;
and laid injunctions on his general to act solely on the defensive.
Meanwhile, the confederates formed two armies in the Netherlands.
The first consisted of seventy battalions of infantry, and eighty-two
squadrons of horse and dragoons, chiefly English and Scots, encamped
at AErseele, Caneghem, and Wouterghem, between Thield and Deynse, to
be commanded by the king in person, assisted by the old prince of
Vaudemont. The other army, composed of sixteen battalions of foot and
one hundred and thirty squadrons of horse, encamped at Zellich and
Hamme, on the road from Brussels to Dendermonde, under the command
of the elector of Bavaria, seconded by the duke of Holstein-Ploen.
Major-general Ellemberg was posted near Dixmuyde with twenty battalions
and ten squadrons; and another body of Brandenburg and Dutch troops,
with a reinforcement from Liege, lay encamped on the Mehaigne, under the
conduct of the baron de Heyden, Lieutenant-general of Brandenburgh, and
the count de Berlo, general of the Liege cavalry. King-William arrived
in the camp on the fifth clay of July, and remained eight days at
AErseele. Then he marched to Bekelar, while Villeroy retired behind his
lines between Menin and Ypres, after having detached ten thousand men
to reinforce Boufflers, who had advanced to Pont d'Espieres; but he too
retreating within his lines, the elector of Bavaria passed the Scheld
and took post at Kirkhoven; at the same time the body under Heyden
advanced towards Namur.


The king of England having by his motions drawn the forces of the enemy
on the side of Flanders, directed the baron de Heyden and the earl of
Athlone, who commanded forty squadrons from the camp of the elector of
Bavaria, to invest Namur, and this service was performed on the third
day of July; but as the place was not entirely surrounded, mareschal
Boufflers threw himself into it with such a reinforcement of dragoons
as augmented the garrison to the number of fifteen thousand chosen men.
King William and the elector brought up the rest of the forces, which
encamped on both sides of the Sambre and the Mose, and the lines of
circumvallation were begun on the sixth day of July under the direction
of the celebrated engineer, general Coehorn. The place was formerly
very strong, both by situation and art; but the French, since its last
reduction, had made such additional works that both the town and citadel
seemed impregnable. Considering the number of the garrison and the
quality of the troops, commanded by a mareschal of France distinguished
by his valour and conduct, the enterprise was deemed an undeniable proof
of William's temerity. On the eleventh the trenches were opened, and
next day the batteries began to play with incredible fury. The king
receiving intelligence of a motion made by a body of French troops with
a view to intercept the convoys, detached twenty squadrons of horse and
dragoons to observe the enemy.

{WILLIAM, 1688--1701.}


Prince Vaudemont, who was left at Roselsaer with fifty battalions, and
the like number of squadrons, understanding that Villeroy had passed the
Lys in order to attack him, took post with his left near Grammen, his
right by AErseele and Caneghem, and began to fortify his camp with a
view to expect the enemy. Their vanguard appearing on the evening of the
thirteenth at Dentreghem, he changed the disposition of his camp,
and intrenched himself on both sides. Next day, however, perceiving
Villeroy's design was to surround him by means of another body of troops
commanded by M. Montai, who had already passed the Scheld for that
purpose, he resolved to avoid an engagement, and effected a retreat
to Ghent, which is celebrated as one of the most capital efforts of
military conduct. He forthwith detached twelve battalions and twelve
pieces of cannon to secure Newport, which Villeroy had intended to
invest; but that general now changed his resolution, and undertook the
siege of Dixmuyde, garrisoned by eight battalions of foot and a regiment
of dragoons, commanded by major-general Ellemberg, who in six-and-thirty
hours after the trenches were opened, surrendered himself and his
soldiers prisoners of war. This scandalous example was followed by
colonel O'Farrel, who yielded up Deynse on the same shameful conditions,
even before a battery was opened by the besiegers. In the sequel, they
were both tried for their misbehaviour; Ellemberg suffered death, and
O'Farrel was broke with infamy. The prince of Vaudemont sent a message
to the French general, demanding the garrisons of those two places,
according to a cartel which had been settled between the powers at war;
but no regard was paid to this remonstrance. Villeroy, after several
marches and countermarches, appeared before Brussels on the thirteenth
day of August, and sent a letter to the prince of Berghem, governor of
that city, importing that the king his master had ordered him to bombard
the town, by way of making reprisals for the damage done by the English
fleet to the maritime towns of France; he likewise desired to know in
what part the electress of Bavaria resided, that he might not fire
into that quarter. After this declaration, which was no more than an
unmeaning compliment, he began to bombard and cannonade the place with
red-hot bullets, which produced conflagrations in many different parts
of the city, and frightened the electress into a miscarriage. On the
fifteenth, the French discontinued their firing, and retired to Enghein.

During these transactions, the siege of Namur was prosecuted with great
ardour under the eye of the king of England; while the garrison defended
the place with equal spirit and perseverance. On the eighteenth day
of July, major-general Ramsay and lord Cutis, at the head of five
battalions, English, Scots, and Dutch, attacked the enemy's advanced
works on the right of the counterscarp. They were sustained by six
English battalions commanded by brigadier-general Fitzpatrick; while
eight foreign regiments, with nine thousand pioneers, advanced on the
left under major-general Salish. The assault was desperate and bloody,
the enemy maintaining their ground for two hours with undaunted courage;
but at last they were obliged to give way, and were pursued to the very
gates of the town, though not before they had killed or wounded twelve
hundred men of the confederate army. The king was so well pleased with
the behaviour of the British troops, that during the action he laid his
hand upon the shoulder of the elector of Bavaria, and exclaimed with
emotion, "See, my brave English." On the twenty-seventh the English and
Scots, lander Ramsay and Hamilton, assaulted the counterscarp, where
they met with prodigious opposition from the fire of the besieged.
Nevertheless, being sustained by the Dutch, they made a lodgement on the
foremost covered-way before the gate of St. Nicholas, as also upon part
of the counterscarp. The valour of the assailants on this occasion was
altogether unprecedented, and almost incredible; while on the other hand
the courage of the besieged was worthy of praise and admiration. Several
persons were killed in the trenches at the side of the king, and among
these Mr. Godfrey, deputy-governor of the bank of England, who had come
to the camp to confer with his majesty about remitting money for the
payment of the army. On the thirtieth day of July the elector of Bavaria
attacked Vauban's line that surrounded the works of the castle. General
Coehorn was present in this action, which was performed with equal
valour and success. They not only broke the line, but even took
possession of Coehorn's fort, in which however they found it impossible
to effect a lodgement. On the second day of August, lord Cutts, with
four hundred English and Dutch grenadiers, attacked the salient angle
of a demi-bastion, and lodged himself on the second counterscarp. The
breaches being now practicable, and preparations made for a general
assault, count Guiscard the governor capitulated for the town on the
fourth of August; and the French retired into the citadel, against which
twelve batteries played upon the thirteenth. The trenches meanwhile were
carried on with great expedition, notwithstanding all the efforts of the
besieged, who fired without ceasing, and exerted amazing diligence and
intrepidity in defending and repairing the damage they sustained. At
length the annoyance became so dreadful from the unintermitting showers
of bombs and red-hot bullets, that Boufflers, after having made divers
furious sallies, formed a scheme for breaking through the confederate
camp with his cavalry. This however was prevented by the extreme
vigilance of king William.

After the bombardment of Brussels, Villeroy, being-reinforced with all
the troops that could be drafted from garrisons, advanced towards Namur
with an army of ninety thousand men; and prince Vaudemont, being joined
by the prince of Hesse with a strong body of forces from the Rhine, took
possession of the strong camp at Masy, within five English miles of
the besieging army. The king understanding that the enemy had reached
Fleurus, where they discharged ninety pieces of cannon as a signal to
inform the garrison of their approach, left the conduct of the siege
to the elector of Bavaria, and took upon himself the command of the
covering army, in order to oppose Villeroy, who being further reinforced
by a detachment from Germany, declared that he would hazard a battle for
the relief of Namur. But when he viewed the posture of the allies near
Masy, he changed his resolution and retired in the night without noise.
On the thirtieth day of August, the besieged were summoned to surrender,
by count Horn, who in a parley with the count de Lamont, general of
the French infantry, gave him to understand that mareschal Villeroy had
retired towards the Mehaigne; so that the garrison could not expect to
be relieved. No immediate answer being returned to this message, the
parley was broke off, and the king resolved to proceed without delay to
a general assault, which he had already planned with the elector and his
other generals. Between one and two in the afternoon, lord Cutts, who
desired the command though it was not his turn of duty, rushed out
of the trenches of the second line, at the head of three hundred
grenadiers, to make a lodgement in the breach of Terra-nova, supported
by the regiments of Coulthorp, Buchan, Hamilton, and Mackay;
while colonel Marselly with a body of Dutch, the Bavarians, and
Brandenburghers, attacked at two other places. The assailants met with
such a warm reception, that the English grenadiers were repulsed,
even after they had mounted the breach, lord Cutts being for some
time disabled by a shot in the head. Marselly was defeated, taken, and
afterwards killed by a. cannon ball from the batteries of the besiegers.
The Bavarians by mistaking their way were exposed to a terrible fire, by
which their general count Rivera, and a great number of their officers,
were slain: nevertheless, they fixed themselves on the outward
intrenchment on the point of the Coehorn next to the Sambre, and
maintained their ground with amazing fortitude. Lord Cutts, when his
wound was dressed, returned to the scene of action, and ordered two
hundred chosen men of Mackay's regiment, commanded by lieutenant Cockle,
to attack the face of the salient angle next to the breach sword in
hand, while the ensigns of the same regiment should advance and plant
their colours on the pallisadoes. Coekle and his detachment executed the
command he had received with admirable intrepedity. They broke through
the pallisadoes, drove the French from the covered way, made a lodgement
in one of the batteries, and turned the cannon against the enemy. The
Bavarians being thus sustained, made their post good. The major-generals
La Cave and Schwerin lodged themselves at the same time on the covered
way; and though the general assault did not succeed in its full extent,
the confederates remained masters of a very considerable lodgement,
nearly an English mile in length. Yet this was dearly purchased with
the lives of two thousand men, including many officers of great rank
and reputation. During the action the elector of Bavaria signalised his
courage in a very remarkable manner, riding from place to place through
the hottest of the fire, giving his directions with notable presence
of mind, according to the emergency of circumstances, animating the
officers with praise and promise of preferment, and distributing
handfuls of gold among the private soldiers.

On the first day of September, the besieged having obtained a cessation
of arms that their dead might be buried, the count de Guiscard appearing
on the breach, desired to speak with the elector of Bavaria. His
highness immediately mounting the breach, the French governor offered
to surrender the fort of Cohorn; but was given to understand, that if
he intended to capitulate, he must treat for the whole. This reply being
communicated to Boufflers, he agreed to the proposal: the cessation
was prolonged, and that very evening the capitulation was finished.
Villeroy, who lay encamped at Gemblours, was no sooner apprised of this
event by a triple discharge of all the artillery, and a running fire
along the lines of the confederate army, than he passed the Sambre near
Charleroy with great precipitation; and having reinforced the garrison
of Dinant, retreated towards the lines in the neighbourhood of Mons. On
the fifth day of September the French garrison, which was now reduced
from fifteen to five thousand five hundred men, evacuated the citadel of
Namur. Boufflers, in marching out, was arrested in name of his Britannic
majesty, by way of reprisal for the garrisons of Dixmuyde and Deynse,
which the French king had detained contrary to the cartel subsisting
between the two nations. The mareschal was not a little discomposed at
this unexpected incident, and expostulated warmly with Mr. Dyckvelt,
who assured him that the king of Great Britain entertained a profound
respect for his person and character. William even offered to set him at
liberty, provided he would pass his word that the garrisons of Dixmuyde
and Deynso should be sent back, or that he himself would return in a
fortnight. He said that he could not enter into any such engagement,
as he did not know his master's reasons for detaining the garrisons in
question. He was therefore reconveyed to Namur; from thence removed
to Maestricht, and treated with great reverence and respect, till
the return of an officer whom he had despatched to Versailles with an
account of his captivity. Then he engaged his word, that the garrisons
of Dixmuyde and Deynse should be sent back to the allied army. He was
immediately released and conducted in safety to Dinant. When he repaired
to Versailles, Louis received him with very extraordinary marks of
esteem and affection. He embraced him in public with the warmest
expressions of regard; declared himself perfectly well satisfied with
his conduct; created him a duke and peer of France; and presented him
with a very large sum, in acknowledgment of his signal services.


After the reduction of Namur, which greatly enhanced the military
character of king William, he retired to his house at Loo, which was
his favourite place of residence, leaving the command to the elector
of Bavaria; and about the latter end of September both armies began to
separate. The French forces retired within their lines. A good number of
the allied troops were distributed in different garrisons; and a strong
detachment marched towards Newport, under the command of the prince of
Wirtemberg, for the security of that place. Thus ended the campaign in
the Netherlands. On the Rhine nothing of moment was attempted by either
army. The mareschal de Lorges, in the beginning of June, passed the
Rhine at Philipsburgh; and posting himself at Brucksal, sent out parties
to ravage the country. On the eleventh of the same month the prince of
Baden joined the German army at Steppach, and on the eighth day of July
was reinforced by the troops of the other German confederates, in the
neighbourhood of Wiselock. On the nineteenth the French retired without
noise, in the night, towards Manheim, where they repassed the river
without any interruption from the imperial general; then he sent off a
large detachment to Flanders. The same step was taken by the prince of
Baden; and each army lay inactive in their quarters for the remaining
part of the campaign. The command of the Germans in Hungary was
conferred upon the elector of Saxony; but the court of Vienna was so
dilatory in their preparations, that he was not in a condition to act
till the middle of August. Lord Paget had been sent ambassador
from England to the Ottoman Porte, with instructions relating to a
pacification; but before he could obtain an audience the sultan died,
and was succeeded by his nephew Mustapha, who resolved to prosecute the
war in person. The warlike genius of this new emperor afforded but an
uncomfortable prospect to his people, considering that Peter, the czar
of Muscovy, had taken the opportunity of the war in Hungary, to invade
the Crimea and besiege Azoph; so that the Tartars were too much employed
at home to spare the succours which the sultan demanded. Nevertheless,
Mustapha and his vizier took the field before the imperialists could
commence the operations of the campaign, passed the Danube, took Lippa
and Titul by assault, stormed the camp of general Veterani, who was
posted at Lugos with seven thousand men, and who lost his life in the
action. The infantry were cut to pieces, after having made a desperate
defence; but the horse retreated to Caronsebes, under the conduct of
general Trusches. The Turks after this exploit retired to Orsowa. Their
navy meanwhile surprised the Venetian fleet at Scio, where several ships
of the republic were destroyed, and they recovered that island, which
the Venetians thought proper to abandon; but in order to balance this
misfortune, these last obtained a complete victory over the pacha of
Negropont in the Morea.


The French king still maintained a secret negotiation with the duke of
Savoy, whose conduct had been for some time mysterious and equivocal.
Contrary to the opinion of his allies, he undertook the siege of
Casal, which was counted one of the strongest fortifications in Europe,
defended by a numerous garrison, abundantly supplied with ammunition and
provisions. The siege was begun about the middle of May; and the
place was surrendered by capitulation in about fourteen days, to the
astonishment of the confederates, who did not know that this was a
sacrifice by which the French court obtained the duke's forbearance
during the remaining part of the campaign. The capitulation imported,
that the place should be restored to the duke of Mantua, who was the
rightful proprietor; that the fortifications should be demolished at the
expense of the allies; that the garrison should remain in the fort
till that work should be completed; and hostages were exchanged for
the performance of these conditions. The duke understood the art of
procrastination so well, that September was far advanced before the
place was wholly dismantled; and then he was seized with an ague, which
obliged him to quit the army.


In Catalonia the French could hardly maintain the footing they had
gained. Admiral Russel, who wintered at Cadiz, was created admiral,
chief-commander, and captain general of all his majesty's ships
employed, or to be employed, in the narrow-seas and in the
Mediterranean. He was reinforced by four thousand five hundred soldiers,
under the command of brigadier-general Stewart; and seven thousand
men, Imperialists as well as Spaniards, were drafted from Italy for the
defence of Catalonia. These forces were transported to Barcelona under
the convoy of admiral Nevil, detached by Russel for that purpose. The
affairs of Catalonia had already changed their aspect. Several French
parties had been defeated. The Spaniards had blocked up Ostalric and
Castel-Follit: Noailles had been recalled, and the command devolved to
the duke de Vendome, who no sooner understood that the forces from Italy
were landed, than he dismantled Ostalric and Castel-Follit, and retired
to Palamos. The viceroy of Catalonia and the English admiral having
resolved to give battle to the enemy and reduce Palamos, the English
troops were landed on the ninth day of August, and the allied army
advanced to Palamos. The French appeared in order of battle; but the
viceroy declined an engagement. Far from attacking the enemy he withdrew
his forces, and the town was bombarded by the admiral. The miscarriage
of this expedition was in a great measure owing to a misunderstanding
between Russel and the court of Spain. The admiral complained that his
catholic majesty had made no preparations for the campaign; that he had
neglected to fulfil his engagements with respect to the Spanish squadron
which ought to have joined the fleets of England and Holland; that
he had taken no care to provide tents and provisions for the British
forces. On the twenty-seventh day of August he sailed for the coast of
Provence, where the fleet was endangered by a terrible tempest; then he
steered down the Straits, and toward the latter end of September arrived
in the bay of Cadiz. There he left a number of ships under the command
of sir David Mitchel, until he should be joined by sir George Rooke
who was expected from England, and returned home with the rest of the
combined squadrons.

{WILLIAM, 1688--1701.}


While admiral Russel asserted the British dominion in the Mediterranean,
the French coasts were again insulted in the channel by a separate fleet
under the command of lord Berkeley of Stratton, assisted by the Dutch
admiral Allemonde. On the fourth day of July they anchored before St.
Maloes, which they bombarded from nine ketches covered by some frigates,
which sustained more damage than was done to the enemy. On the sixth,
Granville underwent the same fate, and then the fleet returned to
Portsmouth. The bomb vessels being refitted, the fleet sailed round to
the Downs, where four hundred soldiers were embarked for an attempt upon
Dunkirk, under the direction of Meesters the famous Dutch engineer, who
had prepared his infernals and other machines for the service. On the
first day of August the experiment was tried without success. The bombs
did some execution; but two smoke ships miscarried. The French had
secured the Ris-bank and wooden forts with piles, bombs, chains, and
floating batteries, in such a manner that the machine-vessels could not
approach near enough to produce any effect. Besides, the councils of the
assailants were distracted by violent animosities. The English officers
hated Meesters, because he was a Dutchman, and had acquired some credit
with the king; he on the other hand treated them with disrespect. He
retired with his machines in the night, and refused to co-operate with
lord Berkeley in his design upon Calais, which was now put in execution.
On the sixteenth he brought his batteries to bear upon this place,
and set fire to it in different quarters; but the enemy had taken such
precautions as rendered his scheme abortive.


A squadron had been sent to the West Indies under the joint-command of
captain Robert Wilmot and colonel Lilingston, with twelve hundred
land forces. They had instructions to co-operate with the Spaniards
in Hispaniola, against the French settlements on that island, and to
destroy their fisheries on the banks of Newfoundland in their return.
They were accordingly joined by seventeen hundred Spaniards raised
by the president of St. Domingo; but instead of proceeding against
Petit-Guavas, according to the directions they had received, Wilmot
took possession of Port Francois, and plundered the country for his own
private advantage, notwithstanding the remonstrances of Lilingston,
who protested against his conduct. In a word, the sea and land officers
lived in a state of perpetual dissension; and both became extremely
disagreeable to the Spaniards, who soon renounced all connexion with
them and their designs. In the beginning of September the commodore set
sail for England, and lost one of his ships in the gulph of Florida. He
himself died in his passage; and the greater part of the men being swept
off by an epidemical distemper, the squadron returned to Britain in a
most miserable condition. Notwithstanding the great efforts the nation
had made to maintain such a number of different squadrons for the
protection of commerce, as well as to annoy the enemy, the trade
suffered severely from the French privateers, which swarmed in both
channels and made prize of many rich vessels. The marquis of Caermarthen,
being stationed with a squadron off the Scilly islands, mistook a fleet
of merchant ships for the Brest fleet, and retired with precipitation
to Milford-Haven. In consequence of this retreat, the privateers took
a good number of ships from Barbadoes, and five from the East-Indies,
valued at a million sterling. The merchants renewed their clamour
against the commissioners of the Admiralty, who produced their orders
and instructions in their own defence. The marquis of Caermarthen had
been guilty of flagrant misconduct on this occasion; but the chief
source of those national calamities was the circumstantial intelligence
transmitted to France from time to time by the malcontents of England;
for they were actuated by a scandalous principle which they still
retain, namely, that of rejoicing in the distress of their country.


King William, after having conferred with the states of Holland and the
elector of Brandenburgh who met him at the Hague, embarked for England
on the nineteenth day of October, and arrived in safety at Margate, from
whence he proceeded to London, where he was received as a conqueror,
amidst the rejoicings and acclamations of the people. On the same day he
summoned a council at Kensington, in which it was determined to convoke
a new parliament. While the nation was in good humour, it was supposed
that they would return such members only as were well affected to
the government; whereas the present parliament might proceed in
its inquiries into corruption and other grievances, and be the less
influenced by the crown, as their dependence was of such short duration.
The parliament was therefore dissolved by proclamation, and a new one
summoned to meet at Westminster on the twenty-second day of November.
While the whole nation was occupied in the elections, William, by the
advice of his chief confidants, laid his own disposition under restraint
in another effort to acquire popularity. He honoured the diversions
of Newmarket with his presence, and there received a compliment of
congratulation from the university of Cambridge. Then he visited the
earls of Sunderland, Northampton, and Montague, at their different
houses in the country; and proceeded with a splendid retinue to Lincoln,
from whence he repaired to Welbeck, a seat belonging to the duke of
Newcastle in Nottinghamshire, where he was attended by Dr. Sharp,
archbishop of York, and his clergy. He lodged one night with lord Brooke
at Warwick castle, dined with the duke of Shrewsbury at Ryefort, and by
the way of Woodstock, made a solemn entry into Oxford, having been met
at some distance from the city by the duke of Or-mond, as chancellor of
the university, the vice-chancellor, the doctors in their habits, and
the magistrates in their formalities. He proceeded directly to the
theatre, where he was welcomed in an elegant Latin speech; he received
from the chancellor on his knees the usual presents of a large English
Bible, and book of Common-Prayer, the cuts of the university, and a pair
of gold-fringed gloves. The conduits ran with wine, and a magnificent
banquet was prepared; but an anonymous letter being found in the street,
importing that there was a design to poison his majesty, William
refused to eat or drink in Oxford, and retired immediately to Windsor.
Notwithstanding this abrupt departure, which did not savour much of
magnanimity, the university chose sir William Trumball, secretary of
state, as one of their representatives in parliament.


The whig interest generally prevailed in the elections, though many even
of that party were malcontents; and when the parliament met, Foley
was again chosen speaker of the commons. The king in his first speech
extolled the valour of the English forces; expressed his concern at
being obliged to demand such large supplies from his people; observed
that the funds had proved very deficient, and the civil list was in
a precarious condition; recommended to their compassion the miserable
situation of the French protestants; took notice of the bad state of
the coin; desired they would form a good bill for the encouragement and
increase of seamen; and contrive laws for the advancement of commerce.
He mentioned the great preparations which the French were making for
taking the field early; in treated them to use despatch; expressed
his satisfaction at the choice which his people had made of their
representatives in the house of commons; and exhorted them to proceed
with temper and unanimity. Though the two houses presented addresses of
congratulation to the king upon his late success, and promised to assist
him in prosecuting the war with vigour, the nation loudly exclaimed
against the intolerable burdens and losses to which they were subjected
by a foreign scheme of politics, which, like an unfathomable abyss,
swallowed up the wealth and blood of the kingdom. All the king's
endeavours to cover the disgusting side of his character had proved
ineffectual; he was still dry, reserved, and forbidding; and the
malcontents inveighed bitterly against his behaviour to the princess
Anne of Denmark. When the news of Namur's being reduced arrived in
England, this lady congratulated him upon his success in a dutiful
letter, to which he would not deign to send a reply, either by writing
or message, nor had she or her husband been favoured with the slightest
mark of regard since his return to England. The members in the lower
house, who had adopted opposing maxims either from principle or
resentment, resolved that the crown should purchase the supplies with
some concession in favour of the people. They therefore brought in the
so long contested bill for regulating trials in cases of high treason,
and misprison of treason; and considering the critical juncture of
affairs, the courtiers were afraid of obstructing such a popular
measure. The lords inserted a clause, enacting, that a peer should be
tried by the whole peerage; and the commons at once assented to this
amendment. The bill provided, that persons indicted for high treason, or
misprison of treason, should be furnished with a copy of the indictment
five days before the trial; and indulged with council to plead in their
defence; that no person should be indicted but upon the oaths of two
lawful witnesses swearing to overt-acts; that in two or more distinct
treasons of divers kinds, alleged in one bill of indictment, one
witness to one, and another witness to another, should not be deemed
two witnesses; that no person should be prosecuted for any such crime,
unless the indictment be found within three years after the offence
committed, except in case of a design or attempt to assassinate or
poison the king, where this limitation should not take place; that
persons indicted for treason, or misprison of treason, should bo
supplied with copies of the panel of the jurors, two days at least
before the trial, and have process to compel their witnesses to appear;
that no evidence should be admitted of any overt-act not expressly laid
in the indictment; that this act should not extend to any impeachment,
or other proceeding in parliament; nor to any indictment for
counterfeiting his majesty's coin, his great seal, privy seal, sign
manual, or signet.

{WILLIAM, 1688--1701.}


This important affair being discussed, the commons proceeded to examine
the accounts and estimates, and voted above five millions for the
service of the ensuing year. The state of the coin was by this time
become such a national grievance as could not escape the attention
of parliament. The lords prepared an address to the throne, for a
proclamation to put a stop to the currency of diminished coin; and
to this they desired the concurrence of the commons. The lower house,
however, determined to take this affair under their own inspection. They
appointed a committee of the whole house to deliberate on the state of
the nation with respect to the currency. Great opposition was made to a
recoinage, which was a measure strenuously recommended and supported
by Mr. Montague, who acted on this occasion by the advice of the great
mathematician sir Isaac Newton. The enemies of this expedient argued,
that should the silver coin be called in, it would be impossible to
maintain the war abroad, or prosecute foreign trade, inasmuch as the
merchant could not pay his bills of exchange, nor the soldier receive
his subsistence; that a stop would bo put to all mutual payment; and
this would produce universal confusion and despair. Such a reformation
could not be effected without some danger and difficulty; but it was
become absolutely necessary, as the evil daily increased, and in a
little time must have terminated in national anarchy. After long and
vehement debates, the majority resolved to proceed with all possible
expedition to a new coinage. Another question arose, Whether the new
coin, in its different denominations, should retain the original weight
and purity of the old; or the established standard be raised in value?
The famous Locke engaged in this dispute against Mr. Lowndes, who
proposed that the standard should be raised; the arguments of Mr. Locke
were so convincing, that the committee resolved the established standard
should be preserved with respect to weight and fineness. They likewise
resolved, that the loss accruing to the revenue from clipped money,
should be borne by the public. In order to prevent a total stagnation,
they further resolved, that after an appointed day no clipped money
should pass in payment, except to the collectors of the revenue and
taxes, or upon loans or payments into the exchequer; that after another
day to be appointed, no clipped money of any sort should pass in any
payment whatsoever; and that a third day should be fixed for all persons
to bring in their clipped money to be recoined, after which they should
have no allowance upon what they might offer. They addressed the king
to issue a proclamation agreeably to these resolutions; and on the
nineteenth day of December it was published accordingly. Such were
the fears of the people, augmented and inflamed by the enemies of
the government, that all payment immediately ceased, and a face of
distraction appeared through the whole community. The adversaries of
the bill seized this opportunity to aggravate the apprehensions of
the public. They inveighed against the ministry as the authors of this
national grievance; they levelled their satire particularly at Montague;
and it required uncommon fortitude and address to avert the most
dangerous consequences of popular discontent. The house of commons
agreed to the following resolutions: that twelve hundred thousand pounds
should be raised by a duty on glass windows, to make up the loss on
the clipped money; that the recompence for supplying the deficiency
of clipped money should extend to all silver coin, though of a coarser
alloy than the standard; that the collectors and receivers of his
majesty's aids and revenues should be enjoined to receive all such
monies; that a reward of five per cent, should be given to all such
persons as should bring in either milled or broad undipped money, to be
applied in exchange of the clipped money throughout the kingdom; that a
reward of threepence per ounce should be given to all persons who should
bring wrought plate to the mint to be coined; that persons might pay
in their whole next year's land-tax in clipped money, at one convenient
time to be appointed for that purpose; that commissioners should be
appointed in every county to pay and distribute the milled and broad
undipped money, and the new coined money in lieu of that which was
diminished. A bill being prepared agreeably to these determinations,
was sent up to the house of lords, who made some amendments which the
commons rejected; but in order to avoid cavils and conferences, they
dropped the bill and brought in another without the clauses which the
lords had inserted. They were again proposed in the upper house and
over-ruled by the' majority; and on the twenty-first day of January the
bill received the royal assent, as did another bill enlarging the time
for purchasing annuities and continuing the duties on low wines. At the
same time the king passed the bill of trials for high treason, and
an act to prevent mercenary elections. Divers merchants and traders
petitioned the house of commons that the losses in their trade and
payments, occasioned by the rise of guineas, might be taken into
consideration. A bill was immediately brought in for taking off the
obligation and encouragement for coining guineas for a certain time; and
then the commons proceeded to lower the value of this coin, a task in
which they met with great opposition from some members, who alleged
that it would foment the popular disturbances. At length, however,
the majority agreed that a guinea should be lowered from thirty to
eight-and-twenty shillings, and afterwards to six-and-twenty. At length
a clause was inserted in the bill for encouraging people to bring plate
to the mint, settling the price of a guinea at two-and-twenty shillings,
and it naturally sunk to its original value of twenty shillings and
sixpence. Many persons, however, supposing that the price of gold would
be raised the next session, hoarded up their guineas; and upon the same
supposition, encouraged by the malcontents, the new coined silver money
was reserved, to the great detriment of commerce. The king ordered mints
to be erected in York, Bristol, Exeter, and Chester, for the purpose of
the re-coinage, which was executed with unexpected success, so that
in less than a year the currency of England, which had been the worst,
became the best coin in Europe.

At this period the attention of the commons was diverted to an object
of a more private nature. The earl of Portland, who enjoyed the greatest
share of the king's favour, had obtained a grant of some lordships
in Derbyshire. While the warrant was depending, the gentlemen of that
county resolved to oppose it with all their power. In consequence of
a petition, they were indulged with a hearing by the lords of the
treasury. Sir William Williams, in the name of the rest, alleged that
the lordships in question were the ancient demesnes of the prince of
Wales, absolutely unalienable; that the revenues of those lordships
supported the government of Wales in paying the judges and other
salaries; that the grant was of too large an extent for any foreign
subject; and that the people of the county were too great to be subject
to any foreigner. Sundry other substantial reasons were used against the
grant, which, notwithstanding all their remonstrances, would have passed
through the offices, had not the Welsh gentlemen addressed themselves
by petition to the house of commons. Upon this occasion, Mr. Price, a
member of the house, harangued with great severity against the Dutch in
general, and did not even abstain from sarcasms upon the king's person,
title, and government. The objections started by the petitioners being
duly considered, were found so reasonable that the commons presented
an address to the king, representing that those manors had been usually
annexed to the principality of Wales, and settled on the princes of
Wales for their support; that many persons in those parts held their
estates by royal tenure under great and valuable compositions, rents,
royal payments, and services to the crown and princes of Wales;
and enjoyed great privileges and advantages under such tenure. They
therefore besought his majesty to recall the grant which was in
diminution of the honour and interest of the crown; and prayed that
the said manors and lands might not be alienated without the consent of
parliament. This address met with a cold reception from the king,
who promised to recall the grant which had given such offence to the
commons, and said he would find some other way of showing his favour to
the earl of Portland.

The people in general entertained a national aversion to this nobleman:
the malcontents inculcated a notion that he had made use of his interest
and intelligence to injure the trade of England, that the commerce of
his own country might flourish without competition. To his suggestions
they imputed the act and patent in favour of the Scottish company, which
was supposed to have been thrown in as a bone of contention between the
two kingdoms. The subject was first started in the house of lords,
who invited the commons to a conference; a committee was appointed
to examine into the particulars of the act for erecting the Scottish
company; and the two houses presented a joint address against it, as a
scheme that would prejudice all the subjects concerned in the wealth and
trade of the English nation. They represented, that in consequence of
the exemption from taxes and other advantages granted to the Scottish
company, that kingdom would become a free port for all East and West
India commodities; that the Scots would be enabled to supply all
Europe at a cheaper rate than the English could afford to sell their
merchandise for, therefore England would lose the benefit of its
foreign trade; besides, they observed that the Scots would smuggle their
commodities into England, to the great detriment of his majesty and
his customs. To this remonstrance the king replied that he had been ill
served in Scotland; but that he hoped some remedies would be found to
prevent the inconveniencies of which they were apprehensive. In all
probability he had been imposed upon by the ministry of that kingdom;
for in a little time he discarded the marquis of Tweedale, and dismissed
both the Scottish secretaries of state, in lieu of whom he appointed
lord Murray, son to the marquis of Athol. Notwithstanding the king's
answer, the committee proceeded on the inquiry, and, in consequence
of their report confirming a petition from the East India company, the
house resolved that the directors of the Scottish company were guilty
of a high crime and misdemeanor in administering and taking an oath _de
fideli_ in this kingdom, and that they should be impeached for the same.
Meanwhile, Roderick Mackenzie, from whom they had received their
chief information, began to retract his evidence, and was ordered into
custody; but he made his escape and could not be retaken, although the
king at their request issued a proclamation for that purpose. The Scots
were extremely incensed against the king when they understood he had
disowned their company, from which they had promised themselves such
wealth and advantage. The settlement of Darien was already planned and
afterwards put in execution, though it miscarried in the sequel, and had
like to have produced abundance of mischief.


The complaints of the English merchants who had suffered by the war were
so loud at this juncture, that the commons resolved to take their
case into consideration. The house resolved itself into a committee to
consider the state of the nation with regard to commerce, and having
duly weighed all circumstances, agreed to the following resolutions:
that a council of trade should be established by act of parliament, with
powers to take measures for the more effectual preservation of commerce;
that the commissioners should be nominated by parliament, but none
of them have seats in the house; that they should take an oath
acknowledging the title of king William as rightful and lawful; and
abjuring the pretensions of James, or any other person. The king
considered these resolutions as an open attack upon his prerogative, and
signified his displeasure to the earl of Sunderland, who patronised this
measure; but it was so popular in the house, that in all probability it
would have been put in execution, had not the attention of the
commons been diverted from it at this period by the detection of a new
conspiracy. The friends of king James had, upon the death of queen Mary,
renewed their practices for effecting a restoration of that monarch, on
the supposition that the interest of William was considerably weakened
by the decease of his consort. Certain individuals, whose zeal for James
overshot their discretion, formed a design to seize the person of
king William, and convey him to France, or put him to death in case of
resistance. They had sent emissaries to the court of St. Germain's to
demand a commission for this purpose, which was refused. The earl
of Aylesbury, lord Montgomery, son to the marquis of Powis, sir John
Fenwick, sir John Friend, captain Charnock, captain Porter, and one
Mr. Goodman, were the first contrivers of this project. Charnock was
detached with a proposal to James, that he should procure a body of
horse and foot from France to make a descent in England, and they would
engage not only to join him at his landing, but even to replace him on
the throne of England.

These offers being declined by James, on pretence that the French king
could not spare such a number of troops at that juncture, the earl of
Aylesbury went over in person, and was admitted to a conference with
Louis, in which the scheme of an invasion was actually concerted. In the
beginning of February the duke of Berwick repaired privately to England,
where he conferred with the conspirators, assured them that king James
was ready to make a descent with a considerable number of French forces,
distributed commissions, and gave directions for providing men, arms,
and horses, to join him at his arrival. When he returned to France, he
found every thing prepared for the expedition. The troops were drawn
down to the sea-side; a great number of transports were assembled at
Dunkirk; monsieur Gabaret had advanced as far as Calais with a squadron
of ships, which, when joined by that of Du Bart at Dunkirk, was judged
a sufficient convoy; and James had come as far as Calais in his way to
embark. Meanwhile the Jacobites in England were assiduously employed
in making preparations for a revolt. Sir John Friend had very near
completed a regiment of horse; considerable progress was made in levying
another by sir William Perkins; sir John Fenwick had enlisted four
troops; colonel Tempest had undertaken for one regiment of dragoons;
colonel Parker was preferred to the command of another; Mr. Curzon was
commissioned for a third; and the malcontents intended to raise a fourth
in Suffolk, where their interest chiefly prevailed.


While one part of the Jacobites proceeded against William in the
usual way of exciting an insurrection, another, consisting of the most
desperate conspirators, had formed a scheme of assassination. Sir George
Barclay, a native of Scotland, who had served as an officer in the army
of James, a man of undaunted courage, a furious bigot in the religion
of Rome, yet close, circumspect, and determined, was landed with other
officers in Romneymarsh, by one captain Gill, about the beginning
of January, and is said to have undertaken the task of seizing or
assassinating king William. He imparted his design to Harrison, _alias_
Johnston, a priest, Char-nock, Porter, and sir William Perkins, by whom
it was approved; and he pretended to have a particular commission for
this service. After various consultations, they resolved to attack the
king on his return from Richmond, where he commonly hunted on Saturdays;
and the scene of their intended ambuscade was a lane between Brentford
and Turnham-Green. As it would be necessary to charge and disperse the
guards that attended the coach, they agreed that their number should be
increased to forty horsemen, and each conspirator began to engage
proper persons for the enterprise. When their complement was full, they
determined to execute their purpose on the fifteenth day of February.
They concerted the manner in which they should meet in small parties
without suspicion, and waited with impatience for the hour of action.
In this interval some of the underling actors, seized with horror at the
reflection of what they had undertaken, or captivated with the prospect
of reward, resolved to prevent the execution of the design by a timely
discovery. On the eleventh day of February, one Fisher informed the earl
of Portland of the scheme, and named some of the conspirators; but his
account was imperfect. On the thirteenth however he returned with a
circumstantial detail of all the particulars. Next day the earl was
accosted by one Pendergrass, an Irish officer, who told his lordship he
had just come from Hampshire at the request of a particular friend, and
understood that he had been called up to town with a view of engaging
him in a design to assassinate king William. He said, he had promised
to embark in the undertaking, though he detested it in his own mind, and
took this first opportunity of revealing the secret, which was of such
consequence to his majesty's life. He owned himself a Roman catholic,
but declared that he did not think any religion could justify such a
treacherous purpose. At the same time he observed, that as he lay under
obligations to some of the conspirators, his honour and gratitude
would not permit him to accuse them by name; and that he would upon no
consideration appear as an evidence. The king had been so much used to
fictitious plots and false discoveries, that he paid little regard to
the informations until they were confirmed by the testimony of another
conspirator called La Rue, a Frenchman, who communicated the same
particulars to brigadier Levison, without knowing the least circumstance
of the other discoveries. Then the king believed there was something
real in the conspiracy; and Pendergrass and La Rue were severally
examined in his presence. He thanked Pendergrass in particular for this
instance of his probity; but observed that it must prove ineffectual
unless he would discover the names of the conspirators; for, without
knowing who they were, he should not be able to secure his life against
their attempts. At length Pendergrass was prevailed upon to give a list
of those he knew, yet not before the king had solemnly promised that
he should not be used as an evidence against them, except with his own
consent. As the king did not go to Richmond on the day appointed, the
conspirators postponed the execution of their design till the Saturday
following. They accordingly met at different houses on the Friday, when
every man received his instructions. There they agreed, that after the
perpetration of the parricide, they should ride in a body as far as
Hammersmith, and then dispersing, enter London by different avenues. But
on the morning, when they understood that the guards were returned to
their quarters, and the king's coaches sent back to the Mews, they
were seized with a sudden damp, on the suspicion that their plot was
discovered. Sir George Barclay withdrew himself, and every one began
to think of providing for his own safety. Next night, however, a great
number of them were apprehended, and then the whole discovery was
communicated to the privy council. A proclamation was issued against
those that absconded; and great diligence was used to find sir George
Barclay, who was supposed to have a particular commission from James for
assassinating the prince of Orange; but he made good his retreat, and it
was never proved that any such commission had been granted.


This design and the projected invasion proved equally abortive. James
had scarce reach Calais when the duke of Wirtemberg despatched his
aidecamp from Flanders to king William, with an account of the purposed
descent. Expresses with the same tidings arrived from the elector of
Bavaria and the prince de Vaude-mont. Two considerable squadrons being
ready for sea, admiral Russel embarked at Spithead and stood over to
the French coast with about fifty sail of the line. The enemy were
confounded at his appearance, and hauled in their vessels under the
shore, in such shallow water that he could not follow and destroy them;
but he absolutely ruined their design, by cooping them up in their
harbours. King James, after having tarried some weeks at Calais,
returned to St. Germain's. The forces were sent back to the garrisons
from which they had been drafted; the people of France exclaimed, that
the malignant star which ruled the destiny of James had blasted this and
every other project formed for his restoration. By means of the reward
offered in the proclamation, the greater part of the conspirators were
betrayed or taken. George Harris, who had been sent from France with
orders to obey sir George Barclay, surrendered himself to sir William
Trumball, and confessed the scheme of assassination in which he had been
engaged. Porter and Pendergrass were apprehended together. This last
insisted upon the king's promise that he should not be compelled to give
evidence; but when Porter owned himself guilty, the other observed he
was no longer bound to be silent, as his friend had made a confession;
and they were both admitted as evidences for the crown.


After their examination, the king, in a speech to both houses,
communicated the nature of the conspiracy against his life, as well
as the advices he had received touching the invasion; he explained
the steps he had taken to defeat the double design, and professed his
confidence in their readiness and zeal to concur with him in every thing
that should appear necessary for their common safety. That same
evening the two houses waited upon him at Kensington in a body, with an
affectionate address, by which they expressed their abhorrence of the
villanous and barbarous design which had been formed against his sacred
person, of which they besought him to take more than ordinary care. They
assured him they would to their utmost defend his life, and support
his government against the late king James and all other enemies; and
declared, that in case his majesty should come to a violent death,
they would revenge it upon his adversaries and their adherents. He was
extremely well pleased with this warm address, and assured them in his
turn he would take all opportunities of recommending himself to the
continuance of their loyalty and affection. The commons forthwith
empowered him by bill to secure all persons suspected of conspiring
against his person and government. They brought in another, providing,
that in case of his majesty's death, the parliament then being should
continue until dissolved by the next heir in succession to the crown,
established by act of parliament; that if his majesty should chance to
die between two parliaments, that which had been last dissolved should
immediately re-assemble, and sit for the despatch of national affairs.
They voted an address to desire that his majesty would banish by
proclamation all papists to the distance of ten miles from the cities of
London and Westminster; and give instructions to the judges going on
the circuits to put the laws in execution against Roman catholics and
nonjurors. They drew up an association, binding themselves to assist
each other in support of the king and his government, and to revenge any
violence that should be committed on his person. This was signed by
all the members then present; but as some had absented themselves
on frivolous pretences, the house ordered, that in sixteen days the
absentees should either subscribe or declare their refusal. Several
members neglecting to comply with this injunction within the limited
time, the speaker was ordered to write to those who were in the country,
and demand a peremptory answer; and the clerk of the house attended such
as pretended to be ill in town. The absentees finding themselves pressed
in this manner, thought proper to sail with the stream, and sign the
association, which was presented to the king by the commons in a body,
with a request that it might be lodged among the records in the Tower,
as a perpetual memorial of their loyalty and affection. The king
received them with uncommon complacency; declared that he heartily
entered into the same association; that he should be always ready to
venture his life with his good subjects against all who should endeavour
to subvert the religion, laws, and liberties of England; and he promised
that this and all other associations should be lodged among the records
of the Tower of London. Next day the commons resolved, that whoever
should affirm an association was illegal, should be deemed a promoter
of the designs of the late king James, and an enemy to the laws and
liberties of the kingdom. The lords followed the example of the lower
house in drawing up an association; but the earl of Nottingham, sir
Edward Seymour, and Mr. Finch, objected to the words rightful and lawful
as applied to his majesty. They said as the crown and its prerogatives
were vested in him, they would yield obedience, though they could not
acknowledge him as their rightful and lawful king.

Nothing could be more absurd than this distinction, started by men
who had actually constituted part of the administration; unless they
supposed that the right of king William expired with queen Mary.
The earl of Rochester proposed an expedient in favour of such tender
consciences, by altering the words that gave offence; and this was
adopted accordingly. Fifteen of the peers, and ninety-two commoners,
signed the association with reluctance. It was, however, subscribed by
all sorts of people in different parts of the kingdom; and the bishops
drew up a form for the clergy, which was signed by a great majority. The
commons brought in a bill, declaring all men incapable of public trust,
or of sitting in parliament, who would not engage in this association.
At the same time the council issued an order for renewing all the
commissions in England, that those who had not signed it voluntarily
should be dismissed from the service as disaffected persons.


After these warm demonstrations of loyalty, the commons proceeded upon
ways and means for raising the supplies. A new bank was constituted as
a fund, upon which the sum of two millions five hundred and sixty-four
thousand pounds should be raised; and it was called the land-bank,
because established on land securities. This scheme, said to have been
projected by the famous Dr. Chamberlain, was patronised by the earl of
Sunderland, and managed by Foley and Harley; so that it seemed to bo a
tory plan which Sunderland supported, in order to reconcile himself to
that party. [067] _[See note O, at the end of this Vol.]_ The bank of
England petitioned against this bill, and were heard by their counsel;
but their representations produced no effect, and the bill having passed
through both houses, received the royal assent. On the twenty-seventh
day of April the king closed the session with a short but gracious
speech; and the parliament was prorogued to the sixteenth day of June.

Before this period some of the conspirators had been brought to trial.
The first who suffered was Robert Charnock, one of the two fellows
of Magdalen-college, who, in the reign of James, had renounced the
protestant religion; the next were lieutenant King and Thomas Keys,
which last had been formerly a trumpeter, but of late servant to captain
Porter. They were found guilty of high treason, and executed at Tyburn.
They delivered papers to the sheriff, in which they solemnly declared,
that they had never seen or heard of any commission from king James for
assassinating the prince of Orange; Charnock in particular observed,
that he had received frequent assurances of the king's having rejected
such proposals when they had been offered; and that there was no other
commission but that for levying war in the usual form. Sir John Friend
and sir William Perkins were tried in April. The first, from mean
beginnings, had acquired great wealth and credit, and always firmly
adhered to the interests of king James. The other was likewise a man of
fortune, violently attached to the same principles, though he had
taken the oaths to the present government as one of the six clerks in
chancery. Porter and Blair, another evidence, deposed, that sir John
Friend had been concerned in levying men under a commission from king
James, and that he knew of the assassination plot, though not engaged
in it as a personal actor. He endeavoured to invalidate the testimony
of Blair, by proving him guilty of the most shocking ingratitude. He
observed that both the evidences were reputed papists. The curate of
Hackney, who officiated as chaplain in the prisoner's house, declared
upon oath, that after the revolution he used to pray for king William,
and that he had often heard sir John Friend say that though he could not
comply with the present government, he would live peaceably under it,
and never engage in any conspiracy. Mr. Hoadley, father of the present
bishop of Winchester, added, that the prisoner was a good protestant,
and frequently expressed his detestation of king-killing principles.
Friend himself owned he had been with some of the conspirators at a
meeting in Leadenhall-street, but heard nothing of raising men, or any
design against the government. He likewise affirmed that a consultation
to levy war was not treason; and that his being at a treasonable consult
could amount to no more than a misprison of treason. Lord chief justice
Holt declared, that although a bare conspiracy, or design to levy war,
was not treason within the statute of Edward III., yet if the design or
conspiracy be to kill, or depose, or imprison the king, by the means of
levying war, then the consultation and conspiracy to levy war becomes
high treason though no war be actually levied. The same inference might
have been drawn against the authors and instruments of the revolution.
The judge's explanation influenced the jury, who, after some
deliberation, found the prisoner guilty. Next day sir William Perkins
was brought to the bar, and upon the testimony of Porter, Ewebank, his
own groom, and Haywood, a notorious informer, was convicted of having
been concerned not only in the invasion, but also in the design against
the king's life. The evidence was scanty, and the prisoner having been
bred to the law, made an artful and vigorous defence: but the judge
acted as counsel for the crown; and the jury decided by the hints they
received from the bench. He and sir John Friend underwent the sentence
of death, and suffered at Tyburn on the third day of April. Friend
protested before God that he knew of no immediate descent purposed by
king James, and therefore had made no preparations; that he was utterly
ignorant of the assassination scheme; that he died in the communion of
the church of England, and laid down his life cheerfully in the cause
for which he suffered. Perkins declared, upon the word of a dying man,
that the tenour of the king's commission which he saw was general,
directed to all his loving subjects, to raise and levy war against the
prince of Orange and his adherents, and to seize all forts, castles,
&c, but that he neither saw nor heard of any commission particularly
levelled against the person of the prince of Orange. He owned, however,
that he was privy to the design; but believed it was known to few or
none but the immediate undertakers. These two criminals were in their
last moments attended by Collier, Snatt, and Cook, three nonjuring
clergymen, who absolved them in the view of the populace, with an
imposition of hands; a public insult on the government which did not
pass unnoticed. Those three clergyman were presented by the grand jury
for having countenanced the treason by absolving the traitors, and
thereby encouraged other persons to disturb the peace of the kingdom. An
indictment being preferred against them, Cook and Snatt were committed
to Newgate; but Collier absconded, and published a vindication of their
conduct, in which he affirmed that the imposition of hands was the
general practice of the primitive church. On the other hand, the
two metropolitans and twelve other bishops subscribed a declaration,
condemning the administration of absolution without a previous
confession made, and abhorrence expressed, by the prisoners of the
heinous crimes for which they suffered.

In the course of the same month, Rookwood, Cranborne, and Lowick, were
tried as conspirators by a special commission in the king's-bench, and
convicted on the joint testimony of Porter, Harris, La Rue, Bertram,
Fisher, and Pendergrass. Some favourable circumstances appeared in the
case of Lowick. The proof of his having been concerned in the design
against the king's life was very defective; many persons of reputation
declared he was an honest, good natured, inoffensive man; and he himself
concluded his defence with the most solemn protestation of his own
innocence. Great intercession was made for his pardon by some noblemen;
but all their interest proved ineffectual. Cranborne died in a transport
of indignation, leaving a paper which the government thought proper to
suppress. Lowick and Rookwood likewise delivered declarations to the
sheriff, the contents of which as being less inflammatory were allowed
to be published. Both solemnly denied any knowledge of a commission from
king James to assassinate the prince of Orange; the one affirming that
he was incapable of granting such an order; and the other asserting
that he, the best of kings, had often rejected proposals of that nature.
Lowick owned that he would have joined the king at his landing; but
declared he had never been concerned in any bloody affair during the
whole course of his life. On the contrary, he said he had endeavoured
to prevent bloodshed as much as lay in his power; and that he would not
kill the most miserable creature in the world, even though such an act
would save his life, restore his sovereign, and make him one of
the greatest men in England. Rookwood alleged he was engaged by his
immediate commander, whom he thought it was his duty to obey, though the
service was much against his judgment and inclination. He professed his
abhorrence of treachery even to an enemy. He forgave all mankind,
even the prince of Orange, who as a soldier, he said, ought to have
considered his case before he signed his death warrant; he prayed God
would open his eyes, and render him sensible of the blood that was from
all parts crying against him, so as he might avert a heavier execution
than that which he now ordered to be inflicted. The next person brought
to trial was Mr. Cooke, son of sir Miles Cooke, one of the six clerks
in chancery. Porter and Goodman deposed that he had been present at two
meetings at the King's-head tavern in Leadenhall-street, with the lords
Aylesbury and Montgomery, sir William Perkins, sir John Fenwick,
sir John Friend, Charnock, and Porter. The evidence of Goodman was
invalidated by the testimony of the landlord and two drawers belonging
to the tavern, who swore that Goodman was not there while the noblemen
were present. The prisoner himself solemnly protested, that he was ever
averse to the introduction of foreign forces; that he did not so much
as hear of the intended invasion until it became the common topic of
conversation; and that he had never seen Goodman at the King's-head. He
declared his intention of receiving the blessed sacrament, and wished he
might perish in the instant if he now spoke untruth. No respect was
paid to these asseverations. The solicitor-general Hawles, and lord
chief-justice Treby, treated him with great severity in the prosecution
and charge to the jury, by whom he was capitally convicted. After
his condemnation, the court-agents tampered with him to make further
discoveries; and after his fate had been protracted by divers short
reprieves, he was sent into banishment. From the whole tenour of
these discoveries and proceedings, it appears that James had actually
meditated an invasion; that his partisans in England had made
preparations for joining him on his arrival; that a few desperadoes of
that faction had concerted a scheme against the life of king William;
that in prosecuting the conspirators, the court had countenanced
informers; that the judges had strained the law, wrested circumstances,
and even deviated from the function of their office, to convict
the prisoners; in a word, that the administration had used the same
arbitrary and unfair practices against those unhappy people, which they
themselves had in the late reigns numbered among the grievances of the

{WILLIAM, 1688--1701.}


The warmth, however, manifested on this occasion may have been owing
to national resentment of the purposed invasion. Certain it is, the
two houses of parliament and the people in general were animated with
extraordinary indignation against France at this juncture. The
lords besought his majesty in a solemn address to appoint a day of
thanksgiving to Almighty God for having defeated the barbarous purpose
of his enemies; and this was observed with uncommon zeal and devotion.
Admiral Russel, leaving a squadron for observation on the French
coast, returned to the Downs; but sir Cloudesley Shovel, being properly
prepared for the expedition, subjected Calais to another bombardment, by
which the town was set on fire in different parts, and the inhabitants
were overwhelmed with consternation. The generals of the allied army in
Flanders resolved to make some immediate retaliation upon the French for
their unmanly design upon the life of king William, as they took it for
granted that Louis was accessary to the scheme of assassination. That
monarch, on the supposition that a powerful diversion would be made
by the descent on England, had established a vast magazine at Givet,
designing, when the allies should be enfeebled by the absence of
the British troops, to strike some stroke of importance early in
the campaign. On this the confederates now determined to wreak their
vengeance. In the beginning of March the carl of Athlone and monsieur
de Coehorn, with the concurrence of the duke of Holstein-Ploen, who
commanded the allies, sent a strong detachment of horse, drafted from
Brussels and the neighbouring garrisons, to amuse the enemy on the side
of Charleroy, while they assembled forty squadrons, thirty battalions,
with fifteen pieces of cannon, and six mortars, in the territory of
Namur. Athlone with a part of this body invested Dinant, while Coehorn
with the remainder advanced to Givet. He forthwith began to batter and
bombard the place, which in three hours was on fire, and by four in the
afternoon wholly destroyed, with the great magazine it contained.
Then the two generals joining their forces returned to Namur without
interruption. Hitherto the republic of Venice had deferred acknowledging
king William; but now they sent an extraordinary embassy for that
purpose, consisting of signiors Soranzo and Venier, who arrived in
London, and on the first day of May had a public audience. The king on
this occasion knighted Soranzo as the senior ambassador, and presented
him with the sword according to custom. On that day, too, William
declared in council that he had appointed the same regency which had
governed the kingdom during his last absence, and embarking on the
seventh at Margate, arrived at Orange-Polder in the evening, under
convoy of vice-admiral Aylmer. This officer had been ordered to attend
with a squadron, as the famous Du Bart still continued at Dunkirk,
and some attempt of importance was apprehended from his enterprising

     * Some promotions were made before the king left England.
     George Hamilton, third son of the duke of that name, was for
     his military services in Ireland and Flanders created earl
     of Orkney. Sir John Lowther was ennobled by the title of
     baron Lowther and viscount Lonsdale; sir John Thompson made
     baron of Haversham; and the celebrated John Locke appointed
     one of the commissioners of trade and plantation.


The French had taken the field before the allied army could be
assembled; but no transaction of consequence distinguished this campaign
either upon the Rhine or in Flanders. The scheme of Louis was still
defensive on the side of the Netherlands, while the active plans of
king William were defeated by want of money. All the funds for this year
proved defective: the land-bank failed, and the national bank sustained
a rude shock in its credit. The loss of the nation upon the recoinage,
amounted to two millions two hundred thousand pounds; and though the
different mints were employed without interruption, they could not for
some months supply the circulation, especially as great part of the new
money was kept up by those who received it in payment, or disposed of
it at an unreasonable advantage. The French king having exhausted the
wealth and patience of his subjects, and greatly diminished their
number in the course of this war, began to be diffident of his arms, and
employed all the arts of private negotiation. While his minister D'Avaux
pressed the king of Sweden to offer his mediation, he sent Callieres to
Holland with proposals for settling the preliminaries of a treaty.

He took it for granted that as the Dutch were a trading people, whose
commerce had greatly suffered in the war, they could not be averse to
a pacification; and he instructed his emissaries to tamper with
the malcontents of the republic, especially with the remains of the
Louvestein faction, which had always opposed the schemes of the
stadtholder. Callieres met with a favourable reception from the states,
which began to treat with him about the preliminaries, though not
without the consent and concurrence of king William and the rest of the
allies. Louis, with a view to quicken the effect of this negotiation,
pursued offensive measures in Catalonia, where his general the duke de
Vendome attacked and worsted the Spaniards in their camp near Ostalrick,
though the action was not decisive; for that general was obliged to
retreat after having made vigorous efforts against their intrenchments.
On the twentieth day of June, mareschal de Lorges passed the Rhine
at Philips-burg and encamped within a league of Eppingen, where the
Imperial troops were obliged to intrench themselves, under the command
of the prince of Baden, as they were not yet joined by the auxiliary
forces. The French general after having faced him about a month,
thought proper to repass the river. Then he detached a body of horse to
Flanders, and cantoned the rest of his troops at Spires, Franckendahl,
Worms, and Ostofen. On the last day of August the prince of Baden
retaliated the insult, by passing the Rhine at Mentz and Cocsheim. On
the tenth he was joined by general Thungen, who commanded a separate
body, together with the militia of Suabia and Franconia, and advanced to
the camp of the enemy, who had reassembled; but they were posted in such
a manner that he would not hazard an attack. Having therefore cannonaded
them for some days, scoured the adjacent country by detached parties,
and taken the little castle of Wiezengen, he repassed the river at
Worms on the seventh day of October: the French likewise crossed at
Philipsburgh in hopes of surprising general Thungen, who had taken post
in the neighbourhood of Strasbourg; but he retired to Eppingen before
their arrival, and in a little time both armies were distributed in
winter quarters. Peter, the czar of Muscovy, carried on the siege of
Azoph with such vigour, that the garrison was obliged to capitulate
after the Russians had defeated a great convoy sent to its relief. The
court of Vienna forthwith engaged in an alliance with the Muscovite
emperor; but they did not exert themselves in taking advantage of the
disaster which the Turks had undergone. The Imperial army, commanded by
the elector of Saxony, continued inactive on the river Marosch till the
nineteenth day of July, then they made a feint of attacking Temiswaer;
but they inarched towards Betzkerch, in their route to Belgrade, on
receiving advice that the grand seignor intended to besiege Titul. On
the twenty-first day of August, the two armies were in sight of each
other. The Turkish horse attacked the Imperialists in a plain near the
river Begue, but were repulsed. The Germans next day made a show of
retreating, in hopes of drawing the enemy from their intrenchments. The
stratagem succeeded. On the twenty-sixth the Turkish army was in motion.
A detachment of the Imperialists attacked them in flank as they marched
through a wood. A very desperate action ensued, in which the generals
Heusler and Poland, with many other gallant officers, lost their lives.
At length the Ottoman horse were routed; but the Germans were so roughly
handled, that on the second day after the engagement they retreated at
midnight, and the Turks remained quiet in their intrenchments.

In Piedmont the face of affairs underwent a strange alteration. The duke
of Savoy, who had for some time been engaged in a secret negotiation
with France, at length embraced the offers of that crown, and privately
signed a separate treaty of peace at Loretto, to which place he repaired
on a pretended pilgrimage. The French king engaged to present him with
four millions of livres by way of reparation for the damage he had
sustained, to assist him with a certain number of auxiliaries against all
his enemies, and to effect a marriage between the duke of Burgundy and
the princess of Piedmont, as soon as the parties should be marriageable.
The treaty was guaranteed by the pope and the Venetians, who were
extremely desirous of seeing the Germans driven out of Italy.
King William being apprized of this negotiation, communicated the
intelligence to the earl of Galway, his ambassador at Turin, who
expostulated with the duke upon this defection; but he persisted in
denying any such correspondence, until the advance of the French army
enabled him to avow it without fearing the resentment of the allies whom
he had abandoned. Catinat marched into the plains of Turin at the
head of fifty thousand men, an army greatly superior to that of the
confederates. Then the duke imparted to the ministers of the allies the
proposals which France had made; represented the superior strength
of her army; the danger to which he was exposed; and, finally, his
inclination to embrace her offers. On the twelfth of July a truce was
concluded for a month, and afterwards prolonged till the fifteenth of
September. He wrote to all the powers engaged in the confederacy, except
King William, expatiating on the same topics, and soliciting their
consent. Though each in particular refused to concur, he on the
twenty-third day of August signed the treaty in public which he had
before concluded in private. The emperor was no sooner informed of his
design, than he took every step which he thought could divert him from
his purpose. He sent the count Mansfeldt to Turin with proposals for a
match between the king of the Romans and the princess of Savoy, as well
as with offers to augment his forces and his subsidy; but the duke had
already settled his terms with France, from which he would not recede.
Prince Eugene, though his kinsman, expressed great indignation at his
conduct. The young prince de Commercy was so provoked at his defection
that he challenged him to single combat, and the duke accepted of
his challenge; but the quarrel was compromised by the intervention of
friends, and they parted in an amicable manner. He had concealed the
treaty until he should receive the remaining part of the subsidies due
to him from the confederates. A considerable sum had been remitted
from England to Genoa for his use; but lord Galway no sooner received
intimation of his new engagement, than he put a stop to the payment of
this money, which he employed in the Milanese for the subsistence of
those troops that were in the British service. King William was encamped
at Gemblours when the duke's envoy notified the separate peace which his
master had concluded with the king of France. Though he was extremely
chagrined at the information, he dissembled his anger and listened to
the minister without the least emotion. One of the conditions of this
treaty was, that within a limited time the allies should evacuate the
duke's dominions, otherwise they should be expelled by the joint forces
of France and Savoy. A neutrality was offered to the confederates;
and this being rejected, the contracting powers resolved to attack the
Milanese. Accordingly when the truce expired, the duke, as generalissimo
of the French king, entered that duchy and undertook the siege of
Valentia; so that in one campaign he commanded two contending armies.
The garrison of Valentia, consisting of seven thousand men, Germans,
Spaniards, and French protestants, made an obstinate defence; and the
duke of Savoy prosecuted the siege with uncommon impetuosity. But after
the trenches had been open for thirteen days, a courier arrived from
Madrid with an account of his catholic majesty's having agreed to the
neutrality for Italy. This agreement imported that there should be a
suspension of arms until a general peace could be effected; and that the
Imperial and French troops should return to their respective countries.
Christendom had well nigh been embroiled anew by the death of John
Sobieski, king of Poland, who died at the age of seventy in the course
of this summer, after having survived his faculties and reputation.
As the crown was elective, a competition arose for the succession. The
kingdom was divided by factions; and the different powers of Europe
interested themselves warmly in the contention.


Nothing of consequence had been lately achieved by the naval force of
England. When the conspiracy was first discovered, sir George Rooke had
received orders to return from Cadiz, and he arrived in the latter
end of April. While he took his place at the board of admiralty, lord
Berkeley succeeded to the command of the fleet, and in the month of
June set sail towards Ushant in order to insult the coast of France. He
pillaged and burned the villages on the islands Grouais, Houat, and Hey
die; made prize of about twenty vessels; bombarded St. Martin's on the
isle of Ehe, and the town of Olonne, which was set on fire in fifteen
different places with the shells and carcasses. Though these appear to
have been enterprises of small import, they certainly kept the whole
coast of France in perpetual alarm. The ministry of that kingdom were
so much afraid of invasion, that between Brest and Goulet they ordered
above one hundred batteries to be erected, and above sixty thousand men
were continually in arms for the defence of the maritime places. In the
month of May rear-admiral Benbow sailed with a small squadron in
order to block up Du Bart in the harbour of Dunkirk; but that famous
adventurer found means to escape in a fog, and steering to the eastward
attacked the Dutch fleet in the Baltic under a convoy of five frigates.
These last he took, together with half the number of the trading ships;
but falling in with the outward bound fleet convoyed by thirteen ships
of the line, he was obliged to burn four of the frigates, turn the fifth
adrift, and part with all his prizes except fifteen, which he carried
into Dunkirk.


The parliament of Scotland met on the eighth day of September, and lord
Murray, secretary of state, now earl of Tullibardine, presided as king's
commissioner. Though that kingdom was exhausted by the war and two
successive bad harvests, which had driven a great number of the
inhabitants into Ireland, there was no opposition to the court measures.
The members of parliament signed an association like that of England.
They granted a supply of one hundred and twenty thousand pounds for
maintaining their forces by sea and land. They passed an act for
securing their religion, lives, and properties, in case his majesty
should come to an untimely death. By another they obliged all persons
in public trust to sign the association, and then the parliament was
adjourned to the eighth day of December. The disturbances of Ireland
seemed now to be entirely appeased. Lord Capel dying in May, the
council, by virtue of an act passed in the reign of Henry VIII.,
elected the chancellor, sir Charles Porter, to be lord justice and chief
governor of that kingdom, until his majesty's pleasure should be known.
The parliament met in June: the commons expelled Mr. Sanderson, the
only member of that house who had refused to sign the association, and
adjourned to the fourth day of August. By that time sir Charles Porter
and the earls of Montrath and Drogheda were appointed lords justices,
and signified the king's pleasure that they should adjourn. In the
beginning of December the chancellor died of an apoplexy.


King William being tired of an inactive campaign, left the army under
the command of the elector of Bavaria, and about the latter end of
August repaired to his palace at Loo, where he enjoyed his favourite
exercise of stag-hunting. He visited the court of Brandenburgh at
Cleves; conferred with the states of Holland at the Hague; and,
embarking for England, landed at Margate on the sixth day of October.
The domestic economy of the nation was extremely perplexed at this
juncture from the sinking of public credit, and the stagnation that
necessarily attended a recoinage. These grievances were with difficulty
removed by the clear apprehension, the enterprising genius, the unshaken
fortitude of Mr. Montague, chancellor of the exchequer, operating upon
a national spirit of adventure, which the monied interest had produced.
The king opened the session of parliament on the twentieth day of
October, with a speech importing that overtures had been made for a
negotiation, but that the best way of treating with France would be
sword in hand. He therefore desired they would be expeditious in raising
the supplies for the service of the ensuing year, as well as for making
good the funds already granted. He declared that the civil list could
not be supported without their assistance. He recommended the miserable
condition of the French protestants to their compassion. He desired
they would contrive the best expedients for the recovery of the national
credit. He observed that unanimity and despatch were now more than ever
necessary, for the honour, safety, and advantage of England. The commons
having taken this speech into consideration, resolved that they
would support his majesty and his government, and assist him in the
prosecution of the war; that the standard of gold and silver should not
be altered; and that they would make good all parliamentary funds. Then
they presented an address in a very spirited strain, declaring, that
notwithstanding the blood and treasure of which the nation had been
drained, the commons of England would not be diverted from their firm
resolutions of obtaining by war a safe and honourable peace. They
therefore renewed their assurances that they would support his majesty
against all his enemies at home and abroad. The house of lords delivered
another to the same purpose, declaring that they would never be wanting
or backward on their parts in what might be necessary to his majesty's
honour, the good of his kingdoms, and the quiet of Christendom. The
commons, in the first transports of their zeal, ordered two seditious
pamphlets to be burned by the hands of the common hangman. They
deliberated upon the estimates, and granted above six millions for
the service of the ensuing-year. They resolved that a supply should
be granted for making good the deficiency of parliamentary funds, and
appropriated several duties for this purpose.


With respect to the coin they brought in a bill repealing an act for
taking off the obligation and encouragement of coining guineas for a
certain time, and for importing and coining guineas and half guineas, as
the extravagant price of those coins which occasioned this act was now
fallen. They passed a second bill for remedying the ill state of the
coin; and a third, explaining an act in the preceding session for laying
duties on low wines and spirits of the first extraction. In order
to raise the supplies of the year, they resolved to tax all persons
according to the true value of their real and personal estates, their
stock upon land and in trade, their income by offices, pensions, and
professions. A duty of one penny per week for one year was laid upon all
persons not receiving alms. A further imposition of one farthing in the
pound per week was fixed upon all servants receiving four pounds per
annum as wages, and upwards to eight pounds a-year inclusive. Those who
received from eight to sixteen pounds were taxed at one halfpenny per
pound. An aid of three shillings in the pound for one year was laid upon
all lands, tenements, and hereditaments, according to their true value.
Without specifying the particulars of those impositions, we shall only
observe that, in the general charge, the commons did not exempt one
member of the commonwealth that could be supposed able to bear any part
of the burden. Provision was made that hammered money should be received
in payment of these duties at the rate of five shillings and eightpence
per ounce. All the deficiencies on annuities and monies borrowed on the
credit of the exchequer, were transferred to this aid. The treasury
was enabled to borrow a million and a half at eight per cent, and to
circulate exchequer bills to the amount of as much more. To cancel these
debts the surplus of all the supplies, except the three-shilling-aid,
was appropriated. The commons voted one hundred and twenty-five thousand
pounds for making good the deficiency in recoining the hammered money,
and the recompence for bringing in plate to the mint. This sum was
raised by a tax or duty upon wrought plate, paper, pasteboard, vellum,
and parchment, made or imported. Taking into consideration the services
and the present languishing state of the bank, whose notes were at
twenty per cent, discount, they resolved that it should be enlarged
by new subscriptions, made by four-fifths in tallies struck on
parliamentary funds, and one-fifth in bank-bills or notes; that
effectual provision should be made by parliament for paying the
principal of all such tallies as should be subscribed into the bank, out
of the funds agreed to be continued; that an interest of eight per cent,
should be allowed on all such tallies; and that the continuance of the
bank should be prolonged to the first day of August, in the year one
thousand seven hundred and ten. That all assignments of orders or
tallies subscribed into the bank should be registered in the exchequer;
that before the day should be fixed for the beginning of the new
subscriptions, the old should be made one hundred per cent., and what
might exceed that value should be divided among the old members; that
all the interest due on those tallies which might be subscribed into the
bank-stock, at that time appointed for subscriptions, to the end of the
last preceding quarter on each tally, should be allowed as principal;
that liberty should be given by parliament to enlarge the number of
bank-bills to the value of the sum that should be so subscribed over
and above the twelve hundred thousand pounds, provided they should
be obliged to answer such bills on demand, and in default thereof be
answered by the exchequer out of the first money due to them; that no
other bank should be erected or allowed by act of parliament during the
continuance of the bank of England; that this should be exempted from
all tax or imposition; that no act of the corporation should forfeit
the particular interest of any person concerned therein; that provision
should be made to prevent the officers of the exchequer, and all other
officers and receivers of the revenue, from diverting, delaying, or
obstructing the course of payments to the bank; that care should be
taken to prevent the altering, counterfeiting, or forging any bank bills
or notes; that the estates and interest of each member in the stock of
the corporation should be made a personal estate; that no contract
made for any bank stock to be bought or sold, should be valid in law or
equity unless actually registered in the bank books within seven days,
and actually transferred within fourteen days after the contract
should be made. A bill upon these resolutions was brought in under
the direction of the chancellor of the exchequer: it related to the
continuation of tonnage and poundage upon wine, vinegar, and tobacco,
and comprehended a clause for laying an additional duty upon salt for
two years and three quarters. All the several branches constituted a
general fund, since known by the name of the general mortgage, without
prejudice to their former appropriations. The bill also provided that
the tallies should bear eight per cent, interest; that from the tenth
of June for five years they should bear no more than six per cent,
interest; and that no premium or discount upon them should be taken.
In case of the general funds proving insufficient to pay the whole
interest, it was provided that every proprietor should receive his
proportion of the product, and the deficiency be made good from the next
aid; but should the fund produce more than the interest, the surplus
was destined to operate as a sinking fund for the discharge of the
principal. In order to make up a deficiency of above eight hundred
thousand pounds occasioned by the failure of the land-bank, additional
duties were laid upon leather; the time was enlarged for persons to come
in and purchase the annuities payable by several former acts, and to
obtain more certain interest in such annuities.

Never were more vigorous measures taken to support the credit of
the government; and never was the government served by such a set of
enterprising undertakers. The commons having received a message from the
king touching the condition of the civil list, resolved that a sum not
exceeding five hundred and fifteen thousand pounds should be granted for
the support of the civil list for the ensuing year, to be raised by a
malt tax and additional duties upon mum sweets, cyder, and perry. They
likewise resolved that an additional aid of one shilling in the pound
should be laid upon land, as an equivalent for the duty of ten per
cent, upon mixed goods. Provision was made for raising one million four
hundred thousand pounds by a lottery. The treasury was empowered to
issue an additional number of exchequer bills to the amount of twelve
hundred thousand pounds, every hundred pounds bearing interest at the
rate of fivepence a-day, and ten per cent, for circulation; finally, in
order to liquidate the transport-debt, which the funds established for
that purpose had not been sufficient to defray, a money-bill was brought
in to oblige pedlars and hawkers to take out licenses, and pay for them
at certain stated prices. One cannot without astonishment reflect upon
the prodigious efforts that were made upon this occasion, or consider
without indignation the enormous fortunes that were raised up by usurers
and extortioners from the distresses of their country. The nation
did not seem to know its own strength, until it was put to this
extraordinary trial; and the experiment of mortgaging funds succeeded so
well, that later ministers have proceeded in the same system, imposing
burden upon burden, as if they thought the sinews of the nation could
never be overstrained.

{WILLIAM, 1688--1701.}


The public credit being thus bolstered up by the singular address of Mr.
Montague, and the bills passed for the supplies of the ensuing year,
the attention of the commons was transferred to the case of sir John
Fen-wick, who had been apprehended in the month of June at New Romney,
in his way to France. He had when taken written a letter to his lady by
one Webber, who accompanied him; but this man being seized, the letter
was found, containing such a confession as plainly evinced him guilty.
He then entered into a treaty with the court for turning evidence, and
delivered a long information in writing, which was sent abroad to his
majesty. He made no discoveries that could injure any of the Jacobites,
who, by his account, and other concurring testimonies, appeared to
be divided into two parties, known by the names of compounders and
non-com-pounders. The first, headed by the earl of Middleton, insisted
upon receiving security from king James that the religion and liberties
of England should be preserved; whereas the other party, at the head
of which was the earl of Melfort, resolved to bring him in without
conditions, relying upon his own honour and generosity. King William
having sent over an order for bringing Fenwick to trial, unless he
should make more material discoveries, the prisoner, with a view to
amuse the ministry until he could take other measures for his own
safety, accused the earls of Shrewsbury, Marlborough, and Bath, the
lord Godolphin, and admiral Russel, of having made their peace with
king James, and engaged to act for his interest. Meanwhile his lady and
relations tampered with the two witnesses, Porter and Goodman. The first
of these discovered those practices to the government; and one
Clancey, who acted as agent for lady Fenwick, was tried, convicted
of subornation, fined, and set in the pillory; but they had succeeded
better in their attempts upon Goodman, who disappeared; so that one
witness only remained, and Fenwick began to think his life was out
of danger. Admiral Russel acquainted the house of commons that he and
several persons of quality had been reflected upon in some informations
of sir John Fenwick; he therefore desired that he might have an
opportunity to justify his own character. Mr. secretary Trumball
produced the papers, which having been read, the commons ordered that
sir John Fenwick should be brought to the bar of the house. There he was
exhorted by the speaker to make an ample discovery; which, however,
he declined, except with the proviso that he should first receive some
security that what he might say should not prejudice himself. He was
ordered to withdraw until they should have deliberated on his request.
Then he was called in again, and the speaker told him that he might
deserve the favour of the house by making a full discovery. He desired
he might be indulged with a little time to recollect himself, and
promised to obey the command of the house. This favour being denied, he
again insisted upon having security; which they refusing to grant, he
chose to be silent, and was dismissed from the bar. The house voted
that his informations reflecting upon the fidelity of several noblemen,
members of the house, and others, upon hearsay, were false and
scandalous, contrived to undermine the government, and create jealousies
between the king and his subjects in order to stifle the conspiracy.

A motion being made for leave to bring in a bill to attaint him of high
treason, a warm debate ensued, and the question being put, was carried
in the affirmative by a great majority. He was furnished with a copy of
the bill, and allowed the use of pen, ink, paper, and counsel. When he
presented a petition praying that his counsel might be heard against
passing the bill, they made an order that his counsel should be allowed
to make his defence at the bar of the house; so that he was surprised
into an irregular trial, instead of being indulged with an opportunity
of offering objections to their passing the bill of attainder. He was
accordingly brought to the bar of the house; and the bill being read
in his hearing, the speaker called upon the king's counsel to open the
evidence. The prisoner's counsel objected to their proceeding to trial,
alleging that their client had not received the least notice of their
purpose, and therefore could not be prepared for his defence; but that
they came to offer their reasons against the bill. The house, after a
long debate, resolved, that he should be allowed further time to produce
witnesses in his defence; that the counsel for the king should likewise
be allowed to produce evidence to prove the treasons of which he stood
indicted; and an order was made for his being brought to the bar
again in three days. In pursuance of this order he appeared, when
the indictment which had been found against him by the grand jury was
produced; and Porter was examined as an evidence. Then the record of
Clancey's conviction was read; and one Roe testified that Deighton, the
prisoner's solicitor, had offered him an annuity of one hundred pounds
to discredit the testimony of Goodman. The king's counsel moved, that
Goodman's examination, as taken by Mr. Vernon, clerk of the council,
might be read. Sir J. Powis and sir Bartholomew Shower, the prisoner's
counsel, warmly opposed this proposal; they affirmed that a deposition
taken when the party affected by it was not present to cross-examine the
deposer, could not be admitted in a case of five shillings value; that
though the house was not bound by the rules of inferior courts, it was
nevertheless bound by the eternal and unalterable rules of justice; that
no evidence, according to the rules of law, could be admitted in such a
case but that of living witnesses; and that the examination of a person
who is absent was never read to supply his testimony. The dispute
between the lawyers on this subject gave rise to a very violent debate
among the members of the house. Sir Edward Seymour, sir Richard Temple,
Mr. Harley, Mr. Harcourt, Mr. Manly, sir Christopher Musgrave, and all
the leaders of the tory party, argued against the hardship and injustice
of admitting this information as an evidence. They demonstrated that it
would be a step contrary to the practice of all courts of judicature,
repugnant to the common notions of justice and humanity, diametrically
opposite to the last act for regulating trials in cases of high treason,
and of dangerous consequences to the lives and liberties of the people.
On the other hand, lord Cutts, sir Thomas Lyttleton, Mr. Montague, Mr.
Smith of the treasury, and Trevor the attorney-general, affirmed that
the house was not bound by any form of law whatsoever; that this was
an extraordinary case in which the safety of the government was deeply
concerned; that though the common law might require two evidences in
cases of treason, the house had a power of deviating from those rules
in extraordinary cases; that there was no reason to doubt of sir John
Fenwick's being concerned in the conspiracy; that he or his friends had
tampered with Porter; and that there were strong presumptions to believe
the same practices had induced Goodman to abscond. In a word, the
tories, either from party or patriotism, strenuously asserted the cause
of liberty and humanity by those very arguments which had been used
against them in the former reigns; while the wings, with equal
violence and more success, espoused the dictates of arbitrary power and
oppression, in the face of their former principles, with which they
were now upbraided. At length the question was put, whether or not
the information of Goodman should be read? and was carried in the
affirmative by a majority of seventy-three voices. Then two of the grand
jury who had found the indictment, recited the evidence which had been
given to them by Porter and Goodman; lastly, the king's counsel insisted
upon producing the record of Cooke's conviction, as he had been tried
for the same conspiracy. The prisoner's counsel objected, that if such
evidence was admitted, the trial of one person in the same company would
be the trial of all; and it could not be expected that they who came to
defend sir John Fenwick only, should be prepared to answer the charge
against Cooke. This article produced another vehement debate among the
members; and the whigs obtained a second victory. The record was read,
and the king's counsel proceeded to call some of the jury who served
on Cooke's trial to affirm that he had been convicted on Goodman's
evidence. Sir Bartholomew Shower said he would submit it to the
consideration of the house, whether it was just that the evidence
against one person should conclude against another standing at a
different bar, in defence of his life? The parties were again ordered to
withdraw; and from this point arose a third debate, which ended as the
two former to the disadvantage of the prisoner. The jury being examined,
Mr. Sergeant Gould moved, that Mr. Vernon might be desired to produce
the intercepted letter from sir John Fenwick to his lady. The prisoner's
counsel warmly opposed this motion, insisting upon their proving it to
be his hand writing before it could be used against him; and no further
stress was laid on this evidence. When they were called upon to enter
on his defence, they pleaded incapacity to deliver matters of such
importance after they had been fatigued with twelve hours' attendance.
The house resolved to hear such evidence as the prisoner had to produce
that night. His counsel declared that they had nothing then to produce
but the copy of a record; and the second resolution was, that he should
be brought up again next day at noon. He accordingly appeared at the
bar, and sir J. Powis proceeded on his defence. He observed that the
bill under consideration affected the lives of the subjects; and such
precedents were dangerous; that sir John Fenwick was forthcoming in
order to be tried by the ordinary methods of justice; that he was
actually under process, had pleaded, and was ready to stand trial;
that if there was sufficient clear evidence against him, as the king's
sergeant had declared, there was no reason for his being deprived of the
benefit of such a trial as was the birthright of every British subject;
and if there was a deficiency of legal evidence, he thought this was a
very odd reason for the bill. He took notice that even the regicides had
the benefit of such a trial; that the last act for regulating trials in
cases of treason proved the great tenderness of the laws which affected
the life of the subject; and he expressed his surprise that the very
parliament which had passed that law should enact another for putting
a person to death without any trial at all. He admitted that there
had been many bills of attainder, but they were generally levelled at
outlaws and fugitives; and some of them had been reversed in the sequel
as arbitrary and unjust. He urged that this bill of attainder did not
allege or say that sir John Fenwick was guilty of the treason for which
he had been indicted; a circumstance which prevented him from producing
witnesses to that and several matters upon which the king's counsel had
expatiated. He said they had introduced evidence to prove circumstances
not alleged in the bill, and defective evidence of those that were; that
Porter was not examined upon oath; that nothing could be more severe
than to pass sentence of death upon a man, corrupt his blood, and
confiscate his estate, upon parole evidence; especially of such a wretch
who, by his own confession, had been engaged in a crime of the blackest
nature, not a convert to the dictates of conscience, but a coward,
shrinking from the danger by which he had been environed, and even
now drudging for a pardon. He invalidated the evidence of Goodman's
examination. He observed that the indictment mentioned a conspiracy
to call in a foreign power; but as this conspiracy had not been put in
practice, such an agreement was not a sufficient overt-act of treason,
according to the opinion of Hawles the solicitor-general, concerned in
this very prosecution. So saying, he produced a book of remarks which
that lawyer had published on the cases of lord Russel, colonel Sidney,
and others, who had suffered death in the reign of Charles II. This
author, said he, takes notice, that a conspiracy or agreement to levy
war is not treason without actually levying war; a sentiment in which
he concurred with lord Coke, and lord chief-justice Hales. He concluded
with saying, "We know at present on what ground we stand; by the
statute of Edward III. we know what treason is; by the two statutes of
Edward VI. and the late act, we know what is proof; by the Magna Charta
we know we are to be tried _per legem terrae el per judicium parium_,
by the law of the land and the judgment of our peers; but if bills of
attainder come into fashion, we shall neither know what is treason, what
is evidence, nor how nor where we are to be tried." He was seconded by
sir Bartholomew Shower, who spoke with equal energy and elocution; and
their arguments were answered by the king's counsel. The arguments in
favour of the bill imported that the parliament would not interpose
except in extraordinary cases; that here the evidence necessary in
inferior courts being defective, the parliament, which was not tied down
by legal evidence, had a right to exert their extraordinary power in
punishing an offender, who would otherwise escape with impunity; that
as the law stood, he was but a sorry politician that could not ruin the
government, and yet elude the statute of treason; that if a plot,
after being discovered, should not be thoroughly prosecuted, it would
strengthen and grow upon the administration, and probably at length
subvert the government; that it was notorious that parties were forming
for king James; persons were plotting in every part of the kingdom, and
an open invasion was threatened; therefore this was a proper time for
the parliament to exert their extraordinary power; that the English
differed from all other nations in bringing the witnesses and the
prisoner face to face, and requiring two witnesses in cases of treason;
nor did the English law itself require the same proof in some cases as
in others, for one witness was sufficient in felony, as well as for the
treason of coining; that Fenwick was notoriously guilty, and deserved
to feel the resentment of the nation; that he would have been brought
to exemplary punishment in the ordinary course of justice, had he not
eluded it by corrupting evidence and withdrawing a witness. If
this reasoning be just, the house of commons has a right to act in
diametrical opposition to the laws in being; and is vested with a
despotic power over the lives and fortunes of their constituents, for
whose protection they are constituted. Let us therefore reflect upon
the possibility of a parliament debauched by the arts of corruption into
servile compliance with the designs of an arbitrary prince, and tremble
for the consequence. The debate being finished, the prisoner was, at the
desire of admiral Russel, questioned with regard to the imputations he
had fixed upon that gentleman and others from hearsay; but he desired
to be excused on account of the risk he ran while under a double
prosecution, if any thing which should escape him might be turned to his

After he was removed from the bar, Mr. Vernon, at the desire of the
house, recapitulated the arts and practices of sir John Fenwick and his
friends to procrastinate the trial. The bill was read a second time;
and the speaker asking, If the question should be put for its being
committed? the house was immediately kindled into a new flame of
contention. Hawles, the solicitor-general, affirmed that the house in
the present case should act both as judge and jury. Mr. Harcourt said he
knew of no trial for treason but what was confirmed by _Magna Charta_,
by a jury, the birthright and darling privilege of an Englishman, or
_per legem terrae_, which includes impeachments in parliament; that it
was a strange trial where the person accused had a chance to be hanged,
but none to be saved; that he never heard of a juryman who was not on
his oath, nor of a judge who had not power to examine witnesses upon
oath, and who was not empowered to save the innocent as well as to
condemn the guilty. Sir Thomas Lyttleton was of opinion that the
parliament ought not to stand upon little niceties and forms of other
courts when the government was at stake. Mr. Howe asserted that to do a
thing of this nature, because the parliament had power to do it, was
a strange way of reasoning; that what was justice and equity at
Westminster-hall, was justice and equity every where; that one bad
precedent in parliament was of worse consequence than an hundred in
Westminster-hall, because personal or private injuries did not foreclose
the claims of original right; whereas the parliament could ruin the
nation beyond redemption, because it could establish tyranny by law. Sir
Richard Temple, in arguing against the bill, observed that the power of
parliament is to make any law, but the jurisdiction of parliament is to
govern itself by the law; to make a law, therefore, against all the laws
in England was the _ultimum remedium et pessimum_, never to be used but
in case of absolute necessity. He affirmed that by this precedent the
house overthrew all the laws of England; first, in condemning a man upon
one witness; secondly, in passing an act without any trial. The commons
never did nor can assume a jurisdiction of trying any person: they may
for their own information hear what can be offered; but it is not a
trial where witnesses are not upon oath. All bills of attainder have
passed against persons that were dead or fled, or without the compass of
the law: some have been brought in after trials in Westminster-hall; but
none of those have been called trials, and they were generally reversed.
He denied that the parliament had power to declare anything treason
which was not treason before. When inferior courts were dubious, the
case might be brought before parliament to judge whether it be treason
or felony; but then they must judge by the laws in being, and this
judgment was not in the parliament by bill but only in the house of
lords. Lord Digby, Mr. Harley, and colonel Granville, spoke to the same
purpose. But their arguments and remonstrances had no effect upon the
majority, by whom the prisoner was devoted to destruction. The bill was
committed, passed, and sent up to the house of lords, where it
produced the longest and warmest debates which had been known since the
Restoration. Bishop Burnet signalized his zeal for the government by a
long speech in favour of the bill, contradicting some of the fundamental
maxims which he had formerly avowed in behalf of the liberties of the
people. At length it was carried by a majority of seven voices; and
one-and-forty lords, including eight prelates, entered a protest couched
in the strongest terms against the decision.

When the bill received the royal assent, another act of the like nature
passed against Barclay, Holmes, and nine other conspirators who had fled
from justice, in case they should not surrender themselves on or before
the twenty-fifth day of March next ensuing. Sir John Fenwick solicited
the mediation of the lords in his behalf, while his friends implored the
royal mercy. The peers gave him to understand that the success of his
suit would depend upon the fulness of his discoveries. He would have
previously stipulated for a pardon, and they insisted upon his depending
on their favour. He hesitated some time between the fears of infamy and
the terrors of death, which last he at length chose to undergo rather
than incur the disgraceful character of an informer. He was complimented
with the axe in consideration of his rank and alliance with the house
of Howard, and suffered on Tower-hill with great composure. In the paper
which he delivered to the sheriff, he took God to witness that he
knew not of the intended invasion until it was the common subject of
discourse, nor was he engaged in any shape for the service of king
James. He thanked those noble and worthy persons who had opposed his
attainder in parliament; protested before God that the information
he gave to the ministry he had received in letters and messages from
France; and observed that he might have expected mercy from the prince
of Orange, as he had been instrumental in saving his life by preventing
the execution of a design which had been formed against it--a
circumstance which in all probability induced the late conspirators to
conceal their purpose of assassination from his knowledge. He professed
his loyalty to king James, and prayed heaven for his speedy restoration.


While Fenwick's affair was in agitation, the earl of Monmouth had set on
foot some practices against the duke of Shrewsbury. One Matthew Smith,
nephew to sir William Perkins, had been entertained as a spy by this
nobleman, who finding his intelligence of very little use or importance,
dismissed him as a troublesome dependent. Then he had recourse to the
earl of Monmouth, into whom he infused unfavourable sentiments of the
duke, insinuating that he had made great discoveries which from sinister
motives were suppressed. Monmouth communicated those impressions to
the earl of Portland, who enlisted Smith as one of his intelligencers.
Copies of the letters he had sent to the duke of Shrewsbury were
delivered to secretary Trumball sealed up for the perusal of his
majesty at his return from Flanders. When Fenwick mentioned the duke of
Shrewsbury in his discoveries, the earl of Monmouth resolved to seize
the opportunity of ruining that nobleman. He, by the channel of the
duchess of Norfolk, exhorted lady Fenwick to prevail upon her husband
to persist in his accusation, and even dictated a paper of directions.
Fenwick rejected the proposal with disdain, as a scandalous contrivance;
and Monmouth was so incensed at his refusal that when the bill of
attainder appeared in the house of lords, he spoke in favour of it
with peculiar vehemence. Lady Fenwick, provoked at this cruel outrage,
prevailed upon her nephew the earl of Carlisle to move the house that
sir John might be examined touching any advices that had been sent
to him with relation to his discoveries. Fenwick being interrogated
accordingly, gave an account of all the particulars of Monmouth's
scheme, which was calculated to ruin the duke of Shrewsbury by bringing
Smith's letters on the carpet. The duchess of Norfolk and a confidant
were examined and confirmed the detection. The house called for Smith's
letters, which were produced by sir William Trumball. The earl
of Monmouth was committed to the Tower and dismissed from all his
employments. He was released however at the end of the session, and the
court made up all his losses in private lest he should be tempted to
join the opposition.


The whigs, before they were glutted with the sacrifice of Fenwick, had
determined to let loose their vengeance upon sir George Rooke, who was
a leader in the opposite interest. Sir Cloudesley Shovel had been sent
with a squadron to look into Brest, where, according to the intelligence
which the government had received, the French were employed in preparing
for a descent upon England; but this information was false. They were
busy in equipping an armament for the West Indies, under the command of
M. Pointis, who actually sailed to the coast of New Spain and took the
city of Carfehagena. Rooke had been ordered to intercept the Toulon
squadron in its way to Brest; but his endeavours miscarried. The commons
in a committee of the whole house resolved to inquire why this fleet was
not intercepted; Rooke underwent a long examination, and was obliged
to produce his journal, orders, and letters. Shovel and Mitchel were
likewise examined; but nothing appearing to the prejudice of the
admiral, the house thought proper to desist from their prosecution.
After they had determined on the fate of Fenwick, they proceeded to
enact several laws for regulating the domestic economy of the nation;
among others they passed an act for the more effectual relief of
creditors in cases of escape, and for preventing abuses in prisons and
pretended privileged places. Ever since the reformation certain places
in and about the city of London, which had been sanctuaries during the
prevalence of the popish religion, afforded asylum to debtors, and were
become receptacles of desperate persons who presumed to set the law at
defiance. One of these places called White-friars was filled with a crew
of ruffians, who every day committed acts of violence and outrage; but
this law was so vigorously put in execution that they were obliged
to abandon the district, which was soon filled with more creditable
inhabitants. On the sixteenth day of April the king closed the session
with a short speech, thanking the parliament for the great supplies
they had so cheerfully granted, and expressed his satisfaction at the
measures they had taken for retrieving the public credit. Before he
quitted the kingdom he ventured to produce upon the scene the earl of
Sunderland, who had hitherto promoted his councils behind the curtain.
That politician was now sworn of the privy council, and gratified with
the office of lord-chamberlain, which had been resigned by the earl of
Dorset, a nobleman of elegant talents and invincible indolence, severe
and poignant in his writings and remarks upon mankind in general, but
humane, good-natured, and generous to excess, in his commerce with


William having made some promotions * and appointed a regency, embarked
on the twenty-sixth day of April for Holland, that he might be at hand
to manage the negotiation for a general peace.

     * Somers was created a baron, and appointed lord-chancellor
     of England; admiral Russel was dignified with the title of
     earl of Orford. In February the earl of Aylesbury, who had
     been committed on account of the conspiracy, was released
     upon bail; but this privilege was denied to lord Montgomery,
     who had been imprisoned in Newgate on the same account.

By this time the preliminaries were settled between Callieres the French
minister, and Mr. Dykvelt in behalf of the states-general, who resolved,
in consequence of the concessions made by France, that, in concert with
their allies, the mediation of Sweden might be accepted. The emperor and
the court of Spain, however, were not satisfied with those concessions;
yet his imperial majesty declared he would embrace the proffered
mediation, provided the treaty of Westphalia should be re-established;
and provided the king of Sweden would engage to join his troops
with those of the allies, in case France should break through the
stipulation. This proposal being delivered, the ministers of England
and Holland at Vienna presented a joint memorial, pressing his imperial
majesty to accept the mediation without reserve, and name a place
at which the congress might bo opened. The emperor complied with
reluctance. On the fourteenth day of February all the ministers of the
allies, except the ambassador of Spain, agreed to the proposal; and
next day signified their assent in form to M. Lillienroot, the Swedish
plenipotentiary. Spain demanded, as a preliminary, that France should
agree to restore all the places mentioned in a long list which the
minister of that crown presented to the assembly. The emperor proposed
that the congress should be held at Aix-la-Chapelle, or Franckfort,
or some other town in Germany. The other allies were more disposed to
negotiate in Holland. At length the French king suggested, that no place
would be more proper than a palace belonging to king William called
Newbourg-house, situated between the Hague and Delft, close by the
village of Ryswick; and to this proposition the ministers agreed. Those
of England were the earl of Pembroke, a virtuous, learned, and popular
nobleman, the lord Villiers, and sir Joseph Williamson: France sent
Harlay and Crecy to the assistance of Callieres. Louis was not only
tired of the war, on account of the misery in which it had involved his
kingdom; but in desiring a peace he was actuated by another motive. The
king of Spain had been for some time in a very ill state of health, and
the French monarch had an eye to the succession: this aim could not
bo accomplished while the confederacy subsisted; therefore he eagerly
sought a peace, that he might at once turn his whole power against Spain
as soon as Charles should expire. The emperor harboured the same design
upon the Spanish crown, and for that reason interested himself in the
continuance of the grand alliance. Besides, he foresaw he should in a
little time be able to act against France with an augmented force.
The czar of Muscovy had engaged to find employment for the Turks and
Tartars. He intended to raise the elector of Saxony to the throne of
Poland; and he had made some progress in a negotiation with the circles
of the Rhine for a considerable body of auxiliary troops. The Dutch had
no other view but that of securing a barrier in the Netherlands. King
William insisted upon the French king's acknowledging his title; and the
English nation wished for nothing so much as the end of a ruinous war.
On the tenth day of February, Callieres, in the name of his master,
agreed to the following preliminaries: That the treaties of Westphalia
and Nimeguen should be the basis of this negotiation; that Strasbourg
should be restored to the empire, and Luxembourg to the Spaniards,
together with Mons, Charleroy, and all places taken by the French in
Catalonia since the treaty of Nimeguen; that Dinant should be ceded to
the bishop of Liege, and all reunion since the treaty of Nimeguen be
made void; that the French king should make restitution of Lorraine,
and, upon conclusion of the peace, acknowledge the prince of Orange as
king of Great Britain, without condition or reserve. The conferences
were interrupted by the death of Charles XI. king of Sweden, who was
succeeded by his son Charles, then a minor: but the queen and five
senators, whom the late king had by will appointed administrators of the
government, resolved to pursue the mediation, and sent a new commission
to Lillienroot for that purpose. The ceremonials being regulated
with the consent of all parties, the plenipotentiaries of the emperor
delivered their master's demands to the mediator on the twenty-second
day of May, and several German ministers gave in the pretensions the
respective princes whom they represented.

{WILLIAM, 1688--1701.}


Meanwhile the French king, in the hope of procuring more favourable
terms, resolved to make his last effort against the Spaniards in
Catalonia and in the Netherlands, and to elevate the prince of Conti
to the throne of Poland; an event which would have greatly improved
the interest of France in Europe. Louis had got the start of the
confederates in Flanders, and sent thither a very numerous army
commanded by Catinat, Villeroy, and Boufflers. The campaign was opened
with the siege of Aeth, which was no sooner invested than king William,
having recovered of an indisposition, took the field, and had an
interview with the duke of Bavaria, who commanded a separate body. He
did not think proper to interrupt the enemy in their operations before
Aeth, which surrendered in a few days after the trenches were opened;
but contented himself with taking possession of an advantageous camp,
where he covered Brussels, which Villeroy and Boufflers had determined
to besiege. In Catalonia the duke of Vendome invested Barcelona, in
which there was a garrison of ten thousand regular soldiers, besides
five thousand burghers who had voluntarily taken arms on this occasion.
The governor of the place was the prince of Hesse d Armstadt, who had
served in Ireland; and been vested with the command of the Imperial
troops which were sent into Spain. The French general being reinforced
from Provence and Languedoc, carried on his approaches with surprising
impetuosity; and was repulsed in several attacks by the valour of the
defendants. At length the enemy surprised and routed the viceroy of
Catalonia; and flushed with this victory, stormed the outworks, which
had been long battered with their cannon. The dispute was very bloody
and obstinate; but the French, by dint of numbers, made themselves
masters of the covered-way and two bastions. There they erected
batteries of cannon and mortars, and fired furiously on the town, which
however the prince of Hesse resolved to defend to the last extremity.
The court of Madrid, however, unwilling to see the place entirely
ruined, as in all probability it would be restored at the peace,
despatched an order to the prince to capitulate; and he obtained very
honourable terms, after having made a glorious defence for nine weeks;
in consideration of which he was appointed viceroy of the province.
France was no sooner in possession of this important place, than the
Spaniards became as eager for peace as they had been before averse to a


Their impatience was not a little inflamed by the success of Pointis in
America, where he took Carthagena, in which he found a booty amounting
to eight millions of crowns. Having ruined the fortifications of the
place, and received advice that an English squadron under admiral Nevil
had arrived in the West Indies, with a design to attack him in his
return, he bore away for the straits of Bahama. On the twenty-second day
of May he fell in with the English fleet, and one of his fly-boats was
taken; but such was his dexterity, or good fortune, that he escaped
after having been pursued five days, during which the English and Dutch
rear-admirals sprang their fore-top-masts and received other damage, so
that they could not proceed. Then Nevil steered to Carthagena, which
he found quite abandoned by the inhabitants, who after the departure
of Pointis had been rifled a second time by the buccaneers, on pretence
that they had been defrauded of their share of the plunder. This was
really the case; they had in a great measure contributed to the success
of Pointis, and were very ill rewarded. In a few days the English
admiral discovered eight sail of their ships, two of which were forced
on the shore and destroyed, two taken and the rest escaped. Then he
directed his course to Jamaica, and by the advice of the governor, sir
William Beeston, detached rear-admiral Meeze with some ships and forces
to attack Petit-Guavas, which he accordingly surprised, burned, and
reduced to ashes. After this small expedition, Nevil proceeded to the
Havannah on purpose to take the galleons under his convoy for Europe,
according to the instructions he had received from the king; but the
governor of the place, and the general of the plate-fleet, suspecting
such an offer, would neither suffer him to enter the harbour, nor put
the galleons under his protection. He now sailed through the gulf of
Folrida to Virginia, where he died of chagrin, and the command of
the fleet devolved on captain Dilkes, who arrived in England on the
twenty-fourth day of October, with a shattered squadron half manned, to
the unspeakable mortification of the people, who flattered themselves
with the hopes of wealth and glory from this expedition. Pointis
steering to the banks of Newfoundland, entered the bay of Conceptione,
at a time when a stout English squadron, commanded by commodore Norris,
lay at anchor in the bay of St. John. This officer being informed of the
arrival of a French fleet, at first concluded that it was the squadron
of M. Nesmond come to attack him, and exerted his utmost endeavours to
put the place in a posture of defence; but afterwards understanding
that it was Pointis returning with the spoil of Carthagena, he called a
council of war, and proposed to go immediately in quest of the enemy. He
was however over-ruled by a majority, who gave it as their opinion that
they should remain where they were without running unnecessary hazard.
By virtue of this scandalous determination, Pointis was permitted
to proceed on his voyage to Europe; but he had not yet escaped every
danger. On the fourteenth day of August he fell in with a squadron under
the command of captain Harlow, by whom he was boldly engaged till night
parted the combatants. He was pursued next day; but his ships sailing
better than those of Harlow, he accomplished his escape, and on the
morrow entered the harbour of Brest. That his ships, which were foul,
should out-sail the English squadron, which had just put to sea, was a
mystery which the people of England could not explain. They complained
of having been betrayed through the whole course of the West Indian
expedition. The king owned he did not understand marine affairs, the
entire conduct of which he abandoned to Russel, who became proud,
arbitrary, and unpopular, and was supposed to be betrayed by his
dependents. Certain it is, the service was greatly obstructed by faction
among the officers, which with respect to the nation had all the effects
of treachery and misconduct.


The success of the French in Catalona, Flanders, and the West Indies,
was balanced by their disappointment in Poland. Louis encouraged by the
remonstrance of the abbe de Polignac, who managed the affairs of France
in that kingdom, resolved to support the prince of Conti as a candidate
for the crown, and remitted great sums of money which wore distributed
among the Polish nobility. The emperor had at first declared for the
son of the late king; but finding the French party too strong for his
competitor, he entered into a negotiation with the elector of Saxony,
who agreed to change his religion, to distribute eight millions of
florins among the Poles, to confirm their privileges, and advance with
his troops to the frontiers of that kingdom. Having performed these
articles, he declared himself a candidate, and was publicly espoused
by the Imperialists. The duke of Lorraine, the prince of Baden, and don
Livio Odeschalchi, nephew to pope Innocent, were likewise competitors;
but finding their interest insufficient, they united their influence
with that of the elector, who was proclaimed king of Poland. He
forthwith took the oath required, procured an attestation from the
Imperial court of his having changed his religion, and marched with his
army to Cracow, where he was crowned with the usual solemnity. Louis
persisted in maintaining the pretensions of the prince of Conti, and
equipped a fleet at Dunkirk for his convoy to Dantzick in his way to
Poland. But the magistrates of that city, who had declared for the new
king, would not suffer his men to land, though they offered to
admit himself with a small retinue. He therefore went on shore at
Marien-burgh, where he was met by some chiefs of his own party; but
the new king Augustus acted with such vigilance, that he found it
impracticable to form an army; besides he suspected the fidelity of his
own Polish partizans; he therefore refused to part with the treasure he
had brought, and in the beginning of winter returned to Dunkirk.


The establishment of Augustus on the throne of Poland was in some
measure owing to the conduct of Peter the czar of Muscovy, who having
formed great designs against the Ottoman Porte, was very unwilling to
see the crown of Poland possessed by a partizan of France, which was in
alliance with the grand seignor. He therefore interested himself warmly
in the dispute, and ordered his general to assemble an army on the
frontiers of Lithuania, which by over-awing the Poles that were in the
interest of the prince of Conti, considerably influenced the election.
This extraordinary legislator, who was a strange compound of heroism and
barbarity, conscious of the defects in his education, and of the gross
ignorance that overspread his dominions, resolved to extend his ideas,
and improve his judgment by travelling; and that he might be the
less restricted by forms, or interrupted by officious curiosity, he
determined to travel in disguise. He was extremely ambitious of becoming
a maritime power, and in particular of maintaining a fleet in the
Black-sea; and his immediate aim was to learn the principles of
ship-building. He appointed an embassy for Holland, to regulate some
points of commerce with the states-general. Having intrusted the care
of his dominions to persons in whom he could confide, he now disguised
himself, and travelled as one of their retinue. He first disclosed
himself to the elector of Brandenburgh in Prussia, and afterwards to
king William, with whom he conferred in private at Utrecht. He engaged
himself as a common labourer with a ship-carpenter in Holland, whom
he served for some months with wonderful patience and assiduity. He
afterwards visited England, where he amused himself chiefly with the
same kind of occupation. From thence he set out for Vienna, where
receiving advices from his dominions, that his sister was concerned
in managing intrigues against his government, he returned suddenly to
Moscow, and found the machinations of the conspirators were already
baffled by the vigilance and fidelity of the foreigners to whom he had
left the care of the administration. His savage nature, however, broke
out upon this occasion; he ordered some hundreds to be hanged all round
his capital; and a good number were beheaded, he himself with his own
hands performing the office of executioner.


The negotiations at Ryswick proceeded very slowly for some time. The
Imperial minister demanded, that Franco should make restitution of all
the places and dominions she had wrested from the empire since the peace
of Munster, whether by force of arms or pretence of right. The Spaniards
claimed all they could demand by virtue of the peace of Nimeguen and the
treaty of the Pyrenees. The French affirmed, that if the preliminaries
offered by Callieres were accepted, these propositions could not be
taken into consideration. The Imperialists persisted in demanding a
circumstantial answer, article by article. The Spaniards insisted upon
the same manner of proceeding, and called upon the mediator and Dutch
ministers to support their pretensions. The plenipotentiaries of France
declared, they would not admit any demand or proposition contrary to the
preliminary articles; but were willing to deliver in a project of
peace in order to shorten the negotiations, and the Spanish ambassadors
consented to this expedient. During these transactions the earl of
Portland held a conference with mareschal Boufflers near Halle, in
sight of the two opposite armies, which was continued in five successive
meetings. On the second day of August they retired together to a house
in the suburbs of Halle, and mutually signed a paper, in which
the principal articles of the peace between France and England were
adjusted. Next day king William quitted the camp, and retired to his
house at Loo, confident of having taken such measures for a pacification
as could not be disappointed. The subject of this field negotiation is
said to have turned upon the interest of king James, which the French
monarch promised to abandon; others however suppose that the first
foundation of the partition treaty was laid in this conference. But in
all probability, William's sole aim was to put an end to an expensive
and unsuccessful war, which had rendered him very unpopular in his own
dominions, and to obtain from the court of France an acknowledgment
of his title, which had since the queen's death become the subject of
dispute. He perceived the emperor's backwardness towards a pacification,
and foresaw numberless difficulties in discussing such a complication
of interests by the common method of treating; he therefore chose such
a step as he thought would alarm the jealousy of the allies, and quicken
the negotiation at Ryswick. Before the congress was opened, king James
had published two manifestoes, addressed to the catholic and protestant
princes of the confederacy, representing his wrongs, and craving
redress; but his remonstrances being altogether disregarded, he
afterwards issued a third declaration, solemnly protesting against all
that might or should be negotiated, regulated, or stipulated with
the usurper of his realms, as being void of all rightful and lawful
authority. On the twentieth day, of July the French ambassadors produced
their project of a general peace, declaring at the same time that should
it not be accepted before the last day of August, France would not
hold herself bound for the conditions she now offered; but Caunitz,
the emperor's plenipotentiary, protested he would pay no regard to this
limitation. On the thirtieth of August, however, he delivered to the
mediators an ultimatum, importing that he adhered to the treaties
of Westphalia and Nimeguen, and accepted of Strasbourg with its
appurtenances; that he insisted upon the restitution of Lorraine to the
prince of that name; and demanded that the church and chapter of Liege
should be re-established in the possession of their incontestable
rights. Next day the French plenipotentiaries declared that the month of
August being now expired, all their offers were vacated; that therefore
the king of France would reserve Strasbourg, and unite it with its
dependencies to his crown for ever; that in other respects he would
adhere to the project, and restore Barcelona to the crown of Spain; but
that these terms must be accepted in twenty days, otherwise he should
think himself at liberty to recede. The ministers of the electors and
princes of the empire joined in a written remonstrance to the Spanish
plenipotentiaries, representing the inconveniencies and dangers that
would accrue to the Germanic body from France being in possession of
Luxembourg, and exhorting them in the strongest terms to reject all
offers of an equivalent for that province. They likewise presented
another to the states-general, requiring them to continue the war
according to their engagements, until France should have complied
with the preliminaries. No regard however was paid to either of these
addresses. Then the Imperial ambassadors demanded the good offices of
the mediator on certain articles; but all that he could obtain of France
was, that the term for adjusting the peace between her and the emperor
should be prolonged till the first day of November, and in the meantime
an armistice be punctually observed. Yet even these concessions were
made on condition that the treaty with England, Spain, and Holland,
should be signed on that day, even though the emperor and empire should
not concur.


Accordingly on the twentieth day of September, the articles were
subscribed by the Dutch, English, Spanish, and French ambassadors, while
the Imperial ministers protested against the transaction, observing
this was the second time that a separate peace had been concluded with
France; and that the states of the empire, who had been imposed upon
through their own credulity, would not for the future be so easily
persuaded to engage in confederacies. In certain preparatory articles
settled between England and France, king William promised to pay a
yearly pension to queen Mary D'Este, of fifty thousand pounds, or such
sum as should be established for that purpose by act of parliament. The
treaty itself consisted of seventeen articles. The French king engaged,
that he would not disturb or disquiet the king of Groat Britain in the
possession of his realms or government; nor assist his enemies, nor
favour conspiracies against his person. This obligation was reciprocal.
A free commerce was restored. Commissaries were appointed to meet at
London and settle the pretensions of each crown to Hudson's bay, taken
by the French during the late peace, and retaken by the English in
the course of the war; and to regulate the limits of the places to
be restored, as well as the exchanges to be made. It was likewise
stipulated, that, in case of a rupture, six months should be allowed to
the subjects of each power for removing their effects; that the separate
articles of the treaty of Nimeguen, relating to the principality of
Orange, should be entirely executed; and that the ratifications should
be exchanged in three weeks from the day of signing. The treaty between
France and Holland imported a general armistice, a perpetual amity, a
mutual restitution, a reciprocal renunciation of all pretensions upon
each other, a confirmation of the peace of Savoy, a re-establishment of
the treaty concluded between France and Brandenburgh in the year I one
thousand six hundred and seventy-nine, a comprehension of Sweden, and
all those powers that should be named before the ratification, or in six
months after the conclusion of the treaty. Besides, the Dutch ministers
concluded a treaty of commerce with France, which was immediately put in
execution. Spain had great reason to be satisfied with the pacification,
by which the recovered Gironne, Eoses, Barcelona, Luxembourg, Charleroy,
Mons, Courtray, and all the towns, fortresses, and territories taken by
the French in the province of Luxembourg, Namur, Brabant, Flanders, and
Hainault, except eighty-two towns and villages claimed by the French;
this dispute was left to the decision of commissaries; or in case
they should not agree, to the determination of the states-general. A
remonstrance in favour of the French protestant refugees in England,
Holland, and Germany, was delivered by the earl of Pembroke to the
mediators, in the name of the protestant allies, on the day that
preceded the conclusion of the treaty; but the French plenipotentiaries
declared in the name of their master, that as he did not pretend "to
prescribe rules to king William about the English subjects, he expected
the same liberty with respect to his own." No other effort was made in
behalf of those conscientious exiles; the treaties were ratified, and
the peace proclaimed at Paris and London.


The emperor still held out, and perhaps was encouraged to persevere in
his obstinacy by the success of his arms in Hungary, where his general,
prince Eugene of Savoy, obtained a complete victory at Zenta over the
forces of the grand seignor, who commanded his army in person. In this
battle, which was fought on the eleventh day of September, the grand
vizier, the aga of the janissaries, seven-and-twenty pachas, and about
thirty thousand men, were killed or drowned in the river Theysse six
thousand were wounded or taken, together with all their artillery,
tents, baggage, provisions, and ammunition, the grand seignor himself
escaping with difficulty; a victory the more glorious and acceptable,
as the Turks had a great superiority in point of number, and as the
Imperialists did not lose a thousand men during the whole action.
The emperor perceiving that the event of this battle had no effect in
retarding the treaty, thought proper to make use of the armistice,
and continue the negotiation after the forementioned treaties had been
signed. This was likewise the case with the princes of the empire;
though those of the protestant persuasion complained that their interest
was neglected. In one of the articles of the treaty, it was stipulated
that in the places to be restored by France, the Roman catholic religion
should continue as it had been re-established. The ambassadors of the
protestant princes joined in a remonstrance, demanding that the Lutheran
religion should be restored in those places where it had formerly
prevailed; but this demand was rejected, as being equally disagreeable
to France and the emperor. Then they refused to sign the treaty, which
was now concluded between France, the emperor, and the catholic princes
of the empire. By this pacification, Triers, the Palatinate, and
Lorraine, were restored to their respective owners. The countries of
Spanheim and Valdentz, together with the duchy of Deux Ponts, were
ceded to the king of Sweden. Francis Louis Palatine was confirmed in
the electorate of Cologn; and cardinal Furstemberg restored to all his
rights and benefices. The claims of the duchess of Orleans upon the
Palatinate were referred to the arbitration of France and the emperor;
and in the meantime the elector Palatine agreed to supply her highness
with an annuity of one hundred thousand florins. The ministers of the
protestant princes published a formal declaration against the clause
relating to religion, and afterwards solemnly protested against the
manner in which the negotiation had been conducted. Such was the issue
of a long and bloody war, which had drained England of her wealth and
people, almost entirely ruined her commerce, debauched her morals, by
encouraging venality and corruption, and entailed upon her the curse
of foreign connexions, as well as a national debt which was gradually
increased to an intolerable burden. After all the blood and treasure
which had been expended, William's ambition and revenge remained
unsatisfied. Nevertheless, he reaped the solid advantage of seeing
himself firmly established on the English throne; and the confederacy,
though not successful in every instance, accomplished their great aim
of putting a stop to the encroachments of the French monarch. They
mortified his vanity, they humbled his pride and arrogance, and
compelled him to disgorge the acquisitions which, like a robber, he had
made in violation of public faith, justice, and humanity. Had the allies
been true to one another; had they acted from genuine zeal for the
common interests of mankind; and prosecuted with vigour the plan which
was originally concerted, Louis would in a few campaigns have been
reduced to the most abject state of disgrace, despondence, and
submission; for he was destitute of true courage and magnanimity. King
William having finished this important transaction, returned to England
about the middle of November, and was received in London amidst the
acclamations of the people, who now again hailed him as their deliverer
from a war, by the continuance of which they must have been infallibly


     _State of Parties..... Characters of the Ministers..... The
     Commons reduce the Number of standing Forces to Ten
     Thousand..... They establish the Civil list; and assign
     Funds for paying the National Debts..... They take
     Cognisance of fraudulent Endorsements of Exchequer
     Bills..... Anew East-India Company constituted by act of
     parliament..... .Proceedings against a Book written by
     William Molineux of Dublin, and against certain Smugglers of
     Alamodes and Lustrings from France..... Society for the
     Reformation of Manners..... The Earl of Portland resigns his
     Employments..... The King disowns the Scottish Trading
     Company..... He embarks for Holland..... First Treaty of
     Partition..... Intrigues of France at the Court of
     Madrid..... King William is thwarted by his now
     Parliament..... He is obliged to send away his Dutch
     Guards..... The Commons address the King against the
     Papists..... The Parliament prorogued..... The Scottish
     Company make a Settlement on the Isthmus of Darien; which
     however they are compelled to abandon..... Remonstrances of
     the Spanish Court against the Treaty of Partition ..... The
     Commons persist in their Resolutions to mortify the
     King..... Inquiry into the Expedition of Captain Kidd..... A
     Motion made against Burnet, bishop of Sarum..... Inquiry
     into the Irish Forfeitures..... The Commons pass a Bill of
     Resumption, and a severe Bill against Papists..... The old
     East-India Company re-established..... Dangerous Ferment in
     Scotland..... lord Homers dismissed from his
     Employments..... Second Treaty of Partition..... Death of
     the Duke of Gloucester..... The King sends a Fleet into the
     Baltic, to the Assistance of the Swedes..... The second
     Treaty of Partition generally disagreeable to the European
     Powers..... The French Interest prevails at the Court of
     Spain..... King William finds means to allay the heats in
     Scotland ..... The King of Spain dies, after having
     bequeathed his Dominions by Will to the Duke of Anjou.....
     The French King's Apology for accepting the Will ..... The
     States-general owns Philip as King of Spain..... Anew
     Ministry and a new Parliament..... The Commons unpropitious
     to the Court---The Lords are more condescending..... An
     intercepted Letter from the Earl of Melfort to his
     Brother..... Succession of the Crown settled upon the
     Princess Sophia, Elect ress Dowager of Hanover, and the
     Protestant Heirs of her Body..... The Duchess of Savoy
     protests against this Act..... Ineffectual Negotiation with
     France..... Severe Addresses from both Houses, in relation
     to the Partition Treaty..... William is obliged to
     acknowledge the King of Spain..... The two Houses seem to
     enter into the King's Measures..... The Commons resolve to
     wreak their Vengeance on the old Ministry..... The earls of
     Portland and Oxford, the Lords Sotners and Halifax, are
     impeached..... Disputes between the two Houses..... The
     House of Peers acquits the impeached Lords ..... Petition of
     Kent..... Favourable end of the Session..... Progress of
     Prince Eugene in Italy..... Sketch of the Situation of
     Affairs in Europe..... Treaty of Alliance between the
     Emperor and the maritime Powers..... Death of King
     James..... The French King owns the pretended Prince of
     Wales as King of England..... Addresses to King William on
     that subject..... New Parliament..... The King's last Speech
     to both Houses received with great Applause..... Great
     Harmony between the King and Parliament..... The two Houses
     pass the Bill of Abjuration..... The Lower House justifies
     the Proceedings of the Commons in the preceding
     Parliament..... Affairs of Ireland ..... The King recommends
     an Union of the two Kingdoms..... He falls from his
     Horse..... His Death..... And Character._

{WILLIAM, 1688--1701.}

WHEN the king opened the session of parliament on the third day of
December, he told them the war was brought to the end they all proposed,
namely, an honourable peace. He gave them to understand there was a
considerable debt on account of the fleet and army; that the revenues
of the crown had been anticipated. He expressed his hope that they would
provide for him during his life, in such a manner as would conduce
to his own honour and that of the government. He recommended the
maintenance of a considerable navy; and gave it as his opinion, that
for the present England could not be safe without a standing army. He
promised to rectify such corruptions and abuses as might have crept
into any part of the administration during the war; and effectually to
discourage profaneness and immorality. Finally, he assured them that as
he had rescued their religion, laws, and liberties, when they were in
the extremest danger, so he should place the glory of his reign in
preserving and leaving them entire to latest posterity. To this speech
the commons replied in an address, by a compliment of congratulation
upon the peace, and an assurance, that they would be ever ready to
assist and support his majesty, who had confirmed them in the quiet
possession of their rights and liberties, and by putting an end to the
war fully completed the work of their deliverance. Notwithstanding these
appearances of good humour, the majority of the house, and indeed the
whole nation, were equally alarmed and exasperated at a project for
maintaining a standing army, which was countenanced at court, and even
recommended by the king in his speech to the parliament. William's
genius was altogether military. He could not bear the thought of being
a king without power. He could not without reluctance dismiss those
officers who had given so many proofs of their courage and fidelity.
He did not think himself safe upon the naked throne, in a kingdom that
swarmed with malcontents who had so often conspired against his person
and government. He dreaded the ambition and known perfidy of the French
king, who still retained a powerful army. He foresaw that a reduction of
the forces would lessen his importance both at home and abroad; diminish
the dependence upon his government; and disperse those foreigners in
whose attachment he chiefly confided. He communicated his sentiments
on this subject to his confidant, the earl of Sunderland, who knew by
experience the aversion of the people to a standing army; nevertheless
he encouraged him with hope of success, on the supposition that the
commons would see the difference between an army raised by the king's
private authority, and a body of veteran troops maintained by consent
of parliament for the security of the kingdom. This was a distinction to
which the people paid no regard. All the jealousy of former parliaments
seemed to be roused by the bare proposal; and this was inflamed by a
national prejudice against the refugees, in whose favour the king had
betrayed repeated marks of partial indulgence. They were submissive,
tractable, and wholly dependent upon his will and generosity. The
Jacobites failed not to cherish the seeds of dissatisfaction, and
reproach the whigs who countenanced this measure. They branded that
party with apostacy from their former principles. They observed that
the very persons who in the late reigns endeavoured to abridge the
prerogative, and deprive the king of that share of power which was
absolutely necessary to actuate the machine of government, were now
become advocates for maintaining a standing army in time of peace; nay,
and impudently avowed, that their complaisance to the court in this
particular was owing to their desire of excluding from all share in the
administration a faction disaffected to his majesty, which might mislead
him into more pernicious measures. The majority of those who really
entertained revolution principles, opposed the court from apprehension
that a standing army, once established, would take root and grow into an
habitual maxim of government; that should the people be disarmed and the
sword left in the hands of mercenaries, the liberties of the nation
must be entirely at the mercy of him by whom these mercenaries should
be commanded. They might overawe elections, dictate to parliaments, and
establish a tyranny, before the people could take any measures for their
own protection. They could not help thinking it was possible to form
a militia, that, with the concurrence of a fleet, might effectually
protect the kingdom from the dangers of an invasion. They firmly
believed that a militia might be regularly trained to arms, so as to
acquire the dexterity of professed soldiers; and they did not doubt they
would surpass those hirelings in courage, considering that they would
be animated by every concurring motive of interest, sentiment, and
affection. Nay, they argued, that Britain, surrounded as it was by a
boisterous sea, secured by floating bulwarks, abounding with stout and
hardy inhabitants, did not deserve to be free if her sons could not
protect their liberties without the assistance of mercenaries, who were
indeed the only slaves of the kingdom. Yet among the genuine friends
of their country, some individuals espoused the opposite maxims. They
observed that the military system of every government in Europe was now
altered, that war was become a trade, and discipline a science not to be
learned but by those who made it their sole profession; that therefore,
while France kept up a large standing army of veterans ready to embark
on the opposite coast, it would be absolutely necessary for the safety
of the nation to maintain a small standing force, which should be voted
in parliament from year to year. They might have suggested another
expedient which in a few years would have produced a militia of
disciplined men. Had the soldiers of this small standing army been
enlisted for a term of years, at the expiration of which they might have
claimed their discharge, volunteers would have offered themselves from
all parts of the kingdom, even from the desire of learning the use and
exercise of arms, the ambition of being concerned in scenes of actual
service, and the chagrin of little disappointments or temporary
disgusts, which yet would not have impelled them to enlist as soldiers
on the common terms of perpetual slavery. In consequence of such a
succession, the whole kingdom would soon have been stocked with members
of a disciplined militia, equal if not superior to any army of professed
soldiers. But this scheme would have defeated the purpose of the
government, which was more afraid of domestic foes than of foreign
enemies; and industriously avoided every plan of this nature,
which could contribute to render the malcontents of the nation more


Before we proceed to the transactions of parliament in this session, it
may not be amiss to sketch the outlines of the ministry as it stood at
this juncture. The king's affection for the earl of Portland had begun
to abate in proportion as his esteem for Sunderland increased, together
with his consideration for Mrs. Villiers, who had been distinguished by
some particular marks of his majesty's favour. These two favourites are
said to have supplanted Portland, whose place in the king's bosom was
now filled by Van Keppel, a gentleman of Guelderland who had first
served his majesty as a page, and afterwards acted as private secretary.
The earl of Portland growing troublesome, from his jealousy of this
rival, the king resolved to send him into honourable exile, in quality
of an ambassador-extraordinary to the court of France; and Trumball, his
friend and creature, was dismissed from the office of secretary, which
the king conferred upon Vernon, a plodding man of business who had acted
as under-secretary to the duke of Shrewsbury. This nobleman rivalled the
earl of Sunderland in his credit at the council-board, and was supported
by Somers, lord chancellor of England, by Russel now earl of Orford,
first lord of the admiralty, and Montague, chancellor of the exchequer.
Somers was an upright judge, a plausible statesman, a consummate
courtier, affable, mild, and insinuating. Orford appears to have been
rough, turbulent, factious, and shallow. Montague had distinguished
himself early by his poetical genius; but he soon converted his
attention to the cultivation of more solid talents. He rendered himself
remarkable for his eloquence, decemment, and knowledge of the English
constitution. To a delicate taste he united an eager appetite for
political studies. The first catered for the enjoyments of fancy; the
other was subservient to his ambition. He at the same time was the
distinguished encourager of the liberal arts, and the professed patron
of projectors. In his private deportment he was liberal, easy, and
entertaining; as a statesman, bold, dogmatical, and aspiring.


The terrors of a standing army had produced such an universal ferment
in the nation, that the dependents of the court in the house of commons
durst not openly oppose the reduction of the forces; but they shifted
the battery, and employed all their address in persuading the house
to agree that a very small number should be retained. When the commons
voted, That all the forces raised since the year one thousand six
hundred and eighty should be disbanded, the courtiers desired the vote
might be re-committed, on pretence that it restrained the king to the
old tory regiments, on whose fidelity he could not rely. This motion
however was overruled by a considerable majority. Then they proposed
an amendment, which was rejected, and afterwards moved, That the sum
of five hundred thousand pounds per annum should be granted for
the maintenance of guards and garrisons. This provision would have
maintained a very considerable number; but they were again disappointed,
and fain to embrace a composition with the other party, by which three
hundred and fifty thousand pounds were allotted for the maintenance
of ten thousand men; and they afterwards obtained an addition of three
thousand marines. The king was extremely mortified at these resolutions
of the commons; and even declared to his particular friends, that he
would never have intermeddled with the affairs of the nation had he
foreseen they would make such returns of ingratitude and distrust. His
displeasure was aggravated by the resentment against Sunderland, who was
supposed to have advised the unpopular measure of retaining a standing
army. This nobleman dreading the vengeance of the commons, resolved
to avert the fury of the impending storm, by resigning his office and
retiring from court, contrary to the entreaties of his friends, and the
earnest desire of his majesty.


The house of commons, in order to sweeten the unpalatable cup they had
presented to the king, voted the sum of seven hundred thousand pounds
per annum for the support of the civil list, distinct from all other
services. Then they passed an act prohibiting the currency of silver
hammered coin, including a clause for making out new exchequer-bills, in
lieu of those which were or might be filled up with endorsements; they
framed another to open the correspondence with France, under a variety
of provisos; a third for continuing the imprisonment of certain persons
who had been concerned in the late conspiracy; a fourth, granting
further time for administering oaths with respect to tallies and orders
in the exchequer and bank of England. These bills having received the
royal assent, they resolved to grant a supply, which, together with the
funds already settled for that purpose, should be sufficient to answer
and cancel all exchequer-bills, to the amount of two millions seven
hundred thousand pounds. Another supply was voted for the payment and
reduction of the army, including half-pay to such commission officers
as were natural born subjects of England. They granted one million four
hundred thousand pounds, to make good deficiencies. They resolved,
That the sum of two millions three hundred and forty-eight thousand one
hundred and two pounds, was necessary to pay off arrears, subsistence,
contingencies, general-officers, guards, and garrisons; of which sum
eight hundred and fifty-five thousand five hundred and two pounds,
remained in the hands of the pay-master. Then they took into
consideration the subsidies due to foreign powers, and the sums owing
to contractors for bread and forage. Examining further the debts of the
nation, they found the general debt of the navy amounted to one million
three hundred and ninety-two thousand seven hundred and forty-two
pounds. That of the ordnance was equal to two hundred and four thousand
one hundred and fifty-seven pounds. The transport debt contracted for
the reduction of Ireland and other services, did not fall short of four
hundred and sixty-six thousand four hundred and ninety-three pounds; and
they owed nine-and-forty thousand nine hundred and twenty-nine pounds,
for quartering and clothing the army which had been raised by one act of
parliament in the year 1677, and disbanded by another in the year 1679.
As this enormous load of debt could not be discharged at once, the
commons passed a number of Arotes for raising sums of money, by which it
was considerably lightened; and settled the funds for those purposes by
the continuation of the land tax, and other impositions. With respect to
the civil list, it was raised by a new subsidy of tonnage and poundage,
the hereditary and temporary excise, a weekly portion from the revenue
of the post-office, the first-fruits and tenths of the clergy, the
fines in the alienation office, and post-fines, the revenue of the
wine-license, money arising by sheriffs, proffers, and compositions in
the exchequer; and seizures, the income of the duchy of Cornwall, the
rents of all other crown lands in England or Wales, and the duty of four
and a half per cent, upon specie from Barbadoes and the Leeward-islands.
The bill imported, That the overplus arising from these funds should be
accounted for to parliament. Six hundred thousand pounds of this money
was allotted for the purposes of the civil list: the rest was granted
for the jointure of fifty thousand pounds per annum, to be paid to queen
Mary d'Este, according to the stipulation at Ryswick; and to maintain a
court for the duke of Gloucester, son of the princess Anne of Denmark,
now in the ninth year of his age; but the jointure was never paid; nor
would the king allow above fifteen thousand pounds per annum for the
use of the duke of Gloucester, to whom Burnet, bishop of Salisbury, was
appointed preceptor.


The commons having discussed the ways and means for raising the supplies
of the ensuing year, which rose almost to five millions, took cognizance
of some fraudulent endorsements of exchequer bills, a species of
forgery which had been practised by a confederacy, consisting of
Charles Duncomb, receiver-general of the excise, Bartholomew Burton, who
possessed a place in that branch of the revenue, John Knight, treasurer
of the customs, and Reginald Marriot, a deputy-teller of the exchequer.
This last became evidence, and the proof turning out very strong and
full, the house resolved to make examples of the delinquents. Duncomb
and Knight, both members of parliament, were expelled and committed to
the Tower; Burton was sent to Newgate; and bills of pains and penalties
were ordered to be brought in against them. The first, levelled at
Duncomb, passed the lower house, though not without great opposition,
but was rejected in the house of lords by the majority of one voice.
Duncomb, who was extremely rich, is said to have paid dear for his
escape. The other two bills met with the same fate. The peers discharged
Duncomb from his confinement; but he was recommitted by the commons, and
remained in custody till the end of the session. While the commons
were employed on ways and means, some of the members in the opposition
proposed, that one fourth part of the money arising from improper grants
of the crown, should be appropriated to the service of the public; but
this was a very unpalatable expedient, as it affected not only the whigs
of king William's reign, but also the tories who had been gratified by
Charles II. and his brother. A great number of petitions were presented
against this measure, and so many difficulties raised, that both parties
agreed to lay it aside. In the course of this inquiry, they discovered
that one Railton held a grant in trust for Mr. Montague, chancellor of
the exchequer. A motion was immediately made, that he should withdraw;
but passed in the negative by a great majority. Far from prosecuting
this minister, the house voted it was their opinion, That Mr. Montague,
for his good services to the government, did deserve his majesty's


This extraordinary vote was a sure presage of success in the execution
of a scheme which Montague had concerted against the East India company.
They had been sounded about advancing a sum of money for the public
service, by way of loan, in consideration of a parliamentary settlement;
and they offered to raise seven hundred thousand pounds on that
condition: but before they formed this resolution, another body of
merchants, under the auspices of Mr. Montague, offered to lend two
millions at eight per cent, provided they might be gratified with an
exclusive privilege of trading to the East Indies. This proposal was
very well received by the majority in the house of commons. A bill for
this purpose was brought in, with additional clauses of regulation. A
petition was presented by the old company, representing their rights and
claims under so many royal charters; the regard due to the property
of above a thousand families interested in the stock; as also to the
company's property in India, amounting to forty-four thousand pounds
of yearly revenue. They alleged they had expended a million in
fortifications; that during the war they had lost twelve great ships,
worth fifteen hundred thousand pounds; that since the last subscription
they had contributed two hundred and ninety-five thousand pounds to the
customs, with above eighty-five thousand pounds in taxes; that they had
furnished six thousand barrels of gunpowder on a very pressing occasion:
and eighty thousand pounds for the circulation of exchequer bills, at
a very critical juncture, by desire of the lords of the treasury;
who owned that their compliance was a very important service to the
government. No regard being paid to their remonstrances, they undertook
to raise the loan of two millions, and immediately subscribed two
hundred thousand pounds as the first payment. The two proposals being
compared and considered by the house, the majority declared for the
bill, which was passed, and sent up to the house of lords. There the
old company delivered another petition, and was heard by counsel;
nevertheless the bill made its way, though not without opposition, and
a formal protestation by one-and-twenty lords, who thought it was a
hardship upon the present company; and doubted whether the separate
trade allowed in the bill, concurrent with a joint stock, might not
prove such an inconsistency as would discourage the subscription. This
act, by which the old company was dissolved, in a great measure blasted
the reputation of the whigs, which had for some time been on the decline
with the people. They had stood up as advocates for a standing army;
they now unjustly superseded the East India company; they were accused
of having robbed the public by embezzling the national treasure, and
amassing wealth by usurious contracts, at the expense of their fellow
subjects groaning under the most oppressive burdens. Certain it is, they
were at this period the most mercenary and corrupt undertakers that
had ever been employed by any king or administration since the first
establishment of the English monarchy.

The commons now transferred their attention to certain objects in which
the people of Ireland were interested. Colonel Michelburn, who had been
joint governor of Londonderry with Dr. Walker during the siege of that
place, petitioned the house in behalf of himself, his officers, and
soldiers, to whom a considerable sum of money was due for subsistence;
and the city itself implored the mediation of the commons with
his majesty, that its services and sufferings might be taken into
consideration. The house having examined the allegations contained
in both petitions, presented an address to the king, recommending the
citizens of Londonderry to his majesty's favour; that they might no
longer remain a ruinous spectacle to all, a scorn to their enemies, and
a discouragement to well affected subjects: they likewise declared
that the governor and garrison did deserve some special marks of royal
favour, for a lasting monument to posterity. To this address the king
replied, that he would consider them according to the desire of the
commons. William Molineux, a gentleman of Dublin, having published
a book to prove that the kingdom of Ireland was independent of the
parliament of England, the house appointed a committee to inquire into
the cause and nature of this performance. An address was voted to the
king, desiring he would give directions for the discovery and punishment
of the author. Upon the report of the committee, the commons in a body
presented an address to his majesty, representing the dangerous attempts
which had been lately made by some of his subjects in Ireland, to
shake off their subjection and dependence upon England; attempts which
appeared not only from the bold and pernicious assertions contained in
a book lately published, but more fully and authentically by some votes
and proceedings of the commons in Ireland. These had, during their last
session, transmitted an act for the better security of his majesty's
person and government, whereby an English act of parliament was
pretended to be re-enacted with alterations obligatory on the courts of
justice and the great seal of England. The English commons, therefore,
besought his majesty to give effectual orders for preventing any such
encroachments for the future, and the pernicious consequences of what
was past, by punishing those who had been guilty thereof: that he would
take care to see the laws which direct and restrain the parliament of
Ireland punctually observed, and discourage everything which might
have a tendency to lessen the dependence of Ireland upon England. This
remonstrance was graciously received, and the king-promised to comply
with their request.

The jealousy which the commons entertained of the government in Ireland,
animated them to take other measures that ascertained the subjection
of that kingdom. Understanding that the Irish had established divers
woollen manufactures, they in another address entreated his majesty to
take measures for discouraging the woollen manufactures in Ireland,
as they interfered with those of England, and promote the linen
manufacture, which would be profitable to both nations. At the same
time, receiving information the French had seduced some English
manufacturers, and set up a great work for cloth-making in Picardy, they
brought in a bill for explaining and better executing former acts for
preventing the exportation of wool, fullers earth, and scouring clay;
and this was immediately passed into a law. A petition being presented
to the house by the lustring company, against certain merchants who had
smuggled alamodes and lustrings from France, even during the war; the
committee of trade was directed to inquire into the allegations, and
all the secrets of this traffic were detected. Upon the report the
house resolved, That the manufacture of alamodes and lustrings set up
in England had been beneficial to the kingdom; that there had been a
destructive and illegal trade carried on during the war, for importing
these commodities, by which the king had been defrauded of his customs,
and the English manufactures greatly discouraged; that, by the smuggling
vessels employed in this trade, intelligence had been carried into
France during the war, and the enemies of the government conveyed
from justice. Stephen Seignoret Rhene, Baudoin, John Goodet, Nicholas
Santini, Peter de Hearse, John Pierce, John Dumaitre, and David Barreau,
were impeached at the bar of the house of lords; and, pleading guilty,
the lords imposed fines upon them according to their respective
circumstances. They were in the meantime committed to Newgate until
those fines should be paid; and the commons addressed the king, that the
money might be appropriated to the maintenance of Greenwich hospital.
The house having taken cognizance of this affair, and made some new
regulations in the prosecution of the African trade, presented a solemn
address to the king, representing the general degeneracy and corruption
of the age, and beseeching his majesty to command all his judges,
justices, and magistrates, to put the laws in execution against
profaneness and immorality. The king professed himself extremely well
pleased with this remonstrance, promised to give immediate directions
for a reformation, and expressed his desire that some more effectual
provision might be made for suppressing impious books, containing
doctrines against the Trinity; doctrines which abounded at this period,
and took their origin from the licentiousness and profligacy of the


In the midst of such immorality, Dr. Thomas Bray, an active divine,
formed a plan for propagating the gospel in foreign countries.
Missionaries, catechisms, liturgies, and other books for the instruction
of ignorant people, were sent to the English colonies in America. This
laudable design was supported by voluntary contribution; and the bill
having been brought into the house of commons for the better discovery
of estates given to superstitious uses, Dr. Bray presented a petition,
praying that some part of these estates might be set apart for the
propagation of the reformed religion in Maryland, Virginia, and the
Leeward islands. About this period, a society for the reformation of
manners was formed under the king's countenance and encouragement.
Considerable collections were made for maintaining clergymen to read
prayers at certain hours in places of public worship, and administer the
sacrament every Sunday. The members of this society resolved to inform
the magistrates of all vice and immorality that should fall under
their cognizance; and with that part of the fines allowed by law to
the informer, constitute a fund of charity. The business of the session
being terminated, the king on the third day of July prorogued the
parliament, after having thanked them in a short speech for the many
testimonies of their affection he had received; and in two days after
the prorogation it was dissolved.*

     * On the fifth day of January, a fire breaking out at
     Whitehall through the carelessness of a laundress, the whole
     body of the palace, together with the new gallery, council-
     chamber, and several adjoining apartments were entirely
     consumed; but the banqueting-house was not affected.


In the month of January the earl of Portland had set out on his
embassy to France, where he was received with very particular marks of
distinction. He made a public entry into Paris with such magnificence
as is said to have astonished the French nation. He interceded for
the protestants in that kingdom, against whom the persecution had been
renewed with redoubled violence: he proposed that king James should be
removed to Avignon, in which case his master would supply him with
an honourable pension; but his remonstrances on both subjects proved
ineffectual. Louis, however, in a private conference with him at Marli,
is supposed to have communicated his project of the partition-treaty.
The earl of Portland, at his return to England, finding himself totally
eclipsed in the king's favour by Keppel, now created earl of Albemarle,
resigned his employments in disgust; nor could the king's solicitations
prevail upon him to resume any office in the household, though he
promised to serve his majesty in any other shape, and was soon employed
to negotiate the treaty of partition. If this nobleman miscarried in the
purposes of his last embassy at the court of Versailles, the agents of
France were equally unsuccessful in their endeavours to retrieve their
commerce with England which the war had interrupted. Their commissary,
sent over to London with powers to regulate the trade between the two
nations, met with insuperable difficulties. The parliament had burdened
the French commodities with heavy duties which were already appropriated
to different uses; and the channel of trade was in many respects
entirely altered. The English merchants supplied the nation with wines
from Italy, Spain, and Portugal; with linen from Holland and Silesia;
and manufactures of paper, hats, stuffs, and silks, had been set up and
successfully carried on in England by the French refugees.


By this time a ferment had been raised in Scotland by the opposition
and discouragements their new company had sustained. They had employed
agents in England, Holland, and Hamburgh, to receive subscriptions. The
adventurers in England were intimidated by the measures which had been
taken in parliament against the Scottish company. The Dutch East India
company took the alarm, and exerted all their interest to prevent their
countrymen from subscribing; and the king permitted his resident at
Hamburgh to present a memorial against the Scottish company to the
senate of that city. The parliament of Scotland being assembled by the
earl of Marchmont as king's commissioner, the company presented it with
a remonstrance containing a detail of their grievances, arising from the
conduct of the English house of commons, as well as from the memorial
presented by the king's minister at Hamburgh, in which he actually
disowned the act of parliament and letters patent which had passed
in their favour, and threatened the inhabitants of that city with
his majesty's resentment in case they should join the Scots in their
undertaking. They represented that such instances of interposition had
put a stop to the subscriptions in England and Hamburgh, hurt the credit
of the company, discouraged the adventurers, and threatened the entire
ruin of a design in which all the most considerable families of the
nation were deeply engaged. The parliament having taken their case into
consideration, sent an address to his majesty representing the hardships
to which the company had been exposed, explaining how far the nation in
general was concerned in the design, and entreating that he would take
such measures as might effectually vindicate the undoubted rights and
privileges of the company. This address was seconded by a petition from
the company itself, praying that his majesty would give some intimation
to the senate of Hamburgh, permitting the inhabitants of that city to
renew the subscriptions they had withdrawn; that, as a gracious mark of
his royal favour to the company, he would bestow upon them two small
frigates then lying useless in the harbour of Burnt Island; and that,
in consideration of the obstructions they had encountered, he would
continue their privileges and immunities for such longer time as should
seem reasonable to his majesty. Though the commissioner was wholly
devoted to the king, who had actually resolved to ruin this company,
he could not appease the resentment of the nation; and the heats of
parliament became so violent that he was obliged to adjourn it to the
fifth day of November. In this interval the directors of the company,
understanding from their agent at Hamburgh that the address of the
parliament and their own petition had produced no effect in their
favour, wrote a letter of complaint to the lord Seafield, secretary
of state, observing that they had received repeated assurances of the
king's having given orders to his resident at Hamburgh touching their
memorial, and entreating the interposition of his lordship that justice
might be done to the company. The secretary in his answer promised to
take the first convenient opportunity of representing the affair to his
majesty; but he said this could not be immediately expected, as the
king was much engaged in the affairs of the English parliament. This
declaration the directors considered, as it really was, a mere evasion,
which helped to alienate the minds of that people from the king's person
and government.

{WILLIAM, 1688--1701.}


King William at this time revolved in his own mind a project of far
greater consequence to the interest of Europe--namely, that of settling
the succession to the throne of Spain, which in a little time would
be vacated by the death of Charles IL, whose constitution was already
exhausted. He had been lately reduced to extremity, and his situation
was no sooner known in France than Louis detached a squadron towards
Cadiz, with orders to intercept the plate fleet, in case the king of
Spain should die before its arrival. William sent another fleet to
protect the galleons; but it arrived too late for that service, and
the nation loudly exclaimed against the tardiness of the equipment.
His catholic majesty recovered from his disorder, contrary to the
expectation of his people; but continued in such an enfeebled and
precarious state of health, that a relapse was every moment apprehended.
In the latter end of July king William embarked for Holland, on
pretence of enjoying a recess from business which was necessary to his
constitution. He was glad of an opportunity to withdraw himself for some
time from a kingdom in which he had been exposed to such opposition and
chagrin. But the real motive of his voyage was a design of treating
with the French king remote from the observation of those who might
have penetrated into the nature of his negotiation. He had appointed a
regency to govern the kingdom in his absence; and, as one of the number,
nominated the earl of Marlborough, who had regained his favour and
been constituted governor of the duke of Gloucester. At his majesty's
departure, sealed orders were left with the ministry directing that
sixteen thousand men should be retained in the service, notwithstanding
the vote of the commons by which the standing army was limited to ten
thousand. He alleged that the apprehension of troubles which might arise
at the death of king Charles induced him to transgress this limitation;
and he hoped that the new parliament would be more favourable. His
enemies, however, made a fresh handle of this step to depreciate his
character in the eyes of the people.


Having assisted at the assembly of the states-general, and given
audience to divers ambassadors at the Hague, he repaired to his house at
Loo, attended by the earls of Essex, Portland, and Selkirk. There he was
visited by count Tallard the French minister, who had instructions to
negotiate the treaty concerning the Spanish succession. The earl of
Portland, by his majesty's order, had communicated to Secretary Vernon
the principal conditions which the French king proposed; he himself
wrote a letter to lord chancellor Somers, desiring his advice with
regard to the propositions, and full powers under the great seal, with
blanks to be filled up occasionally, that he might immediately begin
the treaty with count Tallard. At the same time he strictly enjoined
secrecy. The purport of Portland's letter was imparted to the duke
of Shrewsbury and Mr. Montague, who consulted with the chancellor and
Vernon upon the subject, and the chancellor wrote an answer to the king
as the issue of their joint deliberation; but before it reached his
majesty, the first treaty of partition was signed by the earl of
Portland and sir Joseph Williamson. The contracting powers agreed,
that in case the king of Spain should die without issue, the kingdom of
Naples and Sicily, with the places depending on the Spanish monarchy,
and situated on the coast of Tuscany or the adjacent islands; the
marquisate of Final, the province of Guipuscoa, all places on the
French side of the Pyrenees, or the other mountains of Navarre, Alva,
or Biscay, on the other side of the province of Guipuscoa, with all
the ships, vessels, and stores,--should devolve upon the dauphin in
consideration of his right to the crown of Spain, which, with all its
other dependencies, should descend to the electoral prince of Bavaria,
under the guardianship of his father; that the duchy of Milan should
he settled on the emperor's second son, the archduke Charles; that
this treaty should be communicated to the emperor and the elector of
Bavaria, by the king of England and the states-general; that if either
should refuse to agree to this partition, his proportion should remain
in sequestration until the dispute should be accommodated; that in case
the electoral prince of Bavaria should die before his father, then the
elector and his other heirs should succeed him in those dominions;
and should the archduke reject the duchy of Milan, they agreed that it
should be sequestered and governed by the prince of Vaudemont. It may
be necessary to observe that Philip IV., father to the present king of
Spain, had settled his crown by will on the emperor's children; that the
dauphin was son to Maria-Theresa, daughter of the same monarch, whose
right to the succession Louis had renounced in the most solemn manner;
as for the electoral prince of Bavaria, he was grandson to a daughter of
Spain. This treaty of partition was one of the most impudent schemes
of encroachment that tyranny and injustice ever planned. Louis, who had
made a practice of sacrificing all ties of honour and good faith to
the interest of his pride, vanity, and ambition, foresaw that he should
never be able to accomplish his designs upon the crown of Spain while
William was left at liberty to form another confederacy against them. He
therefore resolved to amuse him with a treaty, in which he would seem
to act as umpire in the concerns of Europe. He knew that William was too
much of a politician to be restricted by notions of private justice;
and that he would make no scruple to infringe the laws of particular
countries, or even the rights of a single nation, when the balance of
power was at stake. He judged right in this particular. The king of
England lent a willing ear to his proposals, and engaged in a plan for
dismembering a kingdom in despite of the natives, and in violation of
every law human or divine.


While the French king cajoled William with this negotiation, the
marquis d'Harcourt, his ambassador to Spain, was engaged in a game of a
different nature at Madrid. The queen of Spain, suspecting the designs
of France, exerted all her interest in behalf of the king of the Romans,
to whom she was nearly related. She new-modelled the council, bestowed
the government of Milan on prince Vaudemont, and established the prince
of Hesse Darmstadt as viceroy of Catalonia. Notwithstanding all her
efforts, she could not prevent the French minister from acquiring some
influence in the Spanish councils. He was instructed to procure the
succession of the crown for one of the dauphin's sons, or at least to
hinder it from devolving upon the emperor's children. With a view to
give weight to his negotiations, the French king ordered an army of
sixty thousand men to advance towards the frontiers of Catalonia and
Navarre, while a great number of ships and galleys cruised along the
coast, and entered the harbours of Spain. Harcourt immediately began to
form his party; he represented that Philip IV. had no power to dispose
of his crown against the laws of nature and the constitution of the
realm; that, by the order of succession, the crown ought to descend to
the children of his daughter in preference to more distant relations;
that if the Spaniards would declare in favour of the dauphin's second
son, the duke of Anjou, they might train him up in the manners and
customs of their country. When he found them averse to this proposal,
he assured them that his master would approve of the electoral prince of
Bavaria rather than consent to the succession's devolving upon a son of
the emperor. Nay, he hinted that if they would choose a sovereign among
themselves, they might depend upon the protection of his most christian
majesty, who had no other view than that of preventing the house of
Austria from becoming too formidable to the liberties of Europe. The
queen of Spain, having discovered the intrigues of this minister,
conveyed the king to Toledo, on pretence that the air of Madrid was
prejudicial to his health. Harcourt immediately took the alarm. He
supposed her intention was to prevail upon her husband in his solitude
to confirm the last will of his father; but his doubts were all removed
when he understood that the count de Harrach, the Imperial ambassador,
had privately repaired to Toledo. He forthwith took the same road,
pretending to have received a memorial from his master with a positive
order to deliver it into the king's own hand. He was given to understand
that the management of foreign affairs had been left to the care of
cardinal Corduba at Madrid, and that the king's health would not permit
him to attend to business. The purport of the memorial was, an offer of
French forces to assist in raising the siege of Ceuta in Barbary, which
the Moors had lately undertaken; but this offer was civilly declined.
Harcourt, not yet discouraged, redoubled his efforts at Madrid, and
found means to engage cardinal Portocarrcro in the interests of his
master. In the meantime Louis concluded an alliance with Sweden, under
the pretext of preserving and securing the common peace by such means as
should be adjudged most proper and convenient. During these transactions
king William was not wanting in his endeavours to terminate the war in
Hungary, which had raged fifteen years without intermission. About the
middle of August, lord Paget and Mr. Colliers, ambassadors from England
and Holland, arrived in the Turkish camp near Belgrade, and a conference
being opened under their mediation, the peace of Carlowitz was signed on
the twenty-sixth day of January By this treaty, the emperor remained in
possession of all his conquests; Caminieck was restored to the Poles;
all the Morea, with several fortresses in Dalmatia, were ceded to the
Venetians; and the czar of Muscovy retained Azoph during a truce of two
years: so that the Turks by this pacification lost great part of their
European dominions. The cardinal primate of Poland, who had strenuously
adhered to the prince of Conti, was prevailed upon to acknowledge
Augustus; and the commotions in Lithuania being appeased, peace was
established through all Christendom.

In the beginning of December the king arrived in England, where a new
parliament had been chosen and prorogued on account of his majesty's
absence, which was prolonged by contrary winds and tempestuous weather.
His ministry had been at very little pains to influence the elections,
which generally fell upon men of revolution-principles, though they do
not seem to have been much devoted to the person of their sovereign; yet
their choice of sir Thomas Lyttleton for speaker, seemed to presage a
session favourable to the ministry. The two houses being convened on the
sixth day of December, the king in his speech observed that the safety,
honour, and happiness of the kingdom would in a great measure depend
upon the strength which they should think proper to maintain by sea and
land. He desired they would make some further progress in discharging
the national debt; contrive effectual expedients for employing the poor;
pass good bills for the advancement of trade, and the discouragement of
profaneness; and act with unanimity and despatch. The commons of this
new parliament were so irritated at the king's presuming to maintain
a greater number of troops than their predecessors had voted, that they
resolved he should feel the weight of their displeasure. They omitted
the common compliment of an address; they resolved that all the forces
of England, in English pay, exceeding seven thousand men, should
be forthwith disbanded; as also those in Ireland exceeding twelve
thousand; and that those retained should be his majesty's natural born
subjects. A bill was brought in on these resolutions and prosecuted with
peculiar eagerness, to the unspeakable mortification of king
William, who was not only extremely sensible of the affront, but also
particularly chagrined to see himself disabled from maintaining his
Dutch guards and the regiments of French refugees, to which he was
uncommonly attached. Before the meeting of the parliament, the ministry
gave him to understand that they should be able to procure a vote for
ten or twelve thousand, but they would not undertake for a greater
number. He professed himself dissatisfied with the proposal, observing
that they might as well disband the whole as leave so few. The ministers
would not run the risk of losing all their credit by proposing a greater
number; and, having received no directions on this subject, sat silent
when it was debated in the house of commons.

Such was the indignation of William, kindled by this conduct of
his ministry and his parliament, that he threatened to abandon the
government, and had actually penned a speech to be pronounced to both
houses on that occasion; but he was diverted from this purpose by his
ministry and confidants, and resolved to pass the bill by which he had
been so much offended. Accordingly, when it was ready for the royal
assent, he went to the house of peers, where having sent for the
commons, he told them that although he might think himself unkindly used
in being deprived of his guards, which had constantly attended him in
all his actions; yet, as he believed nothing could be more fatal to the
nation than any distrust or jealousy between him and his parliament, he
was come to pass the bill according to their desire.

At the same time, for his own justification, and in discharge of the
trust reposed in him, he declared that in his own judgment the nation
was left too much exposed; and that it was incumbent upon them to
provide such a strength as might be necessary for the safety of the
kingdom. They thanked him in an address for this undeniable proof of his
readiness to comply with the desires of his parliament. They assured
him he should never have reason to think the commons were undutiful or
unkind; for they would on all occasions stand by and assist him in the
preservation of his sacred person, and in the support of his government,
against all his enemies whatsoever. The lords presented an address to
the same effect; and the king assured both houses he entertained no
doubts of their loyalty and affection. He forthwith issued orders for
reducing the army to the number of seven thousand men, to be maintained
in England under the name of guards and garrisons; and hoping the hearts
of the commons were now mollified, he made another effort in favour of
his Dutch guards, whom he could not dismiss without the most sensible
regret. Lord Ranelagh was sent with a written message to the commons,
giving them to understand that the necessary preparations were made for
transporting the guards who came with him into England, and that they
should embark immediately, unless out of consideration to him, the
house should be disposed to find a way for continuing them longer in the
service; a favour which his majesty would take very kindly. The commons,
instead of complying with his inclination, presented an address, in
which they professed unspeakable grief that he should propose anything
to which they could not consent with due regard to the constitution
which he had come over to restore, and so often hazarded his royal
person to preserve. They reminded him of the declaration, in which
he had promised that all the foreign forces should be sent out of the
kingdom. They observed, that nothing conduced more to the happiness and
welfare of the nation than an entire confidence between the king and
people, which could no way be so firmly established as by intrusting
his sacred person with his own subjects, who had so eminently signalized
themselves during the late long and expensive war. They received a
soothing answer to this address, but remained firm to their purpose,
in which the king was fain to acquiesce; and the Dutch guards were
transported to Holland. At a time when they declared themselves so well
pleased with their deliverer, such an opposition in an affair of
very little consequence savoured more of clownish obstinacy than of
patriotism. In the midst of all their professions of regard, they
entertained a national prejudice against himself and all the foreigners
in his service. Even in the house of commons, his person was treated
with great disrespect in virulent insinuations. They suggested that
he neither loved nor trusted the English nation; that he treated the
natives with the most disagreeable reserve, and chose his confidants
from the number of strangers that surrounded him; that after every
session of parliament, he retired from the kingdom to enjoy an indolent
and inglorious privacy with a few favourites. These suggestions were
certainly true. He was extremely disgusted with the English, whom he
considered as malicious, ignorant, and ungrateful, and he took no pains
to disguise his sentiments.


The commons having effected a dissolution of the army, voted fifteen
thousand seamen, and a proportionable fleet, for the security of the
kingdom; they granted one million four hundred and eighty-four thousand
and fifteen pounds for the services of the year, to be raised by a tax
of three shillings in the pound upon lands, personal estates, pensions,
and offices. A great number of priests and Roman catholics, who had been
frighted away by the revolution, were now encouraged by the treaty
of Ryswick to return, and appeared in all public places of London and
Westminster with remarkable effrontery. The enemies of the government
whispered about that the treaty contained a secret article in favour
of those who professed that religion; and some did not even scruple to
insinuate that William was a papist in his heart. The commons, alarmed
at the number and insolence of those religionists, desired the king, in
an address, to remove by proclamation all papists and nonjurors from the
city of London and parts adjacent, and put the laws in execution
against them, that the wicked designs they were always hatching might be
effectually disappointed. The king gratified them in their request of
a proclamation, which was not much regarded; but a remarkable law was
enacted against papists in the course of the ensuing session. The old
East India company, about this period, petitioned the lower house to
make some provision that their corporation might subsist for the residue
of the term of twenty-one years granted by his majesty's charter; that
the payment of the five pounds per cent. by the late act for settling
the trade to the East Indies, might be settled and adjusted in such
a manner as not to remain a burden on the petitioners; and that such
further considerations might be had for their relief, and for the
preservation of the East India trade, as should be thought reasonable.
A bill was brought in upon the subject of this petition, but rejected
at the second reading. Discontents had risen to such a height, that some
members began to assert they were not bound to maintain the votes
and credit of the former parliament; and, upon this maxim, would have
contributed their interest towards a repeal of the act made in favour of
the new company: but such a scheme was of too dangerous consequence to
the public credit to be carried into execution.

That spirit of peevishness which could not be gratified with this
sacrifice, produced an inquiry into the management of naval affairs,
which was aimed at the earl of Orford, a nobleman whose power gave
umbrage, and whose wealth excited envy. He officiated both as treasurer
of the navy and lord commissioner of the admiralty, and seemed to have
forgot the sphere from which he had risen to title and office. The
commons drew up an address complaining of some unimportant articles of
mismanagement in the conduct of the navy; and the earl was wise enough
to avoid further prosecution by resigning his employments. On the fourth
day of May the king closed the session with a short speech, hinting
dissatisfaction at their having neglected to consider some points which
he had recommended to their attention; and the parliament was prorogued
to the first of June.* In a little time after this prorogation, his
majesty appointed a regency; and on the second day of June embarked for

     * About the latter end of March, the earl of Warwick and
     lord Mohun were tried by their peers in Westminster-hall,
     for the murder of captain Richard Coote, who had been killed
     in a midnight combat of three on each side. Warwick was
     found guilty of manslaughter, and Mohun acquitted.


In Ireland nothing of moment was transacted. The parliament of that
kingdom passed an act for raising one hundred and twenty thousand
pounds on lands, tenements, and hereditaments, to defray the expense of
maintaining twelve thousand men, who had been voted by the commons of
England; then the assembly was prorogued. A new commission afterwards
arrived at Dublin, constituting the duke of Bolton, the earls of
Berkeley and Galway, lords-justices of Ireland. The clamour in Scotland
increased against the ministry, who had disowned their company, and in
a great measure defeated the design from which they had promised
themselves such heaps of treasure. Notwithstanding the discouragements
to which their company had been exposed, they fitted out two of four
large ships which had been built at Hamburgh for their service. These
were laden with a cargo for traffic, with some artillery and military
stores; and the adventurers embarking to the number of twelve hundred,
they sailed from the Frith of Edinburgh, with some tenders, on the
seventeenth day of July in the preceding year. At Madeira they took in a
supply of wine, and then steered to Crab-island in the neighbourhood of
St. Thomas, lying between Santa-Cruz and Porto Rico. Their design was to
take possession of this little island; but when they entered the road,
they saw a large tent pitched upon the strand, and the Danish colours
flying. Finding themselves anticipated in this quarter, they directed
their course to the coast of Darien, where they treated with the natives
for the establishment of their colony, and taking possession of the
ground, to which they gave the name of Caledonia, began to execute their
plan of erecting a town under the appellation of New Edinburgh, by the
direction of their council, consisting of Patterson the projector, and
six other directors. They had no sooner completed their settlement,
than they wrote a letter to the king containing a detail of their
proceedings. They pretended they had received undoubted intelligence
that the French intended to make a settlement on that coast; and that
their colony would be the means of preventing the evil consequences
which might arise to his majesty's kingdom and dominions from the
execution of such a scheme. They acknowledged his goodness in granting
those privileges by which their company was established; they implored
the continuance of his royal favour and protection, as they had
punctually adhered to the conditions of the act of parliament, and the
patent they had obtained.

By this time, however, the king was resolved to crush them effectually.
He understood that the greater part of their provisions had been
consumed before they set sail from Scotland, and foresaw that they must
be reduced to a starving condition if not supplied from the English
colonies. That they might be debarred of all such assistance, he sent
orders to the governors of Jamaica and the other English settlements
in America, to issue proclamations prohibiting, under the severest
penalties, all his majesty's subjects from holding any correspondence
with the Scottish colony, or assisting it in any shape with arms,
ammunition, or provisions; on pretence that they had not communicated
their design to his majesty, but had peopled Darien in violation of the
peace subsisting between him and his allies. Their colony was doubtless
a very dangerous encroachment upon the Spaniards, as it would have
commanded the passage between Porto-Bello and Panama, and divided the
Spanish empire in America. The French king complained of the invasion,
and offered to supply the court of Madrid with a fleet to dislodge the
interlopers. Colonna, marquis de Canales, the Spanish ambassador at the
court of London, presented a memorial to king William, remonstrating
against the settlement of this colony as a mark of disregard, and a
breach of the alliance between the two crowns; and declaring that his
master would take proper measures against such hostilities. The
Scots affirmed that the natives of Darien were a free people, who the
Spaniards had in vain attempted to subdue; that therefore they had an
original and incontrovertible right to dispose of their own lands, part
of which the company had purchased for a valuable consideration. But
there was another cause more powerful than the remonstrances of the
Spanish court to which this colony fell a sacrifice; and that was the
jealousy of the English traders and planters. Darien was said to be a
country abounding with gold, which would in a little time enrich the
adventurers. The Scots were known to be an enterprising and pertinacious
people; and their harbour near Golden Island was already declared a free
port. The English apprehended that their planters would be allured into
this new colony by the double prospect of finding gold and plundering
the Spaniards; that the buccaneers in particular would choose it
as their chief residence; that the plantations of England would be
deserted; that Darien would become another Algiers; and that the
settlement would produce a rupture with Spain, in consequence of which
the English effects in that kingdom would be confiscated. The Dutch
too are said to have been jealous of a company which in time might have
proved their competitors in the illicit commerce to the Spanish main;
and to have hardened the king's heart against the new settlers, whom
he abandoned to their fate, notwithstanding the repeated petitions
and remonstrances of their constituents. Famine compelled the first
adventurers to quit the coast: a second recruit of men and provisions
was sent thither from Scotland; but one of their ships, laden with
provisions, being burnt by accident, they likewise deserted the place.
Another reinforcement arrived, and being better provided than the two
former, might have maintained their footing; but they were soon divided
into factions that rendered all their schemes abortive. The Spaniards
advanced against them; when finding themselves incapable of withstanding
the enemy, they solicited a capitulation, by virtue of which they were
permitted to retire. Thus vanished all the golden dreams of the Scottish
nation, which had engaged in this design with incredible eagerness, and
even embarked a greater sum of money than ever they had advanced
upon any other occasion. They were now not only disappointed in their
expectations of wealth and affluence, but a great number of families
were absolutely ruined by the miscarriage of the design, which they
imputed solely to the conduct of king William. The whole kingdom of
Scotland seemed to join in the clamour that was raised against
their sovereign, taxed him with double dealing, inhumanity, and base
ingratitude, to a people who had lavished their treasure and best blood
in support of his government, and in the gratification of his ambition;
and had their power been equal to their animosity, in all probability a
rebellion would have ensued.


William meanwhile enjoyed himself at Loo, where he was visited by
the duke of Zell, with whom he had long cultivated an intimacy of
friendship. During his residence in this place, the earl of Portland
and the grand pensionary of Holland frequently conversed with the French
ambassador, count Tallard, upon the subject of the Spanish succession.
The first plan of the partition being defeated by the death of the young
prince of Bavaria, they found it necessary to concert another, and began
a private negotiation for that purpose. The court of Spain, apprized
of their intention, sent a written remonstrance to Mr. Stanhope,
the English minister at Madrid, expressing their resentment at this
unprecedented method of proceeding, and desiring that a stop might be
put to those intrigues, seeing that the king of Spain would of himself
take the necessary steps for preserving the public tranquillity in case
he should die without heirs of his body. A representation of the same
kind was made to the ministers of France and Holland; the marquis de
Canales, the Spanish ambassador at London, delivered a memorial to
the lords-justices couched in the most virulent terms against this
transaction, and even appealing from the king to the parliament. This
Spaniard was pleased with an opportunity to insult king William, who
hated his person, and had forbid him the court, on account of his
appearing covered in his majesty's presence. The regency had no sooner
communicated this paper to the king, than he ordered the ambassador to
quit the kingdom in eighteen days, and to remain within his own house
till the time of his departure. He was likewise given to understand
that no writing would be received from him or any of his domestics. Mr.
Stanhope was directed to complain at Madrid of the affront offered to
his master, which he styled an insolent and saucy attempt to stir up
sedition in the kingdom, by appealing to the people and parliament of
England against his majesty. The court of Spain justified what their
minister had done, and in their turn ordered Mr. Stanhope to leave their
dominions. Don Bernardo de Quiros, the Spanish ambassador in Holland,
prepared a memorial on the same subject to the states-general; which
however they refused to accept. These remonstrances did not interrupt
the negotiation, in which Louis was so eager that he complained of
William as if he had not employed his whole influence in prevailing
upon the Dutch to signify their accession to the articles agreed upon by
France and England; but his Britannic majesty found means to remove this


About the middle of October, William returned to England, and conferred
upon the duke of Shrewsbury the office of chamberlain, vacant since the
resignation of Sunderland. * Mr. Montague at the same period resigned
his seat at the treasury-board, together with the chancellorship of the
exchequer; either foreseeing uncommon difficulty in managing a house
of commons after they had been dismissed in ill humour, or dreading the
interest of his enemies, who might procure a vote that his two places
were inconsistent. The king opened the session of parliament on the
sixteenth day of November, with a long speech, advising a further
provision for the safety of the kingdom by sea and land, as well as the
repairs of ships and fortifications; exhorting the commons to make good
the deficiencies of the funds, discharge the debts of the nation, and
provide the necessary supplies. He recommended some good bill for
the more effectual preventing and punishing unlawful and clandestine
trading; and expressed a desire that some method should be taken for
employing the poor, which were become a burden to the kingdom. He
assured them his resolutions were to countenance virtue and discourage
vice; and that he would decline no difficulties and dangers where the
welfare and prosperity of the nation was concerned. He concluded with
these words: "Since then our aims are only for the general good, let
us act with confidence in one another; which will not fail, with God's
blessing, to make me a happy king, and you a great and flourishing
people." The commons were now become wanton in their disgust. Though
they had received no real provocation, they resolved to mortify him with
their proceedings. They affected to put odious interpretations on
the very harmless expression of "Let us act with confidence in one
another." Instead of an address of thanks, according to the usual
custom, they presented a sullen remonstrance, complaining that a
jealousy and distrust had been raised of their duty and affection; and
desiring he would show marks of his high displeasure towards all persons
who had presumed to misrepresent their proceedings to his majesty. He
declared, in his answer, that no person had ever dared to misrepresent
their proceedings, and that if any should presume to impose upon him by
such calumnies, he would treat them as his worst enemies.

     * Villers, earl of Jersey, who had been sent ambassador to
     France, was appointed secretary of state in the room of the
     duke of Shrewsbury. This nobleman was created lord
     chamberlain; the earl of Manchester was sent ambassador
     extraordinary to France; the earl of Pembroke was declared
     lord-president of the council; and lord viscount Lonsdale
     keeper of the privy-seal.

{WILLIAM, 1688--1701.}


The house was not in a humour to be appeased with soothing promises
and protestations; they determined to distress him by prosecuting his
ministers. During the war the colonies of North America had grown rich
by piracy. One Kidd, the master of a sloop, undertook to suppress the
pirates, provided the government would furnish him with a ship of thirty
guns well manned. The board of admiralty declaring that such a number of
seamen could not be spared from the public service, Kidd was equipped by
the private subscription of the lord Chancellor, the duke of Shrewsbury,
the earls of Romney, Orford, and Bellamont, sir Edward Harrison,
and colonel Livingstone of New York. The king promised to contribute
one-half of the expense, and reserved to himself one-tenth of the
profits; but he never advanced the money. Kidd being thus equipped, and
provided with a commission to act against the French, as well as to
make war on certain pirates therein mentioned by name, set sail from
Plymouth; but instead of cruising on the coast of America, he directed
his course to the East Indies, where he himself turned pirate, and took
a rich ship belonging to the Moors. Having divided his booty with his
crew, ninety of whom left him in order to join other adventurers, he
burned his own ship and sailed with his prize to the West Indies. There
he purchased a sloop in which he steered for North America, leaving part
of his men in the prize, to remain in one of the Leeward Islands until
they should receive further instructions. Arriving on the coast of New
York, he sent one Emmet to make his peace with the earl of Bellamont,
the governor of that province, who inveigled him into a negotiation,
in the course of which he was apprehended. Then his lordship sent an
account of his proceedings to the secretary of state, desiring that he
would send for the prisoners to England, as there was no law in that
colony for punishing piracy with death, and the majority of the people
favoured that practice. The admiralty, by order of the lords-justices,
despatched the ship Rochester to bring home the prisoners and their
effects; but, after having been tossed for some time with tempestuous
weather, this vessel was obliged to return to Plymouth in a shattered
condition. This incident furnished the malcontents with a colour
to paint the ministry as the authors and abettors of a piratical
expedition, which they wanted to screen from the cognizance of the
public. The old East India company had complained to the regency of the
capture made by Kidd in the East Indies, apprehending, as the vessel
belonged to the Moors, they should be exposed to the resentments of the
Mogul. In the beginning of December, this subject being brought abruptly
into the house of commons, a motion was made, That the letters patent
granted to the earl of Bellamont and others, of pirates' goods, were
dishonourable to the king, against the laws of nations, contrary to the
laws and statutes of the land, invasive of property, and destructive of
trade and commerce. A warm dispute ensued, in the course of which some
members declaimed with great bitterness against the chancellor and
the duke of Shrewsbury, as partners in a piratical scheme; but these
imputations were refuted, and the motion was rejected by a great
majority. Not but they might have justly stigmatized the expedition as a
little mean adventure, in which those noblemen had embarked with a view
to their own private advantage.

While this affair was in agitation among the commons, the attention of
the upper house was employed upon the case of Dr. Watson, bishop of St.
David's. This prelate was supposed to have paid a valuable consideration
for his bishopric; and, after his elevation, had sold the preferments
in his gift with a view of being reimbursed. He was accused of simony;
and, after a solemn hearing before the archbishop of Canterbury and six
suffragans, convicted and deprived. Then he pleaded his privilege: so
that the affair was brought into the house of lords, who refused to own
him as a peer after he had ceased to be a bishop. Thus disappointed,
he had recourse to the court of delegates, by whom the archbishop's
sentence was confirmed. The next effort that the commons made, with
a view of mortifying king William, was to raise a clamour against Dr.
Burnet, bishop of Sarum. He was represented in the house as a very unfit
preceptor for the duke of Gloucester, both as a Scottish man, and
author of that pastoral letter which had been burned by order of the
parliament, for asserting that William had a right to the crown from
conquest. A motion was made for addressing his majesty that this
prelate might be dismissed from his employment, but rejected by a great
majority. Burnet had acted with uncommon integrity in accepting the
trust. He had declined the office, which he was in a manner forced to
accept. He had offered to resign his bishopric, thinking the employment
of a tutor would interfere with the duty of a pastor. He insisted upon
the duke's residence all the summer at Windsor, which is in the diocese
of Sarum, and added to his private charities the whole income of his new


The circumstance on which the anti-courtiers built their chief hope of
distressing or disgracing the government, was the inquiry into the Irish
forfeitures, which the king had distributed among his own dependents.
The commissioners appointed by parliament to examine these particulars,
were Annesley, Trenchard, Hamilton, Langford, the earl of Drogheda, sir
Francis Brewster, and sir Richard Leving. The first four were actuated
by all the virulence of faction; the other three were secretly guided
by ministerial influence. They began their inquiry in Ireland, and
proceeded with such severity as seemed to flow rather from resentment
to the court, than from a love of justice and abhorrence of corruption.
They in particular scrutinized a grant of an estate which the king
had made to Mrs. Villiers, now countess of Orkney, so as to expose the
king's partiality for that favourite, and subject him to an additional
load of popular odium. In the course of their examination the earl of
Drogheda, Leving, and Brewster, opposed the rest of the commissioners in
divers articles of the report, which they refused to sign, and sent
over a memorial to the house of commons explaining their reasons for
dissenting from their colleagues. By this time, however, they were
considered as hirelings of the court, and no regard was paid to their
representations. The others delivered their report, declaring that
a million and a half of money might be raised from the sale of the
confiscated estates; and a bill was brought in for applying them to the
use of the public. A motion being made to reserve a third part for
the king's disposal, it was overruled: then the commons passed an
extraordinary vote, importing that they would not receive any petition
from any person whatsoever concerning the grants, and that they would
consider the great services performed by the commissioners appointed
to inquire into the forfeited estates. They resolved, That the four
commissioners who had signed the report had acquitted themselves with
understanding, courage, and integrity; and, That sir Richard Leving,
as author of groundless and scandalous aspersions cast upon his four
colleagues, should be committed prisoner to the Tower. They afterwards
came to the following resolution, which was presented to the king in
form of an address,--That the procuring and passing those grants had
occasioned great debts upon the nation, and heavy taxes upon the people,
and highly reflected upon the king's honour; and, That the officers and
instruments concerned in the same had highly failed in the performance
of their trust and duty. The king answered, That he was not only led by
inclination, but thought himself obliged in justice to reward those
who had served well in the reduction of Ireland, out of the estates
forfeited to him by the rebellion in that kingdom. He observed, that
as the long war had left the nation much in debt, their taking just and
effectual ways for lessening that debt and supporting public credit was
what, in his opinion, would best contribute to the honour, interest, and
safety of the kingdom. This answer kindled a flame of indignation in
the house. They forthwith resolved, That the adviser of it had used his
utmost endeavours to create a misunderstanding and jealousy between the
king and his people.


They prepared, finished, and passed a bill of resumption. They ordered
the report of the commissioners, together with the king's promise and
speeches, and the former resolutions of the house touching the forfeited
estates in Ireland, to be printed and published for their justification;
and they resolved, That the procuring or passing exorbitant grants by
any member now of the privy council, or by any other that had been a
privy councillor in this or any former reign, to his use or benefit, was
a high crime or misdemeanor. That justice might be done to purchasers
and creditors in the act of resumption, thirteen trustees were
authorized and empowered to hear and determine all claims relating
to those estates, to sell them to the best purchasers; and the money
arising from the sale was appropriated to pay the arrears of the army.
It passed under the title of a bill for granting an aid to his majesty
by the sale of forfeited and other estates and interests in Ireland;
and that it might undergo no alteration in the house of lords, it was
consolidated with the money-bill for the service of the year. In the
house of lords it produced warm debates; and some alterations were made
which the commons unanimously rejected. They seemed to be now more than
ever exasperated against the ministry, and ordered a list of the privy
council to be laid before the house. The lords demanded conferences,
which served only to exasperate the two houses against each other;
for the peers insisted upon their amendments, and the commons were so
provoked at their interfering in a money-bill, that they determined to
give a loose to their resentment. They ordered all the doors of their
house to bo shut that no members should go forth. Then they took into
consideration the report of the Irish forfeitures, with the list of the
privy councillors; and a question was moved, That an address should be
made to his majesty to remove John lord Somers, chancellor of England,
from his presence and councils for ever. This however was carried in the
negative by a great majority. The king was extremely chagrined at the
bill, which he considered as an invasion of his prerogative, an insult
on his person, and an injury to his friends and servants; and he at
first resolved to hazard all the consequences of refusing to pass it
into a law; but he was diverted from his purpose by the remonstrances of
those in whom he chiefly confided.* He could not, however, dissemble his
resentment. He became sullen, peevish, and morose; and his enemies did
not fail to make use of this additional ill humour as a proof of his
aversion to the English people. Though the motion against the chancellor
had miscarried, the commons resolved to address his majesty that no
person who was not a native of his dominions, except his royal highness
prince George of Denmark, should be admitted into his majesty's councils
in England or Ireland. This resolution was levelled against the earls
of Portland, Albemarle, and Galway; but before the address could be
presented, the king went to the house of peers, and having passed the
bill which had produced such a ferment, with some others, commanded
the earl of Bridge-water, speaker of the house in the absence of the
chancellor, who was indisposed, to prorogue the parliament to the
twenty-third day of May.

     * Consisting of the lord-chancellor, the lord-president, the
     lord privy-seal, the lord-steward of the household, the earl
     of Bridge-water, first commissioner of the admiralty, the
     earl of Marlborough, the earl of Jersey, and Mr. Montague.


In the course of this session the commons having prosecuted their
inquiry into the conduct of Kidd, brought in a bill for the more
effectual suppressing of piracy, which passed into a law; understanding
afterwards that Kidd was brought over to England, they presented an
address to the king desiring that he might not be tried, discharged, or
pardoned, till the next session of parliament; and his majesty complied
with their request. Boiling still with indignation against the lord
chancellor, representing the necessity of an immediate parliament. It
was circulated about the kingdom for subscriptions, signed by a great
number of those who sat in parliament, and presented to the king by lord
Boss, who with some others was deputed for that purpose. The king told
them they should know his intention in Scotland; and in the meantime
adjourned their parliament by proclamation. The people exasperated
at this new provocation, began to form the draft of a second national
address, to be signed by the shires and boroughs of the kingdom; but
before this could be finished, the king wrote a letter to the duke of
Queensberry and the privy council of that nation, which was published
for the satisfaction of the people. He professed himself grieved at the
nation's loss, and willing to grant what might be needful for the relief
and ease of the kingdom. He assured them he had their interest at heart;
and that his good subjects should have convincing proofs of his sincere
inclination to advance the wealth and prosperity of that his ancient
kingdom. He said he hoped this declaration would be satisfactory to all
good men; that they would not suffer themselves to be misled; nor give
advantage to enemies and ill-designing persons, ready to seize every
opportunity of embroiling the government. He gave them to understand
that his necessary absence had occasioned the late adjournment; but as
soon as God should bring him back, their parliament should be assembled.
Even this explanation, seconded by all the credit and address of his
ministers, failed in allaying the national ferment, which rose to the
very verge of rebellion.


The king, who from his first accession to the throne had veered
occasionally from one party to another, according to the circumstances
of his affairs and the opposition he encountered, was at this period so
incensed and embarrassed by the caprice and insolence of the commons,
that he willingly lent an ear to the leaders of the tories, who
undertook to manage the parliament according to his pleasure, provided
he would part with some of his ministers who were peculiarly odious to
the commons. The person against whom their anger was chiefly directed
was the lord chancellor Somers, the most active leader of the whig
party. They demanded his dismission, and the king exhorted him to resign
his office; but he refusing to take any step that might indicate a fear
of his enemies or a consciousness of guilt, the king sent a peremptory
order for the seals by the lord Jersey, to whom Somers delivered them
without hesitation. They were successively offered to lord chief justice
Holt, and Trevor the attorney-general, who declined accepting such a
precarious office. Meanwhile the king granted a temporary commission to
three judges to sit in the court of chancery; and at length bestowed
the seals, with the title of lord keeper, on Nathan Wright, one of the
sergeants at law, a man but indifferently qualified for the office to
which he was now preferred. Though William seemed altogether attached to
the tories and inclined to a new parliament, no person appeared to take
the lead in the affairs of government; and, indeed, for some time the
administration seemed to be under no particular direction.


During the transactions of the last session, the negotiation for a
second partition treaty had been carried on in London by the French
minister Tallard, in conjunction with the earls of Portland and Jersey,
and was soon brought to perfection. On the twenty-first day of February
the treaty was signed in London; and on the twenty-fifth of the next
month it was subscribed at the Hague by Briord, the French envoy, and
the plenipotentiaries of the states-general. By this convention the
treaty of Ryswiek was confirmed. The contracting parties agreed, that,
in case of his catholic majesty's dying without issue, the dauphin should
possess, for himself and his heirs, the kingdoms of Naples and Sicily,
the islands of St. Stephano, Porto Hercole, Orbitello, Telamone, Porto
Longone, Piombino, the city and marquisate of Final, the province of
Guipuscoa, the duchies of Lorraine and Bar; in exchange for which last,
the duke of Lorraine should enjoy the duchy of Milan; but that the
county of Biche should remain in sovereignty to the prince of Vaudemont;
that the archduke Charles should inherit the kingdom of Spain and all
its dependencies in and out of Europe; but in case of his dying without
issue, it should devolve to some other child of the emperor, excepting
him who might succeed as emperor or king of the Romans: that this
monarchy should never descend to a king of France or dauphin; and that
three months should be allowed to the emperor, to consider whether or
not he would accede to this treaty. Whether the French king was really
sincere in his professions at this juncture, or proposed this treaty
with a view to make a clandestine use of it at the court of Spain for
more interested purposes, it is not easy to determine; at first however
it was concealed from the notice of the public, as if the parties had
resolved to take no step in consequence of it during the life of his
catholic majesty.

In the beginning of July the king embarked for Holland, after having
appointed a regency to govern the kingdom in his absence. On the
twenty-ninth day of the same month the young duke of Gloucester, the
only remaining child of seventeen which the princess Anne had borne,
died of a malignant fever, in the eleventh year of his age. His death
was much lamented by the greater part of the English nation, not only on
account of his promising talents and gentle behaviour, but also, as it
left the succession undetermined, and might create disputes of fatal
consequence to the nation. The Jacobites openly exulted in an event
which they imagined would remove the chief bar to the interest of the
prince of Wales; but the protestants generally turned their eyes upon
the princess Sophia, electress dowager of Hanover, and grand-daughter
of James I. It was with a view to concert the establishment of her
succession, that the court of Brunswick now returned the visit of king
William. The present state of affairs in England, however, afforded a
very uncomfortable prospect. The people were generally alienated from
the person and government of the reigning king, upon whom they seem to
have surfeited. The vigour of their minds was destroyed by luxury and
sloth; the severity of their morals was relaxed by a long habit of
venality and corruption. The king's health began to decline, and even
his faculties decayed apace. No person was appointed to ascend the
throne when it should become vacant. The Jacobite faction alone was
eager, vigilant, enterprising and elate. They despatched Mr. Graham,
brother of lord Preston, to the court of St. Germain's, immediately
after the death of the duke of Gloucester; they began to bestir
themselves all over the kingdom. A report was spread that the princess
Anne had privately sent a message to her father, and that Britain was
once more threatened with civil war, confusion, anarchy, and ruin.


In the meantime King William was not inactive. The kings of Denmark and
Poland, with the elector of Brandenburgh, had formed a league to crush
the young-king of Sweden, by invading his dominions on different sides.
The Poles actually entered Livonia, and undertook the siege of Riga; the
king of Denmark, having demolished some forts in Holstein, the duke
of which was connected with Sweden, invested Tonninghen. The Swedish
minister in England demanded that assistance of William which had been
stipulated in a late renewal of the ancient treaty between England
and Sweden. The states of Holland were solicited to the same purpose.
Accordingly, a fleet of thirty sail, English and Dutch, was sent to the
Baltic under the command of sir George Rooke, who joined the Swedish
squadron, and bombarded Copenhagen, to which the Danish fleet had
retired. At the same time the duke of Lunenbourg, with the Swedish
forces which happened to be at Bremen, passed the Elhe, and marched to
the assistance of the duke of Holstein. The Danes immediately abandoned
the siege of Tonninghen, and a body of Saxons, who had made an irruption
into the territories of the duke of Brunswick, were obliged to retreat
in disorder. By the mediation of William, a negotiation was begun for
a treaty between Sweden and Denmark, which in order to quicken, Charles
the young king of Sweden made a descent upon the isle of Zealand. This
was executed with great success. Charles was the first man who landed;
and here he exhibited such marks of courage and conduct, far above his
years, as equally astonished and intimidated his adversaries. Then he
determined to besiege Copenhagen; a resolution that struck such terror
into the Danes, that they proceeded with redoubled diligence in the
treaty, which was brought to a conclusion, between Denmark, Sweden,
and Holstein, about the middle of August. Then the Swedes retired to
Schonen, and the squadrons of the maritime powers returned from the


When the new partition treaty was communicated by the ministers of the
contracting parties to the other powers of Europe, it generally met with
a very unfavourable construction. Saxony and the northern crowns were
still embroiled with their own quarrels, consequently could not give
much attention to such a remote transaction. The princes of Germany
appeared cautious and dilatory in their answers, unwilling to be
concerned in any plan that might excite the resentment of the house of
Austria. The elector of Brandenburgh in particular had set his heart
upon the regal dignity, which he hoped to obtain from the favour
and authority of the emperor. The Italian states were averse to the
partition treaty, from their apprehension of seeing France in possession
of Naples and other districts of their country. The duke of Savoy
affected a mysterious neutrality, in hopes of being, able to barter
his consent for some considerable advantage. The Swiss cantons declined
acceding as guarantees. The emperor expressed his astonishment that any
disposition should be made of the Spanish monarchy without the consent
of the present possessor, and the states of the kingdom. He observed,
that neither justice nor decorum could warrant the contracting powers
to compel him, who was the rightful heir, to accept a part of his
inheritance within three months, under penalty of forfeiting even that
share to a third person not yet named; and he declared that he could
take no final resolution until he should know the sentiments of his
catholic majesty, on an affair in which their mutual interest was so
nearly concerned. Leopold was actually engaged in a negotiation with the
king of Spain, who signed a will in favour of his second son Charles;
yet he took no measures to support the disposition, either by sending
the archduke with a sufficient force to Spain, or by detaching troops
into Italy.


The people of Spain were exasperated at the insolence of the three
foreign powers who pretended to parcel out their dominions. Their pride
took the alarm at the prospect of their monarchy's being dismembered;
and their grandees repined at the thoughts of losing so many lucrative
governments which they now enjoyed. The king's life became every day
more and more precarious, from frequent returns of his disorder. The
ministry was weak and divided, the nobility factious, and the people
discontented. The hearts of the nation had been alienated from the house
of Austria, by the insolent carriage and rapacious disposition of
the queen Mariana. The French had gained over to their interests the
cardinal Portocarrero, the marquis de Monterey, with many other noblemen
and persons of distinction. These perceiving the sentiments of the
people, employed their emissaries to raise a general cry that France
alone could maintain the succession entire; that the house of Austria
was feeble and exhausted, and any prince of that line must owe his chief
support to detestable heretics. Portocarrero tampered with the weakness
of his sovereign. He repeated and exaggerated all these digestions; he
advised him to consult Pope Innocent XII. on this momentous point of
regulating the succession. That pontiff, who was a creature of France,
having taken the advice of a college of cardinals, determined that the
renunciation of Maria Theresa was invalid and null, as being founded
upon compulsion, and contrary to the fundamental laws of the Spanish
monarchy. He therefore exhorted king Charles to contribute to the
propagation of the faith, and the repose of Christendom, by making a new
will in favour of a grandson of the French monarch. This admonition
was seconded by the remonstrance of Portocarrero; and the weak prince
complied with the proposal. In the meantime the king of France seemed to
act heartily as a principal in the treaty of partition. His ministers
at foreign courts co-operated with those of the maritime powers in
soliciting the accession of the different potentates in Europe.
When count Zinzendorf, the imperial ambassador at Paris, presented a
memorial, desiring to know what part France would act should the king of
Spain voluntarily place a grandson of Louis upon the throne, the marquis
de Torcy answered in writing, that his most christian majesty would by
no means listen to such a proposal; nay, when the emperor's minister
gave them to understand that his master was ready to begin a separate
negotiation with the court of Versailles, touching the Spanish
succession, Louis declared he could not treat on that subject without
the concurrence of his allies.

The nature of the partition-treaty was no sooner known in England, than
condemned by the most intelligent part of the nation. They first of all
complained, that such an important affair should be concluded without
the advice of parliament. They observed that the scheme was unjust,
and the execution of it hazardous; that in concerting the terms, the
maritime powers seemed to have acted as partizans of France; for the
possession of Naples and the Tuscan ports would subject Italy to
her dominion, and interfere with the English trade to the Levant and
Mediterranean; while Guipuscoa, on any future rupture, would afford
another inlet into the heart of the Spanish dominions; they, for these
reasons, pronounced the treaty destructive of the balance of power,
and prejudicial to the interest of England. All these arguments were
trumpeted by the malcontents, so that the whole kingdom echoed with the
clamour of disaffection. Sir Christopher Musgrave, and others of the
tory faction, began to think in earnest of establishing the succession
of the English crown upon the person of the prince of Wales. They are
said to have sent over Mr. Graham to St. Germain's with overtures to
this purpose, and an assurance that a motion would be made in the house
of commons, to pass a vote that the crown should not be supported in the
execution of the partition treaty. King William was not ignorant of the
censure he had undergone, and not a little alarmed to find himself so
unpopular among his own subjects. That he might be the more able
to bestow his attention effectually upon the affairs of England, he
resolved to take some measures for the satisfaction of the Scottish
nation. He permitted the parliament of that kingdom to meet on the
twenty-eighth day of October, and wrote a letter to them from his house
at Loo, containing an assurance that he would concur in every thing that
could be reasonably proposed for maintaining and advancing the peace and
welfare of their kingdom. He promised to give his royal assent to
such acts as they should frame for the better establishment of
the presbyterian discipline; for preventing the growth of popery,
suppressing vice and immorality, encouraging piety and virtue,
preserving and securing personal liberty, regulating and advancing
trade, retrieving the losses, and promoting the interest of their
African and Indian companies. He expressed his concern that he could not
assert the company's right of establishing a colony at Darien, without
disturbing the peace of Christendom, and entailing a ruinous war on that
his ancient kingdom. He recommended unanimity and despatch in raising
competent taxes for their own defence; and told them he had thought fit
to continue the duke of Queensberry in the office of high commissioner.
Notwithstanding this soothing address, the national resentment continued
to rage, and the parliament seemed altogether intractable. By this time
the company had received certain tidings of the entire surrender of
their settlement; and on the first day of the session, they represented
to parliament, that, for want of due protection abroad, some persons
had been encouraged to break in upon their privileges even at home. This
remonstrance was succeeded by another national address to the king, who
told them he could not take any further notice of that affair, since
the parliament was now assembled; and he had already made a declaration,
with which he hoped all his faithful subjects would be satisfied.
Nevertheless he found it absolutely necessary to practise other
expedients for allaying the ferment of that nation. His ministers and
their agents bestirred themselves so successfully, that the heats in
parliament were entirely cooled, and the outcry of the people subsided
into unavailing murmurs. The parliament resolved, that in consideration
of their great deliverance by his majesty, and as next, under God, their
safety and happiness wholly depended on his preservation and that of his
government, they would support both to the utmost of their power, and
maintain such forces as should be requisite for those ends. They passed
an act for keeping on foot three thousand men for two years, to be
maintained by a land-tax. Then the commissioner produced the king's
letter, desiring to have eleven hundred men on his own account to the
first day of June following; they forthwith complied with this request,
and were prorogued to the sixth of May. The supernumerary troops were
sent over to the states-general; and the earl of Argyle was honoured
with the title of duke, as a recompence for having concurred with the
commissioners in managing this session of parliament.

{WILLIAM, 1688--1701.}


King William had returned to England on the eighteenth day of October,
not a little chagrined at the perplexities in which he found himself
involved; and in the beginning of the next month, he received advice
that the king of Spain was actually dead. He could not be surprised at
this event, which had been so long-expected; but it was attended with a
circumstance which he had not foreseen. Charles, by his last will, had
declared the duke of Anjou, second son of the dauphin, the sole heir of
the Spanish monarchy. In case this prince should die without issue, or
inherit the crown of France, he willed that Spain should devolve to the
duke of Berry: in default of him, and children, to the archduke Charles
and his heirs; failing of whom, to the duke of Savoy and his posterity.
He likewise recommended a match between the duke of Anjou and one of
the archduchesses. When this testament was first notified to the French
court, Louis seemed to hesitate between his inclination and engagements
to William and the states-general. Madame de Maintenon is said to have
joined her influence to that of the dauphin, in persuading the king to
accept of the will; and Pontchartrain was engaged to support the same
measure. A cabinet-council was called in her apartment. The rest of the
ministry declared for the treaty of partition; the king affected a kind
of neutrality. The dauphin spoke for his son with an air of resolution
he had never assumed before; Pontchartain seconded his argument; madame
de Main-tenon asked, what the duke of Anjou had done to provoke the
king, that he should be barred of his right to that succession? Then the
rest of the members espoused the dauphin's opinion; and the king owned
himself convinced by their reasons. In all probability the decision
of this council was previously settled in private. After the will was
accepted, Louis closeted the duke of Anjou, to whom he said in presence
of the marquis des Rois, "Sir, the king of Spain has made you a king.
The grandees demand you; the people wish for you, and I give my consent,
remember only, you are a prince of France. I recommend to you to love
your people, to gain their affection by the lenity of your government,
and to render yourself worthy of the throne you are going to ascend."
The new monarch was congratulated on his elevation by all the princes
of the blood; nevertheless, the duke of Orleans and his son protested
against the will, because the archduke was placed next in succession
to the duke of Berry, in bar of their right as descendants of Anne
of Austria, whose renunciation could be of no more force than that of
Maria-Theresa. On the fourth day of December the new king set out for
Spain, to the frontiers of which he was accompanied by his two brothers.

When the will was accepted, the French minister de Torcy endeavoured to
justify his master's conduct to the earl of Manchester, who resided
at Paris in the character of ambassador from the court of London. He
observed, that the treaty of partition was not likely to answer the end
for which it had been concerted; that the emperor had refused to
accede; that it was relished by none of the princes to whom it had been
communicated; that the people of England and Holland had expressed their
discontent at the prospect of France being in possession of Naples and
Sicily; that if Louis had rejected the will, the archduke would have had
a double title derived from the former will, and that of the late king;
that the Spaniards were so averse to the division of their monarchy,
there would be a necessity for conquering the whole kingdom before
the treaty could be executed; that the ships to be furnished by Great
Britain and Holland would not be sufficient for the purposes of such a
war, and it was doubtful whether England and the states-general would
engage themselves in a greater expense. He concluded with saying, That
the treaty would have been more advantageous to France than the will,
which the king accepted purely from a desire of preserving the peace
of Europe. His master hoped therefore that a good understanding would
subsist between him and the king of Great Britain. The same reasons
were communicated by Briod, the French ambassador at the Hague, to the
states-general. Notwithstanding this address, they ordered their envoy
at Paris to deliver a memorial to the French king, expressing their
surprise at his having accepted the will; and their hope, that as the
time specified for the emperor's acceding to the treaty was not
expired, his most christian majesty would take the affair again into his
consideration, and adhere to his engagements in every article. Louis in
his answer to this memorial, which he despatched to all the courts
of Europe, declared that what he chiefly considered was the principal
design of the contracting parties, namely, the maintenance of peace in
Europe; and that, true to his principle, he only departed from the words
that he might the better adhere to the spirit of the treaty.


With this answer he sent a letter to the states, giving them to
understand that the peace of Europe was so firmly established by the
will of the king of Spain, in favour of his grandson, that he did not
doubt their approbation of his succession to the Spanish crown. The
states observed, that they could not declare themselves upon an affair
of such consequence, without consulting their respective provinces.
Louis admitted the excuse, and assured them of his readiness to concur
with whatever they should desire for the security of the Spanish
Netherlands. The Spanish ambassador at the Hague presented them with a
letter from his new master, who likewise notified his accession to all
the powers of Europe, except the king of England. The emperor loudly
exclaimed against the will, as being more iniquitous than the treaty of
partition; and threatened to do himself justice by force of arms.
The Spaniards, apprehending that a league would be formed between
his imperial majesty and the maritime powers for setting aside the
succession of the duke of Anjou, and conscious of their own inability to
defend their dominions, resigned themselves entirely to the protection
of the French monarch. The towns in the Spanish Netherlands and the
duchy of Milan admitted French garrisons: a French squadron anchored in
the port of Cadiz; and another was detached to the Spanish settlements
in the West Indies. Part of the Dutch army that was quartered at
Luxembourg, Mon, and Namur, were made prisoners of war, because
they would not own the king of Spain, whom their masters had not yet
acknowledged. The states were overwhelmed with consternation by this
event, especially when they considered their own naked situation, and
reflected that the Spanish garrisons might fall upon them before they
could assemble a body of troops for their defence. The danger was so
imminent, that they resolved to acknowledge the king of Spain without
further hesitation, and wrote a letter to the French king for that
purpose; this was no sooner received, than orders were issued for
sending back their battalions.


How warmly soever king William resented the conduct of the French king,
in accepting the will so diametrically opposite to his engagements,
he dissembled his chagrin; and behaved with such reserve and apparent
indifference, that some people naturally believed he had been privy to
the transaction. Others imagined that he was discouraged from engaging
in a new war by his bodily infirmities, which daily increased, as well
as by the opposition in parliament to which he should be inevitably
exposed. But his real aim was to conceal his sentiments until he should
have sounded the opinions of other powers in Europe, and seen how far
he could depend upon his new ministry. He now seemed to repose his chief
confidence in the earl of Rochester, who had undertaken for the
tories, and was declared lord-lieutenant of Ireland. Lord Godolphin was
appointed first commissioner of the treasury, lord Tankerville succeeded
lord Lonsdale, lately deceased, as keeper of the privy-seal, and sir
Charles Hedges was declared secretary of state, in the room of the earl
of Jersey; but the management of the commons was intrusted to Mr. Robert
Harley, who had hitherto opposed the measures of the court with equal
virulence and ability. These new undertakers, well knowing they should
find it very difficult, if not impossible, to secure a majority in
the present parliament, prevailed on the king to dissolve it by
proclamation; then the sheriffs were changed according to their
nomination, and writs issued for a new parliament to meet on the sixth
day of February. During this interval, count Wratislaw arrived in
England, as ambassador from the emperor, to explain Leopold's title to
the Spanish monarchy, supported by repeated entails and renunciations,
confirmed in the most solemn treaties. This minister met with a very
cold reception from those who stood at the helm of affairs. They sought
to avoid all connexions, that might engage their country as a principal
in another war upon the Continent; smarting as they were from the
losses and incumbrances which the last had entailed upon them and their
posterity. They seemed to think that Louis, rather than involve himself
in fresh troubles, would give all the security that could be desired for
maintaining the peace of Europe; or even should this be refused, they
saw no reason for Britain exhausting her wealth and strength to support
a chimerical balance, in which her interest was but remotely concerned.
It was their opinion, that by keeping aloof she might render herself
more respectable. Her reserve would overawe contending powers; they
would in their turn sue for her assistance, and implore her good
offices; and, instead of declaring herself a party, she would have the
honour to decide as arbitress of their disputes. Perhaps they extended
this idea too far; and, in all probability, their notions were inflamed
by a spirit of faction. They hated the whigs as their political
adversaries, and detested the war, because it had been countenanced
and supported by the interest of that party. The king believed that a
conjunction of the two monarchies of France and Spain would prove fatal
to the liberties of Europe; and that this could not be prevented by
any other method than a general union of the other European powers. He
certainly was an enthusiast in his sentiments of this equilibrium; and
fully convinced that he himself, of all the potentates in Christendom,
was the only prince capable of adjusting the balance. The imperial
ambassador could not therefore be long ignorant of his real purpose, as
he conversed with the Dutch favourites, who knew and approved of their
master's design, though he avoided a declaration until he should have
rendered his ministers more propitious to his aim. The true secret,
however, of that reserve with which count Wratislaw was treated at his
first arrival, was a private negotiation which the king had set on foot
with the regency of Spain, touching a barrier in the Netherlands. He
proposed that certain towns should be garrisoned with English and Dutch
troops, by way of security against the ambitious designs of France; but
the regency were so devoted to the French interest, that they refused
to listen to any proposal of this nature. While this affair was in
agitation, William resolved to maintain a wary distance from the
emperor; but when his efforts miscarried, the ambassador found him much
more open and accessible.*

     * This year was distinguished by a glorious victory which
     the young king of Sweden obtained in the nineteenth year of
     his age. Riga continued invested by the king of Poland,
     while Peter the czar of Muscovy made his approaches to
     Narva, at the head of a prodigious army, purposing, in
     violation of all faith and justice, to share the spoils of
     the youthful monarch. Charles landed at Revel, compelled the
     Saxons to abandon the siege of Riga, and having supplied the
     place, marched with a handful of troops against the
     Muscovites, who had undertaken the siege of Narva. The czar
     quitted his army with some precipitation, as if he had been
     afraid of hazarding his person, while Charles advanced
     through ways that were thought impracticable, and surprised
     the enemy. He broke into their camp before they had the
     least intimation of his approach, and totally routed them
     after a short resistance. He took a great number of
     prisoners, with all their baggage, tents, and artillery, and
     entered Narva in triumph.

The parliament meeting on the sixth, was prorogued to the tenth day of
February, when Mr. Harley was chosen speaker by a great majority, in
opposition to sir Richard Onslow. The king had previously told sir
Thomas Lyttleton, it would be for his service that he should yield his
pretensions to Harley at this juncture; and that gentleman agreed to
absent himself from the house on the day of election. The king observed
in his speech, that the nation's loss in the death of the duke of
Gloucester, had rendered it absolutely necessary for them to make
further provision for the succession of the crown in the protestant
line; that the death of the king of Spain had made such an alteration in
the affairs of the Continent, as required their mature deliberation. The
rest of his harangue turned upon the usual topics of demanding supplies
for the ensuing year, reminding them of the deficiencies and public
debts, recommending to their inquiry the state of the navy and
fortifications; exhorting them to encourage commerce, employ the poor,
and proceed with vigour and unanimity in all their deliberations. Though
the elections had been generally carried in favour of the tory interest,
the ministry had secured but one part of that faction. Some of the most
popular leaders, such as the duke of Leeds, the marquis of Normanby, the
earls of Nottingham, Seymour, Musgrave, Howe, Finch, and Showers, had
been either neglected or found refractory, and resolved to oppose the
court measures with all their influence. Besides, the French king,
knowing that the peace of Europe would in a great measure depend on the
resolutions of the English parliament, is said to have distributed great
sums of money in England, by means of his minister Tallard, in order to
strengthen the opposition of the house of commons. Certain it is, the
nation abounded at this period with the French coins called louis d'ors
and pistoles; but whether this redundancy was owing to a balance of
trade in favour of England, or to the largesses of Louis, we shall
not pretend to determine. We may likewise observe, that the infamous
practice of bribing electors had never been so flagrant as in the choice
of representatives for this parliament. This scandalous traffic had been
chiefly carried on by the whig party, and therefore their antagonists
resolved to spare no pains in detecting their corruption. Sir Edward
Seymour distinguished himself by his zeal and activity; he brought some
of these practices to light, and, in particular, stigmatized the new
East-India company for having been deeply concerned in this species of
venality. An inquiry being set on foot in the house of commons, several
elections were declared void; and divers persons who had been illegally
returned, were first expelled the house, and afterwards detained in
prison. Yet these prosecutions were carried on with such partiality,
as plainly indicated that they flowed rather from party zeal than from

A great body of the commons had resolved to present an address to his
majesty, desiring he would acknowledge the king of Spain; and the motion
in all probability would have been carried by a considerable majority,
had not one bold and lucky expression given such a turn to the debate,
as induced the anti-courtiers to desist. One Mr. Monckton, in the heat
of his declamation against this measure, said he expected the next vote
would be for owning the pretended prince of Wales. Though there was
little or no connexion between these two subjects, a great many members
were startled at the information, and deserted the measure, which was
dropped accordingly. The king's speech being taken into consideration,
the house resolved to support his majesty and his government; to take
such effectual measures as might best conduce to the interest and
safety of England, and the preservation of the protestant religion.
This resolution was presented in an address to the king, who received
it favourably. At the same time, he laid before them a memorial he
had received from the states-general, and desired their advice
and assistance in the points that constituted the substance of
the remonstrance. The states gave him to understand, that they had
acknowledged the duke of Anjou as king of Spain; that France had agreed
to a negotiation, in which they might stipulate the necessary conditions
for securing the peace of Europe; and that they were firmly resolved
to do nothing without the concurrence of his majesty and their other
allies. They therefore begged he would send a minister to the Hague,
with necessary powers and instructions to co-operate with them in this
negotiation; they told him that in case it should prove ineffectual,
or Holland bo suddenly invaded by the troops which Louis had ordered
to advance towards their frontiers, they relied on the assistance of
England, and hoped his majesty would prepare the succours stipulated by
treaty, to be used should occasion require. The memorial was like-wise
communicated to the house of lords. Meanwhile the commons desired that
the treaties between England and the states-general should be laid
before the house. These being perused, they resolved upon an address,
to desire his majesty would enter into such negotiations with the
states-general, and other potentates, as might most effectually conduce
to the mutual safety of Great Britain and the united provinces, as well
as to the preservation of the peace of Europe, and to assure him of
their support and assistance in performance of the treaty subsisting
between England and the states-general. This resolution however was
not carried without great opposition from those who were averse to the
nation involving itself in another war upon the continent. The king
professed himself extremely well pleased with this address, and told
them he would immediately order his ministers abroad to act in concert
with the states-general and other powers, for the attainment of those
ends they proposed.


He communicated to the commons a letter, written by the earl of Melfort
to his brother the earl of Perth, governor to the pretended prince
of Wales. It had been mislaid by, accident, and came to London in the
French mail. It contained a scheme for another invasion of England,
together with some reflections on the character of the earl of
Middleton, who had supplanted him at the court of St. Germain's. Melfort
was a mere projector, and seems to have had no other view than that
of recommending himself to king James, and bringing his rival into
disgrace. The house of lords, to whom the' letter was also imparted,
ordered it to be printed. Next day they presented an address, thanking
his majesty for his care of the protestant religion; desiring all the
treaties made since the last war might be laid before them; requesting
him to engage in such alliances as he should think proper for preserving
the balance of power in Europe; assuring him of their concurrence;
expressing their acknowledgment for his having communicated Melfort's
letter; desiring he would give orders for seizing the horses and arms of
disaffected persons; for removing papists from London; and for searching
after those arms and provisions of war mentioned in the letter; finally,
they requested him to equip speedily a sufficient fleet for the defence
of himself and the kingdom. They received a gracious answer to this
address, which was a further encouragement to the king to put his
own private designs in execution; towards the same end the letter
contributed not a little, by inflaming the fears and resentment of the
nation against France, which in vain disclaimed the earl of Melfort as
a fantastical schemer, to whom no regard was paid at the court of
Versailles. The French ministry complained of the publication of this
letter, as an attempt to sow jealousy between the two crowns; and as
a convincing proof of their sincerity, banished the earl of Melfort to


The credit of exchequer bills was so lowered by the change of the
ministry, and the lapse of the time allotted for their circulation, that
they fell nearly twenty per cent, to the prejudice of the revenue, and
the discredit of the government in foreign countries. The commons having
taken this affair into consideration, voted, That provision should be
made from time to time for making good the principal and interest due on
all parliamentary funds; and afterwards passed a bill for renewing the
bills of credit, commonly called exchequer bills. This was sent up to
the lords on the sixth day of March, and on the thirteenth received
the royal assent. The next object that engrossed the attention of the
commons, was the settlement of the succession to the throne, which the
king had recommended to their consideration in the beginning of the
session. Having deliberated on this subject, they resolved, That for the
preservation of the peace and happiness of the kingdom, and the security
of the protestant religion, it was absolutely necessary that a further
declaration should be made of the limitation and succession of the crown
in the protestant line, after his majesty and the princess, and the
heirs of their bodies respectively; and that further provision should be
first made for the security of the rights and liberties of the people.
Mr. Harley moved, That some conditions of government might be settled
as preliminaries, before they should proceed to the nomination of
the person, that their security might be complete. Accordingly, they
deliberated on this subject, and agreed to the following resolutions;
That whoever shall hereafter come to the possession of this crown, shall
join in communion with the church of England as by law established; that
in case the crown and imperial dignity of this realm shall hereafter
come to any person, not being a native of this kingdom of England,
this nation be not obliged to engage in any war for the defence of any
dominions or territories which do not belong to the crown of England,
without the consent of parliament; that no person who shall hereafter
come to the possession of the crown, shall go out of the dominions of
England, Scotland, or Ireland, without consent of parliament; that, from
and after the time that the further limitation by this act shall take
effect, all matters and things relating to the well-governing of this
kingdom, which are properly cognizable in the privy-council, by the laws
and customs of the realm, shall be transacted there, and all resolutions
taken thereupon shall be signed by such of the privy-council as shall
advise and consent to the same; that, after the limitation shall take
effect, no person born out of the kingdom of England, Scotland,
or Ireland, or the dominions thereunto belonging, although he be
naturalized, and made a denizen (except such as are born of English
parents), shall be capable to be of the privy-council, or a member of
either house of parliament, or to enjoy any office or place of trust,
either civil or military, or to have any grant of lands, tenements, or
hereditaments from the crown to himself, or to any others in trust for
him; that no person who has an office or place of profit under the king,
or receives a pension from the crown, shall be capable of serving as a
member of the house of commons; that, after the limitation shall take
effect, judges' commissions be made _quamdiu se bene gesserint_, and
their salaries ascertained and established; but upon the address of both
houses of parliament, it may be lawful to remove them; but no pardon
under the great seal of England be pleadable to an impeachment by
the commons in parliament. Having settled these preliminaries, they
resolved, that the princess Sophia, duchess dowager of Hanover,
be declared the next in succession to the crown of England, in the
protestant line, after his majesty, and the princess, and the heirs of
their bodies respectively; and, that the further limitation of the
crown be to the said princess Sophia and the heirs of her body, being
protestants. A bill being formed on these resolutions, was sent up to
the house of lords, where it met with some opposition from the marquis
of Normanby; a protest was likewise entered against it by the earls
of Huntingdon and Plymouth, and the lords Guilford and Jeffries.
Nevertheless it passed without amendments, and on the twelfth day of
June received the royal assent: the king was extremely mortified at the
preliminary limitations, which he considered as an open insult on
his own conduct and administration; not but that they were necessary
precautions, naturally suggested by the experience of those evils to
which the nation had been already exposed, in consequence of raising
a foreign prince to the throne of England. As the tories lay under
the imputation of favouring the late king's interest, they exerted
themselves zealously on this occasion to wipe off the aspersion, and
insinuate themselves into the confidence of the people; hoping that in
the sequel they should be able to restrain the nation from engaging too
deep in the affairs of the continent, without incurring the charge of
disaffection to the present king and government. The act of settlement
being passed, the earl of Macclesfield was sent to notify the
transaction to the electress Sophia, who likewise received from his
hands the order of the garter.

The act of succession gave umbrage to all the popish princes, who were
more nearly related to the crown than this lady, whom the parliament had
preferred to all others. The duchess of Savoy, grand-daughter to king
Charles I. by her mother, ordered her ambassador, count Maffei, to make
a protestation to the parliament of England, in her name, against all
resolutions and decisions contrary to her title, as sole daughter to the
princess Henrietta, next in succession to the crown of England, after
king William and the princess Anne of Denmark. Two copies of this
protest, Maffei sent in letters to the lord keeper and the speaker of
the lower house, by two of his gentlemen, and a public notary to attest
the delivery; but no notice was taken of the declaration. The duke of
Savoy, while his minister was thus employed in England, engaged in an
alliance with the crowns of France and Spain, on condition, That his
catholic majesty should espouse his youngest daughter without a dowry;
that he himself should command the allied army in Italy, and furnish
eight thousand infantry, with five-and-twenty hundred horse, in
consideration of a monthly subsidy of fifty thousand crowns.


During these transactions, Mr. Stanhope, envoy extraordinary to the
states-general, was empowered to treat with the ministers of France
and Spain, according to the addresses of both houses of parliament. He
represented, that though his most christian majesty had thought fit to
deviate from the partition-treaty, it was not reasonable that the king
of England should lose the effect of that convention; he therefore
expected some security for the peace of Europe; and for that purpose
insisted upon certain articles, importing, That the French king should
immediately withdraw his troops from the Spanish Netherlands; that for
the security of England, the cities of Ostend and Nieuport should be
delivered into the hands of his Britannic majesty; that no kingdom,
provinces, cities, lands, or places, belonging to the crown of Spain,
should ever be yielded or transferred to the crown of France, on any
pretence whatever; that the subjects of his Britannic majesty should
retain all the privileges, rights, and immunities, with regard to their
navigation and commerce in the dominions of Spain, which they enjoyed
at the death of his late catholic majesty; and also all such immunities,
rights, and franchises, as the subjects of France, or any other power,
either possess for the present, or may enjoy for the future; that all
treaties of peace and conventions between England and Spain should be
renewed; and that a treaty formed on these demands should be guaranteed
by such powers as one or other of the contractors should solicit and
prevail upon to accede. Such likewise were the proposals made by the
states-general, with this difference, that they demanded as cautionary
towns, all the strongest places in the Netherlands. Count D'A vaux, the
French minister, was so surprised at these exorbitant demands, that he
could not help saying, They could not have been higher, if his master
had lost four successive battles. He assured them that his most
christian majesty would withdraw his troops from the Spanish Netherlands
as soon as the king of Spain should have forces of his own sufficient to
guard the country; with respect to the other articles, he could give no
other answer, but that he would immediately transmit them to Versailles.
Louis was filled with indignation at the insolent strain of those
proposals, which he considered as a sure mark of William's hostile
intentions. He refused to give any other security for the peace of
Europe, than a renewal of the treaty of Ryswick; and he is said to have
tampered, by means of his agents and emissaries, with the members of the
English parliament, that they might oppose all steps tending to a new
war on the continent.

{WILLIAM, 1688--1701.}


King William certainly had no expectation that France would close with
such proposals; but he was not without hope that her refusal would warm
the English nation into a concurrence with his designs. He communicated
to the house of commons the demands which had been made by him and the
states-general; and gave them to understand, that he would from time
to time make them acquainted with the progress of the negotiation. The
commons suspecting that his intention was to make them parties in a
congress which he might conduct to a different end from that which they
proposed, resolved to signify their sentiments in the answer to this
message. They called for the treaty of partition, which being read,
they voted an address of thanks to his majesty, for his most gracious
declaration that he would make them acquainted with the progress of the
negotiation; but they signified their disapprobation of the partition
treaty, signed with the great seal of England, without the advice of the
parliament which was then sitting, and productive of ill consequences to
the kingdom, as well as to the peace of Europe, as it assigned over to
the French king such a large portion of the Spanish dominion. Nothing
could be more mortifying to the king than this open attack upon his own
conduct, yet he suppressed his resentment, and without taking the least
notice of their sentiments with respect to the partition treaty, assured
them that he should be always ready to receive their advice on the
negotiation which he had set on foot according to their desire. The
debates in the house of commons upon the subject of the partition treaty
rose to such violence, that divers members, in declaiming against it,
transgressed the bounds of decency. Sir Edward Seymour compared the
division which had been made of the Spanish territories, to a robbery
on the highway; and Mr. Howe did not scruple to say it was a felonious
treaty: an expression which the king resented to such a degree, that he
declared he would have demanded personal satisfaction with his sword,
had he not been restrained by the disparity of condition between himself
and the person who had offered such an outrageous insult to his honour.
Whether the tories intended to alienate the minds of the nation from all
foreign connexions, or to wreak their vengeance on the late ministers,
whom they hated as the chiefs of the whig party, certain it is, they now
raised an universal outcry against the partition treaty, which was not
only condemned in public pamphlets and private conversation, but even
brought into the house of lords as an object of parliamentary censure.
In the month of March a warm debate on this subject was begun by
Sheffield marquis of Nonnanby, and carried on with great vehemence by
other noblemen of the same faction. They exclaimed against the article
by which so many territories were added to the crown of France; they
complained, that the emperor had been forsaken; that the treaty was
not communicated to the privy-council or ministry, but clandestinely
transacted by the earls of Portland and Jersey; that the sanction of
the great seal had been unjustly and irregularly applied, first to blank
powers, and afterwards to the treaty itself. The courtiers replied,
that the king had engaged in a treaty of partition at the desire of the
emperor, who had agreed to every article except that relating to the
duchy of Milan, and afterwards desired, that his majesty would procure
for him the best terms he could obtain; above all things recommending
secrecy, that he might not forfeit his interest in Spain, by seeming to
consent to the treaty; that foreign negotiations being intrusted to the
care of the crown, the king lay under no legal obligation to communicate
such secrets of state to his council; far less was he obliged to follow
their advice; and that the keeper of the great seal had no authority for
refusing to apply it to any powers or treaty which the king should
grant or conclude, unless they were contrary to law, which had made no
provision for such an emergency.*

     * In the course of this debate, the earl of Rochester
     reprehended some lords for speaking disrespectfully of the
     French king, observing that it was peculiarly incumbent on
     peers to treat monarchs with decorum and respect, as they
     derived their dignity from the crown. Another affirming that
     the French king was not only to be respected, but likewise
     to be feared: a certain lord replied, "He hoped no man in
     England need to be afraid of the French king; much less the
     peer who spoke last, who was too much a friend to that
     monarch to fear anything from his resentment."

The earl of Portland, apprehending that this tempest would burst upon
his head, declared on the second day of the debate, that he had, by the
king's order, communicated the treaty, before it was concluded, to the
earls of Pembroke and Marlborough, the lords Lonsdale, Somers, Halifax,
and secretary Vernon. These noblemen owned, that they had been made
acquainted with the substance of it: that when they excepted to some
particulars, they were told his majesty had carried the matter as far
as it could be advanced, and that he could obtain no better terms; thus
assured that every article was already settled, they said they no longer
insisted upon particulars, but gave their advice that his majesty should
not engage himself in any measure that would produce a new war, seeing
the nation had been so uneasy under the last. After long debates, and
great variety as well as virulence of altercation, the house agreed
to an address in which they disapproved of the partition treaty, as
a scheme inconsistent with the peace and safety of Europe, as well as
prejudicial to the interest of Great Britain. They complained, that
neither the instructions given to his plenipotentiaries, nor the draft
of the treaty itself, had been laid before his majesty's council. They
humbly besought him, that for the future he would, in all matters of
importance, require and admit the advice of his natural born subjects
of known probity and fortune; and that he would constitute a council of
such persons, to whom he might impart all affairs which should any way
concern him and his dominions. They observed, that interest and natural
affection to their country would incline them to every measure that
might tend to its welfare and prosperity; whereas strangers could not be
so much influenced by these considerations; that their knowledge of
the country would render them more capable than foreigners could be of
advising his majesty touching the true interests of his kingdom; that
they had exhibited such repeated demonstrations of their duty and
affection, as must convince his majesty of their zeal in his service;
nor could he want the knowledge of persons fit to be employed in all his
secret and arduous affairs; finally, as the French king appeared to have
violated the treaty of partition, they advised his majesty, in future
negotiations with that prince, to proceed with such caution as might
imply a real security.


The king received this severe remonstrance with his usual phlegm;
saying, it contained matter of very great moment; and he would take
care that all treaties he made should be for the honour and safety of
England. Though he deeply felt this affront, he would not alter his
conduct towards the new ministers; but he plainly perceived their
intention was to thwart him in his favourite measure, and humble him
into a dependence upon their interest in parliament. On the last day of
March, he imparted to the commons the French king's declaration, that he
would grant no other security than a renewal of the treaty of Ryswick;
so that the negotiation seemed to be at an end. He likewise communicated
two resolutions of the states-general, with a memorial from their envoy
in England, relating to the ships they had equipped with a view to join
the English fleet, and the succours stipulated in the treaty concluded
in the year 1677, which they desired might be sent over with all
convenient expedition. The house having considered this message,
unanimously resolved to desire his majesty would carry on the
negotiations in concert with the states-general, and take such measures
therein as might most conduce to their safety; they assured him they
would effectually enable him to support the treaty of 1677, by which
England was bound to assist them with ten thousand men, and twenty ships
of war, in case they should be attacked. Though the king was nettled
at that part of this address, which, by confining him to one treaty,
implied their disapprobation of a new confederacy, he discovered no
signs of emotion; but thanked them for the assurance they had given, and
told them he had sent orders to his envoy at the Hague, to continue the
conferences with the courts of Franco and Spain. On the nineteenth day
of April, the marquis de Torcy delivered to the earl of Manchester, at
Paris, a letter from the new king of Spain to his Britannic majesty,
notifying his accession to that throne, and expressing a desire of
cultivating a mutual friendship with the king and crown of England.
How averse soever William might have been to any correspondence of this
sort, the earl of Rochester and the new ministers importuned him in such
a manner to acknowledge Philip, that he at length complied with their
entreaties, and wrote a civil answer to his most catholic majesty. This
was a very alarming incident to the emperor, who was bent upon a war
with the two crowns, and had determined to send prince Eugene with an
army into Italy, to take possession of the duchy of Milan as a fief of
the empire. The new pope Clement XI., who had succeeded to the papacy in
the preceding year, was attached to the French interest; the Venetians
favoured the emperor; but they refused to declare themselves at this

The French king consented to a renewal of the negotiations at the Hague;
but in the meantime tampered with the Dutch deputies, to engage them in
a separate treaty. Finding them determined to act in concert with the
king of England, he protracted the conferences in order to gain time,
while he erected fortifications and drew lines on the frontiers of
Holland, divided the princes of the empire by his intrigues, and
endeavoured to gain over the states of Italy. The Dutch meanwhile
exerted themselves in providing for their own security. They reinforced
their garrisons, purchased supplies, and solicited succours from foreign
potentates. The states wrote a letter to king William, explaining the
danger of their situation, professing the most inviolable attachment
to the interest of England, and desiring that the stipulated number
of troops should be sent immediately to their assistance. The
three Scottish regiments which he had retained in his own pay, were
immediately transported from Scotland. The letter of the states-general
he communicated to the house of commons, who having taken it into
consideration, resolved to assist his majesty to support his allies in
maintaining the liberty of Europe; and to provide immediate succours for
the states-general, according to the treaty of 1677. The house of peers,
to whom the letter was also communicated, carried their zeal still
farther. They presented an address, in which they desired his majesty
would not only perform the articles of any former treaty with the
states-general, but also engage with them in a strict league offensive
and defensive, for their common preservation; and invite into it all
the princes and states that were concerned in the present visible danger
arising from the union of Franco and Spain. They exhorted him to
enter into such alliances with the emperor as his majesty should think
necessary, pursuant to the ends of the treaty concluded in the year
1689. They assured him of their hearty and sincere assistance, not
doubting that Almighty God would protect his sacred person in so
righteous a cause; and that the unanimity, wealth, and courage of
his subjects would carry him with honour and success through all the
difficulties of a just war. Lastly, they took leave humbly to represent,
that the dangers to which his kingdom and allies had been exposed, were
chiefly owing to the fatal counsels that prevented his majesty's sooner
meeting his people in parliament.

These proceedings of both houses could not but be very agreeable to the
king, who expressed his satisfaction in his answer to each apart. They
were the more remarkable, as at this very time considerable progress was
made in a design to impeach the old ministry. This deviation therefore
from the tenour of their former conduct, could be owing to no other
motive than a sense of their own danger, and resentment against France,
which, even during the negotiation, had been secretly employed in making
preparations to surprise and distress the states-general. The commons
having expressed their sentiments on this subject, resumed the
consideration of the partition treaty. They had appointed a committee
to examine the journals of the house of lords, and to report their
proceedings in relation to the treaty of partition. When the report was
made by sir Edward Seymour, the house resolved itself into a committee
to consider the state of the nation; after warm debates they resolved,
That William earl of Portland, by negotiating and concluding the treaty
of partition, was guilty of a high crime and misdemeanor. They ordered
sir John Leveson Gower to impeach him at the bar of the house of lords;
and named a committee to prepare the articles of his impeachment. Then,
in a conference with the lords, they desired to know the particulars of
what had passed between the earl of Portland and secretary Vernon, in
relation to the partition treaty, as also what other information they
had obtained concerning negotiations or treaties of partition of the
Spanish monarchy. The lords demurring to this demand, the lower house
resolved to address the king, That copies of both treaties of partition,
together with all the powers and instructions for negotiating those
treaties, should be laid before them. The copies were accordingly
produced, and the lords sent down to the commons two papers containing
the powers granted to the earls of Portland and Jersey for signing both
treaties of partition. The house afterwards ordered, That Mr. secretary
Vernon should lay before them all the letters which had passed between
the earl of Portland and him, in relation to those treaties; and he
thought proper to obey their command. Nothing could be more scandalously
partial than the conduct of the commons on this occasion. They resolved
to screen the earl of Jersey, sir Joseph Williamson, and Mr. Vernon,
who had been as deeply concerned as any others in that transaction; and
pointed all their vengeance against the earls of Portland and Orford,
and the lords Somers and Halifax. Some of the members even tampered with
Kidd, who was now a prisoner in Newgate, to accuse lord Somers as having
encouraged him in his piracy. He was brought to the bar of the house and
examined; but he declared that he had never spoke to lord Somers; and
that he had no order from those concerned in the ship, but that of
pursuing his voyage against the pirates in Madagascar. Finding him unfit
for their purpose, they left him to the course of law; and he was hanged
with some of his accomplices.

{WILLIAM, 1688-1701.}


Lord Somers, understanding that he was accused in the house of commons
of having consented to the partition treaty, desired that he might be
admitted and heard in his own defence. His request being granted, he
told the house that when he received the king's letter concerning the
partition treaty, with an order to send over the necessary powers in the
most secret manner, he thought it would have been taking too much upon
him to put a stop to a treaty of such consequence when the life of
the king of Spain was so precarious; for, had the king died before
the treaty was finished, and he been blamed for delaying the necessary
powers, he could not have justified his own conduct, since the king's
letter was really a warrant; that, nevertheless, he had written a letter
to his majesty objecting to several particulars in the treaty, and
proposing other articles which he thought were for the interest of his
country; that he thought himself bound to put the great seal to the
treaty when it was concluded; that, as a privy counsellor, he had
offered his best advice, and as chancellor, executed his office
according to his duty. After he had withdrawn, his justification gave
rise to a long debate which ended in a resolution, carried by a majority
of seven voices, That John lord Somers, by advising his majesty to
conclude the treaty of partition, whereby large territories of the
Spanish monarchy were to be delivered up to France, was guilty of a
high crime and misdemeanor. Votes to the same effect were passed against
Edward carl of Orford, and Charles lord Halifax; and all three were
impeached at the bar of the upper house. But the commons knowing that
those impeachments would produce nothing in the house of lords, where
the opposite interest predominated, they resolved to proceed against
the accused noblemen in a more expeditious and effectual way of branding
their reputation. They voted and presented an address, to the king,
desiring he would remove them from his councils and presence for
ever, as advisers of a treaty so pernicious to the trade and welfare
of England. They concluded by repeating their assurance that they would
always stand by and support his majesty to the utmost of their power,
against all his enemies both at home and abroad. The king, in his
answer, artfully overlooked the first part of the remonstrance. He
thanked them for their repeated assurances; and told them he would
employ none in his service but such as should be thought most likely
to improve that mutual trust and confidence between him and his people,
which was so necessary at that conjuncture, both for their own security
and the preservation of their allies.


The lords, incensed at this step of the commons, which they considered
as an insult upon their tribunal, and a violation of common justice,
drew up and delivered a counter-address, humbly beseeching his majesty
that he would not pass any censure upon the accused lords until they
should be tried on the impeachments, and judgments be given according
to the usage of parliament. The king was so perplexed by these opposite
representations, that he knew not well what course to follow. He made
no reply to the counter-address; but allowed the names of the impeached
lords to remain in the council-books. The commons having carried their
point, which was to stigmatize those noblemen and prevent their being
employed for the future, suffered the impeachments to be neglected until
they themselves moved for trial. On the fifth day of May the house of
lords sent a message to the commons, importing, That no articles had
as yet been exhibited against the noblemen whom they had impeached. The
charge was immediately drawn up against the earl of Orford: him they
accused of having received exorbitant grants from the crown; of having
been concerned with Kidd the pirate; of having committed abuses in
managing and victualling the fleet when it lay on the coast of Spain;
and lastly, of having advised the partition treaty. The earl, in his own
defence, declared that he had received no grant from the king except a
very distant reversion, and a present of ten thousand pounds after he
had defeated the French at La Hogue; that in Kidd's affair he had acted
legally, and with a good intention towards the public, though to his own
loss; that his accounts with regard to the fleet which he commanded had
been examined and passed; yet he was ready to waive the advantage, and
justify himself in every particular; and he absolutely denied that he
had given any advice concerning the treaty of partition. Lord Somers
was accused of having set the seals to the powers, and afterwards to the
treaties; of having accepted some grants; of having been an accomplice
with Kidd; and of having some guilt of partial and dilatory proceedings
in chancery. He answered every article in the charge; but no replication
was made by the commons either to him or the earl of Orford. When the
commons were stimulated by another message from the peers, relating to
the impeachments of the earl of Portland and lord Halifax, they declined
exhibiting articles against the former on pretence of respect for his
majesty; but on the fourteenth of June, the charge against Halifax was
sent up to the lords. He was taxed with possessing a grant in Ireland,
without paying the produce of it according to the law lately enacted
concerning those grants; with enjoying another grant out of the forest
of Deane, to the waste of the timber and the prejudice of the navy; with
having held places that were incompatible, by being at the same time
commissioner of the treasury and chancellor of the exchequer; and with
having advised the two treaties of partition. He answered, that his
grant in Ireland was of debts and sums of money, and within the act
concerning confiscated estates; that all he had ever received from it
did not exceed four hundred pounds, which, if he was bound to repay,
a common action would lie against him; but every man was not to be
impeached who did not discharge his debts at the very day of payment. He
observed, that as his grant in the forest of Deane extended to weedings
only, it could occasion no waste of timber nor prejudice to the navy;
that the auditor's place was held by another person, until he obtained
the king's leave to withdraw from the treasury; that he never saw the
first treaty of partition, nor was his advice asked upon the subject;
that he had never heard of the second but once before it was concluded;
and then he spoke his sentiments freely on the subject. This answer,
like the others, would have been neglected by the commons, whose aim was
now to evade the trials, had not the lords pressed them by messages to
expedite the articles. They even appointed a day for Orford's trial,
and signified their resolution to the commons. These desired that a
committee of both houses should be named for settling preliminaries, one
of which was, That the lord to be tried should not sit as a peer; and
the other imported, That those lords impeached for the same matter
should not vote in the trial of each other. They likewise desired that
lord Somers should be first tried. The lords made no objection to this
last demand; but they rejected the proposal of a committee consisting of
both houses, alleging that the commons were parties, and had no title
to sit in equality with the judges, or to settle matters relating to
the trial; that this was a demand contrary to the principles of law and
rules of justice, and never practised in any court or nation. The lords,
indeed, had yielded to this expedient in the popish plot, because it was
a case of treason, in which the king's life and safety of the kingdom
were concerned, while the people were jealous of the court, and the
whole nation was in a ferment; but at present the times were quiet, and
the charge amounted to nothing more than misdemeanors; therefore the
lords could not assent to such a proposal as was derogatory from their
jurisdiction. Neither would they agree to the preliminaries; but on the
twelfth day of June resolved, That no peer impeached for high crimes
and misdemeanors should, upon his trial, be without the bar; and that no
peer impeached could be precluded from voting on any occasion except
in his own trial. Divers messages passed between the two houses,--the
commons still insisting upon a committee to settle preliminaries; at
length the dispute was brought to a free conference.


Meanwhile the king, going to the house of peers, gave the royal
assent to the bill of succession. In his speech he expressed his warm
acknowledgments for their repeated assurances of supporting him in such
alliances as should be most proper for the preservation of the liberty
of Europe, and for the security of England and the states-general. He
observed that the season of the year was advanced; that the posture
of affairs absolutely required his presence abroad; and he recommended
despatch of the public business, especially of those matters which were
of the greatest importance. The commons thanked him in an address for
having approved of their proceedings: they declared they would support
him in such alliances as he should think fit to make in conjunction
with the emperor and the states-general, for the peace of Europe, and
reducing the exorbitant power of France. They then resumed their dispute
with the upper house. In the free conference, lord Haversham happened to
tax the commons with partiality, in impeaching some lords and screening
others who were equally guilty of the same misdemeanors. Sir Christopher
Musgrave and the managers for the commons immediately withdrew; this
unguarded sally being reported to the house, they immediately resolved,
That John lord Haversham had uttered most scandalous reproaches and
false expressions, highly reflecting upon the honour and justice of the
house of commons, tending to a breach in the good correspondence between
the two houses, and to the interruption of the public justice of the
nation; that the said lord Haversham should be charged before the lords
for the said words; that the lords should be desired to proceed in
justice against him, and to inflict upon him such punishment as so high
an offence against the commons did deserve. The commons had now found a
pretence to justify their delay; and declared they would not renew the
conference until they should have received satisfaction. Lord Haversham
offered to submit to a trial; but insisted on their first proving
the words which he was said to have spoken. When this declaration was
imparted to the commons, they said the lords ought to have censured him
in a summary way, and still refused to renew the conference. The lords,
on the other hand, came to a resolution, That there should not be a
committee of both houses concerning the trial of the impeached lords.
Then they resolved, That lord Somers should be tried at Westminster-hall
on Tuesday the seventeenth day of June, and signified this resolution
to the lower house; reminding them, at the same time, of the articles
against the earl of Portland. The commons refused to appear, alleging
they were the only judges, and that the evidence was not yet prepared.
They sent up the reasons of their nonappearance to the house of lords,
where they were supported by the new ministry and all the malcontents,
and produced very warm debates. The majority carried their point
piecemeal by dint of different votes, against which very severe protests
were entered. On the day appointed for the trial, they sent a message
to the commons that they were going to Westminster-hall. The other
impeached lords asked leave, and were permitted to withdraw. The
articles of impeachment against lord Somers, and his answers, being read
in Westminster-hall, and the commons not appearing to prosecute, the
lords adjourned to their own house, where they debated concerning
the question that was to be put. This being settled, they returned to
Westminster-hall; and the question being put, "That John lord Somers be
acquitted of the articles of impeachment against him, exhibited by
the house of commons, and all things therein contained; and, That the
impeachment be dismissed," it was carried by a majority of thirty-five.
The commons, exasperated at these proceedings, resolved, That the
lords had refused justice to the commons; that they had endeavoured to
overturn the right of impeachment lodged in the commons by the ancient
constitution of the kingdom; that all the ill consequences which might
attend the delay of the supplies given for the preservation of the
public peace, and the maintenance of the balance of Europe, would be
owing to those who, to procure an indemnity for their own crimes, had
used their utmost endeavours to make a breach between the two houses.
The lords sent a message to the commons, giving them to understand that
they had acquitted lord Somers and dismissed the impeachment, as nobody
had appeared to support the articles; and that they had appointed next
Monday for the trial of the earl of Orford. They resolved, That unless
the charge against lord Haversham should be prosecuted by the commons
before the end of the session, the lords would adjudge him innocent;
that the resolutions of the commons on their late votes, contained most
unjust reflections on the honour and justice of the peers; that they
were contrived to cover their affected and unreasonable delays in
prosecuting the impeached lords; that they manifestly tended to the
destruction of the judicature of the lords; to the rendering trials on
impeachments impracticable for the future, and to the subverting the
constitution of the English government; that therefore, whatever ill
consequence might arise from the so long deferring the supplies for
this year's service, wore to be attributed to the fatal counsel of the
putting off the meeting of a parliament so long, and to the unnecessary
delays of the house of commons. On the twenty-third day of June, the
articles of impeachment against Edward earl of Orford were read in
Westminster-hall; but the house of commons having previously ordered
that none of the members should appear at this pretended trial, those
articles were not supported, so that his lordship was acquitted and the
impeachment dismissed. Next day the impeachments against the duke of
Leeds, which had lain seven years neglected, together with those against
the earl of Portland and lord Halifax as well as the charge against
lord Haversham, were dismissed for want of prosecution. Each house
ordered a narrative of these proceedings to be published; and their
mutual animosity had proceeded to such a degree of rancour as seemed to
preclude all possibility of reconciliation. The commons, in the whole
course of this transaction, had certainly acted from motives of faction
and revenge; for nothing could be more unjust, frivolous, and partial,
than the charge exhibited in the articles of impeachment, their
anticipating address to the king, and their affected delay in the
prosecution. Their conduct on this occasion was so flagrant as to
attract the notice of the common people, and inspire the generality of
the nation with disgust. This the whigs did not fail to augment by the
arts of calumny, and, in particular, by insinuating that the court of
Versailles had found means to engage the majority of the commons in its


This faction had, since the beginning of this session, employed their
emissaries in exciting a popular aversion to the tory ministers and
members, and succeeded so well in their endeavours, that they formed a
scheme of obtaining petitions from different counties and corporations
that should induce the commons to alter their conduct, on the
supposition that it was contrary to the sense of the nation. In
execution of this scheme, a petition signed by the deputy-lieutenants,
above twenty justices of the peace, the grand jury and freeholders of
the county of Kent, had been presented to the house of commons on the
eighteenth of May, by five gentlemen of fortune and distinction. The
purport of this remonstrance was to recommend union among themselves,
and confidence in his majesty, whose great actions for the nation could
never be forgotten without the blackest ingratitude; to beg they would
have regard to the voice of the people; that their religion and safety
might be effectually provided for; that their loyal addresses might be
turned into bills of supply; and that his most sacred majesty might be
enabled powerfully to assist his allies before it should be too late.
The house was so incensed at the petulance of the petition, that they
voted it scandalous, insolent, and seditious; and ordered the gentlemen
who had presented it to be taken into custody. They were afterwards
committed to the Gate-house, where they remained till the prorogation
of parliament; but they had no reason to repine at their imprisonment,
which recommended them to the notice and esteem of the public. They were
visited and caressed by the chiefs of the whig interest, and considered
as martyrs to the liberties of the people. Their confinement gave
rise to a very extraordinary paper, entitled, "A memorial from the
gentlemen, freeholders, and inhabitants of the counties of------, in
behalf of themselves and many thousands of the good people of England."
It was signed _Legion_, and sent to the speaker in a letter, commanding
him, in the name of two hundred thousand Englishmen, to deliver it
to the house of commons. In this strange expostulation, the house was
charged with illegal and unwarrantable practices in fifteen particulars;
a new claim of right was ranged under seven heads; and the commons
were admonished to act according to their duty, as specified in this
memorial, on pain of incurring the resentment of an injured nation. It
was concluded in these words--"For Englishmen are no more to be slaves
to parliaments than to kings-our name is Legion, and we are many." The
commons were equally provoked and intimidated by this libel, which was
the production of one Daniel de Foe, a scurrilous party-writer in very
little estimation. They would not, however, deign to take notice of it
in the house; but a complaint being made of endeavours to raise tumults
and seditions, a committee was appointed to draw up an address to his
majesty, informing him of those seditious endeavours, and beseeching him
to provide for the public peace and security.

The house, however, perceiving plainly that they had incurred the
odium of the nation, which began to clamour for a war with France, and
dreading the popular resentment, thought fit to change their measures
with respect to this object, and present the address we have already
mentioned, in which they promised to support him in the alliances he
should contract with the emperor and other states in order to bridle the
exorbitant power of France. They likewise proceeded in earnest upon the
supply, and voted funds for raising about two millions seven hundred
thousand pounds to defray the expense of the ensuing year. They voted
thirty thousand seamen, and resolved that ten thousand troops should be
transported from Ireland to Holland, as the auxiliaries stipulated in
the treaty of 1677 with the states-general. The funds were constituted
of a land-tax, certain duties on merchandise, and a weekly deduction
from the excise, so as to bring down the civil list to six hundred
thousand pounds, as the duke of Gloucester was dead, and James' queen
refused her allowance. They passed a bill for taking away all
privileges of parliament in legal prosecutions during the intermediate
prorogations; their last struggle with the lords was concerning a bill
for appointing commissioners to examine and state the public accounts.
The persons nominated for this purpose were extremely obnoxious to the
majority of the peers, as violent partizans of the tory faction; when
the bill, therefore, was sent up to the lords, they made some amendments
which the commons rejected. The former animosity between the two houses
began to revive, when the king interrupted their disputes by putting
an end to the session on the twenty-fourth day of Juno, after having
thanked the parliament for their zeal in the public service, and
exhorted them to a discharge of their duties in their several counties.
He was, no doubt, extremely pleased with such an issue of a session that
had began with a very inauspicious aspect. His health daily declined;
but he concealed the decay of his constitution, that his allies might
not be discouraged from engaging in a confederacy of which he was deemed
the head and chief support. He conferred the command of the ten thousand
troops destined for Holland upon the earl of Marlborough, and appointed
him at the same time his plenipotentiary to the states-general, a choice
that evinced his discernment and discretion; for that nobleman surpassed
all his contemporaries both as a general and a politician. He was cool,
penetrating, intrepid, and persevering, plausible, insinuating, artful,
and dissembling.


A regency being established, the king embarked for Holland in the
beginning of July. On his arrival at the Hague he assisted at an
assembly of the states-general, whom he harangued in very affectionate
terms, and was answered with great cordiality; then he made a progress
round the frontiers to examine the state of the garrisons, and gave
such orders and directions as he judged necessary for the defence of the
country. Meanwhile, the French minister D'Avaux, being recalled from
the Hague, delivered a letter to the states from the French king, who
complained that they had often interrupted the conferences, from which
no good fruits were to be expected; but he assured them it wholly
depended upon themselves whether they should continue to receive marks
of his ancient friendship for their republic. The letter was accompanied
by an insolent memorial, to which the states-general returned a very
spirited answer. As they expected nothing now but hostilities from
France, they redoubled their diligence in making preparations for their
own defence. They repaired their fortifications, augmented their army,
and hired auxiliaries. King William and they had already engaged in an
alliance with the king of Denmark, who undertook to furnish a certain
number of troops in consideration of a subsidy; and they endeavoured
to mediate a peace between Sweden and Poland; but this they could not
effect. France had likewise offered her mediation between those powers
in hopes of bringing over Sweden to her interest; and the court of
Vienna had tampered with the king of Poland; but he persisted in his
resolution to prosecute the war. The Spaniards began to be very uneasy
under the dominion of their new master. They were shocked at the
insolence of his French ministers and attendants, and much more at
the manners and fashions which they introduced. The grandees found
themselves very little considered by their sovereign, and resented his
economy; for he had endeavoured to retrench the expense of the court,
which had used to support their magnificence. Prince Eugene, at the head
of the Imperial army, had entered Italy by Vicenza, and passed the Adige
near Carpi, where he defeated a body of five thousand French forces. The
enemy were commanded by the duke of Savoy, assisted by mareschal Catinat
and the prince of Vaudemont, who did not think proper to hazard an
engagement; but mareschal Villeroy arriving in the latter end of August
with orders to attack the Imperialists, Catinat retired in disgust. The
new general marched immediately towards Chiari, where prince Eugene was
intrenched, and attacked his camp; but met with such a reception that
he was obliged to retire with the loss of five thousand men. Towards
the end of the campaign the prince took possession of all the Mantuan
territories, except Mantua itself, and Goito, the blockade of which he
formed. He reduced all the places on the Oglio, and continued in the
field during the whole winter, exhibiting repeated marks of the most
invincible courage, indefatigable vigilance, and extensive capacity
in the art of war. In January he had well nigh surprised Cremona, by
introducing a body of men through an old aqueduct. They forced one of
the gates, by which the prince and his followers entered; Villeroy,
being awakened by the noise, ran into the street where he was taken;
and the town must have been infallibly reduced, had prince Eugene been
joined by another body of troops which he had ordered to march from
the Parmesan and secure the bridge. These not arriving at the time
appointed, an Irish regiment in the French service took possession of
the bridge, and the prince was obliged to retire with his prisoner.

{WILLIAM, 1688-1701.}


The French king, alarmed at the activity and military genius of the
Imperial general, sent a reinforcement to his army in Italy, and the
duke of Vendome to command his forces in that country; he likewise
importuned the duke of Savoy to assist him effectually; but that
prince having obtained all he could expect from France, became cold and
backward. His second daughter was by this time married to the new king
of Spain, who met her at Barcelona, where he found himself involved in
disputes with the states of Catalonia, who refused to pay a tax he had
imposed until their privileges should be confirmed; and he was obliged
to gratify them in this particular. The war continued to rage in the
north. The young king of Sweden routed the Saxons upon the river Danu:
thence he marched into Courland and took possession of Mittau without
opposition; while the king of Poland retired into Lithuania. In Hungary
the French emissaries endeavoured to sow the seeds of a new revolt. They
exerted themselves with indefatigable industry in almost every court of
Christendom. They had already gained over the elector of Bavaria,
and his brother the elector of Cologn, together with the dukes of
Wolfenbuttle and Saxe-Gotha, who professed neutrality, while they levied
troops and made such preparations for war as plainly indicated that they
had received subsidies from France. Louis had also extorted a treaty of
alliance from the king of Portugal, who was personally attached to the
Austrian interest; but this weak prince was a slave to his ministers,
whom the French king had corrupted. During this summer, the French
coasts were over-awed by the combined fleets of England and Holland
under the command of sir George Rooke, who sailed down the channel
in the latter end of August, and detached vice-admiral Benbow with a
strong squadron to the West Indies. In order to deceive the French king
with regard to the destination of this fleet, king William demanded the
free use of the Spanish harbours, as if his design had been to send
a squadron to the Mediterranean; but he met with a repulse, while the
French ships were freely admitted. About this period the king
revoked his letters-patent to the commissioners of the admiralty, and
constituted the earl of Pembroke lord high-admiral of England, in order
to avoid the factions, the disputes, and divided counsels of a board.
The earl was no sooner promoted to this office than he sent captain
Loades with three frigates to Cadiz, to bring home the sea-stores and
effects belonging to the English in that place before the war should
commence; and this piece of service was successfully performed. The
French king, in order to enjoy all the advantages that could be derived
from his union with Spain, established a company to open a trade with
Mexico and Peru; and concluded a new Assiento treaty for supplying the
Spanish plantations with negroes. At the same time he sent a strong
squadron to the port of Cadiz. The French dress was introduced into the
court of Spain; and by a formal edict, the grandees of that kingdom and
the peers of France were put on a level in each nation. There was no
vigour left in the councils of Spain; her finances were exhausted; and
her former spirit seemed to be quite extinguished; the nobility were
beggars, and the common people overwhelmed with indigence and distress.
The condition of France was not much more prosperous. She had been
harassed by a long war, and now saw herself on the eve of another, which
in all probability would render her completely miserable.


These circumstances were well known to the emperor and the maritime
powers, and served to animate their negotiations for another grand
alliance. Conferences were opened at the Hague; and on the seventh
day of September a treaty was concluded between his Imperial majesty,
England, and the states-general. The objects proposed were to procure
satisfaction to the emperor in the Spanish succession, and sufficient
security for the dominions and commerce of the allies. They engaged to
use their endeavours for recovering the Spanish Netherlands as a barrier
between Holland and France, and for putting the emperor in possession of
the duchy of Milan, Naples, and Sicily, with the lands and islands upon
the coast of Tuscany belonging to the Spanish dominions. They agreed
that the king of England and the states-general should keep and possess
whatever lands and cities they should conquer from the Spaniards in
the Indies; that the confederates should faithfully communicate their
designs to one another; that no party should treat of peace or truce but
jointly with the rest; that they should concur in preventing the union
of France and Spain under the same government, and hinder the French
from possessing the Spanish Indies; that in concluding a peace, the
confederates should provide for the maintenance of the commerce carried
on by the maritime powers to the dominions taken from the Spaniards, and
secure the states by a barrier; that they should at the same time settle
the exercise of religion in the new conquests; that they should assist
one another with all their forces in case of being invaded by the
French king, or any other potentate, on account of this alliance; that a
defensive alliance should remain between them even after the peace; that
all kings, princes, and states should be at liberty to engage in this
alliance. They determined to employ two months to obtain by amicable
means the satisfaction and security which they demanded; and Stipulated
that within six weeks the treaty should be ratified.


On the sixteenth day of September king James expired at St. Germain's,
after having laboured under a tedious indisposition. This unfortunate
monarch, since the miscarriage of his last attempt for recovering his
throne, had laid aside all thoughts of worldly grandeur, and devoted his
whole attention to the concerns of his soul. Though he could not prevent
the busy genius of his queen from planning new schemes of restoration,
he was always best pleased when wholly detached from such chimerical
projects. Hunting was his chief diversion; but religion was his constant
care. Nothing could be more harmless than the life he led; and in the
course of it he subjected himself to uncommon penance and mortification.
He frequently visited the poor monks of la Trappe, who were much edified
by his humble and pious deportment. His pride and arbitrary temper seem
to have vanished with his greatness. He became affable, kind, and easy
to all his dependents; and his religion certainly opened and improved
the virtues of his heart, though it seemed to impair the faculties of
his soul. In his last illness he conjured his son to prefer his religion
to every worldly advantage, and even to renounce all thoughts of a crown
if he could not enjoy it without offering violence to his faith. He
recommended to him the practice of justice and christian forgiveness;
he himself declaring that he heartily forgave the prince of Orange, the
emperor, and all his enemies. He died with great marks of devotion,
and was interred, at his own request, in the church of the English
Benedictines in Paris without any funeral solemnity.


Before his death he was visited by the French king, who seemed touched
with his condition, and declared that, in case of his death, he would
own his son as king of England. This promise James' queen had already
extorted from him by the interest of madame de Main-tenon and the
dauphin. Accordingly, when James died, the pretended prince of Wales was
proclaimed king of England at St. Germain's, and treated as such at the
court of Versailles. His title was likewise recognised by the king of
Spain, the duke of Savoy, and the pope. William was no sooner informed
of this transaction, than he despatched a courier to the king of Sweden,
as guarantee of the treaty of Ryswick, to complain of this manifest
violation. At the same time he recalled the earl of Manchester from
Paris, and ordered him to return without taking an audience of leave.
That nobleman immediately withdrew, after having intimated to the
marquis de Torcy the order he had received. Louis, in vindication of his
own conduct, dispersed through all the courts of Europe a manifesto,
in which he affirmed, that in owning the prince of Wales as king of
England, he had not infringed any article of the treaty of Ryswick, He
confessed that in the fourth article he had promised that he would not
disturb the king of Great Britain in the peaceable possession of his
dominions; and he declared his intention was to observe that promise
punctually. He observed that his generosity would not allow him to
abandon the prince of Wales or his family; that he could not refuse
him a title which was due to him by birth; that he had more reason to
complain of the king of Great Britain and the states-general, whose
declarations and preparations in favour of the emperor might be regarded
as real contraventions to treaties; finally, he quoted some instances
from history in which the children enjoyed the titles of kingdoms
which their fathers had lost. These reasons, however, would hardly have
induced the French king to take such a step, had not he perceived that a
war with England was inevitable; and that he should be able to reap
some advantages in the course of it from espousing the cause of the

The substance of the French manifesto was published in London, by
Poussin the secretary of Tallard, who had been left in England as agent
for the court of Versailles. He was now ordered to leave kingdom, which
was filled with indignation at Louis for having pretended to declare who
ought to be their sovereign. The city of London presented an address
to the lords-justices, expressing the deepest resentment of the French
king's presumption; assuring his majesty that they would at all times
exert the utmost of their abilities for the preservation of his person,
and the defence of his just rights, in opposition to all invaders of his
crown and dignity. Addresses of the same nature were sent up from all
parts of the kingdom, and could not but be agreeable to William. He had
now concerted measures for acting with vigour against France; and
he resolved to revisit his kingdom after having made a considerable
progress in a treaty of perpetual alliance between England and the
states-general, which was afterwards brought to perfection by his
plenipotentiary, the earl of Marlborough. The king's return, however,
was delayed a whole month by a severe indisposition, during which the
Spanish minister de Quiros hired certain physicians to consult together
upon the state and nature of his distemper. They declared that he could
not live many weeks; and this opinion was transmitted to Madrid. William
however baffled the prognostic, though his constitution had sustained
such a rude shock that he himself perceived his end was near. He told
the earl of Portland he found himself so weak that he could not expect
to live another summer; but charged him to conceal this circumstance
until he should be dead. Notwithstanding this near approach to
dissolution, he exerted himself with surprising diligence and spirit
in establishing the confederacy, and settling the plan of operations. A
subsidiary treaty was concluded with the king of Prussia, who engaged
to furnish a certain number of troops. The emperor agreed to maintain
ninety thousand men in the field against France; the proportion of the
states was limited to one hundred and two thousand; and that of England
did not exceed forty thousand, to act in conjunction with the allies.

On the fourth day of November the king arrived in England, which he
found in a strange ferment, produced from the mutual animosity of the
two factions. They reviled each other in words and writing with all the
falsehood of calumny, and all the bitterness of rancour; so that truth,
candour, and temperance, seemed to be banished by consent of both
parties. The king had found himself deceived in his new ministers, who
had opposed his measures with all their influence. He was particularly
disgusted with the deportment of the earl of Rochester, who proved
altogether imperious and intractable; and, instead of moderating,
inflamed the violence of his party. The king declared the year in which
that nobleman directed his councils was the un-easiest of his whole
life. He could not help expressing his displeasure in such a coldness
of reserve, that Rochester told him he would serve his majesty no longer
since he did not enjoy his confidence. William made no answer to
this expostulation, but resolved he should see him no more. The earl,
however, at the desire of Mr. Harley, became more pliant and submissive;
and, after the king's departure for Holland, repaired to his government
of Ireland, in which he now remained exerting all his endeavours to
acquire popularity. William foreseeing nothing but opposition from the
present spirit of the house of commons, closeted some of their leaders
with a view to bespeak their compliance; but finding them determined to
pursue their former principles, and to insist upon their impeachments,
he resolved, with the advice of his friends, to dissolve the parliament.
This step he was the more easily induced to take, as the commons were
become extremely odious to the nation in general, which breathed nothing
but war and defiance against the French monarch. The parliament was
accordingly dissolved by proclamation, and another summoned to meet on
the thirtieth day of December.


Never did the two parties proceed with such heat and violence against
each other, as in their endeavours to influence the new elections.
The whigs, however, obtained the victory, as they included the
monied-interest, which will always prevail among the borough electors.
Corruption was now reduced into an open and avowed commerce; and, had
not the people been so universally venal and profligate that no sense of
shame remained, the victors must have blushed for their success. Though
the majority thus obtained was staunch to the measures of the court, the
choice of speaker fell upon Mr. Harley, contrary to the inclination of
the king, who favoured sir Thomas Lyttleton; but his majesty's speech
was received with universal applause. It was so much admired by the
well-wishers to the revolution, that they printed it with decorations
in the English, Dutch, and French languages. It appeared as a piece of
furniture in all their houses, and as the king's last legacy to his own
and all protestant people. In this celebrated harangue, he expatiated
upon the indignity offered to the nation by the French king's
acknowledging the pretended prince of Wales; he explained the dangers to
which it was exposed by his placing his grandson on the throne of Spain;
he gave them to understand he had concluded several alliances according
to the encouragement given him by both houses of parliament, which
alliances should be laid before them, together with other treaties
still depending. He observed, that the eyes of all Europe were upon this
parliament; and all matters at a stand until their resolution should be
known: therefore no time ought to be lost. He told them they had yet
an opportunity to secure for themselves and their posterity the quiet
enjoyment of their religion and liberties, if they were not wanting to
themselves, but would exert the ancient vigour of the English nation;
but he declared his opinion was that should they neglect this occasion,
they had no reason to hope for another. He said it would be necessary to
maintain a great strength at sea, and a force on land proportionable
to that of their allies. He pressed the commons to support the public
credit, which could not be preserved without keeping sacred that maxim,
That they shall never be losers who trust to the parliamentary security.
He declared that he never asked aids from his people without regret;
that what he desired was for their own safety and honour at such a
critical time; and that the whole should be appropriated to the purposes
for which it was intended. He expressed his willingness that the
accounts should be yearly submitted to the inspection of parliament. He
again recommended despatch, together with good bills for employing the
poor, encouraging trade, and suppressing vice. He expressed his
hope that they were come together determined to avoid disputes and
differences, and to act with a hearty concurrence for promoting the
common cause. He said he should think it as great a blessing as could
befal England, if they were as much inclined to lay aside those unhappy
fatal animosities which divided and weakened them, as he was disposed
to make all his subjects safe and easy, even as to the highest offences
committed against his person. He conjured them to disappoint the hopes
of their enemies by their unanimity. As he had always shown, and always
would show, how desirous he was to be the common father of all his
people, he desired they would lay aside parties and divisions, so as
that no distinction should be heard of amongst them, but of those who
were friends to the protestant religion and present establishment, and
of those who wished for a popish prince and a French government. He
concluded by affirming, that if they in good earnest desired to see
England hold the balance of Europe, and be indeed at the head of the
protestant interest, it would appear by their improving the present
opportunity, The lords immediately drew up a warm and affectionate
address, in which they expressed their resentment of the proceedings
of the French king in owning the pretended prince of Wales for king of
England. They assured his majesty they would assist him to the utmost
of their power against all his enemies: and when it should please God
to deprive them of his majesty's protection, they would vigorously
assist and defend against the pretended prince of Wales, and all other
pretenders whatsoever, every person and persons who had right to
succeed to the crown of England by virtue of the acts of parliament for
establishing and limiting the succession. On the fifth day of January.
an address to the same effect was presented by the commons, and both met
with a very gracious reception from his majesty. The lords, as a further
proof of their zeal, having taken into consideration the dangers that
threatened Europe, from the accession of the duke of Anjou to the crown
of Spain, drew up another address explaining their sense of that danger;
stigmatizing the French king as a violator of treaties; declaring their
opinion that his majesty, his subjects, and allies, could never be
safe and secure until the house of Austria should be restored to their
rights, and the invader of the Spanish monarchy brought to reason; and
assuring his majesty that no time should be lost, nor any thing wanting
on their parts, which might answer the reasonable expectations of
their friends abroad; not doubting but to support the reputation of
the English name, when engaged under so great a prince, in the glorious
cause of maintaining the liberty of Europe.

The king, in order to awake the confidence of the commons, ordered
Mr. secretary Vernon to lay before them copies of the treaties and
conventions he had lately concluded, which were so well approved that
the house unanimously voted the supply. By another vote they authorized
the exchequer to borrow six hundred thousand pounds at six per cent, for
the service of the fleet, and fifty thousand pounds for the subsistence
of guards and garrisons. They deliberated upon the state of the navy,
with the debt due upon it, and examined an estimate of what would be
necessary for extraordinary repairs. They called for an account of that
part of the national debt for which no provision had been made. The
ordered the speaker to write to the trustees for the forfeited estates
in Ireland, to attend the house with a full detail of their proceedings
in the execution of that act of parliament. On the ninth day of January,
they unanimously resolved, That leave be given to bring in a bill for
securing his majesty's person, and the succession of the crown in the
protestant line, for extinguishing the hopes of the pretended prince
of Wales, and all other pretenders, and their open and secret abettors.
They resolved to address his majesty that he would insert an article in
all his treaties of alliance, importing, That no peace should be made
with France until his majesty and the nation have reparation for the
great indignity offered by the French king, in owning and declaring the
pretended prince of Wales king of England, Scotland, and Ireland. They
agreed to maintain forty thousand men for the sea service, and a like
number by land, to act in conjunction with the forces of the allies,
according to the proportions settled by the contracting powers. The
supplies were raised by an imposition of four shillings in the pound
upon lands, annuities, pensions, and stipends, and on the profits
arising from the different professions; by a tax of two and one-half per
cent, on all stock in trade and money at interest; of five shillings in
the pound on all salaries, fees, and perquisites; a capitation tax of
four shillings; an imposition of one per cent, on all shares in the
capital stock of any corporation or company which should be bought,
sold, or bargained for; a duty of sixpence per bushel on malt, and a
farther duty on mum, cyder, and perry.


The commons seemed to vie with the lords in their zeal for the
government. They brought in a bill for attainting the pretended prince
of Wales, which being sent up to the other house, passed with an
additional clause of attainder against the queen, who acted as regent
for the pretender. This however was not carried without great opposition
in the house of lords. When the bill was sent back to the commons, they
excepted to the amendment as irregular. They observed that attainders
by bill constituted the most rigorous part of the law; and that the
stretching of it ought to be avoided. They proposed that the queen
should be attainted by a separate bill. The lords assented to the
proposal; and the bill against the pretended prince of Wales passed. The
lords passed another for attainting the queen; however it was neglected
in the house of commons. But the longest and warmest debates of this
session were produced by a bill, which the lords brought in, for
abjuring the pretended prince of Wales, and swearing to the king by the
title of rightful and lawful king, and his heirs, according to the
act of settlement. It was proposed that this oath should be voluntary,
tendered to all persons, and their subscription or refusal recorded
without any other penalty. This article was violently opposed by the
earl of Nottingham, and the other lords of the tory interest. They
observed, that the government was first settled with another oath, which
was like an original contract; so that there was no occasion for a
new imposition; that oaths relating to men's opinions had been always
considered as severe impositions; and that a voluntary oath was in its
own nature unlawful. During these disputes, another bill of abjuration
was brought into the house of commons by sir Charles Hedges, that should
be obligatory on all persons who enjoyed employments in church or state;
it likewise included an obligation to maintain the government in king,
lords, and commons, and to maintain the church of England, together with
the toleration for dissenters. Warm debates arose upon the question,
Whether the oath should be imposed or voluntary; and at length it was
carried for imposition by the majority of one voice. They agreed to
insert an additional clause, declaring it equally penal to compass or
imagine the death of her royal highness the princess Anne of Denmark,
as it was to compass or imagine the death of the king's eldest son and
heir. In the house of peers this bill was strenuously opposed by the
tories; and when, after long debates, it passed on the twenty-fourth day
of February, ten lords entered a protest against it, as an unnecessary
and severe imposition.

The whole nation now seemed to join in the cry for a war with France.
Party heats began to abate; the factions in the city of London were in a
great measure moderated by the union of the two companies trading to the
East Indies, which found their mutual interest required a coalition.
The tories in the house of commons having concurred so heartily with the
inclinations of the people, resolved, as far it lay in their power, to
justify the conduct of their party in the preceding parliament. They
complained of some petitions and addresses which had reflected upon
the proceedings of the last house of commons, and particularly of the
Kentish petition. The majority, however, determined that it was the
undoubted right of the people of England to petition or address the
king for the calling, sitting, or dissolving of parliaments, and for the
redressing of grievances; and that every subject under any accusation,
either by impeachment or otherwise, had a right to be brought to a
speedy trial. A complaint being likewise made that the lords had denied
the commons justice in the matter of the late impeachments, a furious
debate ensued; and it was carried by a very small majority that justice
had not been denied. In some points, however, they succeeded: in the
case of a controverted election at Maidstone, between Thomas Blisse and
Thomas Culpepper, the house resolved, That the latter had been not only
guilty of corrupt, scandalous, and indirect practices, in endeavouring
to procure himself to be elected a burgess, but likewise being one of
the instruments in promoting and presenting the scandalous, insolent,
and seditious petition, commonly called the Kentish petition, to the
last house of commons, was guilty of promoting a scandalous, villainous,
and groundless reflection upon that house, by aspersing the members with
receiving French money, or being in the interest of France; for which
offence he was ordered to be committed to Newgate, and to be prosecuted
by his majesty's attorney-general. They also resolved, That to assert
that the house of commons is not the only representative of the commons
of England, tends to the subversion of the rights and privileges of the
house of commons, and the fundamental constitution of the government of
this kingdom; that to assert that the house of commons have no power
of commitment, but of their own members, tends to the subversion of the
constitution of the house of commons; that to print or publish any books
or libels reflecting upon the proceedings of the house of commons, or
any member thereof, for or relating to his service therein, is a
high violation of the rights and privileges of the house of commons.
Notwithstanding these transactions, they did not neglect the vigorous
prosecution of the war. They addressed his majesty to interpose with his
allies that they might increase their quotas of land forces, to be
put on board the fleet in proportion to the numbers his majesty should
embark. When they had settled the sums appropriated to the several uses
of the war, they presented a second address desiring he would provide
for the half-pay officers in the first place, in the recruits and levies
to be made. The king assured them it was always his intention to provide
for those officers. He went to the house of peers and gave the royal
assent to an act appointing commissioners to take, examine, and
determine the debts due to the army, navy, and the transport service;
and also to take an account of prizes taken during the war.


The affairs of Ireland were not a little embarrassed by the conduct
of the trustees appointed to take cognizance of the forfeited estates.
Their office was extremely odious to the people as well as to the court,
and their deportment was arbitrary and imperious. Several individuals of
that kingdom, provoked by the insolence of the trustees on one hand, and
encouraged by the countenance of the courtiers on the other, endeavoured
by a circular letter to spirit up the grand jury of Ireland against the
act of resumption: petitions were presented to the king, couched in
very strong terms, affirming that it was injurious to the protestant
interest, and had been obtained by gross misinformations. The king
having communicated these addresses to the house, they were immediately
voted scandalous, false, and groundless; and the commons resolved, That
notwithstanding the complaints and clamours against the trustees, it
did not appear to the house but those complaints were groundless;
nevertheless they afterwards received several petitions imploring relief
against the said act; and they ordered that the petitioners should be
relieved accordingly. Proposals were delivered in for incorporating
such as should purchase the said forfeitures, on certain terms therein
specified, according to the rent-roll, when verified and made good to
the purchasers; but whereas in this rent-roll the value of the estates
had been estimated at something more than seven hundred and sixteen
thousand pounds, those who undertook to make the purchase affirmed
they were not worth five hundred thousand pounds; and thus the affair
remained in suspense.


With respect to Scotland, the clamours of that kingdom had not yet
subsided. When the bill of abjuration passed in the house of peers, the
earl of Nottingham had declared that although he differed in opinion
from the majority in many particulars relating to that bill, yet he
was a friend to the design of it; and in order to secure a protestant
succession, he thought an union of the whole island was absolutely
necessary. He therefore moved for an address to the king that he would
dissolve the parliament of Scotland now sitting, as the legality of it
might be called in question, on account of its having been originally a
convention; and that a new parliament should be summoned that they might
treat about an union of the two kingdoms. The king had this affair
so much to heart, that even when he was disabled from going to the
parliament in person, he sent a letter to the commons expressing an
eager desire that a treaty for this purpose might be set on foot, and
earnestly recommending this affair to the consideration of the house;
but as a new parliament in Scotland could not be called without a great
risk, while the nation was in such a ferment, the project was postponed
to a more favourable opportunity.


Before the king's return from Holland, he had concerted with his allies
the operations of the ensuing campaign. He had engaged in a negotiation
with the prince of Hesse D'Armstadt, who assured him that if he would
besiege and take Cadiz, the admiral of Castile, and divers other
grandees of Spain, would declare for the house of Austria. The allies
had also determined upon the siege of Keyserswaert, which the elector
of Cologn had delivered into the hands of the French; the elector of
Hanover had resolved to disarm the princes of Wolfenbuttle; the king of
the Romans, and prince Louis of Baden, undertook to invest Landau; and
the emperor promised to send a powerful reinforcement to prince
Eugene in Italy; but William did not live to see these schemes put in
execution. His constitution was by this time almost exhausted, though
he endeavoured to conceal the effects of his malady, and to repair his
health by exercise. On the twenty-first day of February, in riding to
Hampton-court from Kensington, his horse fell under him, and he himself
was thrown upon the ground with such violence as produced a fracture
in his collar-bone. His attendants conveyed him to the palace
of Hampton-court, where the fracture was reduced by Ronjat, his
sergeant-surgeon. In the evening he returned to Kensington in his coach,
and the two ends of the fractured bone having been disunited by the
jolting of the carriage, were replaced under the inspection of Bidloo,
his physician. He seemed to be in a fair way of recovering till the
first day of March, when his knee appeared to be inflamed, with great
pain and weakness. Next day he granted a commission under the great
seal to several peers, for passing the bills to which both houses
of parliament had agreed; namely, the act of attainder against the
pretended prince of Wales, and another in favour of the quakers,
enacting, That their solemn affirmation and declaration should be
accepted instead of an oath in the usual form.

{WILLIAM, 1688-1701.}


On the fourth day of March the king was so well recovered of his
lameness that he took several turns in the gallery at Kensington; but
sitting down on a couch where he fell asleep, he was seized with a
shivering, which terminated in a fever and diarrhoea. He was attended
by sir Thomas Millington, sir Richard Black-more, sir Theodore Colledon,
Dr. Bidloo, and other eminent physicians; but their prescriptions proved
ineffectual. On the sixth he granted another commission for passing the
bill for the malt tax, and the act of abjuration; and being so weak that
he could not write his name, he, in presence of the lord-keeper and the
clerks of parliament, applied a stamp prepared for the purpose. The earl
of Albemarle arriving from Holland, conferred with him in private on the
posture of affairs abroad; but he received his informations with great
coldness, and said, "_Je tire vers ma fin_--I approach the end of my
life." In the evening he thanked Dr. Bidloo for his care and tenderness,
saying, "I know that you and the other learned physicians have done all
that your art can do for my relief; but, finding all means ineffectual,
I submit." He received spiritual consolation from archbishop Tennison,
and Burnet bishop of Salisbury; on Sunday morning the sacrament was
administered to him. The lords of the privy-council and divers noblemen
attended in the adjoining apartments, and to some of them who were
admitted he spoke a little. He thanked lord Auverquerque for his long
and faithful services; he delivered to lord Albemarle the keys of his
closet and scrutoire, telling him he knew what to do with them. He
inquired for the earl of Portland; but being speechless before that
nobleman arrived, he grasped his hand and laid it to his heart, with
marks of the most tender affection. On the eighth day of March he
expired, in the fifty-second year of his age, after having reigned
thirteen years. The lords Lexington and Scarborough, who were in
waiting, no sooner perceived that the king was dead, than they ordered
Ronjat to untie from his left arm a black ribbon, to which was affixed a
ring containing some hair of the late queen Mary. The body being opened
and embalmed, lay in state for some time at Kensington; and on the
twelfth day of April was deposited in a vault of Henry's chapel
in Westminster-abbey. In the beginning of May, a will which he had
intrusted with Monsieur Schuylemberg was opened at the Hague. In this
he had declared his cousin prince Frison of Nassau, stadtholder of
Friesland, his sole and universal heir, and appointed the states-general
his executors. By a codicil annexed, he had bequeathed the lordship of
Breevert, and a legacy of two hundred thousand guilders, to the earl of

William III. was in his person of the middle stature, a thin body, a
delicate constitution, subject to an asthma and continual cough from his
infancy. He had an aquiline nose, sparkling eyes, a large forehead, and
a grave solemn aspect. He was very sparing of speech; his conversation
was dry, and his manner disgusting, except in battle, when his
deportment was free, spirited, and animating. In courage, fortitude, and
equanimity, he rivalled the most eminent warriors of antiquity; and his
natural sagacity made amends for the defects in his education, which had
not been properly superintended. He was religious, temperate, generally
just and sincere, a stranger to violent transports of passion, and might
have passed for one of the best princes of the age in which he
lived, had he never ascended the throne of Great Britain. But the
distinguishing criterion of his character was ambition. To this he
sacrificed the punctilios of honour and decorum, in deposing his own
father-in-law and uncle; and this he gratified at the expense of the
nation that raised him to sovereign authority. He aspired to the honour
of acting as umpire in all the contests of Europe; and the second object
of his attention was the prosperity of that country to which he owed
his birth and extraction. Whether he really thought the interests of
the continent and Great Britain were inseparable, or sought only to
drag England into the confederacy as a convenient ally, certain it is he
involved these kingdoms in foreign connexions which in all probability
will be productive of their ruin. In order to establish this favourite
point, he scrupled not to employ all the engines of corruption by
which the morals of the nation were totally debauched. He procured
a parliamentary sanction for a standing army, which now seems to be
interwoven in the constitution. He introduced the pernicious practice
of borrowing upon remote funds; an expedient that necessarily hatched a
brood of usurers, brokers, contractors, and stock-jobbers, to prey upon
the vitals of their country. He entailed upon the nation a growing debt,
and a system of politics big with misery, despair, and destruction. To
sum up his character in a few words--William was a fatalist in religion,
indefatigable in war, enterprising in politics, dead to all the warm and
generous emotions of the human heart, a cold relation, an indifferent
husband, a disagreeable man, an ungracious prince, and an imperious


[Footnote 001: Note A, p. 1. The council consisted of the prince
of Denmark, the archbishop of Canterbury, the duke of Norfolk, the
marquises of Halifax and Winchester, the earls of Danby, Lindsey,
Devonshire, Dorset, Middlesex, Oxford, Shrewsbury, Bedford, Bath,
Macclesfield, and Nottingham; the viscounts Fauconberg, Mordaunt,
Newport, Lumley; the lords Wharton, Montague, Delamere, Churchill; Mr.
Bentinck, Mr. Sidney, sir Robert Howard, sir Henry Capel, Mr. Powle, Mr.
Russel, Mr. Hambden, and Mr. Boseawen.]

[Footnote 002: Note B, p. 2. This expedient was attended with an
insurmountable absurdity. If the majority of the convention could not
grant a legal sanction to the establishment they had made, they could
never invest the prince of Orange with a just right to ascend the
throne; for they could not give what they had no right to bestow; and if
he ascended the throne without a just title, he could have no right to
sanctify that assembly to which he owed his elevation. When the people
are obliged, by tyranny or other accidents, to have recourse to the
first principles of society, namely, their own preservation, in electing
a new sovereign, it will deserve consideration, whether that choice is
to be effected by the majority of a parliament which has been dissolved,
indeed by any parliament whatsoever, or by the body of the nation
assembled in communities, corporations, by tribes or centuries, to
signify their assent or dissent with respect to the person proposed
as their sovereign. This kind of election might be attended with great
inconvenience and difficulty, but these cannot possibly be avoided when
the constitution is dissolved by setting aside the lineal succession
to the throne. The constitution of England is founded on a parliament
consisting of kings, lords, and commons; but when there is no longer a
king, the parliament is defective, and the constitution impaired:
the members of the lower house are the representatives of the people,
expressly chosen to maintain the constitution in church and state, and
sworn to support the rights of the crown, as well as the liberties of
the nation; but though they are elected to maintain, they have no power
to alter, the constitution. When the king forfeits the allegiance of
his subjects, and it becomes necessary to dethrone him, the power of
so doing cannot possibly reside in the representatives who are chosen,
under certain limitations, for the purposes of a legislature which no
longer exists; their power is of course at an end, and they are reduced
to a level with other individuals that constitute the community. The
right of altering the constitution, therefore, or of deviating from the
established practice of inheritance in regard to the succession of the
crown, is inherent in the body of the people; and every individual has
an equal right to his share in the general determination, whether
his opinion be signified _viva voce_, or by a representative whom he
appoints and instructs for that purpose. It may be suggested, that the
prince of Orange was raised to the throne without any convulsion, or
any such difficulties and inconveniencies as we have affirmed to be the
necessary consequences of a measure of that nature. To this remark we
answer, that, since the Revolution, these kingdoms have been divided
and harassed by violent and implacable factions, that eagerly seek
the destruction of each other: that they have been exposed to plots,
conspiracies, insurrections, civil wars, and successive rebellions,
which have not been defeated and quelled without vast effusion of blood,
infinite mischief, calamity, and expense to the nation: that they are
still subjected to all those alarms and dangers which are engendered by
a disputed title to the throne, and the efforts of an artful pretenders
that they are necessarily wedded to the affairs of the continent, and
their interest sacrificed to foreign connexions, from which they can
never be disengaged. Perhaps all these calamities might have been
prevented by the interposition of the prince of Orange. King James,
without forfeiting the crown, might have been laid under such
restrictions that it would not have been in his power to tyrannize
over his subjects, either in spirituals or temporals. The power of the
militia might have been vested in the two houses of parliament, as well
as the nomination of persons to fill the great offices of the church
and state, and superintend the economy of the administration in the
application of the public money; a law might have passed for annual
parliaments, and the king might have been deprived of his power to
convoke, adjourn, prorogue, and dissolve them at his pleasure. Had
these measures been taken, the king must have been absolutely disabled
from employing either force or corruption in the prosecution of
arbitrary designs, and the people must have been fairly represented in
a rotation of parliaments, whose power and influence would have been but
of one year's duration.]

[Footnote 003: Note C, p. 3. The new form of the coronation-oath
consisted in the following questions and answers:--"Will you solemnly
promise and swear to govern the people of this kingdom of England, and
the dominions thereto belonging, according to the statutes in parliament
agreed on, and the laws and customs of the same?"--"I solemnly promise
so to do."

"Will you, to the utmost of your power, cause law and justice in mercy
to be executed in all your judgments?" "I will." "Will You, to the
utmost of your power, maintain the laws of God, the true profession of
the Gospel, and the Protestant reformed religion as by law established;
and will you preserve unto the bishops and clergy of this realm, and to
the churches committed to their charge, all such rights and privileges
as by law do or shall appertain unto them or any of them?"--"All this I
promise to do."

Then the king or queen, laying his or her hand upon the Gospels, shall
say, "The things which I have here before promised, I will perform and
keep. So help me God."]

[Footnote 008: Note D, p. 8. The lords of the articles, by the gradual
usurpation of the crown, actually constituted a grievance intolerable
in a free nation. The king empowered the commissioner to choose eight
bishops, whom he authorized to nominate eight noblemen: these together
choose eight barons and eight burgesses; and this whole number, in
conjunction with the officers of state as supernumeraries, constituted
the lords of the articles. This committee possessed the sole exclusive
right and liberty of bringing in motions, making overtures for
redressing wrongs, and proposing means and expedients for the relief
and benefit of the subjects.--_Proceedings of the Scots Parliament

[Footnote 010: Note E, p. 10. James in this expedition was attended by
the duke of Berwick, and by his brother Mr. Fitzjames, grand prior, the
duke of Powis, the earls of Dover, Melfort, Abercorn, and Seaforth; the
lords Henry and Thomas Howard, the lords Drummond, Dungan, Trendrauglit,
Buchan, Hunsdon, and Brittas; the bishops of Chester and Galway; the
late lord chief justice Herbert; the marquis d'Estrades, M. de Rosene,
mareschal decamp; Mamoe, Pusignan, and Lori, lieutenant-general;
Prontee, engineer-general; the marquis d'Albeville, sir John Sparrow,
sir Roger Strictland, sir William Jennings, sir Henry Bond, sir Charles
Carney, sir Edward Vaudrey, sir Charles Murray, sir Robert Parker,
sir Alphonso Maiolo, sir Samuel Foxon, and sir William Wallis; by the
colonels Porter, Sarsfield, Anthony and John Hamilton, Simon and Henry
Luttrel, Ramsay, Dorrington, Sutherland, Clifford, Parker, Parcel,
Cannon, and Fielding, with about two-and-twenty other officers of
inferior rank.]

[Footnote 016: F, p. 16. The franchises were privileges of asylum,
annexed not only to the ambassadors at Rome, but even to the whole
district in which any ambassador chanced to live. This privilege was
become a terrible nuisance, inasmuch as it afforded protection to the
most atrocious criminals, who filled the city with rapine and murder.
Innocent XI. resolving to remove this evil, published a bull, abolishing
the franchises; and almost all the catholic powers of Europe acquiesced
in what he had done, upon being duly informed of the grievance. Louis
XIV. however, from a spirit of pride and insolence, refused to part with
anything that looked like a prerogative of his crown. He said the king
of France was not the imitator, but a pattern and example for other
princes. He rejected with disdain the mild representations of the
pope; he sent the marquis de Lavarden as his ambassador to Rome, with a
formidable train, to insult Innocent even in his own city. That
nobleman swaggered through the streets of Rome like a bravo, taking all
opportunities to affront the pope, who excommunicated him in revenge. On
the other hand, the parliament of Paris appealed from the pope's bull to
a future council. Louis caused the pope's nuncio to be put under arrest,
took possession of Avignon, which belonged to the see of Rome, and set
the holy father at defiance.]

[Footote 021: G, p. 21. The following persons were exempted from the
benefit of this act:--William, marquis of Powis; Theophilus, earl of
Huntingdon; Robert, earl of Sunderland; John, earl of Melfort; Roger,
earl of Castlemain; Nathaniel, lord bishop of Durham; Thomas, lord
bishop of Saint David's; Henry, lord Dover; lord Thomas Howard;
sir-Edward Hales, sir Francis Withers, sir Edward Lutwych, sir Thomas
Jenner, sir Nicholas Butler, sir William Herbert, sir Richard Holloway,
sir Richard Heath, sir Roger l'Estrange William Molineux, Thomas
Tynde-sly, colonel Townley, colonel Lundy, Robert Brent, Edward Morgan,
Philip Burton, Richard Graham, Edward Petre, Obadiah Walker, Matthew
Crone, and George lord Jeffries, deceased.]

[Footnote 035: H, p. 35. In the course of this session, Dr. Welwood, a
Scottish physician, was taken into custody, and reprimanded at the
bar of the house of commons, for having reflected upon that house in a
weekly paper, entitled _Mercurius Reformatus_; but, as it was written in
defence of the government, the king appointed him one of his physicians
in ordinary. At this period, Charles Montague, afterwards earl of
Halifax, distinguished himself in the house of commons by his fine
talents and eloquence. The privy seal was committed to the earl of
Pembroke; lord viscount Sidney was created lord-lieutenant of Ireland;
sir John Somers appointed attorney-general; and the see of Lincoln,
vacant by the death of Barlow, conferred upon Dr. Thomas Tennison, who
had been recommended to the king as a divine remarkable for his piety
and moderation.]

[Footnote 046: I, p. 48. The other laws made in this session were those
that follow:--An act for preventing suits against such as had acted for
their majesties' service in defense of this kingdom. An act for raising
the militia in the year 1693. An act for authorizing the judges to
empower such persons, other than common attorneys and solicitors,
as they should think fit, to take special bail, except in London,
Westminster, and ten miles round. An act to encourage the apprehending
of highwaymen. An act for preventing clandestine marriages. An act for
the regaining, encouraging, and settling the Greenland trade. An act to
prevent malicious informations in the court of King's Bench, and for the
more easy reversal of outlawries in that court. An Act for the better
discovery of judgments in the courts of law. An Act for delivering
declarations to prisoners for debt. An act for regulating proceedings in
the Crown Office. An act for the more easy discovery and conviction
of such as should destroy the game of this kingdom, And an act for
continuing the acts for prohibiting all trade and commerce with France,
and for the encouragement of privateers.]

[Footnote 053: K, p. 53. Besides the bills already mentioned, the
parliament in this session passed an act for taking and stating the
public accounts--another to encourage ship-building--a third for the
better disciplining the navy--the usual militia act--and an act enabling
his majesty to make grants and leases in the duchy of Cornwall. One was
also passed for renewing a clause in an old statute, limiting the number
of justices of the peace in the principality of Wales. The duke of
Norfolk brought an action in the court of King's Bench against Mr.
Germaine, for criminal conversation with his duchess. The cause was
tried, and the jury brought in their verdict for one hundred marks, and
costs of suit, in favour of the plaintiff.

Before the king embarked, he gratified a good number of his friends with
promotions. Lord Charles Butler, brother to the duke of Ormond, was
created lord Butler, of Weston in England, and earl of Arran in Ireland.
The earl of Shrewsbury was honoured with the title of duke. The earl of
Mulgrave, being reconciled to the court measures, was gratified with a
pension of three thousand pounds, and the title of marquis of Normanby.
Henry Herbert was ennobled by the title of baron Herbert, of Cherbury.
The earls of Bedford, Devonshire, and Clare, were promoted to the
rank of dukes. The marquis of Caermarthen was made duke of Leeds; lord
viscount Sidney, created earl of Romney; and viscount Newport, earl of
Bedford. Russel was advanced to the head of the admiralty board. Sir
George Rooke and sir John Houblon were appointed joint-commissioners in
the room of Killegrew and Delavai. Charles Montague was made chancellor
of the exchequer; and sir William Trumbal and John Smith commisioners of
the treasury, in the room of sir Edward Seymour and Mr. Hambden.]

[Footnote 056: L, p. 56. Her obsequies were performed with great
magnificence. The body was attended from Whitehall to Westminster Abbey
by all the judges, sergeants at law, the lord-mayor and aldermen of the
city of London, and both houses of parliament; and the funeral sermon
was preached by Dr. Tennison, archbishop of Canterbury. Dr. Kenn, the
deprived bishop of Bath and Wells, reproached him in a letter, for not
having called upon her majesty on her death-bed to repent of the share
she had in the Revolution. This was answered by another pamphlet. One
of the Jacobite clergy insulted the queen's memory, by preaching on the
following text: "Go now, see this cursed woman, and bury her, for she
is a king's daughter." On the other hand, the lord-mayor, aldermen, and
common council of London came to a resolution to erect her statue, with
that of the king, in the Royal Exchange.]

[Footnote 058: M, p. 58. In the course of this session, the lords
inquired into the particulars of the Mediterranean expedition, and
presented an address to the king, declaring, that the fleet in those
seas had conduced to the honour and advantage of the nation. On the
other hand, the commons, in an address, besought his majesty to take
care that the kingdom might be put on an equal footing and proportion
with the allies, in defraying the expense of the war.

The coin of the kingdom being greatly diminished and adulterated, the
earls of Rochester and Nottingham expatiated upon this national evil
in the house of lords: an act was passed, containing severe penalties
against clippers; but this produced no good effect. The value of money
sunk in the exchange to such a degree, that a guinea was reckoned
adequate to thirty shillings; and this public disgrace lowered the
credit of the funds and of the government. The nation was alarmed by the
circulation of fictitious wealth, instead of gold and silver, such
as bank bills, exchequer tallies, and government securities. The
malcontents took this opportunity to exclaim against the bank, and even
attempted to shake the credit of it in parliament; but their endeavours
proved abortive--the monied interest preponderated in both houses.]

[Footnote 059: N, p. 58. The regency was composed of the archbishop of
Canterbury; Somers, lord-keeper of the great seal; the earl of Pembroke,
lord-privy-seal; the duke of Devonshire, lord-steward of the household;
the duke of Shrewsbury, secretary of state; the earl of Dorset,
lord-chamberlain; and the lord Godolphin, first commissioner of the
treasury. Sir John Trenchard dying, his place of secretary was filled
by sir William Trumbal, an eminent civilian, learned, diligent, and
virtuous, who had been envoy at Paris and Constantinople. William Nassau
de Zulycrstein, son of the king's natural uncle, was created baron of
Enfield, viscount Tunbridge, and earl of Rochibrd. Ford, lord Grey of
Werke, was made viscount Glendale, and earl of Tankerville. The month of
April of this year was distinguished by the death of the famous George
Saville, marquis of Halifax, who had survived, in a good measure, his
talents and reputation.]

[Footnote 067: Note 0, p. 67. The commons resolved, That a fund,
redeemable by parliament, be settled in a national land bank, to be
raised by new subscriptions; That no person be concerned in both banks
at the same time; That the duties upon coals, culm, and tonnage of ships
be taken off, from the seventeenth day of March; That the sum of two
millions five hundred and sixty-four thousand pounds be raised on this
perpetual fund, redeemable by parliament; That the new bank should
be restrained from lending money but upon land securities, or to the
government in the exchequer; That for making up the fund of interest for
the capital stock, certain duties upon glass wares, stone and earthen
bottles, granted before to the king for a term of years, be continued to
his majesty, his heirs, and successors; That a further duty be laid upon
stone and earthen ware, and another upon tobacco-pipes. This bank was
to lend out five hundred thousand pounds a-year upon land securities,
at three pounds ten shillings per cent, per annum, and to cease and
determine, unless the subscription should be full, by the first day of
August next ensuing.

The most remarkable laws enacted in this session were these:--An act for
voiding all the elections of parliament men, at which the elected had
been at any expense in meat, drink, or money, to procure votes.

Another against unlawful and double returns. A third, for the more easy
recovery of small tithes. A fourth, to prevent marriages without license
or banns. A fifth, for enabling the inhabitants of Wales to dispose of
all their personal estates as they should think fit: this law was in bar
of a custom that had prevailed in that country--the widows and younger
children claimed a share of the effects, called their reasonable part,
although the effects had been otherwise disposed of by will or deed.
The parliament likewise passed an act for preventing the exportation of
wool, and encouraging the importation thereof from Ireland. An act for
encouraging the linen manufactures of Ireland. An act for regulating
juries. An act for encouraging the Greenland trade. An act of indulgence
to the quakers, that their solemn affirmation should be accepted instead
of an oath. And an act for continuing certain other acts that were near
expiring. Another bill passed for the better regulating elections for
members of parliament; but the royal assent was denied. The question was
put in the house of commons, That whosoever advised his majesty not to
give his assent to that bill was an enemy to his country; but it was
rejected by a great majority.]







[Illustration: map10.jpg MAP OF THE EAST INDIAN ISLANDS]

[Illustration: map11.jpg MAP OF IRELAND]

[Illustration: map12.jpg MAP OF THE EASTERN HEMISPHERE]



[Illustration: 105.jpg Portrait of Queen Anne]

     _Anne succeeds to the Throne..... She resolves to fulfil the
     Engagements of her Predecessor with his Allies..... A French
     Memorial presented to the States-general..... The Queen's
     Inclination to the Tories..... War declared against
     France..... The Parliament prorogued..... Warm Opposition to
     the Ministry in the Scottish Parliament..... They recognize
     her Majesty's Authority..... The Queen appoints
     Commissioners to treat of an Union between England and
     Scotland..... State of Affairs on the Continent.....
     Keiserswaert and Landau taken by the Allies..... Progress of
     the Earl of Marlborough in Flanders..... He narrowly escapes
     being taken by a French Partisan..... The Imperialists are
     worsted at Fridlinguen..... Battle of Luzzara in Italy.....
     The King of Sweden defeats Augustus at Lissou in Poland.....
     Fruitless expedition to Cadiz by the Duke of Ormond and Sir
     George Booke..... They take and destroy the Spanish Galleons
     at Vigo..... Admiral Benbow's Engagement with Ducasse in the
     West Indies..... The Queen assembles a new Parliament.....
     Disputes between the two Houses..... The Lords inquire into
     the Conduct of Sir George Rooke..... The Parliament make a
     Settlement on Prince George of Denmark..... The Earl of
     Marlborough created a Duke..... All Commerce and
     Correspondence prohibited between Holland and the two Crowns
     of France and Spain..... A Bill for preventing occasional
     Conformity..... It miscarries..... Violent Animosity
     between the two Houses produced by the Inquiry into the
     Public Accounts..... Disputes between the two Houses of
     Convocation..... Account of the Parties in Scotland.....
     Dangerous Heats in the Parliament of that Kingdom..... The
     Commissioner is abandoned by the Cavaliers..... He is in
     Danger of his Life, and suddenly prorogues the
     Parliament..... Proceedings of the Irish Parliament.....
     They pass a severe Act against Papists..... The Elector of
     Bavaria defeats the Imperialists at Scardingen, and takes
     Possession of Ratisbon..... The Allies reduce Bonne.....
     Battle of Eckeren..... The Prince of Hesse is defeated by
     the French at Spirebath..... Treaty between the Emperor and
     the Duke of Savoy..... The King of Portugal accedes to the
     Grand Alliance..... Sir Cloudesley Shovel sails with a Fleet
     to the Mediterranean..... Admiral Graydon's bootless
     Expedition to the West Indies..... Charles King of Spain
     arrives in England._

{ANNE, 1701--1714}


William was succeeded as sovereign of England by Anne princess of
Denmark, who ascended the throne in the thirty-eighth year of her age,
to the general satisfaction of all parties. Even the Jacobites
seemed pleased with her elevation, on the supposition that as in all
probability she would leave no heirs of her own body, the dictates of
natural affection would induce her to alter the succession in favour of
her own brother. She had been taught to cherish warm sentiments of the
tories, whom she considered as the friends of monarchy, and the
true sons of the church; and they had always professed an inviolable
attachment to her person and interest; but her conduct was wholly
influenced by the countess of Marlborough, a woman of an imperious
temper and intriguing genius, who had been intimate with the princess
from her tender years, and gained a surprising ascendancy over her. Anne
had undergone some strange vicissitudes of fortune in consequence of
her father's expulsion, and sustained a variety of mortifications in the
late reign, during which she conducted herself with such discretion
as left little or no pretence for censure or resentment. Such conduct
indeed was in a great measure owing to a natural temperance of
disposition not easily ruffled or inflamed. She was zealously devoted to
the church of England, from which her father had used some endeavours
to detach her before the Revolution; and she lived in great harmony with
her husband, to whom she bore six children, all of whom she had
already survived. William had no sooner yielded up his breath, than the
privy-council in a body waited on the new queen, who, in a short but
sensible speech, assured them that no pains nor diligence should be
wanting on her part to preserve and support the religion, laws, and
liberties of her country, to maintain the succession in the protestant
line, and the government in church and state, as by law established. She
declared her resolution to carry on the preparations for opposing the
exorbitant power of France, and to assure the allies that she would
pursue the true interest of England, together with theirs, for the
support of the common cause. The members of the privy-council having
taken the oaths, she ordered a proclamation to be published, signifying
her pleasure that all persons in office of authority or government
at the decease of the late king, should so continue till further
directions. By virtue of an act passed in the late reign, the parliament
continued sitting even after the king's death. Both houses met
immediately, and unanimously voted an address of condolence and
congratulation; and in the afternoon the queen was proclaimed. Next
day the lords and commons severally attended her with an address,
congratulating her majesty's accession to the throne; and assuring
her of their firm resolution to support her against all her enemies
whatsoever. The lords acknowledged that their great loss was no
otherwise to be repaired but by a vigorous adherence to her majesty and
her allies, in the prosecution of those measures already concerted to
reduce the exorbitant power of France. The commons declared they
would maintain the succession of the crown in the protestant line, and
effectually provide for the public credit of the nation. These addresses
were graciously received by the queen, who, on the eleventh day of
March, went to the house of peers with the usual solemnity, where, in a
speech to both houses, she expressed her satisfaction at their unanimous
concurrence with her opinion, that too much could not be done for the
encouragement of their allies in humbling the power of France; and
desired they would consider of proper methods towards obtaining an
union between England and Scotland. She observed to the commons that the
revenue for defraying the expenses of civil government was expired; and
that she relied entirely on their affection for its being supplied in
such a manner as should be most suitable to the honour and dignity of
the crown. She declared it should be her constant endeavour to make them
the best return for their duty and affection, by a careful and diligent
administration for the good of all her subjects. "And as I know my own
heart to be entirely English (continued she) I can very sincerely assure
you, there is not any thing you can expect or desire from me which I
shall not be ready to do for the happiness and prosperity of England;
and you shall always find me a strict and religious observer of my
word." These assurances were extremely agreeable to the parliament; and
she received the thanks of both houses. Addresses of congratulation were
presented by the bishop and clergy of London; by the dissenters in
and about that city; and by all the counties, cities, towns, and
corporations of England. She declared her attachment to the church; she
promised her protection to the dissenters; and received the compliments
of all her subjects with such affability as ensured their affection.


William's death was no sooner known at the Hague, than all Holland was
filled with consternation. The states immediately assembled, and for
some time gazed at each other in silent fear and astonishment. They
sighed, wept, and interchanged embraces and vows that they would act
with unanimity, and expend their clearest blood in defence of their
country. Then they despatched letters to the cities and provinces,
informing them of this unfortunate event, and exhorting them to union
and perseverance. The express from England having brought the queen's
speech to her privy-council, it was translated and published to revive
the drooping spirits of the people. Next day pensionary Fagel imparted
to the states of Holland a letter which he had received from the earl
of Marlborough, containing assurances, in the queen's name, of union
and assistance. In a few days, the queen wrote a letter in the French
language to the States, confirming these assurances; it was delivered
by Mr. Stanhope, whom she had furnished with fresh credentials as envoy
from England. Thus animated, the states resolved to prosecute vigorous
measures; their resolutions were still more inspirited by the arrival of
the earl of Marlborough, whom the queen honoured with the order of the
garter, and invested with the character of ambassador-extraordinary and
plenipotentiary to the states-general; he was likewise declared captain
general of her forces both at home and abroad. He assured the states
that her Britannic majesty would maintain the alliances which had been
concluded by the late king, and do every thing that the common concerns
of Europe required. The speech was answered by Dickvelt, president of
the week, who, in the name of the states, expressed their hearty thanks
to her majesty, and their resolutions of concurring with her in a
vigorous prosecution of the common interest.


The importance of William's life was evinced by the joy that diffused
itself through the kingdom of France at the news of his decease. The
person who first brought the tidings to Calais, was imprisoned by the
governor until his information was confirmed. The court of Versailles
could hardly restrain their transports so as to preserve common decorum;
the people of Paris openly rejoiced at the event; all decency was laid
aside at Rome, where this incident produced such indecent raptures, that
cardinal Grimani, the imperial minister, complained of them to the
pope, as an insult on his master the emperor, who was William's friend,
confederate, and ally. The French king despatched credentials to Barre,
whom the count D'Avaux had left at the Hague to manage the affairs of
France, together with instructions to renew the negotiation with the
states, in hope of detaching them from the alliance. This minister
presented a memorial implying severe reflections on king William,
and the past conduct of the Dutch; and insinuating that now they had
recovered their liberty, the court of France hoped they would consult
their true interest. The count de Goes, envoy from the emperor,
animadverted on these expressions in another memorial, which was
likewise published; the states produced in public an answer to the
same remonstrance, expressing their resentment at the insolence of
such insinuations, and their veneration for the memory of their late
stadtholder. The earl of Marlborough succeeded in every part of his
negotiation. He animated the Dutch to a full exertion of their vigour;
he concerted the operations of the campaign; he agreed with the
states-general and the imperial minister, that war should be declared
against France on the same day at Vienna, London, and the Hague; and
on the third of April embarked for England, after having acquired the
entire confidence of those who governed the United Provinces.


By this time the house of commons in England had settled the civil list
upon the queen for her life. When the bill received the royal assent,
she assured them that one hundred thousand pounds of this revenue should
be applied to the public service of the current year; at the same time
she passed another bill for receiving and examining the public accounts.
A commission for this purpose was granted in the preceding reign,
but had been for some years discontinued; and indeed always proved
ineffectual to detect and punish those individuals who shamefully
pillaged their country. The villany was so complicated, the vice so
general, and the delinquents so powerfully screened by artifice and
interest, as to elude all inquiry. On the twenty-fourth day of March the
oath of abjuration was taken by the speaker and members, according to an
act for the further security of her majesty's person, and the succession
of the crown in the protestant line, and for extinguishing the hopes
of the pretended prince of Wales. The queen's inclination to the
tories plainly appeared in her choice of ministers. Doctor John Sharp,
archbishop of York, became her ghostly director and counsellor in
all ecclesiastical affairs; the earl of Rochester was continued
lord-lieutenant of Ireland, and enjoyed a great share of her majesty's
confidence; the privy-seal was intrusted to the marquis of Normandy; the
earl of Nottingham and sir Charles Hedges were appointed secretaries
of state; the earl of Abingdon, viscount Weymouth, lord Dartmouth,
sir Christopher Musgrave, Grenville, Howe, Gower, and Harcourt, were
admitted as members of the privy-council, together with sir Edward
Seymour, now declared comptroller of the household. The lord Godolphin
declined accepting the office of lord high-treasurer, until he was
over-ruled by the persuasions of Marlborough, to whose eldest daughter
his son was married. This nobleman refused to command the forces abroad,
unless the treasury should be put into the hands of Godolphin, on whose
punctuality in point of remittances he knew he could depend. George,
prince of Denmark, was invested with the title of generalissimo of all
the queen's forces by sea and land; and afterwards created lord high
admiral, the earl of Pembroke having been dismissed from this office
with the offer of a large pension, which he generously refused. Prince
George, as admiral, was assisted by a council, consisting of sir George
Rooke, sir David Mitch el, George Churchill, and Richard Hill. Though
the legality of this board was doubted, the parliament had such respect
and veneration for the queen, that it was suffered to act without


A rivalship for the queen's favour already appeared between the earls of
Rochester and Marlborough. The former, as first cousin to the queen,
and chief of the tory faction, maintained considerable influence in
the council; but even there the interest of his rival predominated.
Marlborough was not only the better courtier, but by the canal of his
countess, actually directed the queen in all her resolutions. Rochester
proposed in council, that the English should avoid a declaration of war
with France, and act as auxiliaries only. He was seconded by some other
members; but the opinion of Marlborough preponderated. He observed,
that the honour of the nation was concerned to fulfil the late king's
engagements; and affirmed that France could never be reduced within due
bounds, unless the English would enter as principals in the quarrel.
This allegation was supported by the dukes of Somerset and Devonshire,
the earl of Pembroke, and the majority of the council. The queen being
resolved to declare war, communicated her intention to the house of
commons, by whom it was approved; and on the fourth day of May the
declaration was solemnly proclaimed. The king of France was, in this
proclamation, taxed with having taken possession of great part of the
Spanish dominions; with designing to invade the liberties of Europe; and
obstruct the freedom of navigation and commerce; with having offered an
unpardonable insult to the queen and her throne, by taking upon him to
declare the pretended prince of Wales king of England, Scotland,
and Ireland. The three declarations of the emperor, England, and
the states-general, which were published in one day, did not fail to
disconcert, as well as to provoke the French monarch. When his minister
De Torcy recited them in his hearing, he spoke of the queen with some
acrimony; but with respect to the states-general, he declared with great
emotion, that "Messieurs the Dutch merchants should one day repent of
their insolence and presumption, in declaring war against so powerful
a monarch;" he did not, however, produce his declaration till the third
day of July.


The house of commons, in compliance with the queen's desire, brought in
a bill empowering her majesty to name commissioners to treat with the
Scots for an union of the two kingdoms. It met with warm opposition from
sir Edward Seymour and other tory members, who discharged abundance of
satire and ridicule upon the Scottish nation; but the measure seemed so
necessary at that juncture, to secure the protestant succession against
the practices of France and the claims of the pretender, that the
majority espoused the bill, which passed through both houses, and on the
sixth day of May received the royal assent, together with some bills of
less importance. The enemies of the late king continued to revile his
memory. [107] _[See note P, at the end of this Vol.]_ They even charged
him with having formed a design of excluding the princess Anne from the
throne, and of introducing the elector of Hanover as his own immediate
successor. This report had been so industriously circulated, that it
began to gain credit all over the kingdom. Several peers interested
themselves in William's character, and a motion was made in the upper
house that the truth of this report should be inquired into. The house
immediately desired that those lords who had visited the late king's
papers, would intimate whether or not they had found any among them
relating to the queen's succession, or to the succession of the house
of Hanover. They forthwith declared that nothing of that sort appeared.
Then the house resolved, That the report was groundless, false,
villanous, and scandalous, to the dishonour of the late king's memory,
and highly tending to the disservice of her present majesty, whom
they besought to give orders that the authors or publishers of such
scandalous reports should be prosecuted by the attorney-general. The
same censure was passed upon some libels and pamphlets tending to
inflame the factions of the kingdom, and to propagate a spirit of
irreligion. [108] _[See note Q, at the end of this Vol.]_ On the
twenty-first day of May, the commons in an address advised her majesty
to engage the emperor, the states-general, and her other allies, to join
with her in prohibiting all intercourse with France and Spain; and to
concert such methods with the states-general as might most effectually
secure the trade of her subjects and allies. The lords presented another
address, desiring the queen would encourage her subjects to equip
privateers, as the preparations of the enemy seemed to be made for a
piratical war, to the interruption of commerce; they likewise exhorted
her majesty to grant commissions or charters to all persons who should
make such acquisitions in the Indies, as she in her great wisdom should
judge most expedient for the good of her kingdoms. On the twenty-fifth
day of May the queen having passed several public and private bills,
[109] _[See note R, at the end of this Vol.]_ dismissed the parliament
by prorogation, after having in a short speech thanked them for their
zeal, recommended unanimity, and declared she would carefully preserve
and maintain the act of toleration.


In Scotland a warm contest arose between the revolutioners and those in
the opposition, concerning the existence of the present parliament.
The queen had signified her accession to the throne in a letter to her
privy-council for Scotland, desiring they would continue to act in that
office until she should send a new commission. Meanwhile she authorized
them to publish a proclamation ordaining all officers of state,
counsellors, and magistrates, to act in all things conformably to the
commissions and instructions of his late majesty until new commissions
should be prepared. She likewise assured them of her firm resolution
to protect them in their religion, laws, and liberties, and in the
established government of the church. She had already, in presence of
twelve Scottish counsellors, taken the coronation-oath for that kingdom;
but those who wanted to embroil the affairs of their country, affirmed
that this was an irregular way of proceeding, and that the oath ought
to have been tendered by persons deputed for that purpose either by the
parliament or the privy council of the kingdom. The present ministry,
consisting of the duke of Queensberry, the earls of Marchmont, Melvil,
Seafield, Hyndford, and Selkirk, were devoted to revolution principles,
and desirous that the parliament should continue, in pursuance of a
late act for continuing the parliament that should be then in being,
six months after the death of the king, and that it should assemble in
twenty days after that event. The queen had, by several adjournments,
deferred the meeting almost three months after the king's decease; and
therefore the anti-revolutioners affirmed that it was dissolved. The
duke of Hamilton was at the head of this party which clamoured loudly
for a new parliament. This nobleman, together with the marquis of
Tweedale, the carls Marshal and Kothes, and many other noblemen,
repaired to London in order to make the queen acquainted with their
objections to the continuance of the present parliament. She admitted
them to her presence and calmly heard their allegations; but she was
determined by the advice of her privy-council for that kingdom, who
were of opinion that the nation was in too great a ferment to hazard
the convocation of a new parliament. According to the queen's last
adjournment, the parliament met at Edinburgh on the ninth day of June,
the duke of Queensberry having been appointed high commissioner. Before
the queen's commission was read, the duke of Hamilton for himself and
his adherents, declared their satisfaction at her majesty's accession to
the throne, not only on account of her undoubted right by descent, but
likewise because of her many personal virtues and royal qualities. He
said they were resolved to sacrifice their lives and fortunes in defence
of her majesty's right against all her enemies whatever; but, at the
same time, they thought themselves bound in duty to give their opinion
that they were not warranted by law to sit and act as a parliament. He
then read a paper to the following effect:--That forasmuch as, by the
fundamental laws and constitution of this kingdom, all parliaments do
dissolve on the death of their sovereign, except in so far as innovated
by an act in the preceding reign, that the parliament in being at his
majesty's decease should meet and act what might be needful for the
defence of the true protestant religion as by law established, and for
the maintenance of the succession to the crown as settled by the claim
of right, and for the preservation and security of the public peace; and
seeing these ends are fully answered by her majesty's succession to the
throne, we conceive ourselves not now warranted by law to meet, sit, or
act; and therefore do dissent from anything that shall be done or acted.
The duke having recited this paper, and formally protested against the
proceedings of the parliament, withdrew with seventy-nine members amidst
the acclamations of the people.


Notwithstanding their secession, the commissioner, who retained a much
greater number, produced the queen's letter signifying her resolution
to maintain and protect her subjects in the full possession of their
religion, laws, liberties, and the presbyterian discipline. She informed
them of her having declared war against France; she exhorted them to
provide competent supplies for maintaining such a number of forces as
might be necessary for disappointing the enemy's designs, and preserving
the present happy settlement; and she earnestly recommended to their
consideration an union of the two kingdoms. The duke of Queensberry and
the carl of Marchmont having enforced the different articles of this
letter, committees were appointed for the security of the kingdom,
for controverted elections, for drawing up an answer to her majesty's
letter, and for revising the minutes. Meanwhile the duke of Hamilton and
his adherents sent the lord Blantyre to London with an address to
the queen, who refused to receive it, but wrote another letter to the
parliament expressing her resolution to maintain their dignity and
authority against all opposers. They, in answer to the former, had
assured her that the groundless secession of some members should
increase and strengthen their care and zeal for her majesty's service.
They expelled sir Alexander Bruce for having given vent to some
reflections against presbytery. The lord advocate prosecuted the faculty
of advocates before the parliament for having passed a vote among
themselves in favour of the protestation and address of the dissenting
members. The faculty was severely reprimanded; but the whole nation
seemed to resent the prosecution. The parliament passed an act for
recognising her majesty's royal authority; another for adjourning the
court of judicature called the session; a third declaring this meeting
of parliament legal, and forbidding any person to disown, quarrel with,
or impugn the dignity and authority thereof, under the penalty of
high treason; a fourth for securing the true protestant religion and
presbyterian church government; a fifth for a land tax; and a sixth,
enabling her majesty to appoint commissioners for an union between the
two kingdoms.


The earl of Marchmont, of his own accord, and even contrary to the
advice of the high commissioner, brought in a bill for abjuring the
pretended prince of Wales; but this was not supported by the court
party, as the commissioner had no instructions how to act on the
occasion. Perhaps the queen and her English ministry resolved to keep
the succession open in Scotland as a check upon the whigs and house of
Hanover. On the thirtieth day of June the commissioner adjourned
the parliament, after having thanked them for their cheerfulness and
unanimity in their proceedings; and the chiefs of the opposite parties
hastened to London to make their different representations to the
queen and her ministry. In the meantime she appointed commissioners
for treating about the union, and they met at the Cockpit on the
twenty-second day of October. On the twentieth day of the next month
they adjusted preliminaries, importing, That nothing agreed on among
themselves should be binding except ratified by her majesty and the
respective parliaments of both nations; and that unless all the heads
proposed for the treaty were agreed to, no particular thing agreed
on should be binding. The queen visited them in December, in order
to quicken their mutual endeavours. They agreed that the two kingdoms
should be inseparably united into one monarchy, under her majesty, her
heirs, and successors, and under the same limitations according to the
Acts of Settlement; but when the Scottish commissioners proposed that
the rights and privileges of their company trading to Africa and the
Indies should be preserved and maintained, such a difficulty arose
as could not be surmounted, and no further progress was made in this
commission. The tranquillity of Ireland was not interrupted by any new
commotion. That kingdom was ruled by justices whom the earl of Rochester
had appointed; and the trustees for the forfeited estates maintained
their authority.


While Britain was engaged in these civil transactions, her allies were
not idle on the continent. The old duke of Zell, and his nephew,
the elector of Brunswick, surprised the dukes of Wolfenbuttle and
Saxe-Gotha, whom they compelled to renounce their attachments to France,
and concur in the common councils of the empire. Thus the north of
Germany was reunited to the interest of the confederates; and the
princes would have been in a condition to assist them effectually, had
not the neighbourhood of the war in Poland deterred them from parting
with their forces. England and the states-general endeavoured in vain
to mediate a peace between the kings of Sweden and Poland. Charles was
become enamoured of war and ambitious of conquest. He threatened to
invade Saxony through the dominions of Prussia. Augustus retired
to Cracow, while Charles penetrated to Warsaw, and even ordered the
cardinal-primate to summon a diet for choosing a new king. The situation
of affairs at this juncture was far from being favourable to the allies.
The court of Vienna had tampered in vain with the elector of Bavaria,
who made use of this negotiation to raise his terms with Louis. His
brother, the elector of Cologn, admitted French garrisons into Liege and
all his places on the Rhine. The elector of Saxony was too hard pressed
by the king of Sweden to spare his full proportion of troops to the
allies; the king of Prussia was overawed by the vicinity of the Swedish
conqueror; the duke of Savoy had joined his forces to those of France,
and overrun the whole state of Milan; and the pope, though he professed
a neutrality, evinced himself strongly biassed to the French interests.

{ANNE, 1701--1714}


The war was begun in the name of the elector-palatine with the siege of
Keiserswaert, which was invested in the month of April by the prince of
Nassau-Saarburgh, mareschal-du-camp to the emperor: under this officer
the Dutch troops served as auxiliaries, because war had not yet been
declared by the states-general. The French garrison made a desperate
defence. They worsted the besiegers in divers sallies, and maintained
the place until it was reduced to a heap of ashes. At length the allies
made a general attack upon the counterscarp and ravelin, which they
carried after a very obstinate engagement, with the loss of two
thousand men. Then the garrison capitulated on honourable terms, and
the fortifications were razed. During this siege, which lasted from
the eighteenth day of April to the middle of June, count Tallard posted
himself on the opposite side of the Rhine, from whence he supplied the
town with fresh troops and ammunition, and annoyed the besiegers with
his artillery; but finding it impossible to save the place, he joined
the grand army commanded by the duke of Burgundy in the Netherlands. The
siege of Keiserswaert was covered by a body of Dutch troops under the
earl of Athlone, who lay encamped in the duchy of Cleve. Meanwhile
general Coehorn, at the head of another detachment, entered Flanders,
demolished the French lines between the forts of Donat and Isabella, and
laid the chatellaine of Bruges under contribution; but a considerable
body of French troops advancing under the marquis de Bedmar, and the
count de la Motte, he overflowed the country, and retired under the
Avails of Sluys. The duke of Burgundy, who had taken the command of the
French army under Bouifflers, encamped at Zanten near Cleve, and laid a
scheme for surprising Nimeguen; in which, however, he was baffled by
the vigilance and activity of Athlone, who, guessing his design, marched
thither and encamped under the cannon of the town. In the beginning of
June, Landau was invested by prince Louis of Baden: in July, the king
of the Romans arrived in the camp of the besiegers with such pomp and
magnificence as exhausted his father's treasury. On the ninth day
of September the citadel was taken by assault, and then the town


When the earl of Marlborough arrived in Holland, the earl of Athlone,
in quality of veldt-mareschal, insisted upon an equal command with
the English general; but the states obliged him to yield this point in
favour of Marlborough, whom they declared generalissimo of all their
forces. In the beginning of July he repaired to the camp at Nimeguen,
where he soon assembled an army of sixty thousand men, well provided
with all necessaries; then he convoked a council of the general officers
to concert the operations of the campaign. On the sixteenth day of
the month he passed the Maese, and encamped at Overasselt, within two
leagues and a half of the enemy, who had entrenched themselves between
Goch and Gedap. He afterwards repassed the river below the Grave, and
removed to Gravenbroeck, where he was joined by the British train of
artillery from Holland. On the second day of August, he advanced
to Petit Brugel, and the French retired before him, leaving Spanish
Guelderkind to his discretion. He had resolved to hazard an engagement,
and issued orders accordingly; but he was restrained by the Dutch
deputies, who were afraid of their own interest in case the battle
should have proved unfortunate. The duke of Burgundy, finding himself
obliged to retreat before the allied army, rather than expose himself
longer to such a mortifying indignity, returned to Versailles, leaving
the command to Boufflers, who lost the confidence of Louis by the ill
success of this campaign. The deputies of the states-general having
represented to the earl of Marlborough the advantages that would
accrue to Holland, from his dispossessing the enemy of the places they
maintained in the Spanish Guelderland, by which the navigation of the
Maese was obstructed, and the important town of Maestricht in a
manner blocked up, he resolved to deliver them from such a troublesome
neighbourhood. He detached general Schultz with a body of troops to
reduce the town and castle of Werk, which were surrendered after a
slight resistance. In the beginning of September he undertook the siege
of Venlo, which capitulated on the twenty-fifth day of the month,
after fort St. Michael had been stormed and taken by lord Cutts and
the English volunteers, among whom the young earl of Huntingdon
distinguished himself by very extraordinary acts of valour. Then the
general invested Euremonde, which he reduced after a very obstinate
defence, together with the fort of Stevensuaert, situated on the same
river. Boufflers, confounded at the rapidity of Marlborough's success,
retired towards Liege in order to cover that city; but, at the approach
of the confederates, he retired with precipitation to Tongeren, from
whence he directed his route towards Brabant, with a view to defend
such places as the allies had no design to attack. When the earl of
Marlborough arrived at Liege, he found the suburbs of St. Walburgh
had been set on fire by the French garrison, who had retired into the
citadel and the Chartreux. The allies took immediate possession of the
city; and in a few days opened the trenches against the citadel,
which was taken by assault. On this occasion, the hereditary prince of
Hesse-Cassel charged at the head of the grenadiers, and was the first
person who mounted the breach. Violani the governor, and the duke of
Charost, were made prisoners. Three hundred thousand florins in gold and
silver were found in the citadel, besides notes for above one million
drawn upon substantial merchants in Liege, who paid the money.
Immediately after this exploit, the garrison of the Chartreux
capitulated on honourable terms, and were conducted to Antwerp. By the
success of this campaign the earl of Marlborough raised his military
character above all censure, and confirmed himself in the entire
confidence of the states-general, who, in the beginning of the season,
had trembled for Nimeguen, and now saw the enemy driven back into their
own domains.


When the army broke up in November, the general repaired to Maestricht,
from whence he proposed to return to the Hague by water. Accordingly
he embarked in a large boat, with five-and-twenty soldiers under the
command of a lieutenant. Next morning he was joined at Ruremonde by
Coehorn in a larger vessel, with sixty men, and they were moreover
escorted by fifty troopers, who rode along the bank of the river. The
large boat outsailed the other, and the horsemen mistook their way in
the dark. A French partisan, with five-and-thirty men from Gueldres, who
lurked among the rushes in wait for prey, seized the rope by which
the boat was drawn, hauled it ashore, discharged their small arms and
hand-grenades, then rushing into it, secured the soldiers before they
could put themselves in a posture of defence. The earl of Marlborough
was accompanied by general Opdam, and mynheer Gueldermalsen, one of the
deputies, who were provided with passports. The earl had neglected this
precaution; but recollecting he had an old passport for his brother
general Churchill, he produced it without any emotion, and the partisan
was in such confusion that he never examined the date. Nevertheless, he
rifled their baggage, carried off the guard as prisoners, and allowed
the boat to proceed. The governor of Venlo receiving information that
the earl was surprised by a party and conveyed to Gueldres, immediately
marched out with his whole garrison to invest that place. The same
imperfect account being transmitted to Holland, filled the whole
province with consternation. The states forthwith assembling, resolved
that all their forces should march immediately to Gueldres, and threaten
the garrison of the place with the utmost extremities unless they would
immediately deliver the general. But, before these orders could be
despatched, the earl arrived at the Hague, to the inexpressible joy of
the people, who already looked upon him as their saviour and protector.


The French arms were not quite so unfortunate on the Rhine as in
Flanders. The elector of Bwaria surprised the city of Ulm in Suabia by a
stratagem, and then declared for France, which had by this time complied
with all his demands. The diet of the empire assembled at Batisbon were
so incensed at his conduct in seizing the city of Ulm by perfidy, that
they presented a memorial to his Imperial majesty, requesting he would
proceed against the elector according to the constitutions of the
empire. They resolved, by a plurality of voices, to declare war in the
name of the empire against the French king and the duke of Anjou, for
having invaded several fiefs of the empire in Italy, the archbishopric
of Cologn, and the diocese of Liege; and they forbade the ministers
of Bavaria and Cologn to appear in the general diet. In vain did these
powers protest against their proceedings. The empire's declaration of
war was published and notified, in the name of the diet, to the cardinal
of Limberg, the emperor's commissioner. Meanwhile the French made
themselves masters of Neuburgh, in the circle of Suabia, while Louis
prince of Baden, being weakened by sending off detachments, was obliged
to lie inactive in his camp near Fridlinguen. The French army was
divided into two bodies, commanded by the marquis de Villars and the
count de Guiscard; and the prince thinking himself in danger of being
enclosed by the enemy, resolved to decamp. Villars immediately passed
the Rhine to fall upon him in his retreat, and an obstinate engagement
ensuing, the Imperialists were overpowered by numbers. The prince having
lost two thousand men, abandoned the field of battle to the enemy,
together with his baggage, artillery, and ammunition, and retired
towards Stauffen without being pursued. The French army, even after they
had gained the battle, were unaccountably seized with such a panic, that
if the Imperial general had faced them with two regiments he would have
snatched the victory from Villars, who was upon this occasion
saluted mareschal of France by the soldiers; and next day the town of
Fridlinguen surrendered. The prince being joined by some troops under
general Thungen and other reinforcements, resolved to give battle to
the enemy; but Villars declined an engagement, and repassed the Rhine.
Towards the latter end of October, count Tallard and the marquis de
Lo-marie, with a body of eighteen thousand men, reduced Triers and
Traerbach; on the other hand, the prince of Hesse-Cassel, with a
detachment from the allied army at Liege, retook from the French the
towns of Zinch, Lintz, Brisac, and Andernach.


In Italy prince Eugene laboured under a total neglect of the Imperial
court, where his enemies, on pretence of supporting the king of the
Romans in his first campaign, weaned the emperor's attention entirely
from his affairs on the other side of the Alps, so that he left his best
army to moulder away for want of recruits and reinforcements. The prince
thus abandoned could not prevent the duke de Vendome from relieving
Mantua, and was obliged to relinquish some other places he had taken.
Philip, king of Spain, being inspired with the ambition of putting an
end to the war in this country, sailed in person for Naples, where he
was visited by the cardinal-legate with a compliment from the pope; yet
he could not obtain the investiture of the kingdom from his holiness.
The emperor, however, was so disgusted at the embassy which the pope
had sent to Philip, that he ordered his ambassador at Eome to withdraw.
Philip proceeded from Naples to Final under convoy of the French fleet
which had brought him to Italy; here he had an interview with the duke
of Savoy, who began to be alarmed at the prospect of the French king's
being master of the Milanese; and, in a letter to the duke de Vendome,
he forbade him to engage prince Eugene until he himself should arrive in
the camp. Prince Eugene, understanding that the French army intended to
attack Luzzara and Guastalla, passed the Po with an army of about half
the number of the enemy, and posted himself behind the dike of Zero
in such a manner that the French were ignorant of his situation. He
concluded that on their arrival at the ground they had chosen, the horse
would march out to forage, while the rest of the army would be employed
in pitching tents and providing for their refreshment. His design was
to seize that opportunity of attacking them, not doubting that he should
obtain a complete victory; but he was disappointed by mere accident. An
adjutant with an advanced guard had the curiosity to ascend the dike
in order to view the country, when he discovered the Imperial infantry
lying on their faces, and their horse in the rear, ranged in order of
battle. The French camp was immediately alarmed, and as the intermediate
ground was covered with hedges which obliged the assailants to defile,
the enemy were in a posture of defence before the Imperialists could
advance to action; nevertheless, the prince attacked them with great
vivacity in hopes of disordering their line, which gave way in several
places; but night interposing, he was obliged to desist, and in a few
days the French reduced Luzzara and Guastalla. The prince, however,
maintained his post, and Philip returned to Spain without having
obtained any considerable advantage.


The French king employed all his artifice and intrigues in raising up
new enemies against the confederates. He is said to have bribed count
Mansfield, president of the council of war at Vienna, to withhold
the supplies from prince Eugene in Italy. At the Ottoman Porte he had
actually gained over the vizier, who engaged to renew the war with the
emperor. But the mufti and all the other great officers were averse to
the design, and the vizier fell a sacrifice to their resentment.
Louis continued to broil the kingdom of Poland by means of the
cardinal-primate. The young king of Sweden advanced to Lissou, where
he defeated Augustus. Then he took possession of Cracow, and raised
contributions; nor could he be persuaded to retreat, although the
Muscovites and Lithuanians had ravaged Livonia, and even made an
irruption into Sweden.


The operations of the combined squadrons at sea did not fully answer the
expectation of the public. On the twelfth day of May, sir John Munden
sailed with twelve ships to intercept a French squadron appointed as a
convoy to a new viceroy of Mexico, from Corunna to the West Indies. On
the twenty-eighth day of the month, he chased fourteen sail of French
ships into Corunna.

Then he called a council of war, in which it was agreed that as the
place was strongly fortified, and by the intelligence they had received,
it appeared that seventeen of the enemy's ships of war rode at anchor in
the harbour, it would be expedient for them to follow the latter part of
their instructions, by which they were directed to cruise in soundings
for the protection of the trade. They returned accordingly, and
being distressed by want of provisions, came into port to the general
discontent of the nation. For the satisfaction of the people, sir
John Munden was tried by a court-martial and acquitted; but as this
miscarriage had rendered him very unpopular, prince George dismissed him
from the service. We have already hinted that king William had projected
a scheme to reduce Cadiz, with intention to act afterwards against the
Spanish settlements in the West Indies. This design queen Anne resolved
to put in execution. Sir George Rooke commanded the fleet, and the duke
of Ormond was appointed general of the land forces destined for this
expedition. The combined squadrons amounted to fifty ships of the line,
exclusive of frigates, fire-ships, and smaller vessels; and the number
of soldiers embarked was not far short of fourteen thousand. In the
latter end of June the fleet sailed from St. Helen's; on the twelfth of
August they anchored at the distance of two leagues from Cadiz. Next day
the duke of Ormond summoned the duke de Brancaccio, who was governor,
to submit to the house of Austria; but that officer answered he would
acquit himself honourably of the trust reposed in him by the king. On
the fifteenth the duke of Ormond landed with his forces in the bay of
Bulls, under cover of a smart fire from some frigates, and repulsed
a body of Spanish cavalry; then he summoned the governor of Fort St.
Catharine's to surrender, and received an answer, importing, that the
garrison was prepared for his reception. A declaration was published
in the Spanish language, intimating, that the allies did not come as
enemies to Spain, but only to free them from the yoke of France, and
assist them in establishing themselves under the government of the house
of Austria. These professions produced very little effect among the
Spaniards, who were either cooled in their attachment to that family,
or provoked by the excesses of the English troops. These having taken
possession of Fort St. Catharine and Port St. Mary's, instead of
protecting, plundered the natives, notwithstanding the strict orders
issued by the duke of Ormond to prevent this scandalous practice; even
some general officers were concerned in the pillage. A battery was
raised against Montagorda fort opposite to the Puntal; but the attempt
miscarried, and the troops were re-embarked.


Captain Hardy having been sent to water in Lagos bay, received
intelligence that the galleons from the West Indies had put into Vigo
under convoy of a French squadron. He sailed immediately in quest of sir
George Rooke, who was now on his voyage back to England, and falling in
with him on the sixth day of October, communicated the substance of what
he had learned. Rooke immediately called a council of war, in which it
was determined to alter their course and attack the enemy at Vigo. He
forthwith detached some small vessels for intelligence, and received
a confirmation that the galleons and the squadron commanded by Chateau
Renault, were actually in the harbour. They sailed thither, and appeared
before the place on the eleventh day of October. The passage into the
harbour was narrow, secured by batteries, forts, and breast-works on
each side; by a strong boom, consisting of iron chains, top-masts, and
cables, moored at each end of a seventy-gun ship, and fortified within
by five ships of the same strength lying athwart the channel with their
broadsides to the offing. As the first and second rates of the combined
fleets were too large to enter, the admirals shifted their flags into
smaller ships; and a division of five-and-twenty English and Dutch ships
of the line, with their frigates, fire-ships, and ketches, was destined
for the service. In order to facilitate the attack, the duke of Ormond
landed with five-and-twenty hundred men, at the distance of six miles
from Vigo, and took by assault a fort and platform of forty pieces of
cannon at the entrance of the harbour. The British ensign was no sooner
seen flying at the top of this fort than the ships advanced to the
attack. Vice-admiral Hop-son, in the Torbay, crowding all his sail, ran
directly against the boom, which was broken by the first shock; then the
whole squadron entered the harbour through a prodigious fire from the
enemy's ships and batteries. These last, however, were soon stormed and
taken by the grenadiers who had been landed. The great ships lay against
the forts at each side of the harbour, which in a little time they
silenced, though vice-admiral Hop-son narrowly escaped from a fire-ship
by which he was boarded. After a very vigorous engagement, the French,
finding themselves unable to cope with such an adversary, resolved to
destroy their ships and galloons, that they might not fall into the
hands of the victors. They accordingly burned and ran ashore eight ships
and as many advice-boats; but ten ships of war were taken, together with
eleven galleons. Though they had secured the best part of their plate
and merchandize before the English fleet arrived, the value of fourteen
millions of pieces of eight, in plate and rich commodities, was
destroyed in six galleons that perished; and about half that value was
brought off by the conquerors; so that this was a dreadful blow to the
enemy, and a noble acquisition to the allies. Immediately after this
exploit, sir George Rooke was joined by sir Cloudesley Shovel, who had
been sent out with a squadron to intercept the galleons. This officer
was left to bring home the prizes and dismantle the fortifications,
while Rooke returned in triumph to England.


The glory which the English acquired in this expedition was in some
measure tarnished by the conduct of some officers in the West Indies.
Thither admiral Benbow had been detached with a squadron of ten sail in
the course of the preceding year. At Jamaica he received intelligence
that monsieur Du Casse was in the neighbourhood of Hispaniola, and
resolved to beat up to that island. At Leogane he fell in with a French
ship of fifty guns, which her captain ran ashore and blew up. He took
several other vessels, and having alarmed Petit-Guavas, bore away for
Donna Maria bay, where he understood that Du Casse had sailed for the
coast of Carthagena. Benbow resolved to follow the same course; and
on the nineteenth of August discovered the enemy's squadron near Saint
Martha, consisting of ten sail, steering along shore. He formed the
line, and an engagement ensued, in which he was very ill seconded by
some of his captains. Nevertheless, the battle continued till night, and
he determined to renew it next morning, when he perceived all his
ships at the distance of three or four miles astern, except the Ruby,
commanded by captain George Walton, who joined him in plying the enemy
with chase guns. On the twenty-first these two ships engaged the French
squadron; and the Ruby was so disabled that the admiral was obliged to
send her back to Jamaica. Next day the Greenwich, commanded by Wade, was
five leagues astern; and the wind changing, the enemy had the advantage
of the weather-gage. On the twenty-third the admiral renewed the battle
with his single ship unsustained by the rest of the squadron. On the
twenty-fourth his leg was shattered by a chain-shot; notwithstanding
which accident, he remained on the quarter-deck in a cradle and
continued the engagement. One of the largest ships of the enemy lying
like a wreck upon the water, four sail of the English squadron poured
their broadsides into her, and then ran to leeward without paying any
regard to the signal for battle. Then the French bearing down upon the
admiral with their whole force, shot away his main-top-sail-yard, and
damaged his rigging in such a manner that he was obliged to lie by and
refit, while they took their disabled ship in tow. During this interval
he called a council of his captains, and expostulated with them on their
behaviour. They observed, that the French were very strong, and advised
him to desist. He plainly perceived that he was betrayed, and with the
utmost reluctance returned to Jamaica, having not only lost a leg, but
also received a large wound in his face, and another in his arm, while
he in person attempted to board the French admiral. Exasperated at
the treachery of his captains, he granted a commission to rear-admiral
Whetstone and other officers, to hold a court-martial and try them for
cowardice. Hudson, of the Pendennis, died before his trial: Kirby
and Wade were convicted, and sentenced to be shot: Constable, of the
Windsor, was cashiered and imprisoned: Vincent, of the Falmouth, and
Fogg, the admiral's own captain of the Breda, were convicted of having
signed a paper that they would not fight under Benbow's command; but as
they behaved gallantly in the action, the court inflicted upon them no
other punishment than that of a provisional suspension. Captain Walton
had likewise joined in the conspiracy while he was heated with the fumes
of intoxication, but he afterwards renounced the engagement, and fought
with admirable courage until his ship was disabled. The boisterous
manner of Benbow had produced this base confederacy. He was a rough
seamen; but remarkably brave, honest, and experienced. [112] _[See note
S, at the end of this Vol.]_ He took this miscarriage so much to heart,
that he became melancholy, and his grief co-operating with the fever
occasioned by his wounds, put a period to his life. Wade and Kirby were
sent home in the Bristol; and, on their arrival at Plymouth, shot on
board of the ship, by virtue of a dead warrant for their immediate
execution, which had lain there for some time. The same precaution had
been taken in all the western ports, in order to prevent applications in
their favour.

{ANNE, 1701--1714}


During these transactions the queen seemed to be happy in the affection
of her subjects. Though the continuance of the parliament was limited
to six months after the king's decease, she dissolved it by proclamation
before the term was expired; and issued writs for electing another,
in which the tory interest predominated. In the summer the queen gave
audience to the count de Platens, envoy-extraordinary from the elector
of Hanover; then she made a progress with her husband to Oxford, Bath,
and Bristol, where she was received with all the marks of the most
genuine affection. The new parliament meeting on the twentieth day
of October, Mr. Harley was chosen speaker. The queen in her speech,
declared that she had summoned them to assist her in carrying on the
just and necessary war in which the nation was engaged. She desired the
commons would inspect the accounts of the public receipts and payments,
that if any abuses had crept into the management of the finances, they
might be detected and the offenders punished. She told them that the
funds assigned in the last parliament had not produced the sums granted;
and that the deficiency was not supplied even by the one hundred
thousand pounds which she had paid from her own revenue for the public
service. She expressed her concern for the disappointment at Cadiz, as
well as for the abuses committed at Port St. Mary's, which had obliged
her to give directions for the strictest examination of the particulars.
She hoped they would find time to consider of some better and more
effectual method to prevent the exportation of wool, and improve that
manufacture, which she was determined to encourage. She professed a firm
persuasion, that the affection of her subjects was the surest pledge of
their duty and obedience. She promised to defend and maintain the church
as by law established; and to protect her subjects in the full enjoyment
of all their rights and liberties. She protested, that she relied on
their care of her: she said her interest and theirs were inseparable;
and that her endeavours should never be wanting to make them all safe
and happy. She was presented with a very affectionate address from
either house, congratulating her upon the glorious success of her arms,
and those of her allies, under the command of the earl of Marlborough:
but that of the commons was distinguished by an implicated reproach on
the late reign, importing, that the wonderful progress of her majesty's
arms under the earl of Marlborough had signally "retrieved" the
ancient honour and glory of the English nation. This expression had
excited a warm debate in the house, in the course of which many severe
reflections were made on the memory of king William. At length the
question was put, whether the word "retrieved" should remain? and
carried in the affirmative by a majority of one hundred.


The strength of the tories appeared in nothing more conspicuous than in
their inquiry concerning controverted elections. The borough of Hindon,
near Salisbury, was convicted of bribery, and a bill brought in for
disfranchising the town; yet no vote passed against the person who
exercised this corruption, because he happened to be a tory. Mr. Howe
was declared duly elected for Gloucestershire, though the majority of
the electors had voted for the other candidate. Sir John Packington
exhibited a complaint against the bishop of Worcester and his son, for
having endeavoured to prevent his election: the commons having taken
it into consideration, resolved, that the proceedings of William lord
bishop of Worcester, and his son, had been malicious, unchristian, and
arbitrary, in high violation of the liberties and privileges of the
commons of England. They voted an address to the queen, desiring her to
remove the father from the office of lord-almoner; and they ordered the
attorney-general to prosecute the son, after his privilege as member
of the convocation should be expired. A counter address was
immediately voted and presented by the lords, beseeching her majesty
would not remove the bishop of Worcester from the place of lord-almoner,
until he should be found guilty of some crime by due course of law; as
it was the undoubted right of every lord of parliament, and of every
subject of England, to have an opportunity to make his defence before
he suffers any sort of punishment. The queen said she had not as yet
received any complaint against the bishop of Worcester; but she looked
upon it as her undoubted right to continue or displace any servant
attending upon her own person, when she should think proper. The peers
having received this answer, unanimously resolved, That no lord of their
house ought to suffer any sort of punishment by any proceedings of the
house of commons, otherwise than according to the known and ancient
rules and methods of parliament. When the commons attended the queen
with their address against the bishop, she said she was sorry there
was occasion for such a remonstrance, and that the bishop of Worcester
should no longer continue to supply the place of her almoner. This
regard to their address was a flagrant proof of her partiality to the
tories, who seemed to justify her attachment by their compliance and


In deliberating on the supplies, they agreed to all the demands of the
ministry. They voted forty thousand seamen, and the like number of
land forces, to act in conjunction with those of the allies. For the
maintenance of these last, they granted eight hundred and thirty-three
thousand eight hundred and twenty-six pounds; besides three hundred and
fifty thousand pounds for guards and garrisons; seventy thousand nine
hundred and seventy-three pounds for ordnance; and fifty-one thousand
eight hundred and forty-three pounds for subsidies to the allies.
Lord Shannon arriving with the news of the success at Vigo, the queen
appointed a day of thanksgiving for the signal success of her arms under
the earl of Marlborough, the duke of Ormond, and sir George Rooke; and
on that day, which was the twelfth of November, she went in state to St.
Paul's church, attended by both houses of parliament. Next day the peers
voted the thanks of their house to the duke of Ormond for his services
at Vigo, and, at the same time, drew up an address to the queen,
desiring she would order the duke of Ormond and sir George Rooke to lay
before them an account of their proceedings: a request with which her
majesty complied. These two officers were likewise thanked by the house
of commons: vice-admiral Hopson was knighted, and gratified with
a considerable pension. The duke of Ormond, at his return from the
expedition, complained openly of Rooke's conduct, and seemed determined
to subject him to a public accusation; but that officer was such a
favourite among the commons, that the court was afraid to disoblige
them by an impeachment, and took great pains to mitigate the duke's
resentment. This nobleman was appointed lord-lieutenant of Ireland, and
Rooke was admitted into the privy-council. A motion however being made
in the house of lords, that the admiral's instructions and journals
relating to the last expedition might be examined, a committee was
appointed for that purpose, and prepared an unfavourable report; but it
was rejected by a majority of the house; and they voted, That sir George
Rooke had done his duty, pursuant to the councils of war, like a brave
officer, to the honour of the British nation.


On the twenty-first day of November, the queen sent a message to the
house of commons by Mr. Secretary Hedges, recommending further provision
for the prince her husband, in case he should survive her. This message
being considered, Mr. Howe moved, that the yearly sum of one hundred
thousand pounds should be settled on the prince, in case he should
survive her majesty. No opposition was made to the proposal; but warm
debates were excited by a clause in the bill, exempting the prince
from that part of the act of succession by which strangers, though
naturalized, were rendered incapable of holding employments. This clause
related only to those who should be naturalized in a future reign; and
indeed was calculated as a restriction upon the house of Hanover. Many
members argued against the clause of exemption, because it seemed
to imply, that persons already naturalized would be excluded from
employments in the next reign, though already possessed of the right
of natural-born subjects, a consequence plainly contradictory to the
meaning of the act. Others opposed it, because the lords had already
resolved by a vote, that they would never pass any bill sent up from
the commons, to which a clause foreign to the bill should be tacked;
and this clause they affirmed to be a tack, as an incapacity to hold
employments was a circumstance altogether distinct from a settlement in
money. The queen expressed uncommon eagerness in behalf of this bill;
and the court influence was managed so successfully that it passed
through both houses, though not without an obstinate opposition, and a
formal protest by seven-and-twenty peers.


The earl of Marlborough arriving in England about the latter end of
November, received the thanks of the commons for his great and signal
services, which were so acceptable to the queen, that she created him
a duke, gratified him with a pension of five thousand pounds upon the
revenue of the post office during his natural life; and in a message
to the commons, expressed a desire that they would find some method to
settle it on the heirs male of his body. This intimation was productive
of warm debates, during which sir Christopher Musgrave observed, that he
would not derogate from the duke's eminent services; but he affirmed
his grace had been very well paid for them by the profitable employments
which he and his duchess enjoyed. The duke, understanding that the
commons were heated by the subject, begged her majesty would rather
forego her gracious message in his behalf, than create any uneasiness
on his account, which might embarrass her affairs, and be of ill
consequence to the public. Then she sent another message to the house,
signifying that the duke of Marlborough had declined her interposition.
Notwithstanding this declaration, the commons in a body presented an
address, acknowledging the eminent services of the duke of Marlborough,
yet expressing their apprehension of making a precedent to alienate the
revenue of the crown, which had been so much reduced by the exorbitant
grants of the late reign, and so lately settled and secured by her
majesty's unparalleled grace and goodness. The queen was satisfied with
their apology; but their refusal in all probability helped to alienate
the duke from the tories, with whom he had been hitherto connected.


In the beginning of January, the queen gave the house of commons to
understand, that the states-general had pressed her to augment her
forces, as the only means to render ineffectual the great and early
preparations of the enemy. The commons immediately resolved, that ten
thousand men should be hired, as an augmentation of the forces to act
in conjunction with the allies; but on condition that an immediate stop
should be put to all commerce and correspondence with France and Spain
on the part of the states-general. The lords presented an address to the
queen on the same subject, and to the same effect; and she owned
that the condition was absolutely necessary for the good of the whole
alliance. The Dutch, even after the declaration of war, had carried on
a traffic with the French; and at this very juncture Louis found it
impossible to make remittances of money to the elector of Bwaria in
Germany, and to his forces in Italy, except through the channel of
English, Dutch, and Geneva merchants. The states-general, though shocked
at the imperious manner in which the parliament of England prescribed
their conduct, complied with the demand without hesitation, and
published a prohibition of all commerce with the subjects of France and


The commons of this parliament had nothing more at heart than a bill
against occasional conformity. The tories affected to distinguish
themselves as the only true friends to the church and monarchy; and they
hated the dissenters with a mixture of spiritual and political disgust.
They looked upon these last as an intruding sect, which constituted
great part of the whig faction that extorted such immense sums of
money from the nation in the late reign, and involved it in pernicious
engagements, from whence it had no prospect of deliverance. They
considered them as encroaching schismatics that disgraced and endangered
the hierarchy; and those of their own communion, who recommended
moderation, they branded with the epithets of lukewarm christians,
betrayers, and apostates. They now resolved to approve themselves
zealous sons of the church, by seizing the first opportunity that was in
their power to distress the dissenters. In order to pave the way to
this persecution, sermons were preached, and pamphlets were printed, to
blacken the character of the sect, and inflame the popular resentment
against them. On the fourth day of November, Mr. Bromley, Mr. St. John,
and Mr. Annesley, were ordered by the house of commons to bring in
a bill for preventing occasional conformity. In the preamble, all
persecution for conscience sake was condemned: nevertheless it enacted,
that all those who had taken the sacrament and test for offices of
trust, or the magistracy of corporations, and afterwards frequented
any meeting of dissenters, should be disabled from holding their
employments, pay a fine of one hundred pounds, and five pounds for every
day in which they continued to act in their employment after having been
at any such meeting: they were also rendered incapable of holding any
other employment, till after one whole year's conformity; and, upon
a relapse, the penalties and time of incapacity were doubled. The
promoters of the bill alleged, that an established religion and national
church were absolutely necessary, when so many impious men pretended to
inspiration, and deluded such numbers of people: that the most effectual
way to preserve this national church, would be the maintenance of the
civil power in the hands of those who expressed their regard to the
church in their principles and practice: that the parliament, by the
corporation and test acts, thought they had raised a sufficient barrier
to the hierarchy, never imagining that a set of men would rise up, whose
consciences would be too tender to obey the laws, but hardened enough
to break them: that, as the last reign began with an act in favour of
dissenters, so the commons were desirous that in the beginning of her
majesty's auspicious government an act should pass in favour of the
church of England: that this bill did not intrench on the act of
toleration, or deprive the dissenters of any privileges they enjoyed by
law, or add any thing to the legal rights of the church of England: that
occasional conformity was an evasion of the law, by which the dissenters
might insinuate themselves into the management of all corporations: that
a separation from the church, to which a man's conscience will allow him
occasionally to conform, is a mere schism, which in itself was sinful,
without the superaddition of a temporal law to make it an offence: that
the toleration was intended only for the ease offender consciences, and
not to give a license for occasional conformity: that conforming and
non-conforming were contradictions; for nothing but a firm persuasion
that the terms of communion required are sinful and unlawful, could
justify the one; and this plainly condemns the other. The members
who opposed the bill argued, that the dissenters were generally well
affected to the present constitution: that to bring any real hardship
upon them, or give rise to jealousies and fears at stich a juncture,
might be attended with dangerous consequences; that the toleration had
greatly contributed to the security and reputation of the church, and
plainly proved that liberty of conscience and gentle measures were the
most effectual means for increasing the votaries of the church, and
diminishing the number of dissenters: that the dissenters could not be
termed schismatics without bringing a heavy charge upon the church of
England, which had not only tolerated such schism, but even allowed
communion with the reformed churches abroad: that the penalties of this
bill were more severe than those which the laws imposed on papists,
for assisting at the most solemn act of their religion: in a word, that
toleration and tenderness had been always productive of peace and union,
whereas persecution had never failed to excite disorder and extend
superstition. Many alterations and mitigations were proposed, without
effect. In the course of the debate, the dissenters were mentioned and
reviled with great acrimony; and the bill passed the lower house by
virtue of a considerable majority.

The lords, apprehensive that the commons would tack it to some
money-bill, voted, that the annexing any clause to a money-bill was
contrary to the constitution of the English government, and the usage of
parliament. The bill met with a very warm opposition in the upper house,
where a considerable portion of the whig interest still remained.
These members believed that the intention of the bill was to model
corporations, so as to eject all those who would not vote in elections
for the tories. Some imagined this was a preparatory step towards a
repeal of the toleration; and others concluded that the promoters of the
bill designed to raise such disturbances at home as would discourage the
allies abroad, and render the prosecution of the war impracticable.
The majority of the bishops, and among these Burnet of Sarum, objected
against it on the principles of moderation, and from motives of
conscience. Nevertheless, as the court supported this measure with its
whole power and influence, the bill made its way through the house,
though not without alterations and amendments, which were rejected by
the commons. The lower house pretended, that the lords had no right to
alter any fines and penalties that the commons should fix in bills sent
up for their concurrence, on the supposition that those were matters
concerning money, the peculiar province of the lower house; the lords
ordered a minute inquiry to be made into all the rolls of parliament
since the reign of Henry the Seventh; and a great number of instances
were found, in which the lords had begun the clauses imposing fines and
penalties, altered the penalties which had been fixed by the commons,
and even changed the uses to which they were applied. The precedents
were entered in the books; but the commons resolved to maintain their
point without engaging in any dispute upon the subject. After warm
debates, and a free conference between the two houses, the lords adhered
to their amendments, though this resolution was carried by a majority
of one vote only; the commons persisted in rejecting them; the bill
miscarried, and both houses published their proceedings, by way of
appeal to the nation. [114] _[See note T, at the end of this Vol.]_
A bill was now brought into the lower house, granting another year's
consideration to those who had not taken the oath abjuring the pretended
prince of Wales. The lords added three clauses, importing, that those
persons who should take the oath within the limited time might return to
their benefices and employments, unless they should be already legally
filled; that any person endeavouring to defeat the succession to the
crown, as now limited by law, should be deemed guilty of high treason;
and that the oath of abjuration should be imposed upon the subjects in
Ireland. The commons made some opposition to the first clause; but
at length the question being put, Whether they should agree to the
amendments, it was carried in the affirmative by one voice.


No object engrossed more time, or produced more violent debates, than
did the inquiry into the public accounts. The commissioners appointed
for this purpose pretended to have made great discoveries. They charged
the earl of Ranelagh, paymaster-general of the army, with flagrant
mismanagement. He acquitted himself in such a manner as screened him
from all severity of punishment; nevertheless, they expelled him from
the house for a high crime and misdemeanor, in misapplying several sums
of the public money; and he thought proper to resign his employment. A
long address was prepared and presented to the queen, attributing the
national debt to mismanagement of the funds; complaining that the old
methods of the exchequer had been neglected; and that iniquitous frauds
had been committed by the commissioners of the prizes. Previous to this
remonstrance, the house, in consequence of the report of the committee,
had passed several severe resolutions, particularly against Charles lord
Halifax, auditor of the receipt of the exchequer, as having neglected
his duty, and been guilty of a breach of trust. For these reasons
they actually besought the queen, in an address, that she would give
directions to the attorney-general to prosecute him for the said
offences; and she promised to comply with their request. On the other
hand, the lords appointed a committee to examine all the observations
which the commissioners of accounts had offered to both houses. They
ascribed the national debt to deficiencies in the funds: they acquitted
lord Halifax, the lords of the treasury, and their officers, whom the
commons had accused; and represented these circumstances in an address
to the queen, which was afterwards printed with the vouchers to every
particular. This difference blew up a fierce flame of discord between
the two houses, which manifested their mutual animosity in speeches,
votes, resolutions, and conferences. The commons affirmed, that no
cognizance the lords could take of the public accounts would enable them
to supply any deficiency, or appropriate any surplusage of the public
money; that they could neither acquit nor condemn any person whatsoever,
upon any inquiry arising originally in their own house; and that their
attempt to acquit Charles lord Halifax was unparliamentary. The lords
insisted upon their right to take cognizance originally of all public
accounts; they affirmed, that in their resolutions, with respect to
lord Halifax, they had proceeded according to the rules of justice. They
owned however that their resolutions did not amount to any judgment
or acquittal; but that finding a vote of the commons reflected upon a
member of their house, they thought fit to give their opinion in their
legislative capacity. The queen interposed by a message to the lords,
desiring they would despatch the business in which they were engaged.
The dispute continued even after this intimation; one conference was
held after another, at length both sides despaired of an accommodation.
The lords ordered their proceedings to be printed, and the commons
followed their example. On the twenty-seventh day of February, the
queen, having passed all the bills that were ready for the royal
assent, ordered the lord-keeper to prorogue the parliament, after having
pronounced a speech in the usual style. She thanked them for their zeal,
affection, and despatch; declared, she would encourage and maintain the
church as by law established; desired they would consider some further
laws for restraining the great license assumed for publishing scandalous
pamphlets and libels; and assured them, that all her share of the
prizes which might be taken in the war, should be applied to the public
service. By this time the earl of Eochester was entirely removed from
the queen's councils. Finding himself outweighed by the interest of
the duke of Marlborough and lord Godolphin, he had become sullen and
intractable; and, rather than repair to his government of Ireland, chose
to resign the office, which, as we have already observed, was conferred
upon the duke of Ormond, an accomplished nobleman, who had acquired
great popularity by the success of the expedition to Vigo. The parties
in the house of lords were so nearly matched, that the queen, in order
to ascertain an undoubted majority in the next session, created four new
peers, [115] _[See note-J, at the end of this Vol.]_ who had signalized
themselves by the violence of their speeches in the house of commons.

{ANNE, 1701--1714}


The two houses of convocation, which were summoned with the parliament,
bore a strong affinity with this assembly, by the different interests
that prevailed in the upper and lower. The last, in imitation of the
commons, was desirous of branding the preceding reign; and it was with
great difficulty that they concurred with the prelates in an address of
congratulation to her majesty. Then their former contest was revived.
The lower house desired, in an application to the archbishop of
Canterbury and his suffragans, that the matters in dispute concerning
the manner of synodical proceedings, and the right of the lower house
to hold intermediate assemblies, might be taken into consideration and
speedily determined. The bishops proposed, that in the intervals of
sessions, the lower house might appoint committees to prepare matters;
and when business should be brought regularly before them, the
archbishop would regulate the prorogations in such a manner, that they
should have sufficient time to sit and deliberate on the subject. This
offer did not satisfy the lower house, which was emboldened to persist
in its demand by a vote of the commons. These, in consequence of an
address of thanks from the clergy, touching Mr. Lloyd, son to the bishop
of Worcester, whom they ordered to be prosecuted after his privilege
as member of the convocation should be expired, had resolved, that they
would on all occasions assert the just rights and privileges of the
lower house of convocation. The prelates refused to depart from the
archbishop's right of proroguing the whole convocation with consent of
his suffragans. The lower house proposed to refer the controversy to the
queen's decision. The bishops declined this expedient, as inconsistent
with the episcopal authority, and the presidency of the archbishop. The
lower house having incurred the imputation of favouring presbytery, by
this opposition to the bishops, entered in their books a declaration,
acknowledging the order of bishops as superior to presbyters, and to be
a divine apostolical institution. Then they desired the bishops in an
address to concur in settling the doctrine of the divine apostolical
right of episcopacy, that it might be a standing rule of the church.
They likewise presented a petition to the queen, complaining, that in
the convocation called in the year 1700, after an interruption of
ten years, several questions having arisen concerning the rights
and liberties of the lower house, the bishops had refused a verbal
conference; and afterwards declined a proposal to submit the dispute to
her majesty's determination; they therefore fled for protection to
her majesty, begging she would call the question into her own royal
audience. The queen promised to consider their petition, which was
supported by the earl of Nottingham; and ordered their council to
examine the affair, how it consisted with law and custom. Whether their
report was unfavourable to the lower house, or the queen was unwilling
to encourage the division, no other answer was made to their address.
The archbishop replied to their request presented to the upper house,
concerning the divine right of presbytery, that the preface to the
form of ordination contained a declaration of three orders of ministers
from the times of the apostles; namely, bishops, priests, and deacons,
to which they had subscribed; but he and his brethren conceived, that
without a royal license, they had not authority to attempt, enact,
promulge, or execute any canon, which should concern either doctrine or
discipline. The lower house answered this declaration in very petulant
terms; and the dispute subsisted when the parliament was prorogued. But
these contests produced divisions through the whole body of the clergy,
who ranged themselves in different factions, distinguished by the names
of high-church and low-church. The first consisted of ecclesiastical
tories; the other included those who professed revolution principles,
and recommended moderation towards the dissenters. The high-church party
reproached the other as time-servers, and presbyterians in disguise; and
were in their turn stigmatized as the friends and abettors of tyranny
and persecution. At present, however, the tories both in church
and state triumphed in the favour of their sovereign. The right of
parliaments, the memory of the late king, and even the act limiting the
succession of the house of Hanover, became the subjects of ridicule.
The queen was flattered as possessor of the prerogatives of the ancient
monarchy; the history written by her grandfather, the earl of Clarendon,
was now for the first time published, to inculcate the principles of
obedience, and inspire the people with an abhorrence of opposition to
an anointed sovereign. Her majesty's hereditary right was deduced from
Edward the Confessor, and as heir of his pretended sanctity and virtue,
she was persuaded to touch persons afflicted with the king's evil,
according to the office inserted in the Liturgy for this occasion.


The change of the ministry in Scotland seemed favourable to the
episcopalians and anti-revolutioners of that kingdom. The earls of
Marchmont, Melvil, Selkirk, Leven, and Hyndford, were laid aside; the
earl of Seafield was appointed chancellor; the duke of Queensberry
and the lord viscount Tarbat, were declared secretaries of state; the
marquis of Annandale was made president of the council, and the earl of
Tullibardin, lord privy-seal. A new parliament having been summoned, the
earl of Seafield employed his influence so successfully, that a great
number of anti-revolutioners were returned as members. The duke of
Hamilton had obtained from the queen a letter to the privy-council in
Scotland, in which she expressed her desire that the presbyterian
clergy should live in brotherly love and communion with such dissenting
ministers of the reformed religion as were in possession of benefices,
and lived with decency, and submission to the law. The episcopal clergy,
encouraged by these expressions in their favour, drew up an address to
the queen, imploring her protection; and humbly beseeching her to allow
those parishes in which there was a majority of episcopal freeholders,
to bestow the benefice on ministers of their principles. This petition
was presented by Dr. Skeen and Dr. Scot, who were introduced by the duke
of Queensberry to her majesty. She assured them of her protection and
endeavours to supply their necessities; and exhorted them to live in
peace and christian love with the clergy, who were by law invested with
the church-government in her ancient kingdom of Scotland. A proclamation
of indemnity having been published in March, a great number of Jacobites
returned from France and other countries, pretended to have changed
their sentiments, and took the oaths, that they might be qualified
to sit in parliament. They formed an accession to the strength of the
anti-revolutioners and episcopalians, who now hoped to out-number the
presbyterians, and outweigh their interest. But this confederacy was
composed of dissonant parts, from which no harmony could be expected.
The presbyterians and revolutioners were headed by the duke of
Argyle. The country party of malcontents, which took its rise from the
disappointments of the Darien settlement, acted under the auspices
of the duke of Hamilton and marquis of Tweedale; and the earl of Hume
appeared as chief of the anti-revolutioners. The different parties who
now united, pursued the most opposite ends. The majority of the country
party were friends to the revolution, and sought only redress of
the grievances which the nation had sustained in the late reign. The
anti-revolutioners considered the accession and government of king
William as an extraordinary event, which they were willing to forget,
believing that all parties were safe under the shelter of her majesty's
general indemnity. The Jacobites submitted to the queen, as tutrix or
regent for the prince of Wales, whom they firmly believed she intended
to establish on the throne. The whigs under Argyle, alarmed at the
coalition of all their enemies, resolved to procure a parliamentary
sanction for the revolution.


The parliament being opened on the sixth day of May at Edinburgh, by
the duke of Queensberry as commissioner, the queen's letter was read, in
which she demanded a supply for the maintenance of the forces, advised
them to encourage trade, and exhorted them to proceed with wisdom,
prudence, and unanimity. The duke of Hamilton immediately offered the
draft of a bill for recognising her majesty's undoubted right and title
to the imperial crown of Scotland, according to the declaration of
the estates of the kingdom, containing the claim of right. It was
immediately received; and at the second reading, the queen's advocate
offered an additional clause, denouncing the penalties of treason
against any person who should question her majesty's right and title to
the crown, or her exercise of the government, from her actual entry
to the same. This, after a long and warm debate, was carried by the
concurrence of the anti-revolutioners. Then the earl of Hume produced
the draft of a bill for the supply; immediately after it was read, the
marquis of Tweedale made an overture, that, before all other business,
the parliament would proceed to make such conditions of government, and
regulations in the constitution of the kingdom, to take place after the
decease of her majesty and the heirs of her body, as should be necessary
for the preservation of their religion and liberty. This overture and
the bill were ordered to lie upon the table; and in the meantime the
commissioner found himself involved in great perplexity. The duke of
Argyle, the marquis of Annandale, and the earl of Marchmont, gave him
to understand in private, that they were resolved to move for an act
ratifying the revolution; and for another confirming the presbyterian
government; that they would insist upon their being discussed before
the bill of supply, and that they were certain of carrying the points at
which they aimed. The commissioner now found himself reduced to a very
disagreeable alternative. There was a necessity for relinquishing all
hope of a supply, or abandoning the anti-revolutioners, to whom he
was connected by promises of concurrence. The whigs were determined to
oppose all schemes of supply that should come from the cavaliers;
and these last resolved to exert their whole power in preventing the
confirmation of the revolution and the presbyterian discipline. He
foresaw that on this occasion the whigs would be joined by the duke of
Hamilton and his party, so as to preponderate against the cavaliers. He
endeavoured to cajole both parties; but found the task impracticable.
He desired in parliament, that the act for the supply might be read,
promising that they should have full time afterwards to deliberate on
other subjects. The marquis of Tweedale insisted upon his overture;
and after warm debates, the house resolved to proceed with such acts as
might be necessary for securing the religion, liberty, and trade of
the nation, before any bill for supply or other business should be
discussed. The marquis of Athol offered an act for the security of the
kingdom, in case of her majesty's decease; but before it was read,
the duke of Argyle presented his draft of a bill for ratifying the
revolution, and all the acts following thereupon, An act for limiting
the succession after the death of her majesty, and the heirs of her
body, was produced by Mr. Fletcher of Saltoun. The earl of Rothes
recommended another, importing, that after her majesty's death, and
failing heirs of her body, no person coming to the crown of Scotland,
being at the same time king or queen of England, should as king or queen
of Scotland, have power to make peace or war without the con* sent
of parliament. The earl of Marchmont recited the draft of an act for
securing the true protestant religion and presbyterian government; one
was also suggested by sir Patrick Johnston, allowing the importation of
wines, and other foreign liquors. All these bills were ordered to
lie upon the table. Then the earl of Strath-more produced an act for
toleration to all protestants in the exercise of religious worship. But
against this the general assembly presented a most violent remonstrance;
and the promoters of the bill, foreseeing that it would meet with great
opposition, allowed it to drop for the present. On the third day of
June, the parliament passed the act for preserving the true reformed
protestant religion, and confirming presbyterian church government, as
agreeable to the word of God, and the only government of Christ's church
within the kingdom. The same party enjoyed a further triumph in the
success of Argyle's act, for ratifying and perpetuating the first act of
king William's parliament; for declaring it high treason to disown the
authority of that parliament, or to alter or renovate the claim of right
or any article thereof. This last clause was strenuously opposed; but
at last the bill passed with the concurrence of all the ministry, except
the marquis of Athol and the viscount Tarbat, who began at this period
to correspond with the opposite party.


The cavaliers thinking themselves betrayed by the duke of Queensberry,
who had assented to these acts, first expostulated with him on his
breach of promise, and then renounced his interest, resolving to
separate themselves from the court, and jointly pursue such measures as
might be for the interest of their party. But of all the bills that were
produced in the course of this remarkable session, that which produced
the most violent altercation was the act of security, calculated to
abridge the prerogative of the crown, limit the successor, and throw
a vast additional power into the hands of the parliament. It was
considered paragraph by paragraph; many additions and alterations were
proposed, and some adopted; inflammatory speeches were uttered; bitter
sarcasms retorted from party to party; and different votes passed on
different clauses. At length, in spite of the most obstinate opposition
from the ministry and the cavaliers, it was passed by a majority of
fifty-nine voices. The commissioner was importuned to give it the royal
assent; but declined answering their entreaties till the tenth day
of September. Then he made a speech in parliament, giving them to
understand that he had received the queen's pleasure, and was empowered
to give the royal assent to all the acts voted in this session, except
the act for the security of the kingdom. A motion was made to solicit
the royal assent in an address to her majesty; but the question being
put, it was carried in the negative by a small majority. On the sixth
day of the same month, the earl of Marchmont had produced a bill to
settle the succession on the house of Hanover. At first the import of it
was not known; but when the clerk in reading it mentioned the princess
Sophia, the whole house was kindled into a flame. Some proposed that
the overture should be burned; others moved that the earl might be sent
prisoner to the castle; and a general dissatisfaction appeared in the
whole assembly. Not that the majority in parliament were averse to
the succession in the house of Hanover; but they resolved to avoid
a nomination without stipulating conditions; and they had already
provided, in the act of security, that it should be high treason to own
any person as king or queen after her majesty's decease, until he or she
should take the coronation oath, and accept the terms of the claim of
right, and such conditions as should be settled in this or any ensuing


Andrew Fletcher of Saltoun, a man of undaunted courage and inflexible
integrity, who professed republican principles, and seemed designed by
nature as a member of some Grecian commonwealth, after having observed
that the nation would be enslaved should it submit, either willingly or
by commission, to the successor of England, without such conditions of
government as should secure them against the influence of an English
ministry, offered the draft of an act, importing, that after the decease
of her majesty, without heirs of her body, no person being successor to
the English throne should succeed to the crown of Scotland but under
the following limitations, which, together with the coronation oath and
claim of right, they should swear to observe: namely, that all offices
and places, civil and military, as well as pensions, should for the
future be conferred by a parliament to be chosen at every Michaelmas
head-court, to sit on the first day of November, and adjourn themselves
from time to time till the ensuing Michaelmas; that they should choose
their own president; that a committee of six-and-thirty members, chosen
out of the whole parliament, without distinction of estates, should,
during the intervals of parliament, be vested, under the king, with the
administration of the government, act as his council, be accountable to
parliament, and call it together on extraordinary occasions. He proposed
that the successor should be nominated by the majority; declaring for
himself that he would rather concur in nominating the most rigid papist
with those conditions, than the truest protestant without them. The
motion was seconded by many members; and though postponed for the
present, in favour of an act of trade under the consideration of
the house, it was afterwards resumed with great warmth. In vain the
lord-treasurer represented that no funds were as yet provided for the
army, and moved for a reading of the act presented for that purpose; a
certain member observed, that this was a very unseasonable juncture to
propose a supply, when the house had so much to do for the security of
the nation; he said they had very little encouragement to grant supplies
when they found themselves frustrated of all their labour and expense
for these several months; and when the whole kingdom saw that supplies
served for no other use but to gratify the warice of some insatiable
ministers. Mr. Fletcher expatiated upon the good consequences that
would arise from the act which he had proposed. The chancellor
answered, that such an act was laying a scheme for a commonwealth,
and tending to innovate the constitution of a monarchy. The ministry
proposed a state of a vote, whether they should first give a reading to
Fletcher's act or to the act of subsidy. The country party moved that
the question might be, "Overtures for subsidies, or overtures for
liberty." Fletcher withdrew his act, rather than people should pervert
the meaning of laudable designs. The house resounded with the cry
of "Liberty or Subsidy." Bitter invectives were uttered against the
ministry. One member said it was now plain the nation was to expect no
other return for their expense and toil than that of being loaded with
a subsidy, and being obliged to bend their necks under the yoke of
slavery, which was prepared for them from that throne; another observed,
that as their liberties were suppressed, so the privileges of parliament
were like to be torn from them; but that he would venture his life in
defence of his birthright, and rather die a free man than live a slave.
When the vote was demanded, and declined by the commissioner, the earl
of Roxburgh declared, that if there was no other way of obtaining so
natural and undeniable a privilege of parliament, they would demand
it with their swords in their hands. The commissioner, foreseeing this
spirit of freedom and contradiction, ordered the foot-guard to be in
readiness, and placed a strong guard upon the eastern gate of the city.
Notwithstanding these precautions, he ran the risk of being torn to
pieces; and, in this apprehension, ordered the chancellor to inform the
house that the parliament should proceed upon overtures for liberty at
their next sitting. This promise allayed the ferment which had begun
to rise. Next day the members prepared an overture, implying, that the
elective members should be chosen for every seat at the Michaelmas head
courts; that a parliament should be held once in two years at least;
that the short adjournments _de die in diem_ should be made by the
parliaments themselves as in England; and that no officer in the army,
customs, or excise, nor any gratuitous pensioner, should sit as an
elective member. The commissioner being apprised of their proceedings,
called for such acts as he was empowered to pass, and having given the
royal assent to them, prorogued the parliament to the twelfth day of
October. [117] _[See note X, at the end of this Vol.]_ Such was the
issue of this remarkable session of the Scottish parliament, in which
the duke of Queensberry was abandoned by the greatest part of the
ministry; and such a spirit of ferocity and opposition prevailed, as
threatened the whole kingdom with civil war and confusion. The queen
conferred titles upon those who appeared to have influence in the nation
[118] _[See note Y, at the end of this Vol.]_ and attachment to her
government, and revived the order of the thistle, which the late king
had dropped.


Ireland was filled with discontent by the behaviour and conduct of
the trustees for the forfeited estates. The earl of Rochester had
contributed to foment the troubles of the kingdom by encouraging the
factions which had been imported from England. The duke of Ormond was
received with open arms as heir to the virtues of his ancestors, who had
been the bulwarks of the protestant interest in Ireland. He opened the
parliament on the twenty-first day of September, with a speech to both
houses, in which he told them that his inclination, his interest, and
the examples of progenitors, were indispensable obligations upon him to
improve every opportunity to the advantage and prosperity of his native
country. The commons having chosen Allen Broderick to be their speaker,
proceeded to draw up very affectionate addresses to the queen and the
lord lieutenant. In that to the queen they complained that their enemies
had misrepresented them, as desirous of being independent of the crown
of England; they, therefore, to vindicate themselves from such false
aspersions, declared and acknowledged that the kingdom of Ireland was
annexed and united to the imperial crown of England. In order to express
their hatred of the trustees, they resolved, that all the protestant
freeholders of that kingdom had been falsely and maliciously
misrepresented, traduced, and abused, in a book entitled, "The Report
of the Commissioners appointed to inquire into the Irish Forfeitures;"
and it appearing that Francis Annesley, member of the house, John
Trenchard, Henry Langford, and James Hamilton, were authors of that
book, they further resolved, that these persons had scandalously and
maliciously misrepresented and traduced the protestant freeholders of
that kingdom, and endeavoured to create a misunderstanding and jealousy
between the people of England and the protestants of Ireland. Annesley
was expelled the house, Hamilton was dead, and Trenchard had returned
to England. They had finished the inquiry before the meeting of this
parliament; and sold at an undervalue the best of the forfeited estates
to the sword-blade company of England. This, in a petition to the Irish
parliament, prayed that heads of a bill be brought in for enabling them
to take conveyance of lands in Ireland; but the parliament was very
little disposed to confirm the bargains of the trustees, and the
petition lay neglected on the table. The house expelled John Asgil, who,
as agent to the sword-blade company, had offered to lend money to the
public in Ireland, on condition that the parliament would pass an act
to confirm the company's purchase of the forfeited estates. His
constituents disowned his proposal; and when he was summoned to appear
before the house, and answer for his prevarication, he pleaded his
privilege as member of the English parliament. The commons, in a
representation of the state and grievances of the nation, gave her
majesty to understand that the constitution of Ireland had been of
late greatly shaken; and their lives, liberties, and estates, called
in question, and tried in a manner unknown to their ancestors; that
the expense to which they had been unnecessarily exposed by the late
trustees for the forfeited estates, in defending their just rights and
titles, had exceeded in value the current cash of the kingdom; that
their trade was decayed, their money exhausted; and that they were
hindered from maintaining their own manufactures; that many protestant
families had been constrained to quit the kingdom in order to earn a
livelihood in foreign countries; that the want of frequent parliaments
in Ireland had encouraged evil-minded men to oppress the subject; that
many civil officers had acquired great fortunes in that impoverished
country, by the exercise of corruption and oppression; that others,
in considerable employments, resided in another kingdom, neglecting
personal attendance on their duty, while their offices were ill
executed, to the detriment of the public, and the failure of justice.
They declared, that it was from her majesty's gracious interposition
alone they proposed to themselves relief from those their manifold
grievances and misfortunes. The commons afterwards voted the necessary
supplies, and granted one hundred and fifty thousand pounds to make good
the deficiencies of the necessary branches of the establishment.


They appointed a committee to inspect the public accounts, by which
they discovered that above one hundred thousand pounds had been falsely
charged as a debt upon the nation. The committee was thanked by the
house for having saved this sum, and ordered to examine what persons
were concerned in such a misrepresentation, which was generally imputed
to those who acted under the duke of Ormond. He himself was a nobleman
of honour and generosity, addicted to pleasure, and fond of popular
applause; but he was surrounded by people of more sordid principles, who
had ingratiated themselves into his confidence by the arts of adulation.
The commons voted a provision for the half-pay officers; and abolished
pensions to the amount of seventeen thousand pounds a-year, as
unnecessary branches of the establishment. They passed an act settling
the succession of the crown after the pattern set them by England; but
the most important transaction of this session was a severe bill to
prevent the growth of popery. It bore a strong affinity to that which
had passed three years before in England; but contained more effectual
clauses. Among others it enacted, that all estates of papists should be
equally divided among the children, notwithstanding any settlement to
the contrary, unless the person to whom they might be settled should
qualify themselves by taking the oaths, and communicating with the
church of England. The bill was not at all agreeable to the ministry
in England, who expected large presents from the papists, by whom a
considerable sum had been actually raised for this purpose. But as they
did not think proper to reject such a bill while the English parliament
was sitting, they added a clause which they hoped the parliament of
Ireland would refuse: namely, that no persons in that kingdom should be
capable of any employment, or of being in the magistracy of any city,
who did not qualify themselves by receiving the sacrament according
to the test act passed in England. Though this was certainly a great
hardship on the dissenters, the parliament of Ireland sacrificed this
consideration to their common security against the Roman catholics, and
accepted the amendment without hesitation. This affair being discussed,
the commons of Ireland passed a vote against a book entitled, "Memoirs
of the late king James II." as a seditious libel. They ordered it to
be burned by the hands of the common hangman; and the bookseller and
printer to be prosecuted. When this motion was made, a member informed
the house that in the county of Limerick the Irish papists had begun to
form themselves into bodies, to plunder the protestants of their arms
and money; and to maintain a correspondence with the disaffected in
England. The house immediately resolved, that the papists of the kingdom
still retained hopes of the accession of the person known by the name of
the Prince of Wales in the life-time of the late king James, and now by
the name of James III. In the midst of this zeal against popery and
the pretender, they were suddenly adjourned by the command of the
lord-lieutenant, and broke up in great animosity against that nobleman.
[119] _[See note Z, at the end of this Vol.]_


The attention of the English ministry had been for some time chiefly
engrossed by the affairs of the continent. The emperor agreed with the
allies that his son, the archduke Charles should assume the title of
king of Spain, demand the infanta of Portugal in marriage, and undertake
something of importance, with the assistance of the maritime powers. Mr.
Methuen, the English minister at Lisbon, had already made some progress
in a treaty with his Portuguese majesty; and the court of Vienna
promised to send such an army into the field as would in a little
time drive the elector of Bavaria from his dominions. But they were so
dilatory in their preparations, that the French king broke all their
measures by sending powerful reinforcements to the elector, in whose
ability and attachment Louis reposed great confidence. Mareschal
Villars, who commanded an army of thirty thousand men at Strasburgh,
passed the Rhine and reduced fort Kehl, the garrison of which was
conducted to Philipsburgh. The emperor, alarmed at this event, ordered
count Schlick to enter Bwaria on the side of Saltsburgh, with a
considerable body of forces; and sent another, under count Stirum, to
invade the same electorate by the way of Newmark, which was surrendered
to him after he had routed a party of Bavarians; the city of Amberg met
with the same fate. Meanwhile count Schlick defeated a body of militia
that defended the lines of Saltsburgh, and made himself master of Biedt,
and several other places. The elector assembling his forces near Brenau,
diffused a report that he intended to besiege Passau, to cover which
place Schlick advanced with the greatest part of his infantry, leaving
behind his cavalry and cannon. The elector having by this feint divided
the Imperialists, passed the bridge of Scardingen with twelve thousand
men, and, after an obstinate engagement, compelled the Imperialists to
abandon the field of battle; then he marched against the Saxon troops
which guarded the artillery, and attacked them with such impetuosity
that they were entirely defeated. In a few days after these actions, he
took Newburgh on the Inn by capitulation. He obtained another advantage
over an advanced post of the Imperialists near Burgenfeldt, commanded
by the young prince of Brandenburgh Anspach, who was mortally wounded
in the engagement. He advanced to Batisbon, where the diet of the
empire was assembled, and demanded that he should be immediately put in
possession of the bridge and gate of the city. The burghers immediately
took to their arms, and planted cannon on the ramparts; but when they
saw a battery erected against them, and the elector determined to
bombard the place, they thought proper to capitulate, and comply with
his demands. He took possession of the town on the eighth day of April,
and signed an instrument obliging himself to withdraw his troops as soon
as the emperor should ratify the diet's resolution for the neutrality of
Ratisbon. Mareschal Villars having received orders to join the elector
at all events, and being reinforced by a body of troops under count
Tallard, resolved to break through the lines which the prince of Baden
had made at Stolhoffen. This general had been luckily joined by eight
Dutch battalions, and received the French army, though double his
number, with such obstinate resolution, that Villars was obliged to
retreat with great loss, and directed his route towards Offingen.
Nevertheless he penetrated through the Black Forest, and effected a
junction with the elector. Count Stirum endeavoured to join prince
Louis of Baden; but being attacked near Schwemmingen, retired under the
cannon of Nortlingen.


The confederates were more successful on the Lower Rhine and in the
Netherlands. The duke of Marlborough crossed the sea in the beginning of
April, and assembling the allied army, resolved that the campaign should
be begun with the siege of Bonne, which was accordingly invested on
the twenty-fourth day of April. Three different attacks were carried
on against this place: one by the hereditary prince of Hesse-Cassel;
another by the celebrated Coehorn; and a third by lieutenant-general
Fagel. The garrison defended themselves vigorously till the fourteenth
day of May, when the fort having been taken by assault, and the breaches
rendered practicable, the marquis d'Alegre, the governor, ordered a
parley to be beat; hostages were immediately exchanged; on the sixteenth
the capitulation was signed; and in three days the garrison evacuated
the place in order to be conducted to Luxembourg. During the siege of
Bonne, the mareschals Boufflers and Villeroy advanced with an army of
forty thousand men towards Tongeren, and the confederate army, commanded
by M. d'Auverquerque, was obliged at their approach to retreat under
the cannon of Maestricht. The enemy having taken possession of Tongeren,
made a motion against the confederate army, which they found already
drawn up in order of battle, and so advantageously posted, that,
notwithstanding their great superiority in point of number, they would
not hazard an attack, but retired to the ground from whence they
had advanced. Immediately after the reduction of Bonne, the duke
of Marlborough, who had been present at the siege, returned to the
confederate army in the Netherlands, now amounting to one hundred and
thirty squadrons, and fifty-nine battalions. On the twenty-fifth day of
May, the duke having passed the river Jecker in order to give battle to
the enemy, they marched with precipitation to Boekwren, and abandoned
Tongeren, after having blown up the walls of the place with gunpowder.
The duke continued to follow them to Thys, where he encamped, while they
retreated to Hannye, retiring as he advanced. Then he resolved to force
their lines: this service was effectually performed by Coehorn, at the
point of Callo, and by baron Spaar, in the county of Waes, near Stoken.
The duke had formed the design of reducing Antwerp, which was garrisoned
by Spanish troops under the command of the marquis de Bedmar. He
intended with the grand army to attack the enemy's lines on the side of
Louvaine and Mechlin: he detached Coehorn with his flying camp on the
right of the Scheldt towards Dutch Flanders, to amuse the marquis
de Bed-mar on that side; and he ordered the baron Opdam, with twelve
thousand men, to take post between Eckeren and Capelle, near Antwerp,
that he might act against that part of the lines which was guarded by
the Spanish forces.

{ANNE, 1701--1714}


The French generals, in order to frustrate the scheme of Marlborough,
resolved to cut off the retreat of Opdam. Boufflers, with a detachment
of twenty thousand men from Villeroy's army, surprised him at Eckeren,
where the Dutch were put in disorder; and Opdam, believing all was
lost, fled to Breda. Nevertheless, the troops rallying under general
Schlangenburg, maintained their ground with the most obstinate
valour till night, when the enemy was obliged to retire, and left the
communication free with fort Lillo, to which place the confederates
marched without further molestation, having lost about fifteen hundred
men in the engagement. The damage sustained by the French was more
considerable. They were frustrated in their design, and had actually
abandoned the field of battle; yet Louis ordered _Te Deum_ to be sung
for the victory; nevertheless Boufflers was censured for his conduct on
this occasion, and in a little time totally disgraced. Opdam presented
a justification of his conduct to the states-general; but by this
oversight he forfeited the fruits of a long service, during which he
had exhibited repeated proofs of courage, zeal, and capacity. The states
honoured Schlangenburg with a letter of thanks for the valour and
skill he had manifested in this engagement; but in a little time they
dismissed him from his employment on account of his having given umbrage
to the duke of Marlborough, by censuring his grace for exposing such a
small number of men to this disaster. After this action, Villeroy,
who lay encamped near Saint Job, declared he waited for the duke of
Marlborough, who forthwith advanced to Hoogstraat, with a view to give
him battle; but at his approach the French general, setting fire to his
camp, retired within his lines with great precipitation. Then the
duke invested Huy, the garrison of which, after a vigorous defence,
surrendered themselves prisoners of war on the twenty-seventh day of
August. At a council of war held in the camp of the confederates, the
duke proposed to attack the enemies' lines between the Mehaigne and
Leuwe, and was seconded by the Danish, Hanoverian, and Hessian generals;
but the scheme was opposed by the Dutch officers, and the deputies
of the states, who alleged that the success was dubious, and the
consequences of forcing the lines would be inconsiderable; they
therefore recommended the siege of Limburgh, by the reduction of which
they would acquire a whole province, and cover their own country, as
well as Juliers and Gueldres, from the designs of the enemy. The siege
of Limburgh was accordingly undertaken. The trenches were opened on
the five-and-twentieth day of September, and in two days the place was
surrendered; the garrison remaining prisoners of war. By this conquest
the allies secured the country of Liege, and the electorate of Cologn,
from the incursions of the enemy; before the end of the year they
remained masters of the whole Spanish Guelderland, by the reduction of
Gueldres, which surrendered on the seventeenth day of September, after
having been long blockaded, bombarded, and reduced to a heap of
ashes, by the Prussian general Lottum. Such was the campaign in the
Netherlands, which in all probability would have produced events of
greater importance, had not the duke of Marlborough been restricted by
the deputies of the states-general, who began to be influenced by the
intrigues of the Louvestein faction, ever averse to a single dictator.


The French king redoubled his efforts in Germany. The duke de Vendome
was ordered to march from the Milanese to Tyrol, and there join the
elector of Bwaria, who had already made himself master of Inspruck. But
the boors rising in arms, drove him out of the country before he could
be joined by the French general, who was therefore obliged to return
to the Milanese. The Imperialists in Italy were so ill supplied by the
court of Vienna, that they could not pretend to act offensively. The
French invested Ostiglia, which, however, they could not reduce; but the
fortress of Barsillo, in the duchy of Beggio, capitulating after a long
blockade, they took possession of the duke of Modena's country. The
elector of Bwaria rejoining Villars, resolved to attack count Stirum,
whom prince Louis of Baden had detached from his army. With this view
they passed the Danube at Donawert, and discharged six guns as a signal
for the marquis D'Usson, whom they had left in the camp at Lavingen, to
fall upon the rear of the imperialists, while they should charge them
in front. Stirum no sooner perceived the signal than he guessed the
intention of the enemy, and instantly resolved to attack D'Usson before
the elector and the mareschal should advance. He accordingly charged
him at the head of some select squadrons with such impetuosity, that the
French cavalry were totally defeated; and all his infantry would have
been killed and taken, had not the elector and Villars come up in
time to turn the fate of the day. The action continued from six in the
morning till four in the afternoon, when Stirum, being overpowered by
numbers, was obliged to retreat to Norlin-gen, with the loss of twelve
thousand men, and all his baggage and artillery. In the meantime the
duke of Burgundy, assisted by Tallard, undertook the siege of Old
Brisac, with a prodigious train of artillery. The place was very
strongly fortified, though the garrison was small and ill provided with
necessaries. In fourteen days the governor surrendered the place, and
was condemned to lose his head for having made such a slender defence.
The duke of Burgundy returned in triumph to Versailles, and Tallard was
ordered to invest Landau. The prince of Hesse-Cassel being detached
from the Netherlands for the relief of the place, joined the count of
Nassau-Weilbourg, general of the Palatine forces, near Spires, where
they resolved to attack the French in their lines. But by this time
Mons. Pracon-tal, with ten thousand men, had joined Tallard, and enabled
him to strike a stroke which proved decisive. He suddenly quitted his
lines, and surprised the prince at Spirebach, where the French obtained
a complete victory after a very obstinate and bloody engagement, in
which the prince of Hesse distinguished himself by uncommon marks of
courage and presence of mind. Three horses were successively killed
under him, and he slew a French officer with his own hand. After
incredible efforts, he was fain to retreat with the loss of some
thousands. The French paid dear for their victory, Pracontal having been
slain in the action. Nevertheless they resumed the siege, and the place
was surrendered by capitulation. The campaign in Germany was finished by
the reduction of Augsburg by the elector of Bwaria, who took it in the
month of December, and agreed to its being secured by a French garrison.


The emperor's affairs at this juncture wore a very unpromising aspect.
The Hungarians were fleeced and barbarously oppressed by those to whom
he intrusted the government of their country. They derived courage from
despair. They seized this opportunity, when the emperor's forces were
divided, and his councils distracted, to exert themselves in defence of
their liberties. They ran to arms under the auspices of prince Ragotzki.
They demanded that their grievances should be redressed, and their
privileges restored. Their resentment was kept up by the emissaries of
France and Bwaria, who likewise encouraged them to persevere in their
revolt, by repeated promises of protection and assistance. The emperor's
prospect, however, was soon mended by two incidents of very great
consequence to his interest. The duke of Savoy foreseeing how much he
should be exposed to the mercy of the French king, should that monarch
become master of the Milanese, engaged in a secret negotiation with the
emperor, which, notwithstanding all his caution, was discovered by the
court of Versailles. Louis immediately ordered the duke of Vendome
to disarm the troops of Savoy that were in his army, to the number of
two-and-twenty thousand men; to insist upon the duke's putting him in
possession of four considerable fortresses; and demand that the number
of his troops should be reduced to the establishment stipulated in the
treaty of 1696. The duke, exasperated at these insults, ordered the
French ambassador, and several officers of the same nation, to be
arrested. Louis endeavoured to intimidate him by a menacing letter, in
which he gave him to understand that since neither religion, honour,
interest, nor alliances, had been able to influence his conduct, the
duke de Vendome should make known the intentions of the French monarch,
and allow him four-and-twenty hours to deliberate on the measures he
should pursue. This letter was answered by a manifesto: in the meantime
the duke concluded a treaty with the court of Vienna; acknowledged
the archduke Charles as king of Spain; and sent envoys to England and
Holland. Queen Anne, knowing his importance as well as his selfish
disposition, assured him of her friendship and assistance; and both she
and the states sent ambassadors to Turin. He was immediately joined by
a body of imperial horse under Visconti, and afterwards by count
Staremberg, at the head of fifteen thousand men, with whom that general
marched from the Modenese in the worst season of the year, through an
enemy's country, and roads that were deemed impassable. In vain the
French forces harassed him in his march, and even surrounded him in many
different places on the route: he surmounted all these difficulties with
incredible courage and perseverance, and joined the duke of Savoy at
Canelli, so as to secure the country of Piedmont. The other incident
which proved so favourable to the imperial interest, was a treaty by
which the king of Portugal acceded to the grand alliance. His ministry
perceived that should Spain be once united to the crown of France, their
master would sit very insecure upon his throne. They were intimidated by
the united fleets of the maritime powers, which maintained the empire of
the sea; and they were allured by the splendour of a match between their
infanta and the archduke Charles, to whom the emperor and the king of
the Romans promised to transfer all their pretensions to the Spanish
crown. By this treaty, concluded at Lisbon between the emperor, the
queen of Great Britain, the king of Portugal, and the states-general,
it was stipulated that king Charles should be conveyed to Portugal by a
powerful fleet, having on board twelve thousand soldiers, with a great
supply of money, arms, and ammunition; and that he should be joined
immediately upon his landing by an army of eight-and-twenty thousand


The confederates reaped very little advantage from the naval operations
of this summer. Sir George Rooke cruised in the channel, in order to
alarm the coast of France, and protect the trade of England. On the
first day of July, sir Cloudesley Shovel sailed from St. Helen's with
the combined squadrons of England and Holland: he directed his course
to the Mediterranean, and being reduced to great difficulty by want
of water, steered to Altea, on the coast of Valentia, where brigadier
Seymour landed, and encamped with five-and-twenty hundred marines. The
admiral published a short manifesto, signifying that he was not come
to disturb but to protect the good subjects of Spain, who should swear
allegiance to their lawful monarch the archduke Charles, and endeavour
to shake off the yoke of France. This declaration produced little or no
effect; and the fleet being watered, sir Cloudesley sailed to Leghorn.
One design of this armament was to assist the Cevennois, who had in the
course of the preceding year been persecuted into a revolt on account of
religion, and implored the assistance of England and the states-general.
The admiral detached two ships into the gulf of Narbonne, with
some refugees and French pilots, who had concerted signals with the
Cevennois; but the mareschal de Montrevil having received intimation of
their design, took such measures as prevented all communication; and the
English captains having repeated their signals to no purpose, rejoined
sir Cloudesley at Leghorn. This admiral, having renewed the peace with
the piratical states of Barbary, returned to England without having
taken one effectual step for annoying the enemy, or attempted any thing
that looked like the result of a concerted scheme for that purpose. The
nation naturally murmured at the fruitless expedition, by which it had
incurred such a considerable expense. The merchants complained that they
were ill supplied with convoys. The ships of war were victualled with
damaged provisions; and every article of the marine being mismanaged,
the blame fell upon those who acted as council to the lord high-admiral.


Nor were the arms of England by sea much more successful in the West
Indies. Sir George Rooke, in the preceding year, had detached from the
Mediterranean captain Hovenden Walker, with six ships of the line and
transports, having on board four regiments of soldiers, for the
Leeward islands. Being joined at Antigua by some troops under colonel
Codrington, they made a descent upon the island of Guadaloupe,
where they razed the fort, burned the town, ravaged the country, and
reimbarked with precipitation, in consequence of a report that the
French had landed nine hundred men on the back of the island. They
retired to Nevis, where they must have perished by famine, had they
not been providentially relieved by vice-admiral Graydon, in his way
to Jamaica. This officer had been sent out with three ships to succeed
Benbow, and was convoyed about one hundred and fifty leagues by two
other ships of the line. He had not sailed many days when he fell in
with part of the French squadron, commanded by Du Casse, on their return
from the West Indies, very full and richly laden. Captain Cleland, of
the Montagu, engaged the sternmost; but he was called off by a signal
from the admiral, who proceeded on his voyage without taking-further
notice of the enemy. When he arrived at Jamaica, he quarrelled with the
principal planters of the island; and his ships beginning to be crazy,
he resolved to return to England. He accordingly sailed through the
gulf of Florida, with a view to attack the French at Placentia in
Newfoundland; but his ships were dispersed in a fog that lasted thirty
days; and afterwards the council of war which he convoked were of
opinion that he could not attack the settlement with any prospect of
success. At his return to England, the house of lords, then sitting, set
on foot an inquiry into his conduct. They presented an address to the
queen, desiring she would remove him from his employments; and he was
accordingly dismissed. The only exploit that tended to distress the
enemy was performed by rear-admiral Dilkes, who in the month of July
sailed to the coast of France with a small squadron; and, in the
neighbourhood of Granville, took or destroyed about forty ships and
their convoy. Yet this damage was inconsiderable, when compared to that
which the English navy sustained from the dreadful tempest that began
to blow on the twenty-seventh day of November, accompanied with such
flashes of lightning, and peals of thunder, as overwhelmed the whole
kingdom with consternation. The houses in London shook from their
foundations, and some of them falling buried the inhabitants in their
ruins. The water overflowed several streets, and rose to a considerable
height in Westminster-hall. London bridge was almost choked with the
wrecks of vessels that perished in the river. The loss sustained by
the capital was computed at a million sterling; and the city of Bristol
suffered to a prodigious amount; but the chief national damage fell upon
the navy. Thirteen ships of war were lost, together with fifteen hundred
seamen, including rear-admiral Beaumont, who had been employed in
observing the Dunkirk squadron, and was then at anchor in the Downs,
where his ship foundered. This great loss, however, was repaired with
incredible diligence, to the astonishment of all Europe. The queen
immediately issued orders for building a greater number of ships than
that which had been destroyed; and she exercised her bounty for the
relief of the shipwrecked seamen, and the widows of those who were
drowned, in such a manner as endeared her to all her subjects.


The emperor having declared his second son, Charles, king of Spain,
that young prince set out from Vienna to Holland, and at Dusseldorp was
visited by the duke of Marlborough, who, in the name of his mistress,
congratulated him upon his accession to the crown of Spain. Charles
received him with the most obliging courtesy. In the course of their
conversation, taking off his sword he presented it to the English
general, with a very gracious aspect, saying, in the French language,
"I am not ashamed to own myself a poor prince. I possess nothing but my
cloak and sword; the latter may be of use to your grace; and I hope
you will not think it the worse for my wearing it one day."--"On the
contrary," replied the duke, "it will always put me in mind of your
majesty's just right and title, and of the obligations I lie under to
hazard my life in making you the greatest prince in Christendom." This
nobleman returned to England in October and king Charles embarking for
the same kingdom, under convoy of an English and Dutch squadron, arrived
at Spithead on the twenty-sixth day of December. There he was received
by the dukes of Somerset and Marlborough, who conducted him to Windsor;
and on the road he was met by prince George of Denmark. The queen's
deportment towards him was equally noble and obliging; and he expressed
the most profound respect and veneration for this illustrious princess.
He spoke but little; yet what he said was judicious; and he behaved
with such politeness and affability, as conciliated the affection of the
English nobility. After having been magnificently entertained for three
days, he returned to Portsmouth, from whence on the fourth of January he
sailed for Portugal, with a great fleet commanded by sir George Rooke,
having on board a body of land forces under the duke of Schomberg. When
the admiral had almost reached Cape Finisterre, he was driven back by
a storm to Spithead, where he was obliged to remain till the middle of
February. Then being favoured with a fair wind, he happily performed the
voyage to Lisbon, where king Charles was received with great splendour,
though the court of Portugal was overspread with sorrow excited by the
death of the infanta, whom the king of Spain intended to espouse. In
Poland all hope of peace seemed to vanish. The cardinal-primate, by
the instigation of the Swedish king, whose army lay encamped in the
neighbourhood of Dantzick, assembled a diet at Warsaw, which solemnly
deposed Augustus, and declared the throne vacant. Their intention was to
elect young Sobieski, son of their late monarch, who resided at Breslau
in Silesia: but their scheme was anticipated by Augustus, who retired
hastily into his Saxon dominions, and seizing Sobieski, with his
brother, secured them as prisoners at Dresden.


     _The Commons revive the Bill against occasional
     Conformity..... Conspiracy trumped up by Simon Fraser, Lord
     Lovat..... The Lords present a Remonstrance to the Queen.....
     The Commons pass a Vote in favour of the Karl of
     Nottingham..... Second Remonstrance of the Lords.....
     Further Disputes between the two Houses..... The Queen
     grants the first Fruits and the tenths to the poor
     Clergy..... Inquiry into Naval Affairs..... Trial of
     Lindsay..... Meeting of the Scottish Parliament..... Violent
     Opposition to the Ministry in that Kingdom..... Their
     Parliament pass the Act of Security..... Melancholy Situation
     of the Emperor's Affairs..... The duke of Marlborough
     marches at the head of the Allied Army into Germany..... He
     defeats the Bavarians at Schellenberg..... Fruitless
     Negotiation with the Elector of Bavaria..... The
     Confederates obtain a complete Victory at Hochstadt..... Siege
     of Landau..... The Duke of Marlborough returns to
     England..... State of the War in different parts of
     Europe..... Campaign in Portugal..... Sir George Rooke takes
     Gibraltar, and worsts the French Fleet in a Battle off
     Malaga..... Session of Parliament in England..... An Act of
     Alienation passed against the Scots..... Manor of Woodstock
     granted to the Duke of Marlborough..... Disputes between the
     two Houses on the Subject of the Aylesbury Constables.....
     The Parliament dissolved..... Proceedings in the Parliament
     of Scotland..... They pass an Act for a Treaty of Union with
     England..... Difference between the Parliament and
     Convocation in Ireland..... Fruitless Campaign on the
     Moselle..... The Duke of Marlborough forces the French lines
     in Brabant..... He is prevented by the Deputies of the States
     from attacking the French Army..... He visits the Imperial
     Court of Vienna..... State of the War on the Upper Rhine, in
     Hungary, Piedmont, Portugal, and Poland..... Sir Thomas
     Dilkes destroys part of the French Fleet, and relieves
     Gibraltar..... The Earl of Peterborough and Sir Cloudesley
     Shovel reduce Barcelona..... The Karl's surprising Progress
     in Spain..... New Parliament in England..... Bill for a
     Regency in case of the Queen's Decease..... Debates in the
     House of Lords upon the supposed Danger to which the Church
     was exposed..... The Parliament prorogued..... Disputes in
     the Convocation..... Conferences opened for a Treaty of
     Union with Scotland..... Substance of the Treaty._


When the parliament met in October, the queen in her speech took notice
of the declaration by the duke of Savoy, and the treaty with Portugal,
as circumstances advantageous to the alliance. She told them, that
although no provision was made for the expedition to Lisbon, and the
augmentation of the land forces, the funds had answered so well, and the
produce of prizes been so considerable, that the public had not run in
debt by those additional services; that she had contributed out of her
own revenue to the support of the circle of Suabia, whose firm adherence
to the interest of the allies deserved her seasonable assistance. She
said, she would not engage in any unnecessary expense of her own, that
she might have the more to spare towards the ease of her subjects. She
recommended despatch and union, and earnestly exhorted them to avoid any
heats or divisions that might give encouragement to the common enemies
of the church and state. Notwithstanding this admonition, and the
addresses of both houses, in which they promised to avoid all divisions,
a motion was made in the house of commons for renewing the bill against
occasional conformity, and carried by a great majority. In the new
draft, however, the penalties were lowered and the severest clauses
mitigated. As the court no longer interested itself in the success of
this measure, the house was pretty equally divided with respect to the
speakers, and the debates on each side were maintained with equal spirit
and ability; at length it passed, and was sent up to the lords, who
handled it still more severely. It was opposed by a small majority of
the bishops, and particularly by Burnet of Sarum, who declaimed against
it as a scheme of the papists to set the church and protestants at
variance. It was successively attacked by the duke of Devonshire, the
earl of Pembroke, the lords Haversham, Mohun, Ferrars, and Wharton.
Prince George of Denmark absented himself from the house; and the
question being put for a second reading, it was carried in the negative;
yet the duke of Marlborough and lord Godolphin entered their dissent
against its being rejected, although the former had positively declared
that he thought the bill unseasonable. The commons having perused a copy
of the treaty with Portugal, voted forty thousand men, including five
thousand marines, for the sea service of the ensuing year; and a like
number of land forces, to act in conjunction with the allies, besides
the additional ten thousand: they likewise resolved, that the proportion
to be employed in Portugal should amount to eight thousand. Sums were
granted for the maintenance of these great armaments, as well as for the
subsidies payable to her majesty's allies; and funds appointed equal
to the occasion. Then they assured the queen, in an address, that they
would provide for the support of such alliances as she had made, or
should make with the duke of Savoy.


At this period the nation was alarmed by the detection of a conspiracy
said to be hatched by the Jacobites of Scotland. Simon Fraser, lord
Lovat, a man of desperate enterprise, profound dissimulation, abandoned
morals, and ruined fortune, who had been outlawed for having ravished a
sister of the marquis of Athol, was the person to whom the plot seems to
have owed its origin. He repaired to the court of St. Germain's, where
he undertook to assemble a body of twelve thousand highlanders to act in
favour of the pretender, if the court of France would assist them with a
small reinforcement of troops, together with officers, arms, ammunition,
and money. The French king seemed to listen to the proposal; but
as Fraser's character was infamous, he doubted his veracity. He was
therefore sent back to Scotland with two other persons, who were
instructed to learn the strength and sentiments of the clans,
and endeavour to engage some of the nobility in the design of an
insurrection. Fraser had no sooner returned, than he privately
discovered the whole transaction to the duke of Queensberry, and
undertook to make him acquainted with the whole correspondence between
the pretender and the Jacobites. In consequence of this service he was
provided with a pass, to secure him from all prosecution; and made
a progress through the highlands, to sound the inclination of the
chieftains. Before he set out on this circuit, he delivered to the
duke a letter from the queen dowager at St. Germain's, directed to the
marquis of Athol: it was couched in general terms, and superscribed in a
different character; so that, in all probability, Fraser had forged the
direction with a view to ruin the marquis, who had prosecuted him for
the injury done to his sister. He proposed a second journey to France,
where he should be able to discover other more material circumstances;
and the duke of Queensberry procured a pass for him to go to Holland
from the earl of Nottingham, though it was expedited tinder a borrowed
name. The duke had communicated his discovery to the queen without
disclosing his name, which he desired might be concealed: her majesty
believed the particulars, which were confirmed by her spies at Paris,
as well as by the evidence of sir John Maclean, who had lately been
convoyed from France to England in an open boat, and apprehended at
Feldstone. This gentleman pretended at first that his intention was to
go through England to his own country, in order to take the benefit of
the queen's pardon; and this in all probability was his real design;
but being given to understand that he would be treated in England as
a traitor, unless he should merit forgiveness by making important
discoveries, he related all he knew of the proposed insurrection. From
his informations the ministry gave directions for apprehending one
Keith, whose uncle had accompanied Fraser from France, and knew all the
intrigues of the court of St. Germain's. He declared that there was no
other design on foot, except that of paving the way for the pretender's
ascending the throne after the queen's decease. Ferguson, that veteran
conspirator, affirmed that Fraser had been employed by the duke of
Queensberry to decoy some persons whom he hated into a conspiracy, that
he might have an opportunity to effect their ruin; and by the discovery
establish his own credit, which began to totter. Perhaps there was too
much reason for this imputation. Among those who were seized at
this time was a gentleman of the name of Lindsay, who had been
under-secretary to the earl of Middleton. He had returned from France to
Scotland in order to take the benefit of the queen's pardon, under
the shelter of which he came to England, thinking himself secure from
prosecution. He protested he knew of no designs against the queen or her
government; and that he did not believe she would ever receive the least
injury or molestation from the court of St. Germain's. The house of
lords having received intimation of this conspiracy, resolved, that
a committee should be appointed to examine into the particulars; and
ordered that sir John Maclean should be next day brought to their house.
The queen, who was far from being pleased with this instance of their
officious interposition, gave them to understand by message, that she
thought it would be inconvenient to change the method of examination
already begun; and that she would in a short time inform the house of
the whole affair. On the seventeenth day of December the queen went to
the house of peers, and having passed the bill for the land-tax, made a
speech to both houses, in which she declared that she had unquestionable
information of ill practices and designs carried on by the emissaries
of France in Scotland. The lords persisting in their resolution to
bring the inquiry into their own house, chose their select committee by
ballot; and, in an address, thanked her majesty for the information she
had been pleased to communicate.

{ANNE, 1701--1714}


The commons, taking it for granted that the queen was disobliged at
these proceedings of the upper house--which indeed implied an insult
upon her ministry, if not upon herself--presented an address, declaring
themselves surprised to find that when persons suspected of treasonable
practices were taken into custody by her majesty's messengers in order
to be examined, the lords, in violation to the known laws of the land,
had wrested them out of her hands, and arrogated the examination solely
to themselves; so that a due inquiry into the evil practices and designs
against her majesty's person and government, might in a great measure be
obstructed. They earnestly desired that she would suffer no diminution
of the prerogative; and they assured her they would, to the utmost of
their power, support her in the exercise of it at home, as well as in
asserting it against all invasions whatsoever. The queen thanked them
for their concern and assurances; and was not ill pleased at the nature
of the address, though the charge against the peers was not strictly
true; for there were many instances of their having assumed such a
right of inquiry. The upper house deeply resented the accusation. They
declared, that by the known laws and customs of parliament, they had an
undoubted right to take examinations of persons charged with criminal
matters, whether those persons were or were not in custody. They
resolved, That the address of the commons was unparliamentary,
groundless, without precedent, highly injurious to the house of peers,
tending to interrupt the good correspondence between the two houses, to
create an ill opinion in her majesty of the house of peers, of dangerous
consequence to the liberties of the people, the constitution of
the kingdom, and privileges of parliament. They presented a long
remonstrance to the queen, justifying their own conduct, explaining the
steps they had taken, recriminating upon the commons, and expressing the
most fervent zeal, duty, and affection to her majesty. In her answer to
this representation, which was drawn up with elegance, propriety, and
precision, she professed her sorrow for the misunderstanding which had
happened between the two houses of parliament, and thanked them for
the concern they had expressed for the rights of the crown and the
prerogative; which she should never exert so willingly as for the good
of her subjects, and the protection of their liberties.

Among other persons seized on the coast of Sussex on their landing from
France, was one Boucher, who had been aidecamp to the duke of Berwick.
This man, when examined, denied all knowledge of any conspiracy: he
said, that being weary of living so long abroad, and having made some
unsuccessful attempts to obtain a pass, he had chosen rather to cast
himself on the queen's mercy than to remain longer in exile from
his native country. He was tried and condemned for high treason, yet
continued to declare himself ignorant of the plot. He proved that in
the war of Ireland, as well as in Flanders, he had treated the English
prisoners with great humanity. The lords desisted from the prosecution;
he obtained a reprieve, and died in Newgate. On the twenty-ninth day
of January, the earl of Nottingham told the house that the queen
had commanded him to lay before them the papers containing all the
particulars hitherto discovered of the conspiracy in Scotland; but that
there was one circumstance which could not yet bo properly communicated
without running the risk of preventing a discovery of greater
importance. They forthwith drew up and presented an address, desiring
that all the papers might be immediately submitted to their inspection.
The queen said she did not expect to be pressed in this manner
immediately after the declaration she had made; but in a few days the
earl of Nottingham delivered the papers, sealed, to the house, and all
the lords were summoned to attend on the eighth day of February, that
they might be opened and perused. Nottingham was suspected of a design
to stifle the conspiracy. Complaint was made in the house of commons
that he had discharged an officer belonging to the late king James, who
had been seized by the governor of Berwick. A warm debate ensued, and
at length ended in a resolve, That the earl of Nottingham, one of her
majesty's principal secretaries of state, for his great ability and
diligence in the execution of his office, for his unquestionable
fidelity to the queen and her government, and for his steady adherence
to the church of England as by law established, highly merited the trust
her majesty had reposed in him. They ordered the speaker to present this
resolution to the queen, who said, she was glad to find them so well
satisfied with the earl of Nottingham, who was trusted by her in so
considerable an office. They perused the examinations of the witnesses
which were laid before them, without passing judgment or offering advice
on the subject; but they thanked her majesty for having communicated
those particulars, as well as for her wisdom and care of the nation.
When the lords proceeded with uncommon eagerness in their inquiry, the
lower house, in another address, renewed their complaints against the
conduct of the peers, which they still affirmed was without a precedent.
But this was the language of irritated faction, by which indeed
both sides were equally actuated. The select committee of the lords
prosecuted the inquiry, and founded their report chiefly on the
confession of sir John Maclean, who owned that the court of St.
Germain's had listened to Lovat's proposal; that several councils had
been held at the pretender's court on the subject of an invasion; and
that persons were sent over to sound some of the nobility in Scotland.
But the nature of their private correspondence and negotiation could not
be discovered. Keith had tampered with his uncle to disclose the whole
secret; and this was the circumstance which the queen declined imparting
to the lords until she should know the success of his endeavours, which
proved ineffectual. The uncle stood aloof; and the ministry did not
heartily engage in the inquiry. The house of lords having finished these
examinations, and being warmed with violent debates, voted that there
had been dangerous plots between some persons in Scotland and the
courts of France and St. Germain's; and that the encouragement for this
plotting arose from the not settling the succession to the crown of
Scotland in the house of Hanover. These votes were signified to the
queen in an address; and they promised, that when the succession should
be thus settled, they would endeavour to promote the union of the two
kingdoms upon just and reasonable terms. Then they composed another
representation in answer to the second address of the commons touching
their proceedings. They charged the lower house with want of zeal in
the whole progress of this inquiry. They produced a great number
of precedents to prove that their conduct had been regular and
parliamentary; and they, in their turn, accused the commons of
partiality and injustice in vacating legal elections. The queen, in
answer to this remonstrance, said, she looked upon any misunderstanding
between the two houses as a very great misfortune to the kingdom;
and that she should never omit anything in her power to prevent all
occasions of them for the future.


The lords and commons, animated by such opposite principles, seized
every opportunity of thwarting each other. An action having been brought
by one Matthew Ashby against William White and the other constables of
Aylesbury, for having denied him the privilege of voting in the last
election, the cause was tried at the assizes, and the constables were
cast with damages. But an order was given in the queen's bench to quash
all the proceedings, since no action had ever been brought on that
account. The cause being moved by writ of error into the house of
lords, was argued with great warmth; at length it was carried by a great
majority, that the order of the queen's bench should be set aside, and
judgment pronounced according to the verdict given at the assizes. The
commons considered these proceedings as encroaching on their privileges.
They passed five different resolutions, importing, That the commons
of England, in parliament assembled, had the sole right to examine and
determine all matters relating to the right of election of their own
members; that the practice of determining the qualifications of electors
in any court of law would expose all mayors, bailiffs, and returning
officers, to a multiplicity of vexatious suits and insupportable
expenses, and subject them to different and independent jurisdictions,
as well as to inconsistent determinations in the same case, without
relief; that Matthew Ashby was guilty of a breach of privilege, as
were all attorneys, solicitors, counsellors, and sergeants-at-law,
soliciting, prosecuting, or pleading, in any case of the same nature.
These resolutions, signed by the clerk, were fixed upon the gate of
Westminster-hall. On the other hand, the lords appointed a committee
to draw up a state of the case; and, upon their report, resolved, That
every person being wilfully hindered to exercise his right of voting,
might maintain an action in the queen's courts against the officer by
whom his vote should be refused, to assert his right, and recover damage
for the injury; that an assertion to the contrary was destructive of
the property of the subjects, against the freedom of elections, and
manifestly tended to the encouragement of partiality and corruption;
that the declaring of Matthew Ashby guilty of a breach of privilege of
the house of commons, was an unprecedented attempt upon the judicature
of parliament, and an attempt to subject the law of England to the votes
of the house of commons. Copies of the case, and these resolutions, were
sent by the lord-keeper to all the sheriffs of England, to be circulated
through all the boroughs of their respective counties.


On the seventh day of February, the queen ordered secretary Hedges
to tell the house of commons that she had remitted the arrears of
the tenths to the poor clergy; that she would grant her whole revenue
arising out of the first fruits and tenths, as far as it should become
free from incumbrance, as an augmentation of their maintenance; that if
the house of commons could find any method by which her intentions to
the poor clergy might be made more effectual, it would be an advantage
to the public, and acceptable to her majesty. The commons immediately
brought in a bill enabling her to alienate this branch of the revenue,
and create a corporation by charter, to direct the application of it to
the uses proposed; they likewise repealed the statute of mortmain, so
far as to allow all men to bequeath by will, or grant by deed, any sum
they should think fit to give towards the augmentation of benefices.
Addresses of thanks and acknowledgment from all the clergy of England
were presented to the queen for her gracious bounty; but very little
regard was paid to Burnet, bishop of Sarum, although the queen declared
that prelate author of the project. He was generally hated, either as a
Scot, a low-churchman, or a meddling partisan.


In March, an inquiry into the condition of the navy was begun in the
house of lords. They desired the queen in an address to give speedy
and effectual orders that a number of ships, sufficient for the home
service, should be equipped and manned with all possible expedition.
They resolved, that admiral Graydon's not attacking the four French
ships in the channel, had been a prejudice to the queen's service, and
a disgrace to the nation; that his pressing men in Jamaica, and his
severity towards masters of merchant vessels and transports, had been
a great discouragement to the inhabitants of that island, as well as
prejudicial to her majesty's service; and they presented an address
against him, in consequence of which he was dismissed. They examined
the accounts of the earl of Oxford, against which great clamour had been
raised; and taking cognizance of the remarks made by the commissioners
of the public accounts, found them false in fact, ill-grounded, and of
no importance. The commons besought the queen to order a prosecution on
account of ill practices in the earl of Ranelagh's office; and they
sent up to the lords a bill for continuing the commission on the public
accounts. Some alterations were made in the upper house, especially in
the nomination of commissioners; but these were rejected by the commons.
The peers adhering to their amendments, the bill dropped, and the
commission expired. No other bill of any consequence passed in this
session, except an act for raising recruits, which empowered justices of
the peace to impress idle persons for soldiers and marines. On the third
day of April the queen went to the house of peers, and having made
a short speech on the usual topics of acknowledgment, unity, and
moderation, prorogued the parliament to the fourth day of July. The
division still continued between the two houses of convocation; so that
nothing of moment was transacted in that assembly, except their address
to the queen upon her granting the first fruits and tenths for the
augmentation of small benefices. At the same time, the lower house sent
their prolocutor with a deputation to wait upon the speaker of the house
of commons, to return their thanks to that honourable house for having
espoused the interest of the clergy; and to assure them that the
convocation would pursue such methods as might best conduce to the
support, honour, interest, and security of the church as now by
law established. They sent up to the archbishop and prelates divers
representations, containing complaints, and proposing canons and
articles of reformation; but very little regard was paid to their


About this period the earl of Nottingham, after having ineffectually
pressed the queen to discard the dukes of Somerset and Devonshire,
resigned the seals. The carl of Jersey and sir Edward Seymour were
dismissed; the earl of Kent was appointed chamberlain, Harley secretary
of state, and Henry St. John secretary of war. The discovery of the
Scottish conspiracy was no sooner known in France, than Louis ordered
Fraser to be imprisoned in the Bastile. In England, Lindsay being
sentenced to die for having corresponded with France, was given to
understand that he had no mercy to expect, unless he would discover
the conspiracy, He persisted in denying all knowledge of any such
conspiracy; and scorned to save his life by giving false information. In
order to intimidate him into a confession, the ministry ordered him
to be conveyed to Tyburn, where he still rejected life upon the terms
proposed; then he was carried back to Newgate, where he remained some
years; at length he was banished, and died of hunger in Holland. The
ministers had been so lukewarm and languid in the investigation of the
Scottish conspiracy, that the whigs loudly exclaimed against them as
disguised Jacobites, and even whispered insinuations, implying, that the
queen herself had a secret bias of sisterly affection for the court of
St. Germain's. What seemed to confirm this allegation was the disgrace
of the duke of Queensberry, who had exerted himself with remarkable zeal
in the detection; but the decline of his interest in Scotland was the
real cause of his being laid aside at this juncture.



The design of the court was to procure in the Scottish parliament the
nomination of a successor to the crown, and a supply for the forces,
which could not be obtained in the preceding session. Secretary
Johnston, in concert with the marquis of Tweedale, undertook to carry
these points in return for certain limitations on the successor, to
which her majesty agreed. The marquis was appointed commissioner. The
office of lord-register was bestowed upon Johnston; and the parliament
met on the sixth day of July. The queen, in her letter, expressed her
concern that these divisions should have risen to such a height, as
to encourage the enemies of the nation to employ their emissaries for
debauching her good subjects from their allegiance. She declared her
resolution to grant whatever could in reason be demanded for quieting
the minds of the people. She told them she had empowered the marquis of
Tweedale to give unquestionable proofs of her determination to maintain
the government in church and state, as by law established in that
kingdom; to consent to such laws as should be found wanting for the
further security of both, and for preventing all encroachments for the
future. She earnestly exhorted them to settle the succession in the
protestant line, as a step absolutely necessary for their own peace and
happiness, the quiet and security of all her dominions, the reputation
of her affairs abroad, and the improvement of the protestant
interest through all Europe. She declared that she had authorized the
commissioners to give the royal assent to whatever could be reasonably
demanded, and was in her power to grant, for securing the sovereignty
and liberties of that her ancient kingdom. The remaining part of
the letter turned upon the necessity of their granting a supply, the
discouragement of vice, the encouragement of commerce, and the usual
recommendation of moderation and unanimity.


The duke of Hamilton presented a resolve, that the parliament would not
name a successor to the crown, until the Scots should have concluded a
previous treaty with England in relation to commerce and other concerns.
This motion produced a warm debate, in the course of which Fletcher of
Saltoun expatiated upon the hardships and miseries which the Scots had
sustained since the union of the two crowns under one sovereign, and the
impossibility of bettering their condition, unless they should take
care to anticipate any design that tended to a continuation of the
same calamities. Another resolve was produced by the earl of Rothes,
importing, that the parliament should proceed to make such limitations
and conditions of the government as might be judged proper for
rectifying the constitution--for vindicating and securing the
sovereignty and independency of the nation; and that then parliament
would take into consideration the other resolve offered by the duke of
Hamilton, for a treaty previous to the nomination of a successor. This
proposal was seconded by the court party, and violent heats ensued. At
length sir James Falconer of Phesdo offered an expedient, which neither
party could refuse with any show of moderation. He suggested a resolve,
that the parliament would not proceed to the nomination of a successor
until the previous treaty with England should be discussed; and that it
would make the necessary limitations and conditions of government before
the successor should be nominated. This joint resolve being put to
the vote, was carried by a great majority. The treaty with England was
neglected, and the affair of the succession consequently postponed. The
duke of Athol moved, that her majesty should be desired to send down the
witnesses and all the papers relating to the conspiracy, that, after due
examination, those who were unjustly accused might be vindicated,
and the guilty punished according to their demerits. The commissioner
declared, that he had already written, and would write again to the
queen on that subject. The intention of the cavaliers was to convict
the duke of Queensberry of malice and calumny in the prosecution of that
affair, that they might wreak their vengeance upon him for that instance
of his animosity, as well as for his having deserted them in the former
session. He found means however to persuade the queen, that such an
inquiry would not only protract the session, but also divert them from
the settlement of the succession, and raise such a ferment as might be
productive of tragical consequences. Alarmed at these suggestions, she
resolved to prevent the examination, and gave no answer to the repeated
applications made by her parliament and ministers. Meanwhile the duke
of Queensberry appeased his enemies in Scotland, by directing all his
friends to join in the opposition.


The duke of Hamilton again moved, that the parliament should proceed to
the limitations, and name commissioners to treat with England previous
to all other business, except an act for a land tax of two months
necessary for the immediate subsistence of the forces. The earl of
Marchmont proposed an act to exclude all popish successors; but this was
warmly opposed, as unseasonable, by Hamilton and his party, A bill of
supply being offered by the lord justice Clerk, the cavaliers tacked to
it great part of the act of security, to which the royal assent had been
refused in the former session. Violent debates arose; so that the house
was filled with rage and tumult. The national spirit of independence
had been wrought up to a dangerous pitch of enthusiasm. The streets were
crowded with people of all ranks, exclaiming against English influence,
and threatening to sacrifice as traitors to their country all who
should embrace measures that seemed to favour a foreign interest. The
commissioner and his friends were confounded and appalled. Finding it
impossible to stem the torrent, he, with the concurrence of the other
ministers, wrote a letter to the queen, representing the uncomfortable
situation of affairs, and advising her majesty to pass the bill
encumbered as it was with the act of security. Lord Godolphin, on whose
council she chiefly relied, found himself involved in great perplexity.
The tories had devoted him to destruction. He foresaw that the queen's
concession to the Scots in an affair of such consequence, would furnish
his enemies with a plausible pretence to arraign the conduct of her
minister; but he chose to run that risk rather than see the army
disbanded for want of a supply, and the kingdom left exposed to an
invasion. He therefore seconded the advice of the Scottish ministers;
and the queen authorized the commissioner to pass the bill that was
depending. The act provided, that in case of the queen's dying without
issue a parliament should immediately meet and declare the successor to
the crown, different from the person possessing the throne of England,
unless before that period a settlement should be made in parliament of
the rights and liberties of the nation, independent of English councils;
by another clause they were empowered to arm and train the subjects, so
as to put them in a posture of defence. The Scottish parliament having,
by a laudable exertion of spirit, obtained this act of security, granted
the supply without further hesitation; but not yet satisfied with
this sacrifice, they engaged in debates about the conspiracy, and the
proceedings of the house of lords in England, which they termed an
officious intermeddling in their concerns, and an encroachment upon the
sovereignty and independency of the nation, They drew up an address to
the queen, desiring that the evidence and papers relating to the plot
might be subjected to their examination in the next session. Meanwhile,
the commissioner, dreading the further progress of such an ungovernable
ferocity, prorogued the parliament to the seventh day of October.
The act of security being transmitted to England, copies of it were
circulated by the enemies of Godolphin, who represented it as a
measure of that minister; and the kingdom was filled with murmurs and
discontent. People openly declared, that the two kingdoms were now
separated by law so as never to be rejoined. Reports were spread that
great quantities of arms had been conveyed to Scotland, and that the
natives were employed in preparations to invade England. All the blame
of these transactions was imputed to lord Godolphin, whom the tories
determined to attack, while the other party resolved to exert their
whole influence for his preservation; yet, in all probability, he
owed his immediate support to the success of his friend the duke of


Nothing could be more deplorable than the situation to which the emperor
was reduced in the beginning of the season. The malcontents in Hungary
had rendered themselves formidable by their success; the elector of
Bavaria possessed all the places on the Danube as far as Passau, and
even threatened the city of Vienna, which must have been infallibly
lost, had the Hungarians and Bavarians acted in concert. By the advice
of prince Eugene, the emperor implored the assistance of her Britannic
majesty; and the duke of Marlborough explained to her the necessity
of undertaking his relief. This nobleman in the month of January had
crossed the sea to Holland, and concerted a scheme with the deputies
of the states-general for the operations of the ensuing campaign. They
agreed that general Averquerque should lie upon the defensive with a
small body of troops in the Netherlands, while the main army of the
allies should act upon the Rhine, under the command of the duke of
Marlborough. Such was the pretext under which this consummate general
concealed another plan, which was communicated to a few only in whose
discretion he could confide. It was approved by the pensionary and
some leading men, who secured its favourable reception with the
states-general when it became necessary to impart the secret to that
numerous assembly. In the meantime, the preparations were made on
pretence of carrying the war to the banks of the Moselle.


In the month of April, the duke, accompanied by his brother general
Churchill, lieutentant-general Lumley, the earl of Orkney, and other
officers of distinction, embarked for Holland, where he had a long
conference with a deputation of the states concerning a proposal of
sending a large army towards the Moselle. The deputies of Zealand
opposed this measure of sending their troops to stich a distance so
strenuously, that the duke was obliged to tell them in plain terms
he had received orders to march thither with the British forces. He
accordingly assembled his army at Maestricht, and on the eight day of
May began his march into Germany. The French imagined his intention was
to begin the campaign with the siege of Traerbach, and penetrate into
France along the Moselle. In this persuasion they sent a detachment to
that river, and gave out that they intended to invest Huy, a pretence
to which the duke paid no regard. He continued his route by Bedburgh,
Kerpenord, Kalsecken; he visited the fortifications of Bonne, where he
received certain advice that the recruits and reinforcements for the
French army in Bavaria had joined the elector at Villigen. He redoubled
his diligence, passed the Neckar on the third of June, and halted at
Ladenburgh; from thence he wrote a letter to the states-general, giving
them to understand that he had the queen's orders to march to the relief
of the empire, and expressing his hope that they would approve the
design, and allow their troops to share the honour of the expedition By
the return of a courier he received their approbation, and full power
to command their forces He then proceeded to Mildenheim, where he was
visited by prince Eugene; and these two great men, whose talents were
congenial, immediately contracted an intimacy of friendship, Next day
prince Louis of Baden arrived in the camp at Great Hippach, He told
the duke, his grace was come to save the empire, and to give him an
opportunity of vindicating his honour, which he knew was at the last
stake in the opinion of some people. The duke replied he was come to
learn of him how to serve the empire: that they must be ignorant indeed
who did not know that the prince of Baden, when his health permitted
him, had preserved the empire and extended its conquests.

Those three celebrated generals agreed that the two armies should join,
that the command should be alternately vested in the duke and prince
Louis from day to day, and that prince Eugene should command a separate
army on the Rhine, Prince Louis returned to his army on the Danube,
prince Eugene set out for Philipsburgh; the duke of Marlborough being
joined by the imperial army under prince Louis of Baden at Wastertellen,
prosecuted his march by Elchingen, Gingen, and Landthaussen. On
the first day of July he was in sight of the enemy's entrenchments at
Dillingen, and encamped with his right at Amerdighem, and his left at
Onderin-gen. Understanding that the elector of Bavaria had detached the
best part of his infantry to reinforce the count D'Arco, who was posted
behind strong lines at Schellenberg near Donawert, he resolved to attack
their entrenchments without delay On the second day of July he advanced
towards the enemy, and passed the river Wermitz; about five o'clock in
the afternoon the attack was begun by the English and Dutch infantry,
supported by the horse and dragoons. They were very severely handled,
and even obliged to give way, when prince Louis of Baden marching up
at the head of the imperialists to another part of the line, made a
diversion in their favour. After an obstinate resistance they forced
the entrenchments, and the horse entering with the infantry, fell so
furiously upon the enemy, already disordered, that they were routed with
great slaughter. They fled with the utmost trepidation to Donawert and
the Danube, leaving six thousand men dead on the field of battle, The
confederates took sixteen pieces of cannon, thirteen pairs of colours,
with all the tents and baggage. Yet the victory was dearly purchased;
some thousands of the allies were slain in the attack, including many
gallant officers, among whom were the generals Goor and Beinheim,
and count Stirum was mortally wounded. Next day the Bavarian garrison
abandoned Donawert, of which the confederates took immediate possession,
while the elector passed the Danube in his march to the river Leche,
lest the victors should cut off his retreat to his own country. The
confederates having crossed the Danube on several bridges of pontoons,
a detachment was sent to pass the Leche, and take post in the country of
the elector, who had retired under the cannon of Augsburgh. The garrison
of Neuburgh retiring to Ingoldstadt, the place was secured by the
confederates, and the count de Frize was detached with nine battalions
and fifteen squadrons to invest the town of Rain. Advice arriving from
prince Eugene that the mareschals Villeroy and Tallard had passed the
Rhine at Fort Kehl, with an army of five-and-forty thousand men, to
succour the elector of Bavaria, the generals of the allies immediately
detached prince Maximilian of Hanover with thirty squadrons of horse as
a reinforcement to the prince. In a few days Rain surrendered, and Aicha
was taken by assault. The emperor no sooner received a confirmation of
the victory of Schellenberg, than he wrote a letter of acknowledgment
to the duke of Marlborough, and ordered count Wratislau to intimate his
intention of investing him with the title of prince of the empire, which
the duke declined accepting until the queen interposed her authority at
the desire of Leopold.

{ANNE, 1701--1714}


The allies advanced within a league of Augsburgh, and though they found
the elector of Bavaria too securely posted under the cannon of that city
to be dislodged or attacked with any prospect of success, they encamped
with Friedburgh in the centre, so as to cut off all communication
between him and his dominions. The duke of Marlborough having reduced
him to this situation, proposed very advantageous terms of peace,
provided he would abandon the French interest, and join the imperialists
in Italy. His subjects seeing themselves at the mercy of the allies,
pressed him to comply with these offers rather than expose his country
to ruin and desolation. A negotiation was begun, and he seemed ready to
sign the articles, when hearing that mareschal Tallard had passed the
Black Forest to join him with a great body of forces, he declared that
since the king of France had made such powerful efforts to support him,
he thought himself obliged in honour to continue firm in his alliance.
The generals of the allies were so exasperated at this disappointment,
that they sent out detachments to ravage the country of Bavaria as far
as Munich: upwards of three hundred towns, villages, and castles were
inhumanly destroyed, to the indelible disgrace of those who countenanced
and conducted such barbarbous practices. The elector, shocked at these
brutal proceedings, desired, in a letter to the duke of Marlborough,
that a stop might be put to acts of violence so opposite to true glory.
The answer he received implied, that it was in his own power to put
an end to them by a speedy accommodation. Incensed at this reply, he
declared that since they had obliged him to draw the sword, he
would throw away the scabbard. The duke and prince Louis finding it
impracticable to attack the elector in his strong camp, resolved to
undertake the siege of Ingoldstadt, and for that purpose passed the Paer
near the town of Schrobbenhausen, where they encamped, with their left
at Closterburgh. On the fifth day of August the elector of Bavaria
marched to Biberach, where he was joined by Tallard. He resolved to pass
the Danube at Lawingen to attack prince Eugene, who had followed the
French army from the lines of Bichi, and lay encamped at Hochstadt.
Next day, however, he made a motion that disappointed the enemy.
Nevertheless, they persisted in their design of passing the Danube and
encamping at Blenheim. The allies resolved that prince Louis should
undertake the siege of Ingoldstadt, whilst prince Eugene and the duke
should observe the elector of Bavaria. Advice being received that he had
actually crossed the Danube at Lawingen, the duke of Marlborough joined
the forces of prince Eugene at the camp of Munster on the eleventh day
of August, prince Louis having by this time marched off towards the
place he intended to besiege. Next day the duke of Marlborough and
prince Eugene observed the posture of the enemy, who were advantageously
posted on a hill near Hochstadt, their right being covered by the Danube
and the village of Blenheim, their left by the village of Lutzengen, and
their front by a rivulet, the banks of which wer