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The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898, Volume
XXIV, 1630-34, by Various

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Title: The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898, Volume XXIV, 1630-34
       Explorations by Early Navigators, Descriptions of the
       Islands and Their Peoples, Their History and Records of
       the Catholic Missions, As Related in Contemporaneous Books
       and Manuscripts, Showing the Political, Economic, Commercial
       and Religious Conditions of Those Islands from Their
       Earliest Relations with European Nations to the Close of
       the Nineteenth Century

Author: Various

Commentator: Edward Gaylord Bourne

Editor: Emma Helen Blair
          James Alexander Robertson

Release Date: April 2, 2006 [EBook #18102]

Language: English

Character set encoding: ASCII

*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS ***




Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the Online Distributed
Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net/








                   The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898

   Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and
   their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions,
    as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the
   political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those
   islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the
                    close of the nineteenth century,

                          Volume XXIV, 1630-34



 Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson
  with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord
                                Bourne.








CONTENTS OF VOLUME XXIV


    Preface   11

    History of the Augustinian order in the Filipinas Islands
    (concluded). Juan de Medina, O.S.A.; 1630 [but printed at
    Manila, 1893].   29

    Documents of 1630-1633

            Royal letters and decree.  Felipe IV; Madrid,
            December 4-31, 1630.   183
            Letter to Felipe IV from the bishop of
            Cebu. Pedro de Arce; Manila, July 31, 1631.
            188
            Royal orders, 1632-33. Felipe IV; Madrid,
            January-March, 1632, and March, 1633.   192
            Letters to Felipe IV. Juan Nino de Tavora;
            Manila, July 8, 1632.   197
            Events in Filipinas, 1630-32. [Unsigned];
            Manila, July 2, 1632.   229
            Letter from the ecclesiastical cabildo to
            Felipe IV. Miguel Garcetas, and others; Manila,
            [undated, but 1632].   245


    Documents of 1633-1634

            Papal bull concerning missions. Urban VIII;
            Maduti, June 28, 1633.   263
            News from the Far East, 1632. Fray Juan Garcia,
            O.P.; Sevilla, 1633.   273
            Letters to Felipe IV. Juan Cerezo de Salamanca;
            Manila, August 14, 1633.   279
            Report of archbishop on the bakery of
            Manila. Hernando de Guerrero; Manila, August
            3, 1634.   295
            News from Felipinas, Japon, and other
            parts. [Unsigned]; Manila, August 20, 1634.
            297
            Letters to Felipe IV. Juan Cerezo de Salamanca;
            Manila, August 10, 1634.   301


    Bibliographical Data.   339





ILLUSTRATIONS



    Augustinian convent at Manila; photographic view from a plate
    in possession of Colegio de Agustinos Filipinos, Valladolid.
    _Frontispiece_.
    Interior of Augustinian church, Manila; photographic view
    from plate in possession of Colegio de Agustinos Filipinos,
    Valladolid.        61
    Map of the island of Hermosa or Formosa, a portion of China,
    and of the island of Manila or Luzon; photographic facsimile
    of engraving in _Boletin de la Sociedad Geografica de Madrid_,
    for February, 1882 (Madrid, 1882), xii, no. 2; from copy in
    the Library of Congress.      151
    View of volcano and town of Ternate (with inset showing
    fortress of Gamma-Lamma); photographic facsimile of
    engraving in Valentyn's _Beschryving der Moluccos_
    (contained in vol. i, _Oud en Nieuw Oost Indien_,
    Dordrecht and Amsterdam, 1724), first part, p. 4; from
    copy in library of Wisconsin State Historical Society.
    281






PREFACE


More than half of this volume is occupied with the concluding
installment of Juan de Medina's early Augustinian history. He recounts
the leading events therein, from one provincialship to another,
and furnishes biographical sketches of the more prominent members
of the order: and he relates various important secular events,
especially those bearing on the work of the missionaries. The most
striking occurrences in this period (1602-30) are the coming to the
islands of missionaries from the Recollect branch of Augustinians,
the assassination of the provincial Sepulveda, the frequent
attacks on the colony by the Dutch, and certain revolts among the
natives. Miscellaneous documents, dated 1630-34, comprise the rest of
the volume. Affairs in the islands are in fairly prosperous condition,
in the main; the insurgent natives have been pacified, the religious
orders are at peace, the Dutch have been quiet of late, and the
Japanese trade shows some signs of revival. More missionaries are
needed, as also more care in selecting them. The treasury is heavily
indebted, and has not sufficient income; and trade restrictions
and Portuguese competition have greatly injured the commerce of
the islands. Of painful interest to the Philippines are the cruel
persecutions that still rage in Japan.

Medina, continuing his history, recounts the choice of Lorenzo de Leon
as provincial of the Augustinian order, and his subsequent deposition;
but this is stated in brief and cautious terms. In 1602 Pedro de Arce
(later bishop of Cebu) is elected to that high post; Medina extols
the virtues and ability of this noted prelate, and relates many
things to show these. He then proceeds to give another version of the
difficulties connected with the second election of Lorenzo de Leon,
one side of which was told in _vol. xiii_; Medina takes sides with
that provincial, and regrets his deposition from office, but contents
himself with a statement of the bare facts, and some general comments.

In 1606, missionaries of the discalced (or Recollect) Augustinians
arrive in the Philippines. The missions established by them are
enumerated, many being ceded to them by the regular Augustinians;
their labors extend even to Cuyo and Calamianes, and eastern Mindanao,
among the Moro peoples. Leon's unexpired term as provincial is most
worthily filled by Pedro de Arce. In 1608 he is succeeded by Fray Pedro
de Solier, a man of great ability and zeal, who conducts the affairs
of the province well, and brings the religious therein under stricter
discipline. Certain differences arise between the two Augustinian
orders, and an inspection of their houses and affairs is ordered
from Rome. For those in Filipinas is appointed (1609) Fray Diego de
Guevara, who had been sent to Europe some years before as an envoy
from the city of Manila and from his order there. He sets out for
the Philippines with a large reenforcement of missionaries; but not
all of these are permitted to embark at Acapulco. Medina gives brief
sketches of the characters and lives of these men, and some account
of Guevara's proceedings as visitor of the province. The provincial
Solier is exonerated from blame, incurred through erroneous reports of
his conduct, but is obliged to go to Spain to render an account of it;
he does this so well that he is made bishop of Porto Rico. In 1611 Fray
Miguel Garcia is elected provincial of Filipinas, and administers his
office very acceptably. Another reenforcement of missionaries arrives
in 1613; their outfit for the journey is so meager that they barely
survive its hardships. By vote of the chapter of 1611, the interval
between its meetings was extended to four years. Much discontent arises
at this, and the act is revoked, the next chapter meeting in 1614. An
attempt is made to reduce the number entitled to vote therein; this
is done, although in the face of strong opposition. At the chapter of
1614, Fray Vicente de Sepulveda is made provincial; his severity of
rule is onerous to his subordinates. The Dutch send a fleet to Arevalo;
the Spanish commandant there takes to cowardly flight, as do all his
forces, and the enemy burn the town. The missionaries seek refuge in
other places; and their convents shelter and feed homeless refugees
and hungry soldiers, to the extent of their resources. After the
enemy's retreat, the fathers return to their missions, and encourage
the Indians to resume their former homes and labors. Another attack by
the Dutch, on Oton, is repulsed by the Spaniards, after a desperate
resistance; and the latter build an excellent fort there, to defend
themselves from such raids.

Fray Jeronimo de Salas is elected provincial in 1617, but dies
within three weeks' time, and Sepulveda succeeds to his post. His
rigorous rule arouses much resentment; and he obstinately refuses,
even when advised and warned, to give up his office. Finally, in
August of that same year, Sepulveda is murdered by three religious
of his own order. One of these escapes from the islands; the other
two are hanged. Another meeting of the chapter is held (October 31,
1617) and Fray Alonso Baraona is made provincial.

Archbishop Vazquez de Mercado dies, and is succeeded by the Augustinian
Pedro de Arce. The Dutch make an attempt (1618) on Luzon, but are
defeated by Ronquillo at Playa Honda. Juan de Silva's death is followed
by the loss of the galleons that he had taken to Malaca. The Moro
pirates of Mindanao ravage the islands; a Spanish fleet is sent against
them, and destroys many of their craft. An Augustinian friar persuades
the survivors to surrender; these are afterward enslaved. Medina
gives some account of Baraona's management of affairs as provincial.

In the chapter of 1620 Juan Enriquez is elected provincial; he
administers his office with discretion and faithfulness. Various
events in his term are recorded by Medina. In that period the Recollect
Augustinians establish themselves in Cebu and Mindanao. An insurrection
arises in Bohol, originating among the native sorcerers or priests;
the Jesuit missionaries there induce the Spanish authorities at Cebu
to send troops against the rebels, who are subdued by the aid of the
Holy Child in Cebu. Another rising in Leyte is also put down, and the
islands are saved for Spain. A severe earthquake is felt in all the
islands, and does much damage. The constant danger of attack by the
Dutch greatly hinders the coming of missionaries to the islands. The
hardships and dangers experienced by a band of these gospelers are
depicted by our writer.

In 1623 Fray Alonso de Mentrida becomes provincial, attaining in that
office great renown, and displaying much ability and zeal. Medina
enumerates, here as elsewhere, the missionaries received by this
province from Spain. The next election raises to this dignity Fray
Hernando Becerra; but his health is very poor, and he dies soon after
becoming provincial. His temporary successor, Mentrida, is opposed by
many, and is finally obliged to resign, the intervention of Governor
Nino de Tavora being required to settle the affair. The government
of the order is now taken by Fray Francisco Bonifacio, "the most
pacific creature that has been in Filipinas." Medina relates some of
the hardships and dangers that the missionaries in that country must
encounter; the hostilities between the Joloans and the Spaniards,
under Tavora; and the burning of the Recollect convent at Cebu,
soon followed by the like destruction of the Augustinian convent
there. Medina goes to Manila, and obtains for his Cebu convent enough
aid to rebuild its house and church, and supply all their necessary
equipment, even better than before. He describes the expeditions
to Formosa under Silva and Tavora, the latter (a futile attempt)
being accompanied by an Augustinian religious; and the burning of the
Parian. The Augustinian missions at Maluco and Cavite are abandoned.

In 1629 Fray Juan de Henao becomes provincial, at which time arise
various controversies in the order. To settle one of these, an envoy
is sent to Rome, Fray Pedro Garcia; but he dies before reaching
Nueva Espana. The archbishop of Manila is carried away by a fever;
Medina eulogizes his virtues and ability. He gives an account of the
unsuccessful expedition against the Joloans, led by Olaso; it "returned
to Manila the laughing-stock of all the islands." The burdens imposed
on the Indians for its equipment have occasioned much distress and
many deaths among them; and its failure causes those of Cagayan to
talk of revolt. The year 1630 is unusually stormy, and all the ships
on the Acapulco route suffer disasters and loss of life. Religious
are unwilling to risk their lives in crossing the Pacific, and the
missions in the islands suffer accordingly. A ship built at Cavite
is so poorly constructed that it partially capsizes at the time of
setting sail, by which great loss of property and life ensues. Medina
is so fortunate as to escape to shore--one of many like deliverances,
which he proceeds to recount, as also a miracle performed by the
"Santo Nino" at Cebu.

The persecutions in Japan still continue, yet religious go thither in
disguise, at the risk of death. An expedition is sent out from Manila
to capture any Dutch vessels that may be encountered on the coasts
of Siam and Camboja. Their destruction of a Japanese junk occasions
various embassies between the Philippines and Japan--the last of these
in 1631, desiring to resume trade between those countries. This and
some other occurrences in that year seem to have been added later
by Medina to his manuscript, which purports to have been written in
1630. In 1629 an expedition is fitted out by the religious orders to
send missionaries to Japan, but it proves a failure. The canonization
of Japanese martyrs is the occasion for magnificent spectacles
in Manila--processions, dances, comedies, etc. Irritated by harsh
treatment from an arrogant Spanish officer, the Indians of Caragan
revolt, killing the Spaniards, among whom are several missionaries;
but troops from Cebu are sent there, and quell the rising.

Resuming the miscellaneous documents of that period, letters are sent
to Manila (December, 1630) by the king regarding various matters that
have been referred to him. Felipe orders that certain offices shall
be sold; that the natives must pay at least part of their tributes
in kind; and that the salaries of the auditors be more promptly
paid. Command is given that war-ships in the islands be no longer
built so large as hitherto, as they are expensive, unwieldy, and in
some circumstances useless. A letter to the auditors gives directions
for the method of procedure in trying certain cases of appeal; and
answers some questions which the auditors had asked. Bishop Arce,
of Cebu, writes to the king (July 31, 1631). He congratulates Felipe
on the birth of a son; comments on some royal decrees just received;
recommends a person as schoolmaster in the Manila church; and advises
the appointment of the royal fiscal as protector of the Sangleys.

Early in 1632 several royal orders are despatched to the colony. In a
letter of January 27, the king writes to Tavora on several matters:
the monopoly of the sale of playing-cards, the sale of offices, and
the salary of the acting archbishop. A decree of March 25, addressed
to the municipal authorities of Manila, warns them to enforce the
royal decrees as to the proper consignment and registration of goods
sent to Mexico; and another, issued on the following day, orders that
secular priests from India be not allowed to go to the Philippines.

The usual report of Governor Tavora (July 8, 1632) is in three
sections, the first devoted to general affairs of government. He
complains that the remittances from Nueva Espana are painfully
inadequate for the needs of the colony and its troops; and that he
needs more soldiers than are sent to the islands. The royal visitor,
Rojas, is doing very careful and thorough work in inspecting the
administration of the colony, but is arrogating to himself too much
authority in regard to the expenditure of public moneys; accordingly,
Tavora appeals to the king against some of Rojas's decisions, and
argues for allowing a reasonable amount of liberty in this matter
to the governor and Audiencia. This is especially necessary because
the colony has so many enemies that it must always be in a state
of defense, and its people cannot wait to receive royal orders when
an enemy is at their gates. A controversy between the royal and the
municipal officials regarding their respective rights of precedence
has been duly settled. The relations between Manila and Japan, lately
strained by the capture of a Japanese junk by Spaniards, are now more
friendly, and some trade between the two countries is being carried
on. The Japanese have shipped a number of lepers who are Christians
from that country to Manila; the Spaniards accept this charge, and make
room for the lepers in the hospital for natives. The king is asked to
aid in the expenses of their care. Tavora describes his relations with
the peoples on the opposite mainland; makes recommendations regarding
certain offices; explains the condition of the vessel which sank at
Manila in the preceding year; and defends himself from accusations
of illegal participation in the Mexican trade.

Another section treats of military affairs. Tavora (who writes but a
fortnight before his death) thanks the king for preferment bestowed
upon him, but fears that he will not live to enjoy it; and informs
Felipe of the heavy losses that he has incurred in coming to Filipinas
and acting as governor, asking that some arrangement may be made for
the settlement of his more pressing debts. Trade with the Japanese is
being resumed. The post of general of artillery is superfluous, and
should be abolished. Affairs in Hermosa are prospering; the province
of Cagayan is pacified, and severe punishment has been inflicted on the
rebellious natives of Caraga. The relief expedition to Ternate has been
successful, and the Dutch power seems to be waning in those seas. But
the only effective check upon the Dutch enemy is found in the Spanish
establishments in the Philippines and Moluccas, for which Tavora
urges more systematic and reliable aid from the home government--not
only for the sake of the Philippine colony, but even more for that
of all India, which is in danger of ruin if the heretics be not held
back. The governor has made a successful beginning of shipbuilding
for the islands, in the country of Camboja. Certain disputed matters
connected with the military service are referred to the king.

Some ecclesiastical affairs are also mentioned. The archbishop-elect
has had some difficulties in securing possession of his see, and the
Audiencia has decided against him. The religious orders refuse to obey
the royal decree as to changes and appointments of missionaries. The
see of Camarines has long been vacant; Tavora suggests that this
diocese be abolished, annexing its territory to those of Cebu
and Manila. The religious orders are in peaceable condition. More
missionaries are needed in the islands but Tavora urges that more
care be exercised in selecting them. He asserts that his solicitude
in this respect has incurred the ill-will of the friars toward him.

The usual Jesuit chronicle is furnished for the years 1630-32. The
writer notes the general peace enjoyed by the Philippine colony,
who have not been molested of late by the Dutch; also the rebellion
(now being quelled) of the Indians in Caraga. The Japanese offer to
reopen trade with Manila; but this writer regards all their friendly
proposals as a veil for intended treachery toward the Spaniards. The
persecution of Christian teachers and converts in Japan is still
furious; and this subject occupies most of the document, in a
letter from a Jesuit in that country, Father Christoval Ferreira,
to the Manila provincial. This relates the tortures inflicted on five
priests and two women, but without avail, to induce them to give up
the Christian faith; also the martyrdoms of many others. This account
is of peculiar and pathetic interest because its writer, Ferreira,
was the only one of the Jesuits arrested in Japan who became, under
the strain of torture, an apostate; this occurred a year after he
wrote the letter.

The ecclesiastical cabildo of Manila write to the king (1632), urging
that royal aid be given to the cathedral, in consideration of its
poverty and needs. They complain that the highest positions in the
diocese are filled by friars, to the neglect and discouragement
of the native-born seculars who are being educated in the two
universities at Manila. The cathedral needs a permanent subsidy for
its current provision of wine, etc., and a special grant to finish
its sacristy. Its service is painfully inadequate; to save the
expense of salaries for additional canons, the cabildo recommend
that some of the missions and benefices now held by the religious
orders be turned over to the cathedral. They recommend royal favor
for certain priests in Manila, and especially praise the labors of
the Augustinian order in the islands; more missionaries are needed
there, especially for the Augustinian Recollects. The writers commend
also certain military officials; but they denounce the treasury
officials for having permitted contraband trade of enormous extent
with Mexico. They remonstrate against the appointment of Fray Guerrero
to the archbishopric; and highly commend the character, abilities,
and work of the royal visitor Rojas.

A papal bull concerning missions is issued (June 28, 1633) by Urban
 VIII. After citing previous decrees of the Holy See respecting
the despatch of missionaries to Japan and the Philippines, and their
journeys between those countries, Urban grants permission to the heads
of religious orders to send missionaries to the countries and islands
of Eastern India by other routes than that of Portugal. He also warns
the religious thus sent to observe uniformity of instructions to the
newly-converted heathen, "especially in matters relating to morals,"
and "to restrict their teaching to general principles." They must base
their instruction on the Roman Catechism and Bellarmino's "Christian
Doctrine." They are empowered to administer the sacraments to the
Christians in Japan; and are strictly forbidden to engage in any
form of trade, directly or indirectly. The superiors of orders are
directed to enforce the penalties herein imposed on religious who may
violate this prohibition; and disputes arising between orders are to
be settled by the bishops of the respective countries, who are also
directed to enforce the observance of these decrees.

A Dominican at Manila, Juan Garcia, sends (1632) to Sevilla such news
as he can gather soon after his arrival in the islands. In Japan, it is
said, the emperor has imprisoned many Dutchmen; and, with the decline
of their influence, he has become more lenient to the Christians,
sending them into exile instead of putting them to death. But any
friars or preachers captured there are horribly tortured. The Dominican
mission to Camboja has been unsuccessful. Formosa is being conquered by
soldiers, and Dominican friars are making some conversions there. Some
of these preachers have gone to China, where the field is enormous,
but full of promise.

Juan Cerezo de Salamanca, governor _ad interim_ between Tavora
and Corcuera, sends a report to the king (August 14, 1633). The
first section relates to military affairs. The forts and troops
in the islands are enumerated. It is somewhat doubtful whether the
occupation of Formosa should be maintained. More care should be taken
in sending reenforcements to Ternate, and Heredia should be superseded
as governor. The galleys belonging to the government are useless,
and Cerezo will dispense with all save that at Ternate. There is
quarreling over the legal status of the army men in the courts,
which should be defined.

Another section relates to general affairs of government. Cerezo again
points out the importance of the trade with China and Japan. The
relations of Manila, however, with Japan are no longer friendly--a
condition of affairs for which the governor blames the "zeal without
discretion" of certain religious who, disobeying the royal decrees,
go to Japan as preachers. He asks the king to command the religious
orders to send no more friars to that country. The trade with
China is falling off, mainly because the Portuguese of Macao have
absorbed much of it. Cerezo recommends that their trade with Manila
be prohibited. He comments on the scantiness of the male population;
commends the administration of Rojas, the royal inspector; and makes
some minor recommendations to the king.

In regard to the public revenues, Cerezo states that the treasury
is burdened with debts; the shipyards are bare of supplies; and
the contraband trade with Mexico has attained large proportions. To
check this latter evil, the governor recommends that all money sent
to Manila be openly registered at Acapulco, imposing on it a duty of
five per cent; and a different system of inspecting the Philippine
cargoes there be adopted.

In compliance with royal command, the archbishop of Manila reports
(August 3, 1634) on the public bakery at Manila. He finds it well
built and managed, and recommends that all ovens in the city should
be merged in this bakery.

A Jesuit letter from Manila (August 20, 1634) gives interesting
news from Japan. The persecution there is still very cruel, and many
missionaries have been arrested lately; but the emperor is becoming
for the time more lenient, through the influence of certain omens
and of his cure from an illness through the prayers of the captive
missionaries. The writer hopes, therefore, that Iyemidzu "may be the
Constantine of the church" in Japan.

The annual report of Governor Cerezo for 1634 begins with affairs of
the revenue. The treasury officials refuse to obey the orders left
for them by Rojas; the governor therefore arrests them, which soon
brings them to terms. Nevertheless, he excuses their disobedience
to some extent, on account of the rigorous and difficult nature
of Rojas's orders; he instances some of these which embarrass both
himself and the royal officials. The king has ordered an additional
duty to be levied on goods exported to Nueva Espana; the citizens
object to paying this, and finally the matter is temporarily settled
by a council of the authorities, both civil and religious, until the
home government can take action. The governor reports that the royal
visitor Rojas did not really accomplish much for the treasury; but
exaggerated his own services. He also reminds the king of his former
suggestion for checking the illegal despatch of money to Filipinas.

As for affairs of government, there is the usual conflict between
the Audiencia and the governor, which hinders the latter in the
discharge of his duties. They interfere with his authority, try to
secure the trial of the Chinese lawsuits, acquit delinquents, and
meddle in municipal affairs; and he intimates his desire that they
be despatched to other branches of his Majesty's service. Cerezo
asks for enlightenment in several difficult matters connected with
the respective jurisdictions of himself and the Audiencia. This
year the Portuguese of Macao have failed to trade at Manila, and
the Chinese, although they have brought considerable merchandise,
furnish but little cloth. The expedition sent to Formosa is badly
treated by the Portuguese at Macao, of which Cerezo complains to
the king. He describes the island of Formosa, the Spanish settlement
there, the nature of the people, and the reasons why a Spanish post
was established there; he regards this enterprise as useless and
undesirable, and states that the soldiers in that island are needed
at Manila. The persecution of Christians in Japan still continues;
Cerezo doubts the supposed improvement in the shogun's attitude
toward them, and recommends that no more religious be allowed to
go to that country. He describes his method of procedure toward the
Chinese, both resident and non-resident; he endeavors to treat them
with justice and kindness, and recommends a suitable person for the
post of their protector. Liberal aid has been sent to the islands
this year from Mexico.

In military affairs, Cerezo recommends the abandonment of Formosa
and other unnecessary forts, and the concentration of the Spanish
forces at Manila. The fort there is in fair state of defense, but the
wall of the city is in ruinous condition, and the governor is having
it repaired and strengthened. He recommends that some galleys be
maintained at Oton or Cebu, to keep the Moro pirates in awe: and that
a new commandant be sent to Ternate in place of Heredia, who has shown
himself unfitted to hold that office. A mutiny has occurred there,
which he has cruelly punished; and he is blamed for an insurrection
in Tidore which has replaced its king with another who is friendly to
the Dutch. The port of Cavite must be well maintained and provided with
supplies. No ships from India have arrived, probably because the Strait
of Malacca and the neighboring waters have been infested by the Dutch.

Little is said about ecclesiastical affairs. "The orders are conducting
themselves in an exemplary manner, except that they often usurp the
royal jurisdiction, under pretext of defending the natives, and take
away the authority from the alcaldes-mayor." The acting archbishop
is commended, and recent appointments are mentioned.

_The Editors_

March, 1905.






      HISTORIA DE LA ORDEN DE S. AGUSTIN DE ESTAS ISLAS FILIPINAS

                              (Concluded)


   By Fray Juan de Medina, O.S.A., Manila, 1893 [but written in 1630].


_Source_: Translated from a copy of the above work, in the possession
of the Editors.

_Translation_: This document is translated (and in part synopsized)
by James A. Robertson.





       HISTORY OF THE AUGUSTINIAN ORDER IN THE FILIPINAS ISLANDS

                     By Fray Juan de Medina, O.S.A.

                              (Concluded)





CHAPTER XXX

_Of the first election of our father Fray Lorenzo de Leon_


With the fourth of May, 1596, all the capitular religious of this
province of Santisimo Nombre de Jesus of Filipinas assembled, and
without much debate cast their votes for father Fray Lorenzo de
Leon, [1] a native of the city of Granada, and son of the house
at Mejico, whose learning, ability to preach, and other good
qualities made him very well known, and caused him to be elected
without opposition. Accordingly he won the contest as provincial,
to the general liking of all the religious of the province, both
those voting and those who had no vote. All were assured that he
would govern rightly because of his prudence, and beyond doubt his
government was all that. The province during his term had the honor
and repute that was proper. Since his method of procedure was alike
for all the religious, it was necessary in the following chapter to
retire the provincial to his devotion; and one may infer that in that
it acted more for the common welfare than its own.

Thereupon, the voting religious being assembled, cast their votes,
without any opposition, for Fray Juan de Montesdoza, [2] son of
the house at Mejico, a native of the city of Utrera, near Sevilla
in Andalucia. He was a most excellent provincial, for one always
recognized in him a remarkable integrity of morals, and he was much
given to prayer and divine worship. He endeavored as earnestly as
possible to give his whole being to the order, and not to be found
lacking in his ministry. He visited his entire province whenever
possible; and that which has always been most annoying to the
provincials in respect to its visitation--namely, the province of
Bisayas--was not troublesome to him, for he visited it. He did not
hesitate at the suffering or the dangers of navigation, which at
times is wont to be especially perilous, because of the many storms
that generally invade the islands, and the not few enemies. He was
considered lost, for he was not heard of for more than four months; for
they wrote from the Bisayas that he had already embarked for Manila,
and he had not arrived. Finally, the Lord was pleased to bring him
to our doors when he was least expected. God is a Father of pity,
and attends to His children (and more to His servants) when they
find themselves most in need of Him. He was received in the convent
of Manila by many people, for all revered him as a servant of God,
loved him as a father, and respected him as a true prelate.

On the twenty-second of April, 1602, the chapter was convened in
the house at Manila. Father Fray Pedro Arce, who is now bishop of
the city of Santisimo Nombre de Jesus, and who has twice governed
the archbishopric of Manila, was elected in it. Father Fray Mateo de
Mendoza presided at that election, while father Fray Juan de Montesdoza
was the absolute provincial, as we call it, or the freed one, since now
he is no longer provincial. The first definitor was Fray Agustin de
Tapia, the second, Fray Bernabe de Villalobos, the third, Fray Diego
de Zerrabe, and the fourth, Fray Diego de Salcedo. As visitors were
elected Fray Juan Bautista de Montoya and Fray Francisco Serrano. [3]
All, having assembled, as our rules ordered, enacted very wholesome
regulations, and provided for the province with those mandates,
which were seen to be more necessary at that time, in order to check
thereby the boldness of certain men, who were giving room for the
decay of the province, which in nothing loses more than by permitting
it to relax in its rigor. For even there it is said that the bow must
sometimes loose the string which holds it bent, in order to give it
rest and so that it may not break. I grieve over this, that it is
said in the order, so that at times some reasonable recreation may
be allowed; but in that which touches the essential aspects of it,
it does not seem right that it be lost, for never have I seen that
what is once lost in point of religion is regained. It appeared,
therefore, easier to our father St. Ignatius to found a new order
than to reform an old one, where its members were already used to
such and such a manner of life. It is a hard thing, when established,
to reduce them to a greater degree of virtue. And since those men
must remain in the same order, it is always an impossible thing to
reduce them to that which they have never observed....

Father Fray Pedro de Arce, who was chosen at this elevation, was such
a person that, were I to praise him, I think, that my tongue would
do him an injury, for another pen and another language must tell his
virtues. He came to this province as a lay brother. He was ordained
here and completed his studies, and always gave signs of what he was
to become; for his modesty, his charity, his devotion, even while a
brother, appeared so conspicuous, and were increasing in such a manner,
that not only were the islands full of his good name and great virtues,
but they even came to the ears of Felipe III, who presented him for
the bishopric of Santisimo Nombre de Jesus. While in this country,
the decree of the year 1610 was sent him, which caused the holy man
considerable vexation, so that he did not know what to do; for it
seemed a grievous thing for him to abandon the quietness of his cell,
and to exchange it for the majesty of a bishop, to which he was not
inclined. Accordingly, he resigned the bishopric into the hands of
the father master Fray Pedro Solier, [4] who was provincial at that
time. The latter considered that if he [_i.e._, Fray Pedro] were to
accept it honor would come to the order, advantage to the city of
Santisimo Nombre de Jesus, and service to his Majesty, the king our
sovereign, who having heard of the holiness of the person in question,
was considering himself as very well served in that the father should
accept it. Consequently, when he returned to the holy superior--whom
he supplicated on his knees, with the decree in his hand, to allow him
not to accept it--the provincial ordered Fray Pedro, by his obedience,
to comply with his Majesty's commands, and to render him thanks for
it, and that he would do the same for what pertained to the order;
thereupon the former accepted, and gave up his cell, in which there
was nothing of importance. Although he was prior, and exercised the
highest duties of the province, he was ever the keenest advocate
of poverty, and so great a giver of alms that even now, although a
bishop, he must be restrained; for he gives everything away, and he
has no greater happiness than when some needy person begs from him
and enters his gates.

What then would this holy provincial do? One sees with how much
care he would watch over his flock, striving to maintain them
without quarreling, and observing in everything the entirety of the
rules. With the obstinate, he was rigid and severe; with the humble,
most humble; with the afflicted, he held himself as a pious father
who desires their good, and consoled them. As far as was possible,
he followed the advice of Fray Pedro de Agurto, his successor in the
bishopric, as he was so holy and learned a man. For since the affairs
of the province had somewhat declined, and in visiting he found some
religious who were prohibited by the rules--and, in fact, trying
to remove them--the holy prelate counseled him that such religious
were men of weight, and that he should receive their renunciations
secretly; and that when the intermediate chapter should be assembled,
then he should show them and provide those convents. Thereby would he
be fulfilling his obligation, and would also be considering the honor
of those religious, who if they were removed before, would be injured,
as it would be understood that it had been because of their demerits;
but it was a customary thing to do that in chapter, for it was apparent
to all that religious were changed at that time. He did this as the
bishop had counseled him, and thus the matter was remedied as far as
possible without any scandal.

He visited the entire province, and went to that of the Pintados--which
was his own, where he was reared, and where he had been prior
of Panay, Octong, and Santisimo Nombre de Jesus. While he was
making the visitation there, it happened that news was brought
that the inhabitants of Mindanao were coming with a large fleet to
destroy the islands. This tidings was certain; and another fleet
was prepared with all possible despatch in Sugbu, in order that
the Spaniards might defend themselves, and if possible, drive the
enemy from the islands. Although diligent efforts were made in this,
when our fleet set sail already had the enemy rounded the island
of Panay. Our fleet, which consisted of seven caracoas and four or
five barangays, followed the enemy. They reached the islets of Asur,
where they heard that the enemy had passed there, with the intention of
burning the city of Arevalo and the village of Octong, with all their
provisions. The captain and commander of our fleet was Captain Salgado,
then alcalde-mayor of Sugbu. The two fleets met near Pan de Azucar
[_i.e._, "Sugar Loaf"]. The Spaniards were very resolute. The enemy
formed themselves in a crescent with sixty caracoas. So senseless were
they that they untied their captives, threw them overboard, and came
to attack our boats. I know not the captain's design or purpose, that
made him dally with the enemy, so that the latter were shouting out
spiritedly and imagining that they were feared. The father provincial
and his companion, Fray Hernando Guerrero, [5] talked encouragingly to
the petty leaders, and encouraged and even shamed them so much that,
already late, they gave the signal to attack. Thereupon, the enemy
sought shelter, and after steering their caracoas to where they
thought that they had more safety, they divided. The captain did
not pursue them nor do more than to go to Arevalo. On that account
he lost a good opportunity and much credit. He should have continued
to pursue them; for, when night fell, the caracoas of the frightened
enemy remained along those coasts. The commander could easily have
overhauled them with our caracoas, and could have given the enemy a
blow that would have done much to finish them; but he failed to do
so. The efforts that he finally put forth, and the attack, are owing
to the resolution and bravery of our father Fray Pedro de Arce, in
which one may consider his desire for the common good. For, although
he might have sent other religious, he went in person, and put no value
on his own life. [6] He returned to Manila, where he finished his term,
creating the desire in the fathers to see him provincial forever.

In the chapter that elected our father Montesdoza, procurators
were sent to Espana and to the Roman court. The papers and title of
definitor of the chapter were given to our father Fray Lorenzo de Leon,
who has just finished his provincialate. He embarked at the port of
Cavite, made the trip to Nueva Espana safely, and likewise to the
court of King Felipe III, of blessed memory. He did not go to Roma,
but sent his papers from Espana. He was very well received at court,
for the papers that he carried from the islands were excellent, and in
his person he merited everything. They were very desirous to appoint
him archbishop of Manila, and it is even said that they begged him to
accept rewards, and congratulated him. But that shadow was dissipated
instantly, as there was not wanting an evil-minded person to spoil it
all by a malicious tale. For father Fray Lorenzo de Leon had ever the
name of a most devout religious; and as such the province of Filipinas,
which at that time was most noted for its religious devotion, elected
him as its superior and provincial. But who can free himself from
an evil tongue, and an ill will? For the loyal man lives no longer
than the traitor desires. His hopes were frustrated, a matter that
troubled him little, as he was a humble religious. He undertook to
return [to Filipinas], and our king gave him commission to bring
over a ship-load of religious. He received letters as vicar-general
of the islands from Roma, so that he might always preside at the
chapters held there. He had letters as master, and his academic
degree; and brought a dispensation from our most reverend [general],
so that, if elected as provincial the second time, he might serve;
for the rules prohibit him who presides from becoming provincial. He
reached Mejico, although without that so notable ship-load, which
he failed to bring, because of various casualties; with him came,
however, one who was sufficient to render that vessel glorious, and
even the entire province. This was the holy martyr, Fray Hernando de
San Jose. [7] Together with him came father Fray Hernando de Morales,
father Fray Felipe Gallada, father Fray Pedro del Castillo, father
Fray Martin de San Nicolas, [8] all from Mejico, and brother Fray
Andres Garcia. The heads of the Inquisition in Mejico appointed him
[_i.e._, Lorenzo de Leon] commissary for the islands. With these
honorable titles and honors he came to Manila, one year before the
chapter was held. He gladdened by his coming all the sons [of the
order], and all the others, for the order knows no distinction,
but embraces us all with the same love and charity. His prudence,
his good government, and his great devotion were remembered; and
since he bore letters ordering him to be obeyed as vicar-general,
therefore the number of prelates was increased. Thus presiding in
the following chapter, in 1605, he received votes as provincial,
in rivalry with father Fray Esteban Carrillo [9]--one of the most
eloquent preachers in the islands; and the best loved by all, both
great and small, who has ever been known. Finally the astuteness,
or rather, the diligence of certain ones prevailed, and father Fray
Lorenzo de Leon became provincial _pro secunda vice_ [_i.e._, "for
the second time"].




CHAPTER XXXI

_Of the second election as provincial of master Father Lorenzo de Leon_


With the advent, then, of the year 1605, in the latter days of April,
our fathers assembled in the islands, as is the custom. On the Friday
before the third Sunday after Easter, our father Fray Lorenzo de Leon
went to take over the presidency by virtue of his letters-patent,
and they were found to be such as were required. In consequence, he
was received as president of that chapter, over which he presided, not
only as president, but as vicar-general. The election resulted in [the
choice of] his person, as above stated. In it, the first definitor was
father Fray Juan Bautista de Montoya; the second, father Fray Esteban
Carrillo; the third, father Fray Pedro de Aguirre; and the fourth,
father Fray Roque de Barrionuevo. Father Fray Miguel de Sigueenza
had the vote for president in this definitorio, and as visitors were
elected father Fray Mateo de Peralta [10] and father Fray Francisco
Serrano. All assembled, they ordained and enacted the acts that they
judged advisable in accordance with that time. All those acts show
the sincerity of those who enacted them, and they provided not only
for the welfare of the order, but for that of the native fathers
under our charge; for surely, under our shadow they increase and
are sheltered. And if religious were lacking, what would become of
them? Beyond doubt they would be like the wretched boat exposed to
the fury of the winds, which has no greater security upon the waters
than where the winds choose to carry it. For this one orders them,
that one petitions them, and another one seizes and knocks them about;
but with the protection of the religious they are free from all these
annoyances. Very conformably with this, religious were established
in the missions in order to teach them and often to protect them.

Our father provincial entered upon the exercise of his office with
the same wisdom and prudence as in his first term, attending to
it with all his might. However, his second term was not apparently
so successful as the first--caused perhaps by various casualties,
which have no place here, and do not affect the matter at all. In
short, the affair was running badly and the body of the province was
becoming laden with humors. I well believe that our father knew it all,
and that he could have been less rigid, and that without dividing
the forces that were forming. He thought that they were religious,
and he the superior; and that all dissent, however violent, would be
only murmur--just like certain huge clouds that predict great storms,
but finally and at the end, the entire storm is expended in clouds
of dust, thunders, and lightnings, so that that storm ends with only
noise. But such did not happen here, but the matter went farther; and
the father definitors, within one and one-half years, after meeting,
deposed our father Fray Lorenzo de Leon. They sent him to Espana; but
he remained in the province of Mejico, without wishing more than to
serve our Lord, and ended his days there, as one may understand of so
renowned a religious, leaving his cause in the hands of God. I leave
it likewise; for, if we glance at the definitorio which assembled
there, there is no doubt that it was one of the most sober-minded
councils ever assembled in the province. And even were there none
other in it than our father Fray Pedro de Arce, who presided in it,
he was sufficient to ensure that; but it was much more creditable,
for the others were very erudite. Father Fray Juan Bautista de Montoya
was the most notable man in laws and moral causes that has been in the
islands, and was no less a very great theologue. Father Fray Esteban
Carrillo, as we have said already, was a great orator, and the other
fathers were very learned. On the part of our father provincial,
it was known that he was very devout, very punctual in attending
to his obligations and that his first term was considered as most
successful. Hence, without taking from anyone what belongs to him,
we leave this matter with God, who has already judged it, and He has
been pleased to take all those concerned in it. Bishop Fray Pedro de
Agurto was at his bishopric in Sugbu at this time. He was desirous
of remedying what was already becoming established, and even left
his city for that purpose. But when he reached Manila, he found that
there was no remedy. He sorrowed greatly over this blow at the order,
for, as the true religious that he was, he felt, as keenly as death,
whatever misfortune came upon the order. In the world this proceeding
was discussed with the charity that is exercised in other things;
but, when everything was over, it was also erased from memory--and
more, as the government of our father Fray Pedro de Arce followed
immediately, who exercised the office of rector-provincial for that
one and one-half years, and his fame and well-known virtue filled
everything with fragrance and good-will.

[The order of discalced Augustinians in Spain petition for leave to go
to the islands in 1605. The petition granted, a number of them set out;
and, after waiting at Sevilla for some time for vessels, reach Mexico,
where they are entreated to found a convent. Refusing this request,
however, they continue on their journey, reaching the Philippines,
in 1606, under the leadership of Juan de San Jeronimo. "They were
given a house outside the city in a garden [11] that had belonged
to Don Pedro de Acuna, who governed these islands.... But those who
treated the said fathers most generously were Ours, for we gave them
our best and brightest jewel, namely, San Nicolas, allowing them to
found their convent in his name. This meant wholly to enrich them and
to leave us poor." Further, a layman named Don Bernardino, captain and
castellan of the port of Manila, builds a convent for the new order
"sufficient for forty religious." At death he and his wife also leave
money to continue the work, and the new order begins to multiply.]

Since then those fathers have continued to establish convents here. For
as they were the last, and the islands are in the conditions under
which Miguel Lopez de Legazpi left them, there was not before any place
where they could settle. However, outside Manila, they possess a small
house called Sampaloc, because it has many tamarind trees. There they
minister to a few Tagals, and one religious lives there generally. [12]
It has a stone church and house. They have a garden with a stone
house and its chapel (where one religious lives), near the walls of
Manila, in the suburbs. Opposite the island of Mariveles, in the same
district of Manila, they have a Tagal mission. It is but small, and,
with its visitas, does not amount to four hundred Indians. But farther
along the coast, they have two Zambal missions of settled Indians,
which are situated nearer here than Ilocos. One is called Masinloc
and the other Bolinao. [13] Each one must have more than five hundred
Indians. They have also extended from here to other islands. They must
have three convents in the islands of Cuyo and Calamianes, more than
sixty leguas from Manila. Those islands are full of people, so that,
if they would come down from the mountains, many missions might be
established; for in that region the islands are innumerable. There
is the large island of Paragua, and thence succeed islands and islets
even to Burney, the largest island known in all this archipelago. But
there is little hope of entering it, for the king and all the coast
Indians are Mahometans. But those living in the upland and mountains
are even pagans. By the above, the ease with which this damnable poison
has extended will be apparent. Had God's mercy been retarded a trifle
longer in hastening the steps of the Spaniards, the latter would have
found no place to settle; for as I have remarked, long experience
shows that the Mahometan will not receive the Christian law which is
so contrary to his hellish customs. The religious suffered many things
in those islands as they were exposed to a thousand temporal dangers,
and to enemies, with whom the whole region swarms. Those missions
had seculars; and although they did their best, yet at present that
region has another luster, for it appears that the religious, being
more in number, are more suitable for this work.

Bishop Don Fray Pedro de Arce gave the fathers another mission in the
island of Negros, opposite the island of Panay. I think it their best
mission, as it is located nearer us. It has two religious, who do very
good work. The bishop gave them also many missions in Caraga, where
they will be able to spread. Later, we shall conclude this subject with
what the fathers have built in Cavite, the port of Manila, in honor
of San Nicolas--namely, a house and church, which is the best there.

[About the time that the Recollects sail Father Master Solier is
preparing also to go to the Philippines. He has been given "equal
power with him whom the province sent as procurator, in case of the
latter's death." The procurator dies at sea, whereupon Father Solier
assumes his office. He sails with twenty-six Augustinian religious,
eight of whom remain in New Spain--where they suffer many things,
for the government of affairs there falls into the hands of the
creole fathers.]

Those who remained were well received in Filipinas, where they were
desired. They were distributed among the convents, as seemed best
to our father Fray Lorenzo de Leon. But as soon as this contingent
arrived, the discussions that had been aroused increased; so that,
as we have seen, the intermediary chapter deprived him [of his office]
as above stated.




CHAPTER XXXII

_Of the election of our father Fray Pedro de Solier_


Our father Fray Pedro de Arce, acting with that uprightness that
always characterized him, for the period that remained to govern,
assembled his chapter, in pursuance of the orders of our rules,
namely, on the twenty-sixth day of the month of April, 1608. In this
chapter, there did not fail to be its little animosities, occasioned,
in my opinion, by the fact that the province found itself so far out
of swaddling-clothes, that it had enough people and workers to give
and to found another province. For, as we have seen, men of grand
abilities had gone from Espana and from Nueva Espana, while habits
had been given to many good men in Manila. Consequently, there were
many men on whom to set the eyes. Father Fray Esteban Carrillo was
a man of the talents which we have already mentioned, and received
votes. The father president also received them, and so grand a man
was he, and so admired, that opinions were not lacking that he might
become provincial. But the father Master Solier, although he was
youngest of all in years, was apparently well liked for his character,
and his labors in navigations, and the service which he had rendered to
this province in bringing it so glorious men. Finally, God was pleased
that he should win in the contest, and become provincial. The father
president had to confirm this action, giving him a dispensation for
the years that he lacked. Then, proceeding to the other elections, the
following definitors were elected: first, Fray Francisco Serrano;
second, Fray Pedro de Salcedo; third, Fray Jeronimo de Salas;
and fourth, Fray Hernando de Trujillo. [14] The visitors who were
elected were father Fray Juan de Villalobos and father Fray Miguel
Garcia. In council with the president, provincial-elect, and the
rector provincial, they arranged [the affairs of] the province,
both in order to provide the convents with heads, and to-adjust other
things pertaining to the spiritual welfare. And in fact, considering
the enactments of other chapters, it seems that they attained so
much excellence in this chapter, that if it did not surpass them,
at least it shone out strongly--especially a letter which our father
Master Solier sent to the provinces, so learned, spiritual, and so
suitable to the times that it could not be more so. Its warnings were
so necessary, not only for that time, but for any most important
thing. I cannot excuse myself from writing here the chief thing,
so that one may see the desires for the increase of their order,
and the love with which they discussed matters touching the natives,
which shone forth in those fathers. In the time of our father Solier,
the province had a very good reputation, for it made itself feared
and respected. Consequently, there was no difficulty in receiving
his mandates and enforcing them, so that the province was greatly
reformed. The great devotion of our father Fray Miguel Garcia, who
was then chosen as prior of the convent of Manila, aided him. He
was later provincial, and after that he went to Espana, where his
Majesty presented him as bishop of Cagayan. He returned to these
islands with a fine company [of religious], and in the islands was
appointed archbishop of Manila....

Thus, then, as I have said, the convent of Manila did not differ at
all in divine worship from the most devout house in Espana; for the
exercise in the choir was continuous, both day and night, and there
was no cessation, unless necessity demanded it, when some of it
could be dispensed with; for so did our rules decree for that. The
infirmary was so full of all comforts, and so well cared for, that
truly there was nothing lacking of anything which the sick asked,
or that the physician demanded. I being attacked by a sudden illness
when I arrived at these islands, because of the change in climate,
so great was the attention with which I was cared for that it could
not have been more in the house of my parents, although they were
very wealthy. Consequently, I became better very soon, and was well
enough to go to the province of Bisayas; and, although I was unworthy,
it must have been the will of the Lord that I should come. The fathers
made strenuous efforts to have me remain there, and even our father
prior himself, Fray Miguel Garcia, would have liked me to remain as
master of novitiates. That which grieves me is that I have served the
Lord so very little, although I have been offered enough opportunities
in which to serve Him.

Two years after the provincialate of our father Solier began, a
visitor-general arrived, to visit this province in behalf of his
Holiness and our most reverend father-general, and to reform it. For
that purpose he was given permission to bring twenty-four religious. He
who came as visitor was father Master Fray Diego de Guevara, who died
afterward as bishop of Camarines. He was most religious, and devout
beyond belief. While living in the convent at Madrid, he was there an
example and model to all those excellent men who are never lacking
in the convents of the capital; and, as that place is the _non plus
ultra_ of the world, one would think that all were keeping the best
men for that place.

[A professed religious of Salamanca, Guevara, after his arrival
at Manila, serves in several capacities--as reader in the Manila
convent, prior of Santisimo Nombre de Jesus, and prior of Manila. He
lives an austere life. While prior of Manila occurs "the rising of
the Sangleys, which was ended with so great glory to the Spanish
nation. For the Spaniards were so few, while the Chinese were so many
that those who assert the smallest number say that they exceeded four
thousand. Finally they were killed and destroyed throughout those
districts, and their possessions and houses were ruined and burned,
a thing regarded as marvelous. For they might have killed the Spaniards
with great ease, as the latter were quite unprepared, not expecting any
such thing. The city desired to advise his Majesty of the fortunate
outcome of the matter; and that in regard to those who have entered
Manila through the gates, it has always been extremely fortunate, and
has always triumphed over its enemies, but never been conquered. Our
father Fray Diego Guevara was chosen, and he accepted very willingly
what the city requested, in all having the approbation of our father
provincial. It was learned that a galleon was to be despatched from
Malaca to India, while it was not the season here for despatches. He
took as companion a choir-brother named Fray Diego de Urive, [15]
a native of the town of Consuegra in Mancha." Arrived at Malaca, they
find the galleon gone. They go to Goa, thence to Ormuz, and accomplish
the journey to Rome overland. "Clemente VIII rejoiced greatly at
receiving him, and much more at the good news from the islands of
the West." The general of the order gives Guevara a warm reception,
and allows him to depart for Spain. "At that time some differences
arose between Ours and the Recollect fathers of our order, who were
now commencing to settle. Thereupon an ordinance from Roma ordered
an inspection. On petition of the royal Council, the visitation was
entrusted to father Fray Martin de Perea, an illustrious member of
the province of Castilla, who had been assistant of Espana. Our
father Fray Diego de Guevara was chosen as his associate. The
father-visitor entrusted to him, because he himself was busy, the
visitation of several convents of the discalced fathers, in which he
acquitted himself with great discretion. While engaged in the said
occupation, Filipinas affairs must have made some stir--and so great,
that news thereof came to the royal Council of the Indias. I think
that the great devotion of the fathers then in chief authority, did
not appear so well to those to whom time had given more license than
was fitting. Therefore they wrote imputing to their prelates what it
was very fitting should be punished." The president of the Council,
Count de Lemos, after consultation with Father Juan de Castro,
of the Augustinian order, secures the necessary papers from Rome
and sends Father Guevara to the Philippines with authority to make
a general inspection of the order. He sails from Sanlucar, June 22,
1609, taking with him a company of religious, among them Medina. The
voyage to New Spain is made without incident.]




CHAPTER XXXIII

_Continuation of the preceding chapter_


[The missionaries are well received by their brethren in Mexico. But
they despair of getting vessels for the islands, "for already they
were long overdue"--that is, the vessels from the Philippines, which
are to return thither again. However, within a short time the "San
Andres," bearing two Augustinians, Fathers Carrillo and Plaza, arrives
in port. They bring a tale of storms and almost shipwrecks. "The
almiranta suffered eleven hurricanes, and all had already lost hope of
life. The vessel miraculously made the voyage through the courage of
the pilot Toral, and that of father Fray Esteban Carrillo--who, lashed
to the mizzen-mast, with a crucifix in his hands, consoled the crew,
and animated and encouraged them. He always shared his food with the
sick." Of the other two vessels of the fleet, the flagship runs aground
in Japan, but the crew are saved. "It was one of the greatest losses
sustained by these islands. Don Rodrigo de Vivero was returning in
the vessel. He had governed the islands for one year, in behalf of his
uncle Don Luis de Velasco. The latter sent him for that purpose until
the governor should be nominated in Espana." The vessel "Santa Ana"
is repaired and makes the voyage the succeeding year. "The arrival of
the almiranta gave great comfort to Nueva Espana; for, as these vessels
are of great profit, their loss is felt more than that of those coming
from Espana. All together the latter do not in any way compete with
those coming from Filipinas." The almiranta and another vessel, the
"San Francisco" of Peru, return that year to the islands. The viceroy
refuses to allow all the religious who have come for that purpose to
embark. The following religious embark in the "San Francisco."]

1. Father Master Fray Diego de Guevara, visitor-general.

2. Fray Diego de Uribe, his associate, who afterward studied and
preached in the Ilocan language. He died as prior of one of the
Ilocan convents.

3. Fray Agustin de los Rios, native of Extremadura, a zealous servant
of God and an eloquent preacher. He returned to Nueva Espana, in
search of health, and afterward lived for some years there without
it, in the hope of returning; but he died in that country, from
epilepsy. But it is always thought that he, who was so spiritual,
must have died to enjoy God.

4. Father Fray Hernando Becerra, one of the most learned and
substantial men who have gone to the islands. In but little time he
had filled all the principal offices of the order, such as reader of
theology, chief preacher at Manila, associate of the provincial and
of the visitor-general, prior of many convents, visitor, definitor,
provincial with visitor (which he had been before), and prior of
Manila. But he exercised the office of provincial scarcely two
months. He was very judicious, and therefore acquired the above
offices. God took him to Himself; for he left all envious of his death.

5. Fray Pedro de Herrera, of excellent mind. Although he could have
been great if he had wished, like his pupil, our Father Becerra (both
of them from Valladolid), yet all do not have equal fortune. This
father was unfortunate. Our father general, before whom he presented
himself, deprived him of his habit, but after seeing that he did
so unjustly, returned it to him; but Father Herrera was much broken
because of so many troubles. He was the best Tagal linguist known.

6. Fray Andres de Ocampo, of Cordoba, an excellent religious. He
ministered in the Pampanga speech, and enjoyed good priorates. He
died while returning to Espana.

7. Fray Silvestre de Torres, of the same company, came the next
year. He was a native of Granada. He went to Japon and learned from
the sanctity of the holy martyr Fray Hernando de San Jose. Later,
when the religious were expelled from Japon, he came to Manila. He
was chief preacher of Sugbu, and later of Manila; and had a mission
among the Tagals. He died by falling from a window. And since the
Lord took him in such fashion, from his piety one will understand
that that was the most appropriate hour for his salvation, as he had
labored so assiduously.

8. Fray Andres Jimenez, of Murcia. He came the same year as the
above. He returned to Nueva Espana, but, not finding any refuge there,
he came back to the shelter of Filipinas--where, partly in the province
of Ilocos, and partly in that of Pampanga, he has done his utmost,
according to the talent that God gave him.

9. Father Fray Juan Boan came four years ago. He has been very
fortunate; for one would believe that they went to meet him with
honorable duties, in which he has ever carried himself to the honor
of the habit and the esteem of the natives, who have always loved
him. He has made material advances for the province, acting with great
mildness, and it is hoped that he will continue to do so more and more.

10. Father Fray Pedro de la Pena, a native of Burgos, and an excellent
religious. He read theology in Manila, with great credit. He held
excellent priorates in Pampanga, and before these held some in Ilocos,
where he was vicar-general. He was elected definitor of Roma and
procurator of the province at the Spanish court. He died at sea
in 1631.

11. Fray Pedro de Zuniga, one of those whom we can honor most, since
he obtained glorious martyrdom in Japon. I refer to his life.

12. Fray Juan de Medina, of Sevilla, missionary to the Bisayans. This
is he who writes this history. I confess that the province has honored
me beyond my deserts with offices and honors.

13. Fray Jose de Vides, a creole of Nueva Espana. Unfortunately he
was deprived of the habit with father Fray Pedro de Herrera. He went
to Roma by way of India, and it is not known where he stopped.

14. Fray Pedro de Mendoza, of Mechoacan, missionary to the Ilocos. He
always refused a priorate (although he could have obtained many,
had he wished), and also the office of provincial. But he is humility
itself, and I think that he will give us an opportunity.

15. Father Fray Juan de Sahagun, of Salamanca. He has held priorates,
and has lived up to the measure of his strength.

16. Fray Francisco Figueroa, of Cordoba, a Pampanga missionary. He
has carried himself well, and is esteemed and loved by all.

17. Father Fray Juan Ruiz, Bisayan missionary in the Bisayas for
several years; and then our God took him to Himself.

18. This was father Fray Juan de Ocadiz, who was hanged for the murder
of our father Fray Vicente. It would appear that that murder was
needful to him for his salvation, for his penance during the entire
time of his imprisonment was incredible. And his preparation for
death was remarkable. It has been the Lord's will to have given him
His glory, since, to pardon one, He wishes repentance alone. _Si autem
impius egeret paenitentiam ab omnibus peccatis suis, quae operatus est
... omnium iniquitatum ejus, quae operatus est, non recordabor._ [16]

When the violent murder of the provincial was divulged, an auditor went
to [the fathers of] St. Augustine, by order of the royal Audiencia,
to inquire into it. All the religious were assembled, and when all
were in the hall of his Paternity, the auditor ordered all of them
to kiss the hand of the dead provincial. On kissing it, father Fray
Juan de Ocadiz began to tremble, etc., and confessed his guilt.

19. This was brother Fray Juan Bautista, a native of Genova, but a
devoted servant of God, as he has proved in the time while he has
lived in the Filipinas Islands, in the confidential offices that the
order has entrusted to him. [17]

Our father visitor-general, seeing that many religious were necessary,
and that very few were going to Manila, resolved to bestow some
habits in the port of Acapulco. It served no other purpose than to
bring to the table those who had to leave it next day, and to give a
better passage to those who would have come exposed to the wretched
lot endured by the soldiers; and, when they wish to give habits,
there is no lack [of men] here in Manila. Therefore, scarcely were
they come to Manila when they left. That year the first archbishop
who has belonged to the islands sailed, namely, Don Pedro Vazquez
de Mercado, a secular. He had been bishop in Nueva Espana, and,
although any office there is better, accepted this office, as he had
been reared in Filipinas (where he had enjoyed prebends and health),
and because his Majesty ordered it.

No other order came then. The voyage was fortunate, for, without
furling our sails, day or night, we reached Manila, June 6, 1610;
and no voyage like ours has been made here since, as we sailed on
March 25. Both vessels were very swift, the winds strong, and the
rain-showers must have been a help.

We were welcomed cordially in Manila, as they were not expecting a
company, for the procurator sent by the province--namely, the father
reader Fray Juan de Pineda [18]--was detained in Nueva Espana. When we
arrived, already the favor bestowed upon the province by his Majesty
(in a time when, as ran the news, little was expected) was already
being extended; for the news that circulated through the court was
not very reliable. But his Majesty, better informed, attended to
everything as a pious king. He sent religious to the province, and gave
the bishopric to Don Fray Pedro de Arce, as above stated. He gave also
an alms of two thousand pesos to the Manila house, and joined to it a
visitor-general, with orders to attend to whatever needed remedy. His
Majesty should be considered as a most kind benefactor of the orders,
and very thankful for the services that our order has performed in
these regions for him.

The first thing given attention was the examination of the papers of
our father master Fray Diego de Guevara. When they had been examined
in the definitorio, there were no objections possible. Therefore,
with humble mien, the venerable father definitors were very obedient,
and complied with the letters of our most reverend father. They
were much beholden for the favors received from our pious king, and
served him likewise in this thing that he ordered. Thus was our father
visitor-general received by the definitorio. He was visitor-general
for the entire province, since necessarily the body must obey the
movements of its head.

Our father visitor was especially charged by the court to inquire into
our Father Solier's acts; and, if necessary, he was to deprive him
of his office and declare it forfeited. But he found matters quite
different from those reported there, for he found Father Solier's
province under his government very much reformed, and his devotion
admirable. For our Father Solier was in all things a remarkable man;
and by his letter to the province and his systematic conduct of it,
and the manner in which he conserved it, one can see how well he played
his part. Thus if he had lost any of his luster in his dispute with the
chapter of the past _intermedium_, he more than made it up. And this
being so understood by our father visitor-general, he congratulated
Father Solier highly, and honored him to the utmost.

It appears that our Father Solier was obliged to give account of
himself. Therefore leaving the province so well conducted with a
so honored superior, who came to it to honor and to investigate it,
he determined to go to the kingdoms of Espana. Accordingly, having
obtained leave for this from the father visitor, he set sail that
year, with authorization from the province to take care of its causes
and plead them in the court. Then, accompanied by father Fray Lucas
de Atienza, [19] an aged religious, and at that time prior of the
convent of Ibabay in the Pintados, he set sail in the vessels which
left that year, in the first part of August. The galleon "San Juan"
was to sail; it had been built to fight the Dutch enemy. Gaining the
victory on St. Mark's day, April 24 of the same year, it had been
repaired again and was to make the voyage. One of the Dutch vessels
captured was to go as almiranta; but it did not make the voyage, as it
was unseaworthy. The trip was prosperous and the father reached Espana,
attended by the same fortune. There he gave so satisfactory an account
of himself that not only did they not find him deserving of reprimand,
but honored him, by making him bishop of Puerto Rico. Later he was
promoted to the archbishopric of Santo Domingo. He gave the proofs that
all the order promised itself from his great goodness and fervor. His
zeal in conducting the affairs of this province of Filipinas was very
great. He always recognized this province as his mother, and as that
from which his higher station had originated. Therefore, although now
a bishop, he looked after the interests most important to him, namely,
the sending of ministers and missionaries. And indeed he did this by
securing a fine company, whom he sent in charge of father Fray Juan de
Montemayor, a most illustrious preacher, who was living in Andalucia,
and wished to come to these regions. He considered the offer made
to him, to be prior of that company, as not bad; and conducted it to
the Filipinas, as we shall see later.

The father master Solier appointed our father Fray Miguel Garcia
(then prior of Manila) his vicar in the province of Filipinas;
and left for him letters-patent, and all the authority that he
could. As we have said, he could not have left anyone more suitable,
nor one who more completely filled the vacancy made by Father Solier's
departure. Father Garcia governed during the one remaining year [of
Father Solier's provincialate], with great prudence, and proved what
an excellent provincial he would have made. Yet he was not, on that
account, neglectful of his house of Manila, but governed it with
strictness, which even became greater. He enriched the choir with
beautiful stalls of inlaid work and wood, which, after many years,
are still in excellent condition. He built the largest room in Manila,
namely, the porter's room. Afterward, while provincial, he aided in the
further progress of the work. That house owes more to him than to any
other. Our father visitor chose as his associate father Fray Estacio
Ortiz, [20] who had also been his associate when he went to begin
the [work of the] order in Japon. As he knew his talents and prudence
through that long association, the father visitor thought that he could
make no better choice of one to whom to entrust an office of so great
secrecy than this man whom he considered so good. Therefore as soon as
he reached Manila, he appointed Father Ortiz as such, and therein he
did exceeding well. For, as has been proved, he is the most prudent
man who has come to the Filipinas, very silent, very long-suffering,
and above all, a most devout religious. The province, aware of this,
has never allowed him any rest, but has always entrusted to him the
offices of greatest weight and honor; and he has given most strict
account of them, to the very signal interest of the order. He has
twice been prior of Manila, which place is the rock of experience,
and where each one shows his talents. Both times he labored hard,
performed much, and ruled that convent in all strictness. He was
prior of Sugbu, as well as visitor and definitor of the province at
the same time, and prior of many convents. He ever bore the name of
provincial, to which office he was not elected--not for lack of merit,
but of fortune, which is not always equal; and the lots go by pairs.

Our father visitor-general began, then, his visit through the
Tagal province Pampanga, and Ilocos, and kept for the following
triennium what remained in the Pintados. He was not limited in time,
and therefore, went slowly. Everywhere he exhibited great prudence
and wisdom, as the religious recognized, and he knew how to carry
himself with them. He provided what he saw was most essential to
the perfection of the province, which he thought to establish with
the earnestness demanded by his care and devotion, and by disposing
their minds to observe what he was teaching them by word and precept.

When he was in Manila he was an excellent chorister, and in the
other convents he assisted in the same manner. When he saw what was
advisable, he approached Manila to arrange what was needful in the
chapter affairs, for the true reformation is, that the superior be
such. If the superior be perfect, then he must try to see that all
whom he rules be perfect also. _Qualis rector est civitatis, tales
et inhabitantes in ea._ [21]




CHAPTER XXXIV

_Of the election of our father Fray Miguel Garcia_


Since the province, as we have seen, was so extensive, and all the
houses had a vote, except that there were some few convents which
were vicariates, the men who collected for the chapter were numerous;
and if I do not deceive myself, they were difficult to count--that
is, they were more than sixty. And among so many men (although it is
true that it was always thought that the province was to be for our
father Fray Miguel Garcia), there are different tempers, and factions,
and they say those things which afterward it were well that they had
not said. They found the president inclined not to make our father
Fray Miguel Garcia provincial--not because there were demerits in
his person, but because he had already governed, and he considered
that enough. Such discussions, although they were in good point, did
not have any effect; for the waters flowed in their usual channels,
and this talk served only to disquiet some. In short, our father Fray
Miguel Garcia was declared elected on the twenty-third of April,
of the year 1611, all votes concurring in his election with great
good-will; for they saw that he was the one of whom the province
had need for those times. Thereupon, our father Fray Miguel Garcia
performed an action most worthy of his devout heart, namely, to
kneel down before our president, and with tears to resign his office,
confessing himself as unworthy and insufficient for it, while he did
not have the grace or rather the age for it. This he did with so many
tears that his devotion made many others weep. The bishop-elect of
Sugbu, who was present, caused our father visitor to dispense him in
whatever obstruction he had by reason of his age, and to confirm him
in the election. The bishop cooeperated, and considered it good that
the province had elected him; and the province itself insisted on it
by universal acclaim. Consequently, our father visitor confirmed our
father provincial Fray Miguel Garcia, first dispensing him for the
impediment of the lack of age, which was but little. That lack was
more than supplied by his excess of prudence.

The definitors elected at this chapter were the reverend fathers:
first, Fray Francisco Bonifacio; second, Fray Juan de Tapia; third,
Fray Vicente de Sepulveda; and fourth, Fray Estacio Ortiz. The
absolute provincial, father Fray Diego Gutierrez, received a vote. The
visitors who were elected in this definitorio were father Fray
Bernabe de Villalobos and father Fray Antonio de Porras [22], the
latter being _adito_. [23] All the above in assembly made excellent
regulations, and established for that time very good acts and laws;
and they charged our father provincial with the execution of them,
since on that depended the universal good of all the province.

It was proposed in this chapter, and, in fact, it was so ordered,
for reasons that were very apparent there, that the chapters in the
future should be held every four years, and the intermediary chapters
every two years. The main consideration that influenced them was the
great deficiency that the fathers create in their convents during the
time when they come to the election, and they deemed it advisable
to obviate this injury as much as possible, since it could not be
entirely remedied--concluding that the expenses, if they could not
be avoided, at least would be delayed as late as possible. This was
agreed upon at that time, but later it was considered unadvisable,
and consequently the enactment in this matter was repealed.

After the election, and the departure of the vessels to Castilla,
our father visitor undertook to go to visit the province of Bisayas,
which he did very slowly. He took as his associate our father Fray
Hernando Becerra, [24] then a recent arrival. He visited the island
of Panay very leisurely. When about to go to the convent of Sugbu, he
took as associate our father Fray Alonso de Mentrida, [25] then without
office, as he had refused any. He established an excellent system in
that convent, of which he had great care. He caused its annuities to
be raised, for it was very poor and overburdened. Father Fray Hernando
Becerra went to Manila to read theology. Although he did this only
for a short time, yet he became very renowned throughout the islands,
and in consequence was cordially received by the other orders. Thence
the father visitor came to Manila to assist in the superior government
of the province, although the government of our father, Fray Miguel
Garcia, was such that, when he was there, no one else was needed.

In the year 1613, the ships with the reenforcements arrived in good
shape from Nueva Espana. In them came that company of religious
above mentioned as being sent by Bishop Solier. Father Fray Juan de
Montemayor, their leader, who brought them from Nueva Espana, did it as
well as he could; but there most of the religious, finding themselves
tired out by the severe voyage, and the breadth of the land and its
mildness and beauty inviting them, and that first courage having
been lost with which they had left their native land and country,
separated in a thousand directions, so that very few of that flock
were left. These embarked and set sail in the port of Acapulco,
March 25, 1613, without enough provisions; and even in what provision
they had so little judgment was shown that they arrived as if by a
miracle. Such was their need that when they arrived at the Embocadero,
which is about eighty leguas from Manila, they had to disembark,
and go from island to island, selling what few clothes they had
left. There the fathers of the Society, who have charge of those
missions, performed toward them a thousand acts of charity, by means
of which they sustained life until, thus broken and with innumerable
necessities, they reached Sugbu. Of a truth, they were ill advised;
for, since they were already in the islands, they would have been
delayed much less in the ships, which were retarded because of the
route that they took, which was full of dangers and not a little
troublesome. But the government does not learn. It is a gift given
by God to those who please Him. Two fathers who remained in the ships
arrived promptly and many months before their associates.

The religious in that company were as follows:

1. The father master, Fray Pedro Garcia, own brother of our father Fray
Miguel Garcia. He did not come as master, but his brother negotiated
that for him upon going to Espana.

2. Father Fray Juan de Montemayor, one of the greatest preachers who
have been in the islands.

3. Fray Jeronimo Medrano.

4. Fray Nicolas de Herrera, a preacher, and a prominent religious.

5. Fray Cristobal de Miranda. He was the one who, together with the
master, Fray Pedro Garcia, refused to disembark. That religious has
been very useful.

6. Father Fray Hernando de Aguilar, a very honored religious.

7. Father Fray Bartolome de Salcedo.

8. Father Fray Jeronimo de Oro.

9. Father Fray Antonio de los Santos.

10. Father Fray Juan Cabello.

11. Father Fray Juan de Pareja Mejia, very skilled in the Ilocan
tongue. I mean that the following year, when the father master went,
he again sent his associate, Fray Lucas de Atienza, with some religious
whom he found from the other companies whom I have already named,
some of them being in my company.

Others were Fray Juan de Mena and Fray Lucas de Rivera. [26]

With this the government of our father Fray Miguel Garcia was, we might
say, fortunate; for he found himself with two companies, all of whom,
with the half company, numbered more than forty religious. With that
number he was able to supply the missions which now were suffering
for the need of workers. He was able to add new strength to the house
at Manila, so that the choir could be assured--which is, as one might
say, the fort of the province, where prayer is offered to God day and
night for the needs of the province. There they gather those who find
that they have but little strength in the ministry, where with some
more rest they can attend to the profit of their own souls. Our father
Fray Miguel Garcia, considering that our father Fray Diego de Guevara
had visited the provinces so slowly, did not choose to cause more
trouble to the convents, or to spend more on his visits. Consequently,
he was not excessive in this matter, but very mild.

In the intermediary chapter held in Manila within two years, as had
been determined in the full chapter, it appeared that the province
complained about the [term of the] chapter being lengthened one
year. They advanced not a few reasons in support of this complaint,
and so many that it was ordered that that measure be revoked, and
the chapter meeting be assigned for the next year of 1614. It was to
be held in the house of Guadalupe, a place very suitable, in their
opinion, for the chapter meetings, as it was not very far from Manila,
so that they could supply their needs; and it allowed them to escape
annoyances and importunities of the laymen.

This [intermediary] chapter considered that many religious were dying,
and that, since the father priors always came to vote, some house
must necessarily remain empty, and be entrusted to the fiscals of
the villages. This appeared full of inconveniences, both temporally
and spiritually, which it is not right to express, since they are so
apparent. And even were there nothing else than the great danger of
many persons dying without holy baptism, and others without confession,
that was sufficient. But there were many other reasons, which,
although not so serious, aided not a little. The expenses that would
be saved were many; and this reason, that the priorates would have
such persons, for the best ones would always be chosen for them. This
was opposed very strongly, and the opposition alleged what, in their
opinion, were not a few reasons. They asserted that this was a kind of
tyranny, and that their opponents were trying to reduce the province
to fewer votes in order to perpetuate themselves in the government;
and that it was less easy to make sixty votes agree than twenty. The
province had commenced thus and should continue thus, and it was a
manifest grievance to deprive those elected by the intermediary (or
rather, the full) chapter of their votes. They said that that matter
was very serious, and should be carried over to the _ipso pleno_
[_i.e._, the full chapter], in which, after being considered by so
many, it could be determined. The whole question was put to vote by
our father provincial, Fray Miguel Garcia, who held the affirmative
side. With his Paternity were our father Fray Diego de Guevara (who
presided as visitor-general), the father definitor, Fray Vicente de
Sepulveda, and the father definitor Fray Francisco Bonifacio. On the
other or negative side were father Fray Estacio Ortiz, the father
definitor Fray Juan de Tapia, the father visitor Fray Juan Enriquez,
[27] and the father visitor Fray Juan Villalobos. [28]

They were equally opposed. One _adito_, father Fray Antonio de
Porras, was not there. Each side put forth its efforts, working
for our Lord's service, at which all aimed, doubtless, but by
different paths. The father commissary took sides with the party
of our father master, Fray Diego de Guevara, as he thought that
the better and more justifiable. And thus this chapter disposed
of all that it had proposed. Five houses in Bisayas were left with
votes, namely, Santisimo Nombre do Jesus, Panay, Barbaran, Passi,
and Octong. Another five votes were left in Ilocos, namely, Bantay,
Ilagua, Batac, Nalbacan, and Bauang. Thus twelve votes were taken
away from the province of Bisayas, which has sixteen large convents,
leaving the vicars, immediate to the chapter, with the authority and
power in temporal and spiritual matters, as if they were priors. Only
their vote in the chapter was taken away. Of the thirteen convents in
the province of Ilocos, eight were deprived of vote. In the province of
Tagalos, votes were assigned to the house of Manila, that of Guadalupe,
the father sub-prior, the father preacher-general, the convent of Taal,
that of San Pablo de los Montes, the convent of Bay, that of Pasig,
those of Paranaque, Tondo, Bulacan, Malolos, Agonoy, and Calumpit--in
all, fourteen votes. Many houses--about ten--were deprived of votes;
and of these sometimes they make priorates (or rather, vicariates)
and sometimes visitas. Six votes were given to Pampanga, namely,
Bacolor, Mexico, Guagua, Macabebe, Lubao, and Candaba. Six other
convents were left as vicariates. Thus the houses having vote numbered
twenty-eight. The subprior and procurator-general, four definitors,
two visitors, the discreto of Manila, the provincia and his associate
bring the number up by ten [_sic_], and make thirty-nine; and the
absolute provincial bring it up to forty.

It was declared that when, through the privations of the time, any
convent should decrease notably, the definitorio could transfer its
vote in that chapter to another convent, as might then seem advisable,
as was seen in the convent of Aclan. When this convent passed from
the order its vote was transferred to the convent of Barbaran.

Some acts were passed afterward, which, translated into Latin and
printed, are observed in the province. I do not place them here,
as I think that they do not further our purpose in any way. Their
annulment was asked for, for experience has shown that they have been
productive of little good, and that the province had not need of so
great rigor as they contain.




CHAPTER XXXV

_Of the election of our father Fray Vicente de Sepulveda_


Our father visitor-general thought that he had complied with
his obligation, and that the affairs of the province were in good
condition. He set about returning to Espana with the results of his
labor, although for the completion of the visit there was no time
allotted; for he had ample license to remain in the province as long as
he judged it advisable for its advantage and greater good. He did not
have good fortune on that voyage, for, either the poor equipment or
the late departure caused both the almiranta and the flagship to put
back in distress. Our father visitor also came back and resumed his
office, as it was one of which he had made no resignation. Now came
the time for the chapter which was to be held in Guadalupe, according
to the decision made. In this chapter the number of votes was very
much less, in obedience to the acts of the intermediary chapter, and
the father visitor was to be the president as was necessary in that
chapter also, for thus was it ordered in his letters-patent. Some
must have been sorry for it. Finally, the matter arranged itself in
such a way that our father master Fray Diego de Guevara resigned any
right that he might have to that presidency and to the visitation of
those islands, and for greater assurance broke the seal of it when he
entered the chapter. As the only received master in that province,
it was understood that he would be provincial; but I think that the
fathers were very far from thinking of it, for they inclined to our
father Fray Miguel Garcia, who was most keen and very accurate in
matters of government. Being, moreover, a prince of the Church, the
latter was more conspicuous, as all thought; and I have even heard
very influential persons and even governors say of the archbishop,
"He is very wise! He is very wise!"

Upon the arrival, then, of the nineteenth of the month of May, 1614,
the date upon which our chapter fell, our father Fray Vicente de
Sepulveda, a person who, one would think, had entered these islands
for eminence in everything, was elected. For coming in the company
of the bishop Solier (I mean the company which he himself brought to
this land), in the year 1606, as soon as the said Solier was elected
provincial, he made him [_i.e._, Sepulveda] prior of the convent of
Macabebe in Pampanga, one of the best of all the convents. Later,
while our father Fray Miguel Garcia was provincial, he was elected
definitor, and now we see him provincial; and in the succeeding
triennium we shall see him return to the office because of the death
of the holder of it, which is in accordance with the rules. Within a
little more than a month after he had taken the office, we shall see
him choked to death. Thus he served as an official in the province for
scarcely one and one-half years before he was at the head of it. But
so great fortune in temporal affairs announced such a misfortune.

At that chapter presided the definitor, namely, our father,
Fray Francisco Bonifacio; for, by the resignation of our father
visitor-general, the rules summoned him for it. As definitors were
elected in the chapter: our father Fray Juan Enriquez, father Fray
Pedro Garcia; [29] second, our father Fray Alonso de Mentrida; third,
father Fray Alonso Ruiz; [30] and fourth, Fray Juan Cabero. [31] The
visitors were Fray Jeronimo de Salas and Fray Nicolas de Alreybar. All
of them assembled, they enacted carefully what they deemed most
suitable for the province.

As prior of the province and definitor of Roma was elected our father
Fray Miguel Garcia; and, as discreto of the general chapter, father
Fray Hernando Guerrero, with sufficient authority so that in case
our father [_i.e._, Garcia] should die he should enter upon his duties.

Leave was also given to our father visitor-general to go to
Espana. They made him prior of Manila. His voyages were fortunate,
although in the following year, when they went to Espana, the fleet was
overtaken by great danger and obliged to put in at Lisboa. But affairs
went so well in the court of Espana, that after only a short wait his
Majesty appointed them as bishops--our father Fray Miguel Garcia,
of Cagayan; and our father visitor, of Camarines. They arrived at
their bishoprics, and died in the islands, where they furnished an
excellent example.

Our father Fray Vicente, as one who found himself with the province in
charge, and who took especial care of its increase, managed its affairs
with great assiduity. He visited all the provinces personally. He went
to that of the Bisayas, which even yet bewails the cost to them of that
visit. And if we must confess that the prelate's zeal was proper,
we have not to confess that the province which has ever enjoyed
an austere reputation had grown so careless as to need so bitter
medicine. And since those who were removed from their priorates were
given others, this rigor could well have been avoided, in my opinion,
although perhaps it ought to be considered proper, as the government
of the prelates is paramount. The provincial returned to Manila,
leaving Fray Alonso de Baraona as his vicar-provincial.

During this period the islands were passing through very great
dangers; for the Dutch from Maluco were vaunting themselves more
than was proper, and every day brought news that the Mindanaos were
assembling to destroy the islands--fears that made the people timorous
and too anxious. Finally their fears came to a head with the arrival
in great force of the Dutch off the coast of the town of Arevalo,
whose purpose was to prevent the aid which was to be sent from that
port to the forts of Ternate. The enemy had ten galleons, of varying
capacity; and it was even told as truth that they were bringing lime
and the other supplies for settling in Ilong-ilong. But later, when
the matter was better considered, it must have been seen that their
residence there would not be productive of any profit, but rather
of a very great expense. Besides, it would be very difficult to send
them aid; while our troops could easily oust them, as the island is
ours. The commandant of the town of Arevalo, also its alcalde-mayor
and overseer-general, without mincing words, was no more a man than
is a hen. Even in bravery, a hen is more than he; since the hen, upon
seeing the approach of the kite, is aroused, and becomes a lioness in
order to guard her chicks. But this person, by name Antonio de Jarez de
Montero, did no more than to run away, although he had troops to meet
the enemy face to face. He had assembled more than two thousand Indians
from those encomiendas; he had more than two hundred Spaniards. And
so when the Indians saw, the night before, the signal which had been
made from the island of Imalus, [32] they fled, and not one was to
be seen next day; and all of the Spaniards who could, went also. In
the morning, Monday, on such and such a day of October, the enemy
appeared, and came straight to the port of Ilong-ilong, as if they
had frequented it for many years. Thereupon, the alcalde-mayor fled
inland, without taking thought for anything. Thus the field--where had
four Spaniards remained, they would have performed great deeds--was
left to the enemy. I was living at that time in Otong, where father
Fray Juan de Lecea [33] was prior, a most exemplary religious. Father
Fray Silvestre de Torres, [34] who had come from Japon, was likewise
a conventual of that place. We did the same as the others. We stored
aboard a caracoa the most valuable things of the convent, and buried
the rest. We ordered the Indians to remain with the caracoa among those
creeks, of which there are many. They did so, and hence all the things
aboard the caracoa and those buried were found afterward. The enemy,
not meeting any opposition, landed, came to the town of Arevalo, and
set fire to it all. They burned our convent, which was quite fine and
built of wood They burned that of Salog also, an excellent convent,
which even yet has not been rebuilt. The enemy suffered greatly on
the road, for that season in the islands is the rainy season. We went
to the convent of Baong, one day's journey inland from the town,
although we spent more than two in reaching it. I, although sick,
was first to arrive. The prior of that convent was Father Diego
Oseguera. [35] Although the convent was poor, yet they acted as if
they were wealthy. They shared all the rice and beef of the convent
with all [the fugitives] who kept coming every moment, without taking
account of anything. The convent of Otong, besides its building,
lost a ranch of cattle which it owned then of more than five hundred
head and others of mares of more than one hundred head. For as the
cattle were tame and came to their usual resorts, the enemy caught
some and shot others. The fathers of the Society lost much also. The
rector of their college there was, at that time, Father Encinas, [36]
a man of uncommon holiness. He also came to Baong, by short relays,
and lived in our convents until his order summoned him.

The commandant and lieutenant-governor of the Pintados, Don Juan
de la Vega, was in Sugbu with two companies of infantry. The news
of the enemy's coming was told to him; accordingly he embarked his
men and brought them thither, but, when he had arrived, the enemy
had burned everything, and were away up the point. Thus the troops,
went to the convent of Passi--one-half day's journey by land--by the
river of Alacaygan. That same day I arrived at Passi, for I went from
Baong to Laglag, and from Laglag to Passi. The Indians were already
vaunting themselves very insolently, and refused to render any aid;
but it appears that with the arrival of those two companies, whom
they had in the heart of the country, they began to become calm. Who
can tell what these convents did, and what they gave and supplied? It
is incredible, for almost from their shoulders hung all those troops,
yet without curtailing anything [of the convent's usual bounty]. The
convents were hostelries for those soldiers and captains, until their
substance was gone. But when that commandant could have collected more
than three hundred Indians (or rather, soldiers), and gone to meet
the enemy and could have inflicted great damage upon him, he spent the
time in scandalous feasting. Afterward he went to Dumangas where all
the people of the town of Otong and the other soldiers were gathered;
and there, by surfeiting themselves with cocoa-nuts and sugar-cane,
and committing other acts of hoggish greed, more of them died than
if they had fought with the enemy. That commandant was the son of an
auditor, and must have been a brave man, although he caused grief to
everyone; and his blunders must have been fine bits of prudence. He
also lost for the king a galleon named "San Marcos," one of the best
and stoutest vessels built in the islands. Another auditor's son,
Don Pedro de Almazan, when general of the galleys, had the Mindanaos
blockaded in the river Baco, and when already the enemy were thinking
of surrendering, he left the port, whereupon the enemy regained courage
and went away. The sons of auditors have done many things like these,
but I do not write them, as I am not the historian of their acts of
prowess. I have merely remarked this in passing, as it was necessary
to speak of it. Finally, Don Juan de la Vega died suddenly. There he
will have given account to God. Perhaps his intention in something
may save him.

It will be apparent from what I have written, that there has been
scarcely any event in these islands, either of war or peace, where
those of my order have not distinguished themselves. In the above
they did so no less than in others, for they were fathers to so many
poor, and hosts and support to so many soldiers. They relieved, if
not wholly, at least partially, the needs of so many, which one can
easily believe would be many, since they were abandoning their houses,
burned with what little they contained, and fleeing from the enemy
who were burning their possessions.

The enemy left the islands after that, whereupon father Fray Juan de
Lecea, as a true father to the end--and what he grieved over, was, in
truth, the leading astray of his flock--went down from the mountains,
as soon as he learned that the enemy were not in Otong, and reached
(although not without many tears), those sites where had been the
convent, and where the true God had been worshiped. He began to gather
together those dear wretched beings, and gave them alms of the little
that he had. Finally, with God's help, those natives gradually came
down from the mountains and assembled in their village, where they
began to build their houses anew. Father Fray Juan de Lecea showed
so excellent management that he soon had a habitation. I left the
upland then and went to the visita of Guimbal, where the enemy had not
been. From that place I sent Father Lecea men, and what [supplies] I
could, so that the work might progress. There by the Lord's pleasure,
the Tinguianes of that visita, who had never consented to build a
church, nor have the father visit them, at length, through the Lord's
mercy, ceased their obduracy. They built me a church, and I baptized
many of them, both children at the breast and those somewhat older,
and adults. If I have done any service to the Lord in that place,
I pray His Majesty to receive it as a partial payment for my many
acts of disservice.

On my departure from all those mountains, and my return to Otong,
I found already a church and small dwelling-house built, and another
under way, larger and more commodious, which was soon finished,
until it finally became a very handsome edifice.

The convent of Salog was being rebuilt in better style; and the Indians
were again settling in the village, although not as in the beginning.

From that place I was exchanged to the convent of Dumalag, by order
of the vicar-provincial of the island, the father commissary, Fray
Antonio de Torres. While I was there the father provincial came to
visit, and there happened the above. The result of his visit was to
send me as prior to Dumangas, which I opposed to my utmost, as I had
left two other priorates because of my ill-health. But obedience had
to force my will. When I arrived there, even yet the Spaniards were
in that river. At last, seeing that they could go, they retired,
and my parishioners were more free to attend to their souls, to
their houses, to their villages, and to their church, which had been
destroyed. Finally, it was the Lord's will that I built there a church
and house of wood, and larger in size [than the former one].

The government remained in the hands of the Audiencia, because of
the death of Don Juan de Silva, knight of the Order of Santiago,
governor and captain-general of these islands. He sailed for Malaca
with ten galleons, accompanied by two of our religious, father
Fray Juan de Montemayor, [37] and father Fray Lucas de Atienza. The
Audiencia governed most carefully and successfully, for it had very
good results in whatever it attempted. It was rumored that the Dutch
enemy were returning to the islands with a greater force, as they
had heard of the death of that man--who must be immortal, and for
fear of whom they were lost; for daily they were indicating this
in their conduct. For as he routed them at Playa Honda, in 1610,
they had no wish to fall into his power a second time. But now,
without any fear, they were about to return to retrieve their loss
and past reputation. The Audiencia appointed as commander-in-chief
of the Pintados Don Diego de Quinones, one of the most valiant
and courageous gentlemen ever in this land. His first act was to
strengthen the fort of Sugbu, in case the enemy should attack at that
point. While he was busy in that occupation, news came from Otong of
the approach of the Dutch with ten galleons, and of their intention
to colonize the point of Ilong-ylong. Instantly, he ordered a boat,
loaded it with bread and cheese, and went to Otong. In the nine days'
interval until the Dutch arrived, he built a redoubt of wood and
fascines, where he awaited the enemy, who arrived September 29. Don
Diego had but few men, although a company from Ternate was there, who
happened to come there in a wrecked fragata. They were of no little
service. His artillery consisted of small pieces which shot a ball no
larger than a very small orange. He had about one hundred men. Lazaro
de Torres was their captain, a man of great courage, and than whom no
one, in such opportunities, has been more fortunate. His alferez was
Don Pedro Zara, a very courageous soldier. In short, they fought so
that it appeared rather rashness than bravery. Two of our religious
were there, father Fray Jeronimo de Alvarado and Fray Juan de Morales,
besides the parish priest of the town, Bartolome Martes. They confessed
the troops, and encouraged them. The balls rained down, and thus they
penetrated throughout the fort, as if it had been paper. No place was
safe, for the enemy commanded the entire fort from their topmasts;
and no sooner did any one mount the parapet than he was shot. The
commander was wounded, as was Don Pedro Zara. Within that redoubt all
were heaped sweltering in their own blood, awaiting death. For, as
often as the enemy invested that small fort or redoubt, the Spaniards
resisted bravely and killed many of them. But finally, at the end,
the victory had to remain with the conqueror, who could be none other
than the Dutch as they had so strong forces. But our Lord in such a
conflict aided His own, who were fighting there for His honor under so
great odds; and willed that the enemy should abandon the undertaking,
and depart--to the wonder of all, after they had been firing at that
rampart for nearly two days. In that time they must have used more than
five hundred large balls, the reverberations of which sounded on the
heights of that island like thunder. On the departure of the enemy,
our men must have found themselves in great need of everything, for
whatever houses and stores were there were all burned; for the Dutch
have done this three times on that point. Help came then from Baong,
and father Fray Hernando de Morales came overland with two hundred
Indians. He was an angel to the people, and, with the Indians,
aided them in their greatest necessity. By this means they had one
who served and accommodated them, which was no small achievement. He
brought them as much food as he could, and remained with them until
the natives began to aid; for all had been frightened greatly at the
uproar that they had seen. This was a great matter for the natives,
for they all said, "The Dutch have been beaten."

Captain Don Diego, seeing that the enemy would go there constantly,
began, with the consent of the Audiencia, to build a fort, and
constructed a rampart, furnished with some excellent pieces, which
arrived the same day when the enemy left, and were almost captured by
them. Afterward the fort was completed. It consists of four ramparts,
and is the best in the Filipinas. I have related the above, because
it shows how our religious attend to the service of our Lord.




CHAPTER XXXVI

_Of the election of our father, Fray Jeronimo de Salas; and of other
events in this province at that time._


The [time for the] chapter arrived in which our father Fray Vicente
left his office, at which he would rejoice; for this matter of
command, although it appears to be all honey, certainly contains
much more of gall and confusion than rest. The father visitor,
Fray Juan de Enriquez, received votes, and he was well liked in
Pampanga. The father-provincial thought that father Fray Agustin
de Mejia [38] was needed for the government of the province, for he
was of Manila, and had maintained that convent with great devotion
and punctuality, and no one had been lacking in anything--and that
in times so calamitous as his own. During that time the ships from
Espana failed us for two years, and during all that period he had so
great courage that he did splendid things in the convent of Manila,
both for the church and for the house. The monument placed in our house
is the best of all those belonging to the orders; it and many others
are his work. Notwithstanding this, the religious did not consider him
favorably. Consequently, our father provincial, seeing the difficulty,
did not wish, as a prudent man, to venture upon a thing which would
make face against him. For the religious alone are of this condition,
that they play openly; as they look rather at the common good than
that of their own particular interest. Consequently, he cast his eyes
on father Fray Jeronimo de Salas, a man so well received that the
other fathers agreed on him immediately, and he was elected without
much difficulty on the twenty-ninth of April, 1617. That election
was very pleasing to the province, for all were very sure that they
would receive very great consolations at his hands. They were quite
right too, for I could treat of that point, as a very large share of
it fell to me, when I was in Bisayas acting as prior of Dumangas; for
he sent me leave to come to Manila, as he wished me to become subprior.

Father Fray Jeronimo de Cabero presided at that chapter, as we had
no letters-patent from our father general. As definitors, father Fray
Juan Enriquez, father Fray Pedro de Lesarte, [39] father Fray Alonso de
Baraona, and father Fray Felipe de Tallada were elected. The visitors
were father Fray Estacio Ortiz and father Fray Agustin de Mejia. All
together assembled, they annulled preceding orders and enacted others
for the good management of the province.

But little life was left for our father provincial, for a very
slight accident occasioned his death, so that, without any medicine
sufficing, he went away and left us on the seventeenth of May,
leaving us disconsolate and very desirous of him.

Our rules, in such an event, summon the preceding provincial, who
immediately took the seal. Persons were not lacking to advise him to
leave the government of the province, saying that the province was not
well affected toward him. And even persons outside of the order who
were viewing things with some interest, said the same to him. But we
are not to understand that any ambition guided him, but that since he
had had experience in the government, which is not the least thing,
he thought that he could govern better than another. He commenced to
burden the province with mandates, for in his term there was too much
of that. Thereupon, the fathers began to regard him less favorably
than before, and to represent to themselves the evil of his having the
command. There were meetings and discussions in which the coming evil
was clearly presaged and announced. One old religious, who was such
in all things, in order to avoid cavilings and inquisitions went to
confess to him; and told him that he knew most positively that they
wished to kill him, and that he should relinquish his office. He
assented to nothing, carried away, doubtless, by his good zeal. A
brother served him in his cell, a creole whom he wished well and whom
he treated with affection. The latter, in return for the benefits
which he received, gave him pounded glass in his chocolate, for he
had been told that that was the most virulent poison which could be
administered. But the provincial's natural force resisted everything,
for he was robust, though small of body.

During this time, which was June of the same year, 1617, as the ships
which had been despatched the year before had put back in distress,
the viceroy of Nueva Espana, in order not to leave the islands without
succor, bought a small Peruvian ship called "San Jeronimo," little
but very staunch. Although they had but little comfort, the bishop,
Don Fray Miguel Garcia, embarked with his fine company of religious;
and he brought them in safety to the port of Cavite, although they
were almost wrecked among the islands, because the vendavals had set
in early and with violent force. At last freed from this and other
dangers by the mercy of God, and as they were laborers chosen by
God for this His vineyard, He did not wish them to lack work in it;
and so He placed them at the doors of the convent of Manila, poor
from the lack of comfort in the voyage, but rich with their hopes
and virtues. Their names were:

Father Fray Hernando Guerrero, who came as prior of them all.

Father Fray Antonio de Ocampo, a very eloquent preacher, and a
Castilian.

Father Fray Juan de Trejo, a very eloquent preacher, and from
Estremadura.

Father Fray Juan Ramirez, a preacher, from Burgos.

Father Fray Pedro Ramirez, a preacher, from Burgos.

Father Fray Diego de Robles, a Castilian.

Father Fray Diego de Avalos, from Toledo.

Father Fray Agustin Carreno, from Asturia, a Tagal.

Father Fray Francisco de Madrid, a preacher, and a Castilian.

Father Fray Lucas de Aguilar, a Castilian.

Father Fray Juan de las Cuevas, from Madrid.

Father Fray Andres de Prada, from Burgos.

Father Fray Antonio de Ulloa, a preacher, and a Castilian.

Father Fray Alonso Delgado, from Estremadura.

Father Fray Alonso Rodriguez, a fine organist, and a Castilian.

Father Fray Juan de Orasco, a Castilian.

Father Fray Martin de Arasti, a Biscayan.

Father Fray Felix de Villafuerte.

Father Fray Antonio Quintano, a preacher, from Burgos.

Father Fray Juan Gallegos, a preacher, from Mancha.

Father Fray Jacinto de Herrera; this was the second time that he has
sailed for this land. He is a preacher and a Castilian.

Father Fray Pedro Mejia, a preacher, from Mancha.

Father Fray Jeronimo de Paredes, a preacher, and a Castilian.

Father Fray Martin Vazquez, a Castilian.

Father Fray Tomas de Villanueva, from Mancha.

Father Fray Alonso de Carabasal, reader, and who came the following
year. He remained behind because of his poor health.

Father Fray Antonio de Mojica, a Castilian.

Father Fray Cristobal Enriquez, a preacher, from Estremadura.

Father Fray Juan de Espinosa, a Castilian.

Father Fray Gaspar de Lorenzana, a Castilian. [40]

All those fathers who came here were from the province of
Castilla. Their arrival was of great consequence, and with them the
death of the father provincial, Fray Jeronimo de Salas, was, in some
measure, corrected; for, in return for a person whom the Lord took
from the province by that action, He gave it many workers in whom
there were very great hopes.

Our father rector-provincial, as the matter devolved on him, divided
the fathers among the four provinces of Tagalos, Pampanga, Ilocos,
and Bisayas. He had ordered that father Fray Alonso Baraona, at that
time definitor of the province, should take the religious who fell to
its share to the Pintados; and that he should come to the province
to govern it, since he was his vicar-provincial and visitor. The
religious embarked, therefore, and with them, the father prior of
Sugbu, Fray Luis de Brito, [41] and the prior of Panay, Fray Miguel
de Suaren. [42] As the winds were adverse, because the vendavals were
raging obstinately, they were unable to get away from the island of
Manila for a long time.

Two ships were sent to Nueva Espana. One put back and the other,
which was a Portuguese caravel, went to India and was wrecked. The
ships for Castilla were being prepared, and were to sail by the first
of August. Our father provincial tried to have father Fray Juan de
Ocadiz sail in them, as he considered his return to Espana necessary
for his own quiet; and since he was able to do so, he ordered that
Fray Juan should go immediately to Cavite, for he suspected that,
if anything evil was to occur, it would be perpetrated by that
man. Finally, the religious left, after putting off his departure as
long as possible. He said "goodby," in order to go to embark in the
morning, and permission was given him. That night, the first of August,
1617, one of the most tragic events that has ever happened in these
islands occurred in our province--namely, that that same night our
father rector-provincial, Fray Vicente de Sepulveda, was choked to
death, and was found dead in his bed at two o'clock in the morning,
with clear signs of a violent death. In that most horrible crime were
implicated three religious--one a priest, one a chorister, and one
a lay-brother, namely, the creole who gave the poison to the father,
and whom his relatives hid; and, as he had money, they helped him to
escape out of these islands. The lay-brother was a European, and the
father priest, Fray Juan de Ocadiz, an American. They [_i.e._, the last
two] were hanged near the atrium of our church, in front of the well,
after we had first unfrocked, expelled, and disgraced them. The two
said men were buried beneath the cloister of our convent, near the
porter's lodge, before the altar of St. Nicolas de Tolentino. [43]

In the interval from the death of our father provincial, Fray Jeronimo
de Salas, which occurred on May 17, until our father rector-provincial
Sepulveda was killed, a singular case happened in our convent, which
was apparently a presage of the said fatality. It happened that in
the fine infirmary of the said convent, which looks toward the sea,
a white cat was found which was rearing three rats at its breasts,
feeding them as if they were its own kind of offspring, and giving a
complete truce to the natural antipathy of such animals. But after
it had reared and fattened them well, it ate them, ceasing the
unwonted truces in its natural opposition. Almost all the people of
the community of Manila and its environs came to see such a thing,
for scarcely would they credit the truth of it, and all affirmed that
it must be the presage of some great fatality.

By the death of the said our father Sepulveda (which was very keenly
felt by our province, and which grieved the hearts of all the members
individually), although the father definitors ought to have taken
up the government, yet they made a renunciation of the right which
pertained to every one of them. Accordingly, announcements were sent
through the provinces to the effect that the provincial chapter should
be held on the last day of October, the thirty-first, of the year 17.

About this time the very illustrious Don Diego Vazquez de Marcado,
archbishop of Manila, a most worthy prelate, died. He was the
embodiment of learning, virtue, and prudence, and all grieved sorely
at his death. Our bishop of Cebu, Don Fray Pedro de Arce, entered upon
the government of the archbishopric, by a special bull of Paul V,
and he was assigned one _talega_ [44] more salary than he received
in his bishopric.

During this period occurred the persecution of Christians in Japon
by the emperor Dayfusama, and the martyrdom of our blessed martyrs
in that kingdom. [45]

Our enemy the Dutch also came with seventy [_sic_] vessels to Playa
Honda in Zambales, seeing that they were unable to attain their
designs--namely, to capture the port of Cavite, and change the minds
of the natives, turn them from the service and homage of our Catholic
monarch, and render them allies to themselves. But on Saturday, April
7, 1617, our fleet left Cavite under command of Master-of-camp Don
Juan Ronquillo, who had the happiness and good luck to sink several
of their vessels, burn another, and put the rest to flight amid the
islands. Our fleet remained intact, except for two vessels which
were roughly handled. May 8, 1618, the fleet returning to the port
of Cavite, was received with great pomp and joy because of their
happy victory, which they had obtained by the Divine favor. Salutes
were fired in honor of Nuestra Senora de Guia [_i.e._, "our Lady of
Guidance"], and Don Juan Ronquillo was acclaimed as the father of
this land and its savior from the Dutch enemy, who were trying to
conquer this archipelago.

Our religious who were assigned to the Bisayan provinces went to their
respective destinations, and arrived safely, thanks to the Lord,
notwithstanding the dangerous seas among the islands in the season
of baguios and hurricanes. But they were courageous, and confided in
the obedience that conquers all things.

In the beginning of the month of September, father Fray Juan de Rivera,
prior of Octong, and father Fray Francisco Bonifacio, prior of Passi,
set forth in an excellent caracoa, and a good crew of sailor folk. As
they were crossing from the island of Tablas to Dumalor, or the
island of Mindoro, they encountered a large boat of Camucones and a
little vessel. The Vizcayan prior of Octong did not lose his head, but
encouraged their men, and made them attack the enemy's bark. They did
it with great resolution, so that the pirate, imagining that they were
a caracoa belonging to a fleet, began to flee. To do this more quickly,
they abandoned the small boat, after taking off all its crew. Thus they
rowed so quickly that our men could not overtake them. Ours took the
little boat, which proved of no little use; for as they came near the
island of Mindoro, they saw that the weather was growing very bad, that
the clouds were moving more quickly, and that the wild waves of the
swollen sea were running high. They took good counsel--namely, that of
father Fray Juan de Lecea--to place themselves in a little house, and
put ashore all their belongings, and beach the boat, which they could
have done. But the Indians refused to work, a vice quite peculiar to
them, and everything was lost. The elements began to rouse themselves,
and the winds to blow with so great fury that no greater tempest has
been witnessed in the islands. Our caracoa went to pieces and all its
cargo was lost, except what was later cast ashore. During that same
storm six galleons were wrecked in the islands; they were the best
that the king has launched. Among them was that so famous galleon
"La Salvadora." When the fleet returned from Malaca, Don Jeronimo
de Silva, who was in charge of the department of war, ordered those
vessels to be taken out for repairs; and they were taken out, to their
loss. Some sank, others were driven aground. Many men perished, both
Spaniards and Indians, as well as Japanese, Sangleys, and workmen. It
is a loss that Manila will ever bemoan. Therefore they say there:
"In truth thou art welcome, Misfortune, when thou comest alone." [46]
Manila had had a loss as great as that of the governor, Don Juan
de Silva; and now that was followed by the loss of the galleons,
with so many souls. I know, not how a babe at the breast was saved
on the deck of a galleon, or rather in its hatchway. She was found
by Admiral Heredia (who was going to the Pintados), on a beach,
and he reared her as his own daughter. It was the mercy of God, and
when it pleases Him to employ that mercy toward any of His creatures,
there is no power to contradict it, nor any danger from which it does
not issue safe and sound.

The little boat which the father vicar-provincial, Fray Juan
de Lecea, captured from the Camucon enemy was useful to him. He
embarked in it alone, and coasted along that island as far as Baco,
a distance of more than twenty leguas. Thence he crossed to Manila,
after having bargained with a champan of Baco to go for father Fray
Francisco Bonifacio. But this diligence was not sufficient for him
to arrive in time for the election, because of the weather. The
Indians suffered more, for they returned to their villages singly,
and some of them even were lost, as they did not know the way. The
father prior of Aclan sought shelter in a port of the island of Hambil
during the storm; and although he did his utmost to arrive in time,
he was unable. But he arrived just after the chapter was concluded,
and served for nothing else than to give it obedience and to return
with the others. However, father Fray Francisco Bonifacio remained
as prior of Tondo; although he had wished to go to Bisayas, the sea
so frightened him that he was very fortunate to remain.




CHAPTER XXXVII

_Of the election of our father, Fray Alonso Baraona_


Upon the arrival of the time set by the province, namely, the last
day of October of the said year 1617, all the fathers who had a vote
assembled, and discussed, as if in conflict, the question of electing
such a head to the province; that he could settle, as far as he was
able, the past quarrel, which had so upset the reputation of the order,
by his authority, example of life, and morals. For in no time had it
been more important for us to cut loose from our self-love and to fix
our eyes on our mother, the order, which was suffering for her sons;
and so that it might be understood that where there had been religious
who had caused so evil an example, there were also those who could,
by their example, edify a great community. According to this, father
Fray Estacio Ortiz seemed very suitable to those who were present. He
was the founder of the missions in Japon, and had always been known
to be of a very religious life and had been highly esteemed by the
civil government. Others declared that father Fray Alonso Ruiz, who
was known to be a person of singular virtue, was the man who ought to
fill that vacancy. Others, who had reasons therefor, sought another,
as they had present father Fray Francisco Bonifacio. In order to know
who he was, it sufficed to say that he had been prior of the convent
of San Nicolas de Sugbu, which is for the natives, without anything
ever being said in depreciation of his person. That, as was proper,
was regarded as a singular case, and not less that he went free as
did the children of Babilonia from the fire. He was a person who was
always the model for all the Pintados.

The one who was discussed least was our father Baraona, for he was
always humble by nature, and very free from pretensions, as he always
thought of himself with great humility. But, as our Lord regarded
him as provincial, He so managed affairs that votes were cast in his
favor without special effort, and he was elected as provincial. On
the last of October, then, endeavor was made, since there was nothing
to do, to have the voting fathers return to their provinces and
that the good of the province should be attempted, after deciding
on a far-reaching reformation; for our father Baraona had excellent
intentions, and to judge from these, it is to be believed that he would
direct all things in the sight of God. In his own person he visited
the province of Bisayas, which, as it was his own, he regarded with
especial love. That visit was not a small exploit, when one considers
the voyage. He always traveled at small expense, going in a champan,
like any other and very ordinary religious. He was the one who sent
most religious to Espana. Among them were the father visitor, Fray
Agustin Mejia, who, arriving afterward at Peru, was there adopted and
esteemed as his zeal and devotion deserved; the father definitor,
father Fray Felipe Tallada; father Fray Andres de Ocampo, prior of
Macabebe; father Fray Baltasar Andres; and father Fray Francisco de
Cuellar. All died except father Fray Felipe Tallada, who afterward
returned to the province of Pampanga, where he was a fine linguist.

In the following year of 1618, with these religious he sent father
Fray Alonso del Rincon (then prior of the convent of Manila) to Espana
as procurator, in order to give account of the affair in Espana; and
to bring back religious, for death was rapidly thinning the ranks of
those who remained. He had good success, as we shall see.

After the good result with the Dutch at Octong, which we have described
above, it happened that the Mindanaos conspired with their neighbors,
and came to plunder the islands, with a goodly number of caracoas
and vessels of all burden. They robbed much, captured, seized, and
burned, more than what can well be told; and, as fast as they filled
their boats, they sent them home. The commander of the Pintados,
Don Diego de Quinones, was notified. He happened to be in Octong,
where he immediately had seven very well equipped caracoas prepared,
with Indians to row and Spaniards to fight. He appointed creditable
men as commanders of them, and, as commander-in-chief of them all,
Captain Lazaro de Torres, the man who was with him in the affair
with the Dutch. The fleet set sail in stormy weather, and coasted the
island of Panay in search of the point of Potol, because the enemy had
to pass by there in order to return home. This occasioned much toil
because of the fury of the wind. Finally they reached the river, four
leguas from Potol. There they anchored, for the brisas, which there
are side winds, were breaking the counterbalances of the caracoas. At
that place the Indians told him that the enemy had arrived at Hambil,
an islet which, stretching between Potol and the island of Tablas,
forms channels between them. Thereupon he left, notwithstanding the
severe weather. Father Fray Martin de San Nicolas, associate in that
priorate, accompanied him from here, in a suitable boat. At length,
by dint of rowing, they reached the island, and when in shelter of it,
they learned that the enemy had anchored near by, behind a point that
served them as a harbor. Then order was given to the caracoas to follow
and do their duty, and at daybreak sail was set, in order to take the
enemy before they could perceive him. I have no wish to cast blame upon
the commanders of the caracoas, for they were men of great courage
and punctilious honor. Hence, they did not remain behind purposely,
but because they could sail no faster, for all boats are not equal. To
conclude, when the enemy were sighted, Captain Lazaro de Torres found
himself alone with three caracoas--his own, that of Alferez Patino, and
that of Alferez Francisco de Mendoza, a creole from Sugbu. Our flagship
went straight toward the enemy. The others stationed themselves in
between, where they played havoc with the smaller craft. The small
boats of the enemy perceiving themselves attacked so suddenly, without
further counsel than that of fear, took to the open, which is there of
great extent, and scattered. It is reported that their loss was heavy,
and that only such and such a number arrived at Mindanao; and that
their captain-general was drowned. He was the son of Silongan, king of
Mindanao. Those who stayed behind to fight fought so bravely that the
outcome was doubtful; for the captain told me that they fought like
lions. Thus had the company [of the three caracoas] been destroyed,
and our men would have been in danger, for even yet the other four
caracoas had not arrived. Finally, the enemy's flagship was sunk,
and others foundered, while other boats took to flight through fear
of the firing, or allowed themselves to fall aside. Our men killed
many, and those who escaped, defended themselves cutlass in hand,
while swimming. Then approaching the island, our boats ceased firing,
in order to capture the enemy alive, so that they might have rowers
for their galleys. On this account about eighty landed. The Indians
seized a small height in order to defend themselves, whereat our
men were about to open fire on them. As soon as our men were ashore,
father Fray Martin de San Nicolas--who, more courageous than those
who did not come, was in the midst of the whole action, encouraging
our men--went to the Indians, and talked to and assured them so that
they gave up their arms and surrendered. I think that the captain
gave two of those slaves to the order to serve in whatever convent
the superior should think best. The remainder were taken to Octong,
some of whom were sold, and others placed in the galleys, and those
were the most secure. Since that fleet, although innumerable fleets
have gone to attack the enemy who infest the islands, they have
never had good success, or closed with them while the enemy have
gone in and out from the islands every year, to the great loss of
the country--doubtless a chastisement on us.

[Several miraculous occurrences in various places are recounted,
all of which caused wonder. Medina continues:]

Our father Baraona, as he loved the province of Bisayas so dearly,
went through it, abandoning some houses and occupying others, and
exchanging and returning still others. And, in fact, although he did
it for the best, experience has proved that it has been bad for us. He
exchanged Aclan for Barbaran; and although the latter is on the river
Panay, it is a convent needy of all things, and has the most perverse
people, whom even yet we have been unable to subdue. The former was
very fine in all ways, and convenient for us; and within its gates it
is well supplied with all necessaries, both for itself and for other
convents. And although it is true that it could have been returned
to the order, because at the death of its first secular priest, the
bishop gave it. But the order made so little effort that it was lost;
for for what any other order would give a thousand flights, we let
slip for the sake of two steps of work.

Our order owes the district of Dumalag to the care of our father
Baraona, for he obtained it by entreaty from Don Juan de Silva--and
that while he was merely prior, and not provincial. It cost him
considerable labor, and was like to have cost his life, for he made
many trips to Manila and to Sugbu, and, in his labors in 1612,
he encountered death many times, embarking on the sea in only a
cockle-shell of a boat, and ploughing it for more than thirty hours,
when not a champan or caracoa was to be seen on the sea that was
not knocked to pieces by this storm, and those well equipped were
driven aground on some islands. The storms past, the father found
himself on the island of Mindanao, without food. He had some dogs,
for he was very fond of hunting. He ordered his men to go up the
mountain, and perhaps they would find some game which they could
take, for all were perishing from hunger. All went but himself, and
he remained or the shore. But by and by a deer of unusually large
size came bounding down toward him, to seek the protection of the
water in order to escape from the dogs. Our father, who saw it pass,
eager for the chase, went behind the deer, and seized it, so that
had not his men arrived so promptly after the dogs, he had drowned
there. For the deer had already taken to the deep water; and the
father, weighed down by his thoroughly soaked garments, was almost
drowned. But his men saved him from this danger, and killed the deer.

After they had embarked and had reached the harbor-bar of Aclan,
the little boat was overturned, so that the father lost everything,
and was able to save only the clothes on his back. Thus that boat,
which withstood so many buffetings of the sea without any harm,
happened to overturn four brazas from shore, through the carelessness
of its steersman.

After he became provincial, he left the islands with the priorate of
Ibabay for that of Tigbauan. This was not a bad thing, for the latter
was very far from intercourse and people, and in great danger. There
was necessity for religious, and permission was sent to India so
that some could come. They began to come, but experience has proved
that this measure is not effective; for when it is desired to bestow
habits they can be given to youth in Manila, who have come from Espana,
many clever ones of whom are in the colleges.

As soon as he could, he made father Fray Alonso de Mentrida--who was
without an appointment in this province of Bisayas, and was a pattern
for the order, as we shall see later--prior of Manila.

In all other things, he did his utmost in the service of the province,
as the great religious that he ever was. As he busied himself in going
at times to the country, he happened to discover some remarkable
things. Among others, he discovered in Dumalag a vast cave, which
must have extended more than one or two leguas. The father walked
a great distance in it, but never found its end, for his lights
went out. Another time he found a cedar-tree in the mountains of
this district, which some wind had laid low. He had a boat made of
it, the largest one ever seen in these islands that was made from
one log. I embarked in it; it must have been more than one braza
long. It was laden with more than one hundred baskets of winnowed
rice, and it carried many planks of remarkable size before the log
was destroyed. A man on one side of it was unable to see the person
on the other side. To conclude, the tree had the largest diameter
that I have ever seen. I have traveled widely and seen many trees,
but none of equal size.

While Father Baraona was prior of Salog, he had come from Dumangas, and
was returning to his convent. He did not cross in the open, but went
slowly along the coast. When they reached a beach, his crew stopped to
eat, but he meanwhile walked inland. He had a dog which went before,
and, following it, the father found that it had laid hold of a boar,
which had tusks one palmo long, and which was as large as a yearling
heifer. It was so furious that it had beaten down the reeds as a number
of mares thresh out the corn. No sooner did it see the father than it
attacked him. The father gave it a slight lance-thrust in the skin,
but the point, turning, entered no farther than the very outside. The
dog remained true, and held the boar by one leg; but the boar did not
discontinue to strike at the father with great fury. But the blows
that it thus gave him were received in his habit, which he endured
until the arrival of the Indians, with whose aid they killed that
savage animal. Brother Fray Andres Garcia assured me that he had
never seen anything so terrible looking in Espana, Italia, or any
place. Many other things happened to the father, which might make a
long history, but do not apply to the matter in hand.

He was much loved by the Indians, for he rendered free and open aid
to them, so far as he was able.




CHAPTER XXXVIII

_Of the election of our father Fray Juan Enriquez_


Our father Fray Alonso de Baraona, in the course of his government,
as a person who so well understood the province and its members,
thought that no one was better fitted to govern it than our father
Fray Juan Enriquez, then the senior definitor. Concerning him, I have
not said much of what was seen, and the troubles which he suffered,
on the occasion of the unhappy death of our father Fray Vicente. We
were made to see how unjust that was, for our Lord freed him from
those annoyances with so much honor, by making him provincial, to
the applause and pleasure of all; and he was elected May 7, 1620. The
father master, Fray Pedro Garcia, presided over this chapter, as he
had letters-patent for that from our most reverend father-general,
which the archbishop brought, together with his title as master, when
he came from Espana to these islands. He was received in the province
although it has not been the custom to have masters in it. May God
arrange matters in the future, for in this [capacity the archbishop]
shows his devotion not a little. As definitors were elected, in
this chapter: father Fray Hernando Guerrero; the second, father Fray
Antonio de Ocampo; [47] the third, father Fray Juan de Henao; [48]
and the fourth, father Fray Hernando Becerra. The visitors were our
father Fray Alonso de Mentrida and father Fray Juan de Tapia.

The chief proceeding in this chapter after the regular business--that
is, what is here regarded as most important--the provision for offices,
was the appointment of father Fray Juan de Tapia as definitor for Roma,
and also to the procuratorship for the court of Espana. He is a man
of great worth, and has been very useful in the islands and labored
not a little, to the approbation of all. For he was with Don Pedro de
Acuna in the taking of Maluco, and founded there a house in the name
of the order; and there he was not only the father and consolation
of all, but a very valiant soldier, who strove for the service of
his king as well as the best. While definitor, he was also prior of
Manila, increasing that convent with many works--as he did afterward
in the convents among the natives where he was prelate, which he left
notably increased. During that triennium, while going out as visitor,
he went also as prior of Manila, and on making the voyage to Espana,
was very well received there. Beyond doubt he would have secured the
bishopric had he been a trifle more active, but he was always slow
when his own affairs were concerned, and did not consider them as
the affairs of the order, which he always managed with the greatest
diligence and care. Consequently, he brought back a fine company
[of religious] as we shall see in due time.

Our father Juan Enriquez was unwilling that there should he any
failure in the growth of the province during his term. Accordingly,
although it was said that it was of little advantage to have a
convent in Maluco, yet the provincial kept it, sending a father
there. He also maintained the other convents, notwithstanding that
he suppressed that of Cavite--as if it were not the most important,
for that place is growing daily; and although it be not for the gain,
at least it may serve as a hospitium for those journeying to and fro
between here and Espana. All the orders are doing the same thing,
although they can not support themselves there.

He visited all his province, although he did not come to that of
Bisayas, for the sea was very much infested with enemies, and his
predecessor had gone through it more than any of the other prelates
had done. At that time the province enjoyed great peace and quiet,
which was due to the prudence of our father, who ever carried himself
as the admirable religious that he was.

During that triennium I acted as prior of Panay for the second time;
for during the intermediary chapter of our father Baraona I went as
prior to Aclan, which was a house with a vote. Soon after the arrival
of the said visitor, that priorate falling vacant, he appointed me to
it, and for the sake of the vote. And on returning, that triennium,
together with the office of vicar-provincial, while in that convent,
and having in my company father Fray Martin de San Nicolas (who
I have already said was with Captain Lazaro de Torres at the rout
of Mindanao), we were eating one fast day [_dia de pescado_], when
a large fishbone, which must have been as long as a sewing-needle
and was thick and bent, and had a very sharp point, lodged in the
father's throat. Although he said nothing to me for a moment, he
stopped, ceased eating and commenced to groan, as one who feels
a very great pain. Afterward he kept changing color, but without
saying a word. I was about to ask him what was the accident that
caused his pain. I saw him rise, for already his breath was failing,
and with a loud voice he cried, "Ah! blessed St. Nicholas! help me,
for I am choking!" And, upon saying that, he threw from his throat
a fishbone of the size above mentioned. It had been so securely
fastened there that it seemed as if that fishbone could not have been
dislodged without divine aid, as was proved by the mark of the blood
on it. It was considered as a wonderful thing, and the said father,
in token and proof of gratitude, is keeping the fishbone, and tells
the circumstance to everyone, while he always celebrates as best he
can the feast of that saint. Of a surety, he shows himself very devout.

I cannot refrain from telling here, although out of place, that in
the year in which our father Baraona was elected, when the latter
came to visit the Bisayas in the year 1617, Admiral Pedro de Heredia
had come, with the governor's permission, to the district of Aclan,
his encomienda, to build a ship. And although he claimed to do it with
only his encomienda, the affair went so well with him that he finished
a vessel of greater burden than was reported or believed. No Indian ran
away from him. On the contrary, the Indians were rich, for he paid them
liberally; and Indians even came from other districts to work there,
because of his fair treatment of them. Father Fray Lucas de la Pena,
[49] a very devout and zealous religious, as we have written before,
was prior of that convent then. He had encounters with the admiral, for
rarely do these fail between the encomenderos and missionaries. These
happened because the Indians were carrying and bringing, and sowing
discord, as they can. The admiral was very indignant, blustered against
the missionary, and said that he would oust him from that place, if
it cost him his estate. When the provincial came, the admiral found a
good opportunity; he went to the provincial, and told him resolutely
that the father must leave there. The father provincial understood
thoroughly that there was no cause for such a proceeding; but he knew
that influential man's obstinacy, and that, if carried away by his
wrath or anger, he might commit some extravagant act. Accordingly,
in order to remove the religious from a dangerous situation, [50]
the father provincial made him resign his mission. This the religious
did very willingly, as it was by the order of the superior. The good
religious has no other desire than to do the will of his superior,
as our father Fulgencio tells us: _Illos veros monarchos esse
dicebat qui, mortificatis voluntatibus suis, nihil velle, nihil
nolle, sed tantum-modo abbatis precepta, servare._ [51] Our father
provincial thereupon changed the said father, thus giving a very
admirable example of humility, patience, and self-mortification; for,
being a prior elected by the chapter, he might well demand, without
being disobedient, that charges should be made against him, and that
according to the result thereof he should be punished. But he refused
to do that, and left his cause to God, who is the most righteous of
judges, and who knows naught by hearsay but by sight, for all things
are plain to Him. Another religious was sent there, with whom the
admiral had a more familiar acquaintance. The ship was finished and
launched. It cost sixteen thousand pesos, for it was the reproach of
[other] ships. But it cost his Majesty much more, without paying the
Indians--many of whom died, for there are no mines so severe as are
the shipyards. It was launched and sails bent, for the Audiencia had
sent for the vessel to make a trip to Espana. At that time there are
no winds of the sea along that coast; therefore the moorings of the
vessel were all ashore. While in this condition, and with a cargo of
lumber, unexpectedly so furious a wind sprang up on the sea, that
the ship ran aground without being able to make any resistance. As
the vessel was laden with lumber, there was no remedy. The wind was
for no other purpose than the above-mentioned [destruction], since it
ceased its fury with the loss of the ship. The admiral suffered this
blow patiently, for he understood that the Lord had no other reason in
it than to avenge the wrong done to His religious. _Mihi vindicta, et
ego retribuam._ [52] For the Lord esteems the honor of His ministers
as His own, and thus charged them, saying: _Nolite tangere Christos
Meos, et in Prophetis meis nolite malignari._ [53] All the others
understood this and were warned. Often since that have I heard him say
to an encomendero, that even though the missionary should destroy his
encomienda, he would neither enter suit against him, nor do anything
to him that he should not do. For the judgment of men is deceptive,
and their passion generally leads them astray and casts them headlong.

Our father Fray Alonso de Baraona was very sensitive regarding this
occurrence, and set it right by advancing the father and making
him prior of Santisimo Nombre de Jesus, and visitor for those
convents. Thus he voted in this chapter which elected father Fray
Juan Enriquez, and himself obtained therefrom the convent of Octong,
the chief one of the island.

During this triennium of our father Fray Juan Enriquez, our Recollect
fathers founded a convent in Sugbu, as Bishop Don Fray Pedro de Arce
was pleased to give them a chapel which is in that city, between
the native and the Spanish towns, and called Nuestra Senora de la
Concepcion [_i.e._, "Our Lady of the Conception"]. The city agreed to
it in the vote that was taken--although the city was not sufficiently
large for such a convent, for it contained that of the fathers of
the Society, ours, and the cathedral church; and the Parian, a short
distance from there. However, beyond doubt it suited the fathers;
for the bishop seeing that there were no seculars who would go to
the island of Mindanao, and that, with the fort built by Don Juan de
Silva in Caraga, excellent results might be expected, therefore gave
that district to the Recollect fathers, together with the river of
Butuan, situated in the same island. The Recollects accepted it, and
began to establish priorates. Thus they had already seven priorates,
in which more than fourteen religious resided. The convent of Sugbu
served them as a hospitium, asylum, infirmary, and place to rest--to
which purposes more than to anything else it was devoted. Further,
not only are the convents there not supported by the alms of the
city, but also one can say that they support the city; for most of
the inhabitants are poor soldiers, and many now are married there,
and receive the king's ration, which is very meager. Besides these
are others who have ceased to receive the ration; who are so poor
that, were it not for the aid of the religious, they would doubtless
perish. Those who have the most wealth use it up during the year,
being limited to what comes to them from their encomiendas, in order
not to run into debt; but they borrow the rice in the convents. Thus
laymen and religious form a very friendly village and neighborhood.

At this time the alcalde-mayor of Sugbu was Don Juan Alcarazo,
a gentleman so deserving of praises, that the sum of his many good
qualities cannot be told in few words. He was endowed with the courage
of a good soldier, and had served thus for many years in the galleons
of Espana with his brothers and father, whence his Majesty had derived
honors and advantages. He was a Viscayan by birth. During this time,
the island of Bohol rebelled. This island lies, as above stated,
opposite Sugbu, on the side whence blows the vendaval. It was in charge
of the fathers of the Society, who had more than two thousand Indians,
the tallest, handsomest, and stoutest in the island. A _babaylan_ or
priest called Tamblot had deceived them, by telling them that the time
was come when they could throw off the oppression of the Castilians;
for they were assured of the aid of their ancestors and _divatas_, or
gods. And in order that they might know this, it was proved by certain
signs. The priest went with some of the more trusty among them, cut
a bamboo with a small knife, and wine gushed forth. He cut another,
and rice came out. These articles he had hidden there cunningly and
adroitly. Consequently those men were convinced, and became preachers
of those lies, which the Indians love and believe so readily; while
we have no power to enable us to persuade them of the certainty of our
faith so readily as this sort of trickery can influence their natural
disposition. In such manner spread the spark that there was no island
where it did not catch little or much; although they did not dare to
show their faces, but awaited the result in Bohol. The fathers warned
the city of Santisimo Nombre de Jesus, and came to solicit aid from
the alcalde-mayor. Here there were no evil-doers among those [natives]
who lived in the city. Don Juan de Alcarazo did not dare [to send out
troops], as he had no order from the governor, Don Alonso Fajardo,
and it might be imputed to him as a blameworthy act. But the fathers,
seeing that whatever delay occurred was to make the wound incurable,
surmounted all difficulties. Consequently, they were able to negotiate
with potent arguments, saying that it was especially important to
check the evil in its first stages, so that it should not spread. The
alcalde-mayor was persuaded, and assembled the soldiers and adventurers
who appeared most suitable to him, besides a number of Sugbu Indians,
armed with sword and buckler. With these he landed in Bohol, and went
to look for the enemy--who, courageous in their mountains and supplied
with rice, thought that they were most safe, and that victory was sure.

But the most diligent effort made by this gentleman was to go to
our convent to have a mass said to the Holy Child, before whom many
candles were burned; to promise to take Him as patron; and to perform
no action in that war which should not be done in His name. Since His
[Divine] Majesty, he said, had, by His favor, given those islands to
the Spaniards, he prayed that He would not permit them to lose, for
his sins, those that they already possessed. For the Christianity
founded therein with so great toil would be wholly lost, and the
victorious enemies of His name would leave no kind of evil undone to
the conquered, to the contempt of His name. The most Holy Child showed
Himself very gracious, as is His custom in events [that are to be]
prosperous, whereupon victory was regarded as sure. Encouraged by such
omens, they did not hesitate to attack the enemy, who were entrenched
in their fields. The latter were insolent, and reenforced with allies
and supporters. During the battle, the rain was so heavy that they
could not use the arquebuses, so that the enemy were beginning to
prevail. Thereupon, the shields of the Sugbu Indians were brought
into service, and the latter aided excellently, by guarding with them
the powder-flasks and powder-pans of the arquebuses, so that they
were fired with heavy loss [to the enemy]. When the shower of rain
came, the enemy's babaylan encouraged them by saying that there they
could see how their divatas had told them true; for what could be
of greater use to them at that time than the rain, so that the arms
of the Castilians would be useless. Consequently, they became like
mad dogs; and they preferred death to enduring the conditions of the
conqueror. But so many fell that death had to fulfil its duty, namely,
to inspire them with fear. They wounded Don Juan with a stone, but not
very dangerously, as his morion received the blow. Although he fell,
he arose cured, and with renewed courage, by calling on the Holy Child,
who gave the Spaniards the victory, and, with it, the islands for a
second time. Truly, had so good an outcome not befallen the Spaniards
in Bohol, there would not have been a single one of the Pintados--and
these form the bulk of the islands--which would not have risen against
them. After this victory, those who had desired to raise the yoke
placed their necks once more under it. However, it was not sufficient
to deter the natives of Leyte from likewise trying their fortune,
which resulted as ill to them as to the natives of Bohol. Then the
islands became quiet, and the Indians more humble. However, whenever
they see their chance, they will not lose it, as they are a people
who wish to live free. The captured Indians were made slaves for the
space of ten years. Upon learning of this affair, the governor approved
the enterprise, praised it, and promised to reward it. This victory
was recognized as the doing of the most Holy Child. Consequently,
Don Juan de Alcarazo gave Him thanks, and shared the booty with Him.

There was a terrible earthquake in the islands at this time, which
none of them escaped. In the island of Panay, where I was stationed
then, it lasted more than a fortnight. But none of the succeeding
shocks were equal in violence to the first, which was so severe
that all expected everything to be overthrown. The columns of the
church and house, colliding against one another, strewed the ground
on all sides, so that a thick club could easily be thrust around
the columns. The same thing happened in the other convents, where
the images fell and were broken into bits. In the church of Passi,
which is of stone, and was then just roofed, all the upper part fell,
and it sank in many places. Many rivers changed their course, as that
of Aclan, which abandoned its former bed. Mountains were opened, and
there were innumerable other terrible occurrences during that awful
earthquake. At last it was the Lord's will that it should cease, and
with it the fears of all. In Ilocos the shocks were also exceeding
great, but not so severe in Manila. The Lord allows all this, so
that we may recognize His power; and, recognizing it, love Him; and,
loving Him, not offend Him.

During these years, the Dutch enemy did not discontinue coming to the
coasts of Manila, where they robbed the Chinese and did all the harm
possible. They tried to capture the ships carrying aid [from Mexico],
so that without war they were growing rich, and disabling the people
of Manila. In this emergency the pilots carried sealed orders, which
they were to open on the return voyage and learn the port where they
had to go, thus defeating the designs of the Dutch enemy, and freeing
themselves from the secret spies who were in Manila--who, as it was
said, were not lacking. Consequently, in many years no company [of
religious] entered Manila directly, so that whatever missionaries
the ships carried were scattered, and, not reaching Manila, no
benefit was derived from them. Father Fray Alonso del Rincon [54]
was coming from Espana with a fine company of religious. He reached
the port of Acapulco, where that year the flagship from these islands
did not arrive. After it left Manila and rounded the shoals, it had
been wrecked near Verde Island, for the tides drove it upon some
reefs. The almiranta passed on, and immediately another despatch
followed it which the governor made, when advised of the event. In
the latter the pilot and commander was the overseer Gaspar Nunez. This
boat sailed September 16, and our Lord was pleased to let it arrive,
but both vessels were very small. The governor of Terrenate, Pedro de
Heredia, was coming. At last a vessel happened to arrive from Peru,
and was immediately laden. Our religious embarked in it, as also did
the fathers of the Society. Although the other two small boats had
sailed a fortnight before, this vessel overtook them, and all entered
the port of Casiguran, opposite Manila, about the same time. This
small boat bore religious of our father St. Francis, and all the
vessels suffered from a plague that was like to finish them. All
the Franciscans died, although only one of Ours died, father Fray
Nicolas Goyas, a Viscayan by birth, of the province of Castilla. He
was an excellent Latin scholar, a fine poet, a very good theologian,
and an eloquent preacher--all qualities useful here. But if the Lord
chose to take him, who doubts that it was fitting?

The rest recovered and reached the said port on June 25, of the year
1622. There are many convents belonging to our father St. Francis
in that district, and they assisted generously the needs of all, and
especially of the religious, who were in need of everything. But for
Ours, while going to Manila, the route which they took overland was so
dangerous and so full of difficulties that daily they braved death a
thousand times at the passage of the rivers. For the rainy season was
at its height, and consequently the rivers were swollen outside their
beds, and had very swift currents. They came afoot and shoeless, for
the mud unshod them in two steps. Their food was _morisqueta_. [55]
They suffered so great need of all things, although not through the
fault of the father commissary, who ever treated them with great
liberality and no less charity; but on the roads they met no people,
but only buffaloes, and in the rainy season they experienced all
these inconveniences. Finally they came to the confines of Pampanga,
where, forgetful of their hardships, they began to receive innumerable
welcomes from those most devout fathers, who know how to show kindness
to strangers, and all the more to their own who came to aid them,
when they had suffered so much and were in need of all things. Thence
they went to Manila, where they were received heartily by our father
Fray Juan Enriquez--who had them rest, so that they should begin
their labor in the Lord's vineyard, for which they had been chosen,
with greater courage. Those who entered Manila in the company of
father Fray Alonso Rincon, their commissary, were the following:

1. Father Fray Francisco Bibero, a Castilian, an eloquent preacher.

2. Father Fray Diego Martinez, a preacher, from Mancha.

3. Father Fray Antonio Portes, a preacher, and a Castilian.

4. Father Fray Juan de Silva, a preacher, from Andalucia.

5. Father Fray Juan Venegas, a preacher, from Andalucia.

6. Father Fray Pedro de Torres, a preacher, from Andalucia.

7. Father Fray Andres Verdugo, a reader, from Mancha.

8. Father Fray Martin de Paz, a reader, and a Castilian.

9. Father Fray Baltasar Salcedo, a preacher, and a Vizcayan.

10. Father Fray Juan Basan, a priest, from Andalucia.

11. Father Fray Juan Velasco, a preacher, and a Castilian.

12. Father Fray Juan de Aguirre, a priest, and a Castilian.

13. Father Fray Esteban de Peralta, a preacher, and a Castilian.

14. Father Fray Pedro del Castillo, a preacher, from Andalucia.

15. Father Fray Pedro Valenzuela, a preacher, and a Castilian.

16. Father Fray Baltasar Jimenez, a priest, from Andalucia, who
returned to the province.

17. Father Fray Felipe Tallada, a preacher, from Andalucia, who
returned to the province.

18. Father Fray Rodrigo de Quinones, a priest, from Andalucia.

19. Father Fray Juan de Ugarte, a priest from Peru, and a
Vizcayan. [56]

20. Father Fray Francisco Rubio, a priest, and a Castilian.

Three religious died, in Mejico and San Juan de Ulua, of whom very good
hopes were entertained. This has caused a great lack here as is the
case when any sound religious is taken away. For since so many die,
if there is no one to hold the fortification, what has been gained
must necessarily be lost. For, if the devil learns that there are no
soldiers, who doubts that he will return to gain the mastery of what
was taken from him? Those religious have labored exceedingly well,
and some of them have become eminent linguists; and, God willing, we
shall have to say much about them. Our father provincial immediately
distributed them through the four provinces, very wisely, according
to the need of each.

At this time one of the Recollect religious, a doctor and scholar,
named Fray Diego Rodrigo, was head of that order here. He bore the
title of father vicar-provincial, for the province had as yet no
authority to elect a provincial. He had some disputes with a beneficed
secular, whereupon the said beneficiary complained to the archbishop,
Don Fray Miguel Garcia. The latter sought advice as to whether he
could try that cause, and, I know not why, kept the priest secluded
in our convent. The cause was continued, and afterward the said
vicar-provincial, Fray Rodrigo, went to Espana by way of India. Through
that journey he accomplished matters of no little importance; for he
suffered much and served the Catholic church greatly. He converted
and reduced many schismatic Russians [57] to the Catholic church, and
bore a solemn message from them to his Holiness. For this religious
had excellent qualifications for distinction; he was a fine Latin
scholar and an excellent preacher, and was no less a theologian. In
the Roman court he was of great aid to the religious of the Filipinas
against the pretensions of the seculars, so that his arrival there
was very important. He was very well received in that court, and in
that of Espana; and he would have obtained his desires, had not the
Lord been pleased to cut him off, taking him from this life to enjoy
that which is eternal. He had written a book on the affairs of this
country, but it is not known into whose hands it has fallen. May it
bring to the light achievements so eminent and honorable. Without
doubt they would be of much importance for a knowledge of what there
is in these lands so remote from our own.




CHAPTER XXXIX

_Of the election of our father Fray Alonso de Mentrida_


This chapter-meeting which follows was somewhat stormy, for the
opposition made it more conspicuous than was right. Our father
provincial, Fray Juan Enriquez, had had a most happy triennium. The
time coming to appoint a successor in his place, he considered our
father Fray Juan de Henao--a man who was well liked in the province
and who had many influential persons who were affectioned unto him--a
suitable man. Others, although few, resented this choice, and therefore
tried to block its accomplishment. Those men were few in number,
but they had great authority. The affair went so far that it came to
the ears of Don Alonso Fajardo, who was governor of the Filipinas. He
tried by means of his authority to mediate, so that there should be no
scandal; for he was well inclined to the order, and grieved over the
matter. Finally, our father Fray Juan Enriquez preferred to set aside
his own pleasure rather than that of the order; and, consequently,
did not attempt to elect a provincial by force, although he could
have done it, for he had many followers. Our father, Fray Juan de
Henao, performed a truly religious action; he stated publicly that
he renounced any claim that he might have on the provincialate, and
signed the same. He declared that those who had hitherto been his
partisans he authorized to support any other man who should be of
greater account to the province. He said that he was not considering
his own welfare, but that of the province, which he recognized as his
mother; and, as such, he would always place its good in the foreground.

All were highly edified by this, especially the governor and the
archbishop, who were there. Father Fray Alonso del Rincon, who bore
letters-patent to preside, made the same renunciation. Consequently,
without any opposition, our father Fray Alonso de Mentrida was
immediately elected, _viva voce_, on Sunday, May 20, 1623. Father Fray
Hernando Guerrero, senior definitor, presided at this election. The
definitors elected were: our father master, Fray Diego del Aguila; [58]
the second, Fray Alonso del Rincon; the third, Fray Hernando Cabrera;
[59] and the fourth, Fray Francisco Coronel. [60] The visitors were
Fray Juan de Henao and father Fray Hernando Becerra. In assembly
with the outgoing provincial and the father president, they enacted
regulations for the province with the devotion that could be expected
from fathers so venerable.

[After relating several remarkable and miraculous occurrences connected
with the ministry of certain Augustinians, Medina continues:]

During this term, although our father Fray Alonso de Mentrida was
so great a religious--for which reason the priorate of the whole
province was given to him, and he was made provincial, with the
greatest renown that any one has ever had in this province--some
trouble occurred in the province of Bisayas. This was occasioned, no
doubt, by our father provincial, who was oppressed with ill-health,
not visiting it, although he was a son of the said province. Although
this province is less desired, as it is so far from Manila, yet the
Lord seems to care more for it, sending to it the most illustrious of
our religious; and taking therefrom the most devout of the province--as
at that time our father Fray Alonso de Mentrida--for its credit and
reputation. He was very zealous, and obtained an increase of income
for the house at Manila, so that it was able to attend better to
its many obligations of choir, study, and infirmary, and those of
so important a community. Our father had the good fortune also to
receive a very distinguished contingent of religious in the second
year of his term. They were brought by father Fray Juan de Tapia,
who, as we have said above, was sent by our father Fray Juan Enriquez
as procurator of the province. The religious were received with open
arms; for the province was now in need of laborers, as the country
was but little suitable to sustain life--especially among young men,
who, as the blood boils in so warm a land, fall sick easily and die.

The religious who came in that year of 1624 are as follows:

1. Father Fray Juan de Tapia, their superior and commissary.

2. Father Fray Francisco Villalon, a reader, a Castilian.

3. Father Fray Sebastian del Rio, a preacher, a Castilian.

4. Father Fray Diego de Ordas, a preacher, a Castilian.

5. Father Fray Martin Claver, an Arragonese, a preacher, and apostolic
notary.

6. Father Fray Francisco Barela, a reader, a Castilian.

7. Father Fray Juan de Guevara, a priest, from Andalucia.

8. Father Fray Francisco de Portillo, a preacher, from Andalucia.

9. Father Fray Miguel de Penafiel, a priest, a Castilian.

10. Father Fray Fulgencio Garcia, a preacher, a Castilian.

11. Father Fray Diego Solis, a preacher, a Castilian.

12. Father Fray Rodrigo Angel, a priest, a Castilian, and apostolic
preacher.

13. Father Fray Alonso de Salazar, a preacher, a Castilian.

14. Father Fray Pedro de Herrera, a reader, who returned with the
habit.

15. The father master, Fray Teofilo Mascaros, from Valencia, a
professor, and vicar-provincial for Mallorca.

16. Father Fray Juan Bautista, a preacher, from Valencia.

17. Father Fray Luis Ronquillo, an eloquent preacher, a Castilian,
and procurator at that time of Arenas.

18. Father Fray Andres de Fuentes, a preacher, a Castilian.

19. Father Fray Juan de Loza, a preacher, from Andalucia.

20. Father Fray Pedro de las Marinas, a priest and a preacher,
a Castilian.

21. Father Fray Cristobal de Tapia, a brother, a creole.

22. Father Fray Melchor de Mosabel, a preacher, a Castilian. [61]

The father provincial, well-pleased with so fine a company [of
religious], divided them among the provinces. He sent the father
reader, Fray Francisco de Villalon, [62] to read in Manila, and the
father did that very satisfactorily; for there were many religious who
needed it. He sent excellent missionaries to the province of Bisayas;
and it seems that great pains were taken in this, and he did in this
what the province wished. For he sent it the best of the company,
and no error was made in the selection, since all of them have become
very devout religious and careful of their ministry.

He sent a procurator to Espana in the first year of his provincialate;
namely, father Fray Antonio de Ocampo, a very eloquent preacher, and
who was accordingly esteemed in the province for that, as well as for
the other offices which he had held. But he had little good fortune
on the voyage, for the flagship did not make the voyage that year,
because of having been detained in necessary repairing, and when it
reached the Embocadero there was no wind to carry it outside, and it
returned at the end of October. The almiranta had time in which to
leave, and made the voyage, although at great risk, reaching Nueva
Espana in a mastless condition.

After the second year of his triennium, the provincial sent another
procurator; for the first one, warned by the voyage, thought that he
ought not to embark again. This was father Fray Hernando Guerrero,
whom we have already seen, as he brought the finest company that
has been in or has entered these islands for many years. Making the
second voyage, he brought another company, that would have been no
less excellent if death had not snatched away its best members near
Manila. It seems as if death selected, among all, those of most renown,
although those who were left were distinguished. Let us conclude this
triennium with the fact that our father provincial--although it seemed
from his goodness that he would not try to declare himself too fully,
nor to influence the province against his will--at last, thinking that
he, because of his greater experience in its affairs than others had,
could arbitrate in a so important matter, accordingly set his eyes on
father Fray Antonio de Ocampo, whom we have already mentioned above--a
person certainly worthy of greater things, and a calificador of the
Holy Office. Our father thought it easy to accomplish his intentions,
for he found many who thought the same. But the one who opposed him
was of great account and a great giant, namely, the father master,
Fray Pedro Garcia, the brother of the archbishop, who did not lack
followers and partisans. The contention, if I do not say that it was
greater than the former one, was not less. It is a remarkable thing,
and certain to befall a monarchy, that when it is about to come to
an end it slips and totters. Consequently, it was always suspected
that those appointed by the province were announcing some new method
of governing. The governor also--who was then Don Fernando de Silva,
of the habit of Santiago, and who had been sent by the viceroy of Nueva
Espana--took a part in it, so that the affairs of the order should not
go outside of its limits. Finally, it was our Lord's pleasure that they
should settle upon a third person, namely, our father Fray Hernando
Becerra, a person very deserving of what the order has given him.




CHAPTER XL

_Of the election of our father Becerra_


We have already related that our father, Fray Hernando Becerra,
from the time that he set foot in Filipinas, was always climbing
the rungs and going from good to better. He came to the islands in
the company brought by our father visitor, Fray Diego de Guevara;
and as soon as he was ordained, that same year of 1610, he was
sent to Ilocos to be minister in that province. Beyond any doubt
at the time of his arrival, he made so good an impression on those
in authority, and they regarded him as so worthy of eminence, that
almost immediately he was given the chief priorate of that province,
called Bantay. He came to vote, therefore, at the following chapter,
and remained in the province of Tagalos, with the title of reader
of theology. Soon after that the bishop of Camarines, then visitor,
selected him as his associate in the general visitation.

He afterwards came to read at Manila, and also voted in that chapter
with the title of associate to our father Fray Miguel Garcia. Our
father Fray Vicente chose him as his associate, and immediately gave
him the priorate of Agonoy. During the provincialate of our father
Baraona, he was prior of Bulacan. During that of our father Fray Juan
Enriquez he was definitor; and also, for a year and a half, prior of
Manila. During the triennium of our father Mentrida, he was visitor
and prior of Pasig. After that, in the contest for provincial he fell
a trifle short of the required age, but was dispensed by the father
master, Fray Diego del Aguila--who presided as provincial, or rather,
as senior definitor. The definitors elected in that chapter were: Fray
Francisco Bonifacio (the second time that he had held that office);
the second, Fray Esteban de Peralta; [63] the third, Fray Jeronimo
de Medrano; [64] and the fourth, Fray Alonso de Carvajal. [65]
Those elected as visitors were father Fray Alonso del Rincon, and
father Fray Alonso Ruiz. They made regulations for the province,
and fortified it with good laws.

Our father Fray Hernando Becerra doubtless forced himself to take
upon his shoulders the weight of the province on account of his love
for it, and in order that it might not go into a decline--although he
would have preferred to rest and to take care of his health; for he
had been ailing for two years, so that he appeared to be rather the
statue of death than a man. The fact that he was still young kept him
alive, for that is a very important point. Although all told him that
his illness was serious, and that it unfitted him for the burden of
government, still he had the greatest courage that one can imagine,
and accordingly was elected prior provincial, on May 2, 1626.

However, he felt better immediately after assuming his new duties,
but this improvement did not last long; for he was like the candle,
which does not fail to flare up when about to be extinguished. He
received very good treatment, and all were diligently striving to
secure his health, for it was recognized that he was the one of whom
the province had need. It was feared that he would be harsh, and that
he would exercise severity; for he showed that disposition, and all
trembled before him--all that harshness being occasioned, perhaps,
by his severe illness. But in the end those fears lasted but a little
while, for on the day of our father St. Ignatius, the last of July,
God took him to himself by a most comfortable death, which left all
the religious envious and full of tears, so that there was no one who
did not shed them at that spectacle. Two years before he had prepared
himself [for death]; and, although he was always a most observant
religious, he renewed that care upon seeing the pass to which he had
come. The deposit which he held by permission in our order he proceeded
to give to the church, dispossessing himself of everything which could
prevent him from dying as a very poor religious. And when death was
about to seize him he left the government to our father Mentrida, and
went to discuss everything with God, and to arrange his affairs with
His [Divine] Majesty-which, as he was a person of great ability and
[spiritual] wealth was less necessary to him than to others. Knowing
the state in which the province was, he most earnestly begged the
religious to give him their word to call a chapter; for he was of
the opinion that that was necessary for the peace and advancement of
the province. He insisted on the same thing with our father Mentrida,
who was the one on whom the government devolved by right. Thereupon,
he very calmly gave up his soul to his Creator, leaving behind sure
token that he was going straight to His presence.

Thereupon followed a period of distress in the province, not a
little difficult to settle. The government fell to our father,
Mentrida. The definitors were at variance. Our father Mentrida had
a most severe mandate from our most reverend father [general] that
acted against him, namely, that the provincial who did not visit the
province of Bisayas, at least once during his term was _ipso facto_
deprived of the rights of voting and election, and the religious were
ordered to obey him no longer. Our father Mentrida had not made that
visit, giving as a pretext his ill-health. The religious argued from
this that, according to that mandate, he could not govern. To his
reply that his illness was the cause of his not obeying the order,
and that if God granted him health he would go, they answered that
that illness, which was asthma, was always in evidence. His adherents
wished him to have the command a second time, but the others would
not consent to it. Finally the governor, Don Juan Nino de Tabora,
had to intervene. Thanks to him, the matter was adjusted, so that
our father Mentrida resigned the government, which was assumed by
father Fray Francisco Bonifacio, the most pacific creature that has
been in Filipinas. He has never been known _directe_ or _indirecte_
to have any altercation with any religious. He has ever been unwilling
to cause trouble to any one, and therefore has avoided giving it,
and I believe he caused trouble to no one during his term. The Lord
cooeperated with this holy intention, giving him a triennium of great
quiet. We might say of him what Solomon said of himself: _nunc autem
requiem dedit Dominus Deus meus mihi per circuitum: et non est satan,
neque occursus malus_. [66]

[Here follows the relation of the awful calamities that befell certain
persons, both Spaniards and natives, in consequence of their neglect
and scorn of the Holy Child. The narration is continued:]

In this triennium I became prior of the convent of Santisimo Nino
de Jesus, which has in the city of Manila some six hundred pesos of
annuity, which is the source of that house's growth in the sixty-eight
years of the Spaniards' occupation. In the year 1628 I sent a religious
to collect that money. He was a conventual in that convent, virtuous,
an excellent preacher, and very zealous for that convent; he was a
native of Sevilla. He was empowered sufficiently to attend to what
might arise for the good of that convent. He made his trip to Manila
successfully, and returned to his convent after concluding what had
been entrusted to him. On August 29 of the same year, he left Manila
aboard a champan, the "San Nicolas," belonging to the alcalde-mayor of
Panay, for he had to make in the island some collections of rice that
were given to the said convent. He took two Spaniards with him--one
Jacinto de Lanzacorta, who had married there; the other Alferez
Pena--both devotees of San Nicolas de Tolentino as no less was the
owner of the champan, which he had commended to that saint. As they
were coming in the boat one night, aided by the vendaval, and as they
neared Ilagan (one of the longest crossings that voyagers have to make
there), the wind strengthened so that the waves rolled sky-high. Either
through the carelessness of the steersman, or because the rudder was
out of order, or the sea too heavy, the rudder parted atwain, and the
boat was without other help than that of heaven. For these Sangley
boats are flat bottomed, and the mast is very high; accordingly, all
the strength lies in the rudder by which they are directed--better
than the best bitted horse is governed. The champan tossed fearfully,
so that it was regarded as a good plan to cut down the mast. That was
a precaution that the Sangleys do not practice, and hence the sea
easily swallows them. This being done, the champan was very quiet;
and, although they were in evident danger of death, they did not lose
the hopes which they placed in the glorious saint, confident, by his
intercession, of life and arrival at Panay. For three days they were
the sport of wind and weather, awaiting what the Lord would do with
them, until on Saturday afternoon the same champan entered the port of
an islet two leguas from Burias. It was a miraculous thing, for when
they were rowing the champan and that but slowly, they were not able to
know the route, and hit upon it without any guidance, for already they
had left it. It was God's mercy which was extended to that religious;
for, had not the champan made port, they had fallen into the hands of
the men of Jolo, who were sailing about those islands of Burias and
Masbate. They remained there a fortnight, without being able to repair
the champan in order to make their journey until our Lord was pleased
to have the same mast that they cut down in the champan drift into
the port, for the islet contained no suitable trees. They repaired
the champan with that mast, made a half-way rudder and a jury-mast,
and set sail on the sea for Panay, from which they were not very
far. But, after sighting the land of Panay, so furious a storm struck
them that they were unable to contend with it, as the champan lacked
strength in the rudder. They ran aground stern first on the coast of
Camarines, which was very near by, and which they had been prevented
from reaching by a calm, and had been awaiting a slight breeze. It
was our Lord's pleasure that they should be espied by a fleet of
Camucones, who were going through that region, plundering whatever
they might encounter in their raids. These are a very warlike people,
and so cruel that, whenever they capture a Spaniard, they will not
let him escape alive under any consideration; for after they have
tied him to the mast of the boat, they cut off his head and drink
from the skull. They slit the religious up the back and roast them,
or set them in the sun, for they say, just as we do, "So many enemies
the less." Then indeed did they re-commend themselves to St. Nicholas;
as they believed (and rightly) that this was a greater danger than the
past one, because of the less mercy that they could find in the bowels
of those utter barbarians. At length, they boarded the tender of the
champan and rowed ashore. The glorious saint whom they were taking
as patron hid their route from the Camucones in such wise that they
were not followed, for they could have easily been overtaken in two
strokes of the oar. They betook themselves inland to the mountains,
where their sufferings were not abated, for they were barefoot and
naked, until they reached the convents of our father St. Francis,
where they found hospitable welcome, aid, care, and provision. In their
journeyings they reached the shipyard, where a vessel was being built;
for it was necessary to get a champan there to go to Panay, and they
found one. They left the shipyard November 21, and reached Panay next
day. After a few days the enemy from Jolo went to the shipyard, burned
it, killed many people, captured others, took away the artillery,
and committed great damage, although there were sufficient men in
the shipyard to defend it from a greater force. But the Spaniard can
never be persuaded of any danger, until it is upon him. Juan Martin,
the best and most reliable shipmaster in the Filipinas, was killed
there. It was a great loss, for there was no other who could fill the
position like him. But the Lord did not choose that the champan should
be lost; for the Camucones did not break it up, as is their wont,
but abandoned it after having plundered its articles of value--which
were considerable, and which caused great loss to the province. The
Sangleys, after seeing that the enemy had gone, went out to the
champan, righted it, and returned it to its owner--who never lost hope
of obtaining it, for he believed thoroughly in the saint. Sargento
Jacinto de Lanzacorta, very thankful for this, celebrates a feast to
St. Nicholas every year. Father Fray Pedro de Torres [67] says that
he arrived at Sugbu in the first part of February, where he had been
regarded as lost, for he was more than five months in making the trip
from Manila to Sugbu. During the whole time he suffered very many
hardships, from which St. Nicholas freed him. The most Holy Child
returned to His house, so that He might be served therein.

In the beginning of this triennium, as the fathers of Ilocos were
going to their province, two or three of them feared the horror of
the journey by land, which is terrible. Accordingly, as they found
a suitable boat, father Fray Diego Abalos prior of Narbacan, father
Fray Juan Gallegos, [68] prior of Laguag, and father Fray Francisco del
Portillo, [69] prior of Purao, taking the provision for their convents,
went along the coast to Ilocos. But so furious a storm struck them,
that they gave themselves up as lost. Accordingly, as servants of God,
they had recourse to Him, sincerely confessing themselves and praying
earnestly--as well as their terror allowed--to God to beg pardon
for their sins. The Sangleys already, with loosened hair (which
means their last hope gone), did not attempt to do a thing in the
champan, for they thought that they could not escape from it. At last,
encouraged by the fathers, after setting a scrap of sail, they yielded
to the force of the stern-wind, and in less than thirty hours reached
the Chinese coasts. They made more than three hundred leguas in that
short time and route, which, even in fine weather, would take fifteen
or twenty days, or one or two months. They landed, where no little
danger awaited them, as the people tried to kill them. But at last
the Lord's mercy was not found wanting in that country, for through
it they went from land to land, until they reached Macan, a city held
by the Portuguese in the country of China. They were succored there
with great generosity, for in works of charity the Portuguese are most
generous. In Manila, they were thought to have been drowned. As such,
the masses and suffrages that are wont to be said in this province
of the order, for the religious who die in it, were said for them
in all the convents. Afterward, the Portuguese who came to Manila
informed Ours of the [above] event, whereat all rejoiced greatly;
for those regarded as lost were religious who were held in much
esteem. Two of them soon came, namely, father Fray Diego de Abalos
and father Fray Juan Gallegos The third, father Fray Francisco del
Portillo, went to the island of Hermosa, which belonged then to our
Spaniards, and took possession of a convent with the solemnity decreed
by law. Then he came back, and all three returned to their priorates,
to which others had already been appointed by our father provincial.

The enemy from Jolo had often made incursions, to the great loss of
the islands; for they caused many deaths, made many captives, and
occasioned not few expenses, which had been incurred for his Majesty
in opposing them, but all to no purpose. For either the Spaniards did
not try to look for them, or did not find them, or indeed, when they
met them, the enemy took to their heels; for on the one hand their
boats are swifter, and on the other they come more as soldiers than
our men, who seem to have inherited the carelessness and phlegm of the
country. And truly, I think injustice has been done to the Joloans,
and injustice should be done to no one, even one's enemy. But we
shall consider how God avenged the injuries committed by Saul on
the Ammonites, who did not stop until these were atoned for--which
was ended by David, who delivered to them all of Saul's descendants,
all of whom they hanged. And the scriptures say: _Suspenderunt eos in
patibulis in conspectu solis._ [70] For a criminal punished shines
like the sun in the sight of God. These Joloans were going to and
returning from Manila in the character of friends, taking and carrying
away necessaries to both parties. Once, when returning from Manila,
they were charged with robbing and making captives. The governor sent
Alferez Don Fernando de Figueroa after them. After meeting them, he
brought them back, after taking away their cargo, which is reported
to have amounted to more than four thousand pesos. They remained idle
in Manila, until they were freely dismissed, as no crime appeared
against them. Governor Don Alonso Fajardo died, and the Ioloans
returned to their own country, with the intention of asking the new
governor, on his arrival, for what was taken from them; since nothing
was proved against them for which they merited the punishment of the
confiscation of their property. They acted accordingly, and returned to
the presence of Don Fernando de Silva and of his successor, Don Juan
Nino de Tabora. Those barbarians endured very great delay, until,
finding themselves in a desperate condition and poorly equipped,
they returned, committing signal depredations on the way; and since
then they have continued their incursions, to the very great injury of
all the country. And although expeditions have been made against them
from Sugbu and Panay, nothing of importance has been accomplished. It
was resolved to build a good fleet and invade their country. This
was done very secretly, but I am surprised that they did not hear
of it. Its chief officer was Don Cristobal de Lugo, who filled
the position of lieutenant-governor and captain-general of those
provinces. He assembled a goodly force, both soldiers and Indians,
who would willingly go to avenge themselves, as they said. For the act
of vengeance among the Indians is a terrible thing; and, if possible,
they do not miss it.

While awaiting the time to go in Sugbu, where the forces were
gathered--who, as they were many, occupied all the houses, even the
smallest ones--some soldiers were cleaning their weapons in one near
the residence of the Recollect fathers. One fired his arquebus, which,
unknown to him, was loaded. It caught in the thatch which formed
the roof of that little house; and, as the sun was hot, and the wind
the greater brisa, the house quickly caught fire. The father prior,
Fray Pedro de San Nicolas, was very much annoyed; and he came out,
and with reason rebuked the soldiers, who lost all their effects. The
father returned to his house, where he learned that more had happened
than he thought; for, as he was going up stairs, he saw that the
greater part of his house was burned. By dint of ringing the bells,
a number of people came in, but they could not prevent the burning
of the house. This happened March 9, 1628, at one o'clock in the
afternoon. It was a great pity, and cause for compassion; for the
convent, by the efforts of father Fray Pedro de San Nicolas, was very
well finished. He had been most diligent in both the building and the
furnishing and adornment of it; and his province lost more than five
thousand pesos by the fire.

Everything was well advanced for the expedition. Accordingly, all
the forces embarked, being accompanied by a father of the Society,
an Italian named Fabricio de Sorsale. The commander was a devotee
of the most Holy Child, although he did not take Him as patron this
time, a thing he was wont to do. Yet he would not go without bidding
Him farewell, which he did with great devotion, a ceremony which did
not lack many candles. The Child showed Himself so pleased, that I
was obliged to tell the commander that he should take comfort, and
that I promised him in the Child's name a very fortunate expedition,
as happened--and it would have been better, had they known how to use
their victory. The fleet left Sugbu on the fourth of the same month,
with more than one hundred Spaniards and three hundred Indians. There
were two captains of infantry, subordinate to the commander--one
Francisco Benitez, the other Juan del Rio. Other volunteers accompanied
them. They reached Jolo, found it unprepared, and burned the town, the
king's houses, the ships, and whatever they found. Had they followed
the people, they would have found them in confusion and hiding in
the grass; for on account of the long peace, the Joloans had not
provisioned their stronghold, which was impregnable. The soldiers
contented themselves with this, and let slip the best opportunity
that could have been desired.

Upon the day that this occurred, some Spaniards happened to be in
our church with father Fray Pedro de Torres, and they saw that the
Child was laughing. This was the church that had been built by the
said father Fray Pedro de Torres--a fatal one, I call it. For four
days after the fleet had left, on the eighth of the same month, while
I was in the refectory dining with the Recollect fathers, whom I had
brought to our convent, another Recollect came from Manila, who was
coming to be ordained. While recounting to him the misfortune that had
occurred, the prior said: "Tell me, brother, if you saw this convent
ablaze, would you not feel compassion?" We went up stairs, and at one
o'clock the fire began in the middle of the city, to the windward. It
originated from some tobacco; cursed be it, and the harm that that
infernal plant has brought, which must have come from hell. The wind
was brisk, and blowing toward the convent. In short, everything was
burned, though we saved the silver and whatever was possible. The Holy
Child willed to allow His house and most of the city to be burned,
although no two houses had ever before been burned in that city at the
same time. This happened on Saturday, the eve of Passion Sunday. I
gathered together all that escaped from the convent of San Nicolas,
and set about going to Manila, to repair that loss as far as possible.

While on the way to the island of Panay, my boat was overturned
by a heavy storm, and it was a miracle that I escaped with my
life--which happened, through God's mercy, by the efforts of my Sugbu
Indians. Finally when the storm was appeased, I reached the convent of
Salog, without shoes, naked, and perishing of hunger, on the fifteenth
of the said month of April. The father of that convent, called father
Fray Francisco de Oliva, [71] and all the others of that island, aided
both the convent, and me especially, with the greatest charity. Thus
I obtained there two very large contributions of all necessary for
the convent. I found father Fray Esteban de Peralta, definitor of
the province, there visiting the island. I went to Manila with him,
where I tried to go from Manila to Espana. The superior did not impose
obedience in regard to it, so that I turned all my efforts to caring
for my house, for which many religious aided from their stores with
great charity.

At this juncture the ships came from Espana. They brought the
governor's wife, Dona Magdalena de Onate. They had been four
whole months in making the port of Cavite and had suffered very
severe weather. Those two ships were very staunch ones, and had
better accommodations for cargo than any that have been seen in the
islands. They were called the "San Luis" and the "San Raimundo." As
commander of the flagship came Don Juan de Quinones, in whose ship
sailed the governor's wife. It also bore the religious of our father
St. Dominic; while in the almiranta sailed Don Diego Munoz, Bishop
Don Fray Hernando Guerrero, the latter of whom was at the point of
death, so that his escape was a marvel. We saw above how our father
Mentrida sent him to Espana as procurator. He made a prosperous trip
[to Espana], and when he reached Espana found himself a bishop, a
negotiation effected by heaven rather than his own efforts. For one
always recognized very great grace (I mean humility) in his Lordship,
like the grand religious that he always was. But his many hardships,
journeys, and services in the islands made him worthy of this and of
other greater honors. He went and returned in three years, bringing an
unusually fine company [of religious]. But the plague decimated them,
taking the best of the men, as follows:

1. Father Fray Francisco Osorio, reader of theology in Espana, and
an eloquent preacher; and, above all, of most noble temper and blood.

2. Father Fray Juan Bermans, a preacher from Flanders. He died chaste;
and was a brother of Father Bermans of the Society, who is to be
canonized, and who serves as a model.

3. Father Fray Diego Bonifaz, a very virtuous religious.

4. Father Fray Bartolome de Eraso, a preacher and quite indispensable.

5. Brother Fray Francisco Gonzalez, chorister.

6. Brother Fray Francisco Diego, chorister.

7. Brother Fray Antonio de Salazar, chorister.

Those who entered [port] alive were:

1. Father Fray Francisco de Azuara, from Valencia, lecturer in
theology.

2. Father Fray Pedro de Quesada, lecturer in arts, from Castilla.

3. Father Fray Luis de Villerias, a creole, a debater in the
university. [72]

4. Father Fray Bartolome de Esterlik, a preacher, an Irishman. [73]

5. Father Fray Dionisio Suarez, chorister.

6. Father Fray Juan de Prado, from Castilla, a preacher.

7. Father Fray Justo Ubeda, from Castilla, a priest.

8. Father Fray Alonso Ramos, from Castilla, a priest.

9. Father Fray Francisco de Abendano, from Castilla, a priest.

10. Brother Fray Alonso Quijano, from Castilla, chorister.

11. Brother Fray Diego Tamayo, from Andalucia, chorister.

12. Father Fray Gonzalo de la Palma, from Castilla, chorister.

13. Brother Fray Juan Lozano, from Castilla, chorister.

14. Brother Fray Miguel Dicastis.

15. Father Fray Gaspar de Castilla, a preacher.

16. Brother Fray Agustin de Chauru, from Castilla, chorister. [74]

They were welcomed gladly, although with grief for the great loss
that they had sustained. Those religious suffered greatly; for the
storms compelled them to disembark between Bacon and Verde Island,
which must have cost them dear. Afterward they suffered not a little
on land until they reached Manila, where they were well received
and feasted. The priests began to labor, and the brothers, after
ordination, did the same, since they had come for that purpose.

I, who had obtained by entreaty what I could to buy two ornaments
and all that was necessary, returned to my field of labor; so that
I left the convent with a house, church, sacristy, and ornaments,
better than before; and all that was necessary for the house, more
abundantly and fully than before. I also increased its annual income
by more than three hundred pesos.




CHAPTER XLI

_Continuation of the preceding_


Governor Don Fernando de Silva thought that the trade of this country
with China was annually decreasing, because of the Chinese pirates,
who were now very bold, so that the traders could not leave port
without manifest danger to their property and lives. And indeed,
if any came, it was to bring rather people than cloth and the other
things that the country needed. Besides this, since the Chinese had
Portuguese in their country, they could transport their cloth without
so much danger and sell it to the Portuguese. The latter brought it
from Macan to Manila, and sold it there at whatever price they pleased;
for the Spaniards had to export something, as otherwise they could not
live. For their other incomes, acquired through encomiendas--I know
not how they are valued--do not suffice or enrich, and least of all
satisfy. Perhaps the reason is that in collecting them no attention
is paid to what is produced. Besides that, the governor knew that the
Dutch were settled in Hermosa Island, a very large island, which lies
more than two hundred leguas north of Manila. It is called Hermosa
[_i.e._, "Beautiful"] Island because of its fertility. It is quite
near China, although it is inhabited by Indians, like the rest of the
islands. The governor thought that, from that place, the Dutch were
depriving us of the trade; this would mean the destruction of Manila,
which only a lucrative trade could sustain. To remedy all this, he
thought to capture Hermosa Island, and he discussed and conferred
about this plan. The Dominican fathers, influenced by the gain of
souls, encouraged this affair, because of the nearness of the island
to China. As all are dependent on the governor in these regions, no
one dares to contradict him in whatever pleases him; for they fear
his anger upon them, which often deprives them of sustenance. But,
I think time has proved what an unwise thing was done; for none of
those injuries have been remedied, but have remained. The forces,
which are daily becoming fewer in the islands, were divided, and
there were innumerable other inconveniences. Finally, the governor
sent troops to the island, and possession of it was taken, more than
forty or sixty leguas from the Dutch fort. Only Dominican religious
went on this occasion. Then it befell that many of the troops died,
for the island is very cold. Most of the fruits of Castilla are raised
there. Its inhabitants are fierce, and live without law or reason,
but more as their chiefs dictate. Ours have suffered signal hardships
there. Sargento-mayor N. Careno was governor of that fort and the
troops; and he did his utmost. The Chinese came and offered many things
when the soldiers had money; but, when money failed, all was about to
perish. That year, 1626, Don Juan Nino de Tabora came as governor. He
was told of Hermosa Island and its great importance. Accordingly,
he resolved to make an expedition thither, with as many of the
remaining soldiers as possible. They filled three large galleons
and other smaller ones. Captain Lazaro de Torres, of whom we have
made so much mention, sailed in the "Trinidad," the smallest of all
the ships. They left in August, after the despatch [for New Spain]
of the vessels of 1627. The weather was rough, so that the governor
grew afraid. After incurring so great expenses for his Majesty, and
sailing in galleons which carried fifty or sixty pieces of artillery,
a return was made to Cavite. Only Lazaro de Torres went ahead, with
whom sailed father Fray Lucas de Atienza, of our order, as prior and
vicar-provincial. They suffered terrible storms, and ran manifest
dangers; especially when, running with the lower sail on the foremast,
they ran aground on an island, which they had not seen because of
a dense fog. At last they all got away. They flung out, or rather
raised, the greater yard (which they were carrying down), shook out
the sails full, and then were able to make land with the sides under
water, and the sea running sky-high. They just missed scraping the
sunken rocks about the island. The most courageous man among them
was our religious, for no one, neither soldier nor sailor, met the
danger with greater courage or resolution. At length they reached
Hermosa Island at a time that proved the redemption of those men, for
already were they eating rats. They were in the extreme of necessity;
for neither did any Chinese come, nor had the Spaniards any silver to
attract them, for that is the most efficacious allurement. Captain Don
Antonio de Vera had gone out with twenty men; but some Indian chiefs
daringly killed him and his men. Captain Lazaro de Torres rallied to
this necessity. He went outside, relieved the fort, gave what food he
had, and then--having nothing to do, and suspecting that the governor
had put back into port--he returned with our religious. The latter
came near dying on account of his great hardships; and indeed death
overcame him after he returned to the land of Manila--where because
of those sufferings he never again raised his head in health.

During this same time, I mean in 1628, the house of our convent of
Bisayas was burned--the one which I had built with so much trouble. It
was the best in the province. It is suspected that the rebellious
Indians burned it, as it was not the time when fires are wont to
happen, for it was Christmas, when it is always rainy.

During the triennium of our father Fray Juan Enriquez, the church and
house of Dumangas were burned. They were fine edifices. Both fires
occurred during the night, so that it was a miracle that the religious
escaped; for they were asleep, a sign that the fire was set on purpose.

During this triennium the Manila Parian was burned. It was a miracle
that the city was not burned; and the interests that were ruined
were very large. Although the church of the Parian was so near to
the houses, and entirely of wood, it did not burn, whereat all the
Sangleys were much surprised. They said afterward in their broken
language, "Here St. Mary great" [_aqui Sta. Maria grande_]. The walls
and supports were aglow with the fire and brightness, or rather,
were ablaze, as they were so hot that the hand could not be placed
upon them. This made the wonder all the greater, and the Sangleys
became more attentive to the consideration of our truths. The Parian
was rebuilt better; its houses were roofed with tile, so that it is
very sightly; and, with the point adjoining it on the river, which
has been finished, it has added glory and honor to the city. All was
done, as I have said, at the cost of the Sangleys. But they cause
the Castilian to pay it, by raising prices universally.

[The chapter closes with several miraculous occurrences and
pious observations that emphasize the grandeur of the Christian
religion. These marvels are interspersed with other matter as follows:]

During the triennium of our father Fray Alonso de Mentrida, the
sending of a religious to Maluco was discontinued, and the convent
of Cavite was completely abandoned. It must have been the opinion
of grave fathers that that was not of importance. Many things are
kept, which although they are of no use at the present time, are at
least preserved for the hopes which are entertained that they will
be useful in the future, and that they will prove of advantage. No
notice was taken of that, for four eyes are worth more than two; and
what has appeared in one way to me may appear to others in an entirely
different light. Hence I shall leave the discussion of this matter.

In the first part of the year 1629, the most holy sacrament was found
missing from the altar of the cathedral of Manila.

It was a thing that troubled all greatly; but it most troubled the
archbishop of Manila. The greatest and most painstaking efforts
imaginable were made. Many were arrested, and put to severe torture;
and, for many months, no other efforts were made than to ascertain
whether the aggressor could be discovered by any manner or means. But
that one was never found, nor could they discover who stole it, nor
what was done with it. The archbishop retired to San Francisco del
Monte, which is a convent of the religious of our father St. Francis,
who spend their lives there in the contemplative life with notable
perfection and spirituality. There then our archbishop took refuge,
and spent many days in other similar works, furnishing an example to
all the country; and although it is true that he was always an example
during all his life, he seems on this occasion to have redoubled his
acts of penitence--praying God, as a truly contrite man, that, if that
lamentable case and one so worthy of sorrow throughout the islands
had happened through his omissions. He would pardon him and regard
those sheep which had been committed to him with eyes of pity and
kindness; and that he might not be the cause that their punishments be
multiplied. He caused prayers to be said by the convents and parishes,
noting that beyond doubt the sins of the people were great, since the
Lord was working against them and permitted that the sacrament be taken
from its place and dwelling in so sacrilegious a manner. For no less
in the present desecration than in that which these sacrilegious Jews
practiced toward our Lord in the garden, the gravity of the sin is
recognized, since He allows such treatment. And no less is the love
recognized which He has for us, accepting and receiving to Himself
the insults which He does not wish to fall upon His people--like the
pious mother who shielded the dear body of her son, whom she loved,
with her own, so that the tyrant might not wound him, preferring the
welfare of her son to her own.




CHAPTER XLII

_Of the election of our father Fray Juan de Henao_


Our father Fray Francisco Bonifacio, with the mildness which we have
seen, with which he began and divided his government, ended it with
the same, not leaving any religious any ground for complaint. For
he loved them all equally, and equally strove for their spiritual
welfare, acting toward them in every respect as a true father and
shepherd. He had cast his eyes on father Fray Jeronimo de Medrano as
his successor. The latter was then definitor, and he was a person
of great talent for what the office requires, and had preached at
Manila in a very satisfactory manner. But since there are so many
different understandings in a province, all men cannot judge of a
thing by the same method, for every one feels regarding it as his own
judgment dictates. Consequently, there was a following which tried
to elect father Fray Francisco Coronel, a man of vast learning, and
of whom very great hopes were entertained for the future. But that
following never could gain the full game, nor even check the other
faction. Thereupon they settled on a scheme which did not succeed
badly, and that was to cast their votes for our father Fray Juan de
Henao, who belonged to the other faction, and had the father president
on his side. By this means, the election was conferred upon the man
who was least expected [to gain it]. One would believe that the Lord
chose to give him therein the dignity which He had taken from him six
years before--the reader will remember what we have said about that.

At this time the fathers born in the Indias, although they were
few, had obtained a bull from his Holiness, so that between them
and the fathers from Castilla there should be alternation [in
the celebration of Corpus Christi]. Its execution was committed
to the archdean of Manila, Alonso Garcia, a creole, who was much
inclined to it. Accordingly he proceeded without allowing any appeal
or argument, although those presented by the Castilian fathers were
very cogent. Finally he proceeded to extreme measures, by declaring
the fathers excommunicated. Here the province refused to admit the
letters of excommunication. Finally, our father Henao was elected
in this contention, with father Fray Esteban de Peralta acting as
presiding officer of the chapter. The definitors elected were:
father Fray Juan de Tapia; the second, Fray Juan de Medina; the
third, Fray Nicolas de Herrera; [75] and the fourth, Fray Martin
de Errasti. [76] The visitors were father Fray Jeronimo Medrano and
father Fray Cristobal de Miranda. [77]

The father provincial and the other father definitors looked after
the affairs of the province with great prudence, and discussed the
most important matter of that time--namely, the choice of a person to
go to the court of Roma to represent the causes which had moved them
not to accept the alternation, giving him the money for expenses which
the other fathers are accustomed to carry, with additional pay, and as
the case required. The father master, Fray Pedro Garcia, was selected
for that purpose. He was the brother of the archbishop and a person
of great talent and resources, who would be well received anywhere
because of his person, learning, and excellent mode of procedure. But
the Lord was pleased not to allow him to reach Nueva Espana. The creole
fathers also requested that permission be granted to them, for they
wished to send a procurator on their own account; and their request
was granted. Accordingly they sent father Fray Alonso de Figueroa,
[78] a person of much ability, and the most suitable that could be
selected among the men of his following.

Father Fray Hernando de Cabrera, an admirable minister of the
Tagalos, of whom we have already spoken, asked for leave to go to
Espana. Together with the father master, Fray Pedro Garcia, he took
passage on the flagship "San Juan," a new ship whose first voyage
this was. Aboard it was Don Fernando de Silva, who had governed these
islands, four procurators for the city of Manila, who were being
sent to look after the property of the citizens, on account of unfair
dealings by those of Nueva Espana in the returns made for it [_i.e._,
for goods exported thither from Manila]. Further, two fathers and a
brother named Fray Juan de Pena took passage with them. Two of our
religious embarked aboard the almiranta--father Fray Lorenzo [_sic_]
de Figueroa as procurator of the creole fathers, and a brother named
Fray Francisco de San Nicolas. They left the port of Cavite, August
4; they experienced considerable suffering, for the vendavals were
blowing vigorously, and those winds make it difficult to get out of
the bay. At last it was God's good pleasure to give them weather which
enabled them to make their voyage. In this line, on the return trip
to Mejico, the ships do not sail in company, but each one takes the
direction which is most expedient for it, relying on God, who will
aid them. The storms were frightful. The almiranta suffered the most
terrible voyage that ever ship has suffered. For after a few blasts
they had to cut down the mast, and, when they reached thirty-six
degrees, they lost their rudder. In such plight they agreed to return,
suffering destructive hurricanes, so that, had not the ship been
so staunch, it would have been swallowed up in the sea a thousand
times. Finally God was pleased to have it return, as if by a miracle;
and as such was it considered by all the inhabitants of Manila. The
other vessel, being a new and larger ship, on perceiving the storm,
went to a lower latitude. It continued to plow the sea, to the great
discomfort of all, for it was six months on the voyage. The father
master, Fray Pedro, died on that voyage, with so excellent an example
that there was no one aboard the ship who was not edified. Father
Cabrera also died with great piety, and like a devoted religious, as
he was. The brother lived. Even the chaplain aboard the ship died. In
all the dead numbered ninety-nine persons, who could have peopled a
world. Those who arrived were in such condition that it was necessary
to let them regain their strength in the port of Valdebanderas. The
procurators on both sides had this lot, which was plainly that which
occurred to all. But against the will of God there is no one who can
go; what is important is, that His will be always done.

Archbishop Don Fray Miguel Garcia saw that the time was approaching
for the provincial chapter. He hastened and left Manila to visit
and confirm those of his jurisdiction. It is certain that, had
Ours detained him, affairs would have come out better. Finally,
being constrained, they had to summon him; and his coming adjusted
affairs. He returned to his confirmation, being desirous of concluding
it in order to return for the feast of Corpus Christi in the city,
which was his greatest devotion. But his haste cost him his life. He
was corpulent, and had been ailing many days; his blood became heated,
and gave him a fever. He was not attended to in time, and when they
took care of him he was a dead man. His death occurred on that same
day of the most holy sacrament, at nine o'clock at night. He died
as an apostle, after having done his whole duty as religious and
bishop. Great was the concourse of people, for his great sagacity and
prudence made him not only liked but loved by all. He was buried in our
convent, at the foot of the high altar, among the religious. Beyond
doubt our Lord chose to snatch him from this life on that day which
he so much venerated, so that he should see the reward which the
Lord gave him for so great devotion. He was a liberal almsgiver,
and at the time of his death had nothing that was his own. All his
possessions had been expended in charitable works many days before. The
city grieved much over his death, but his church grieved more; for,
besides remaining orphaned, there was no other who would thus look
after it. The bishop of Sugbu came to govern it, by indult of his
Holiness, with which he has governed twice at Manila.

[After dwelling at some length on the virtue of a Bengal slave woman
and her miraculous escape from death, she having been dangerously
wounded by her would-be seducer, Medina continues:]

In our father Fray Juan Henao's first year, when we had already
entered upon the year 1630, the orders considered the little security
that they had from the Moros, for the latter were becoming insolent
with their successful forays; and thus, without giving our people any
breathing-space, were destroying the villages and missions in charge
of the orders--and more especially they were pressing the Jesuits, as
those fathers were established in places more exposed to the insolence
and violence of the enemies. The governor, in an endeavor to uproot
so great an evil at one blow, had a fleet built in the islands--the
largest ever made by Indians--at the expense of the king our sovereign,
and of the Indians and encomenderos. A great sum of money was expended
upon it. Command of it was entrusted to the master-of-camp of the
forces at Manila, Don Lorenzo de Olazu, a soldier, and one of those
of highest reputation in those regions. The fleet bore more than
four thousand Indians, taken from all districts at great expense, and
more than five hundred Spaniards, picked men, commanded by captains
of note. The fleet was composed of two galleys, three brigantines,
a number of caracoas, and champans to carry food. With this fleet
it was confidently expected to subdue not only Jolo, but all the
hostile islands.

The Jolog group consists of many islands, but the principal one, where
the king lives, has a hill in the middle of it like a volcano. It
has only one very steep ascent, and is an impregnable point, and as
such it is regarded by all. Accordingly, when the Indians are visited
by enemies, they fortify the hill, and then imagine themselves secure
against any force. But when, about two years ago, Admiral Don Cristobal
de Lugo had burned their villages, and they knew that the Castilians
were about to attack them, they had fortified the hill strongly,
mounting thereon the guns that they had taken from the [Spanish]
shipyard. The master-of-camp believed himself sufficient to take that
hill alone. Accordingly as soon as he arrived, he landed, and heading
them, led his men up the hill without delay. That fleet was accompanied
by one of our religious, father Fray Fulgencio, an excellent preacher,
and a very good worker, who was preeminent among the others who
went. There was also a Recollect father named Fray Miguel, who did
not move from the side of the master-of-camp. The latter, finding
himself almost alone on the height and near the stockade, many
sharpened stakes and bamboos hardened in the fire were hurled at him,
so that the master-of-camp fell, while others of the more courageous
were wounded, and some killed. Thereupon, had the others ascended
and entered, as the attack would have been less difficult after that
first fury, they would have gained the fort, which had but few men, as
was afterward learned; but they remained inactive. The master-of-camp
arose, and retired without doing more than this; and with this result,
that that fleet, that had made every one afraid, returned. My opinion
is, that the Spaniards were punished for the arrogance that they must
have displayed there; and that along those coasts, and at the expense
of the wretched subjects, they tried to find the pearls of the king
of Jolo, which were said to be most beautiful. And accordingly this
was proclaimed, to the sound of drum, in the port of Ilong-ilong
and in Sugbu, and a reward promised to whoever would seize them;
for they considered the victory their own already, and shouted it
forth before obtaining it. If they, as Christians, had gone with
good intent to punish those Mahometan enemies for the desecrations
that they had committed against the churches and sacred images, who
doubts that the Lord, whose cause that was, would have aided them? But
they were greedy for their own interests, and had their eyes on their
own convenience. Thus they lost both the moneys expended and their
reputation; and to save reputation one should expend much toil, for
by it are conserved monarchies and kingdoms. They returned to Manila
the laughing-stock of all the islands. From that time the Indians of
Cagayan began to talk among themselves of lifting the yoke, placed on
their necks by the Castilians; for as has been seen, all is not gold
that glitters. Many deaths occurred among the Indians of different
districts. The expenses of the natives, as above stated, were great,
for although no one goes from his village except with very liberal
aid, in this case that aid was unusually generous. Thus there was
no encomienda that had a thousand Indians that did not expend more
than a thousand pesos, besides rice--in addition to their tribute,
personal services, and other taxes. It should be considered and
recognized how these poor wretches were continually harassed; hence,
why should one wonder that events do not succeed as one would desire?

In the present year the vessel "San Juan" returned, the ill-fortune of
which was feared, because the almiranta had put back to port. It
gave report of its voyage, whereupon the order voted what was
important. [79] They appointed a procurator who went to Espana. This
was the father reader, Fray Pedro de la Pena, [80] who was prior of
Macabebe in Pampanga. He took passage on the flagship "San Luis." In
the almiranta embarked another father, from Valencia, named father Fray
Vicente Lidon. These vessels left the port of Cavite on August 4. They
put back to the same port to lighten, and set sail again as heavily
laden as before. They experienced no better voyage than the last ones
had; for, besides putting back, they did not lack misfortunes. The
flagship cut down its mast on the high sea, and was all but lost. The
other vessel also suffered greatly, and between them both they threw
overboard more than one hundred and forty [dead] people, while the
others were like to die of hunger, for the voyage lasted seven and
one-half months. Nueva Espana no longer expected them, and therefore
despatched [to the islands] two small vessels from Peru, in which
came the visitor of the islands, Don Francisco de Rojas. Both vessels
suffered greatly. They lost their rudders, and their arrival was a
miracle. It is quite apparent that the Lord is very merciful toward
the islands. We surmise that these vessels arrived, one in July and
the other in August of 1631. The worst thing resulting to the order
in what happened to the vessels was, that no one would take passage
on the ships, so that the province came to a condition of the utmost
peril. For, if procurators are lacking in Espana, there is no hope
of getting religious; and the religious who are here now are dying
daily. For never have I seen a triennium when there were not more than
twenty deaths, and sometimes even thirty; while few are invested with
the habit. Thus, perforce, the province is always in need of men.

Nevertheless, I, who had always been desiring to go to Espana, at
last obtained my wish this year of 1631, under the greatest strife
and oppositions that can be told; but I will not speak of them,
as they are personal, although a not small history might be made of
them. Finally I embarked in the flagship (where I went as vicar),
in which no other priest embarked. The ship was a new one, and had
been built in Cavite, during the residence of Governor Don Juan Nino
de Tabora, who named it "La Magdalena" for his wife. It was always
said that the ship had no strength and ought not to make the trip. The
people said this among themselves; but, when they spoke of it to the
governor, they praised it, and said that it was the best vessel in
the world, for the contrary grieved him greatly. It was laden, and
then its weakness was evident, so that they had to change their tune
to that very governor. It was said that it would be made all right
by putting in some stiffening--namely, three planks on each side,
very thick and heavy--whereby it seemed that the vessel would be
strengthened. Accordingly, the people embarked, a thing that ought not
to have been done. On Thursday, at dawn, we were about to set sail; and
when they weighed the anchor that held the ship, it listed to starboard
so rapidly that, had not the point of the largest yard caught on the
shore, the ship would doubtless have turned keel up. To see so many
men perish there and so much property lost, was a day of judgment--an
event such as no one remembers to have heard told before. The artillery
was fired at intervals from the fort of Cavite, whereat the governor
and many vessels came up. I was the first to escape from the ship,
but as by a miracle; for I jumped into the water from the lantern,
clothed as I was with my black habit. By God's help I was enabled to
reach a small boat, in which I escaped, as above described. May the
Lord's will be fulfilled. With this I have been in danger of death
seven times from the water while in the islands, whence the Lord by
His mercy has miraculously drawn and freed me. The first was shortly
after my arrival in the country, at Aclan. While bathing in the river,
suddenly a current came whose rapidity seized me and bore me beyond my
depth. I was already lost and surrendered myself to the mercy of the
water, for I could not swim. God inspired a sacristan who was there,
who dived quickly into the water, followed me, and, catching hold of
me, drew me ashore. The second was while prior of Ibahay, and when
I was visiting the islands. While crossing to one, so fierce a storm
struck me that the Indians gave up hope, and thought only of dying. The
little boat was a poor one, without helm or sail. All human aid being
exhausted, I had recourse to the [departed] souls, who obtained a
change of wind from the Lord; thus, with a powerful north wind, and
the anchor thrown astern from a cable to aid as a rudder, we reached
a little islet at two o'clock at night. There we moored, that stormy
night. As soon as we reached the islet, the vendaval began to blow
again, so that it would seem that the north wind had blown only for
that. The third was in the same river of Ibahay. While ascending it
when it had a very large strong current (for it is a furious river),
it overturned my little boat, and drew me under; but, although I
did not know how to swim, the water was drawn from under me, and I
remained on the surface of the water, in such manner that I did not
sink beyond my girdle. And thus, with half my body out of the water,
the current carried me a long distance. The Indians were following
me in all haste with the little boat, supporting it with their hands;
and, when it overtook me, I climbed on top of it, overturned as it was,
and in that manner they dragged me ashore. From there I went to the
village, passing through streams as deep as my waist, or even to the
shoulders, and many times even up to the throat, at the imminent risk
of attack by crocodiles, and of life, and health; for I did not dare
enter the boat again. The fourth was in Laglag, when I was going on
horseback to the visitas of that district. The road was so close to
the edge of the river that it could not be followed without risk. The
rest of the country was so rough that it could not be penetrated. I
was going carefully, but the horse knew little of the reins, and
made a misstep and fell into the river--from so high a precipice that
surely, had there not been much water in the river at that time, we
had broken all our bones. But it was deep and had a strong current,
so that when we fell into it we sank. The horse reached the shore
immediately by swimming. The current carried me above water for a
very great distance, until I seized some reed-grass by which I was
able to reach the shore, where I thanked God for so many mercies. The
fifth was by falling into the Dumangas River from a little boat. The
above one of the ship is the sixth. I have left untold countless
other dangers, while on the sea so many times--now from enemies, now
from the weather. The seventh time is the loss of Sugbu, after the
burning of that city and convent. It is not little to tell what the
missionaries suffer here; but, as they are caused by works for God,
His [Divine] Majesty aids us with His help and protection, when by
any other means it seems impossible to save one's life on account of
the enemies and hardships that surround a religious on all sides. May
thanks be given to His [Divine] Majesty for all. Amen.

In 1631 there happened a wonderful thing in Sugbu. On account of the
ill-success achieved at Jolo, the governor sent Sargento-mayor Tufino
to Sugbu, so that, being posted in Dapitan (situated in Mindanao),
he might prove an obstacle to the Joloans, so that they should not
infest the islands. He reached the city of Santisimo Nombre de Jesus,
and was lodged in a house belonging to the convent, opposite the
prison; the two houses are separated only by a very wide street. The
sargento-mayor stored his powder, amounting to sixteen barrels, in
his house. The prison caught afire. All the people ran thither, since
if the fire leaped to the house opposite, and caught in the powder,
the city would surely be blown to pieces. The most Holy Child was
immediately taken out, at sight of whom the fire was checked, and
burned only the nipas of that piece, and left the supports on which
it rests intact. This is the latest thing [of this sort] that has
been seen. It was a solemn miracle; but that Lord who is omnipotent
in all things can do this.




CHAPTER XLIII

_Continuation of the preceding_


The trade and commerce of the Japanese Islands has always been
considered of great importance in these islands; for, as the former
are rich in metals and foods, what is needed here can be brought
thence at moderate prices. Formerly the Manila traders made much
more profit by sending their goods to Japon than to Espana, for
they saw the returns from them more quickly and at less risk. The
governors have sought this trade very earnestly. Don Alfonso Fajardo
sent two ambassadors, namely, Don Juan de Arceo and Don Fernando
de Ayala, who were very influential men of Manila; they carried a
goodly present with them. But that barbarian refused to admit them,
whereupon they returned abashed, without effecting anything. All
this rancor has arisen through his expulsion of the orders [from
Japan], and his prohibition against preaching any new religion in his
country. Although the emperors have done this in their zeal for their
idolatries, the credence given to a falsehood told them by the Dutch
has aided greatly in it. The Dutch told the emperor, in short, that
he should beware of the European religious, for that by their means
the king of Castilla made himself sovereign of foreign kingdoms; for
after they had entered the country and reduced it to their religion,
the rest was easy. It is not necessary to prove the falsity of this,
so apparent is it. Disguised religious have not on that account
discontinued going to Japon, but continue that work, although the
severity of the persecution is ever increasing.

In the year 30, the governor sent out two large galleons, with five
hundred soldiers, besides the sailors; they were ordered to capture
and bring to Manila any Dutch vessel found on the coasts of Siam and
Camboja. Don Juan de Alcarazo was commander of the galleons, and Don
Pedro de Mendiola was admiral. They sailed the seas at signal risk,
as they were not extra large ships, and the city was very anxious. For
should those galleons be lost, then was lost the strength of the
islands. But, finally, the Lord brought them safely home, which
was not a little fortunate. In the course of their wanderings they
seized two ships or junks, one belonging to Siamese, the other to
Japanese. They sent the Siamese vessel to Manila, but sacked and even
burned the Japanese vessel. It is said they found great riches on
it. Who could know the truth? This was learned in Japon, whereupon
the hate and ill-will of that people toward us redoubled. They tried
to collect the value of the junk from the Portuguese, who trade with
Japon. They said that, since the Castilians and Portuguese had the
same king, it made no difference which one of them paid. They seized
the goods of the Portuguese from them, and then the latter found their
business quickly despatched. They sent their ambassadors to Manila,
and a most dignified father of the Society came to manage the affair,
namely, Father Moregon--a Castilian, but so changed into a Portuguese
by his long intercourse with them, that he did nothing without
them. Nothing was concluded upon this occasion. Later, in the year
1631, two junks came from Japon, one Portuguese, the other Japanese,
with an embassy. The governor granted them audience in very circumspect
fashion. On that occasion he assembled all the infantry in two columns,
and had them escort the Japanese who acted as ambassadors, to whom he
gave horses and trappings and a fine carriage. In short, they had come,
in behalf of the governor of Nangasaqui, to confer about the junk,
and the means by which trade could be opened. But it was straitly
stipulated that no religious should go, for the Japanese had no
liking for them. Two of our Japanese friars were the translators of
all the matter contained in the letters. The governor satisfied them
in everything, and treated them very well in Manila. The religious
took the greatest pleasure from the embassy, considering the power
of God. For when that gate was, in man's judgment, most tightly
locked, the Lord opened it. For naught is impossible to Him. _Non
erit impossibile apud Deum omne verbum._ [81] He who brought the
Magian kings to the feet of One newly-born, by following a star,
that same One brings the other nations to His bosom, when He wills,
and opens the door to them so that they may enter into the bosom of
His Church. The religious had the greatest hope of seeing the doors
of Japon opened widely, so that those harvests might be gathered. The
Lord, then, has been well pleased in those kingdoms with so much
blood as has been shed there by His faithful ones, in testimony of
His holy law. May He act as He shall see best in this matter.

It appears that in the year 1629 the orders were moved to send
religious to Japon at their own cost. These were the Dominican fathers,
the Franciscans, our Recollects, and those of our own order. They
furnished the expenses on shares, built a champan, hired sailors, and
paid a pilot. But that expedition could not have been for the best,
for the Lord proceeded to defeat it, by allowing their champan to be
wrecked. Afterward, although they bought another in China (or rather in
Ilocos), it had no better success. Ours spent more than five hundred
pesos. The father reader, Fray Pedro de Quesada, [82] and father Fray
Agustin de Chauru went. The sufferings of the religious from storms,
rains, roads, and famines would not be believed. It seems that they
can say with St. Paul: _Omnia superamus propter eum qui dilexit nos._
[83] They had to return because their superiors thus ordered, for
in any other way they would not have done it; as they know very well
how to suffer with Christ and for Christ, whose hardships were sweet
to them, as to another St. Paul: _Mihi autem absit gloriari nisi in
cruce Domini nostri Jesu Christi._ [84]

That same year certain splendid feasts were celebrated in Manila for
the holy martyrs of Japon who were canonized by his Holiness Pope Urban
 VII. There were twenty-one of them. Three were dogicos of the Society;
the others belonged to the order of our father St. Francis. The
religious marched in glittering vestments, all at the cost of the
pious and religious inhabitants of Manila. The orders invited one
another. There was a general procession in which the altars were
excellent. As for that of our house, if it were not the best one,
none of the others were ahead of it. It is certain that the dances,
comedies, and the other things which made the festival magnificent,
could have been envied by the best cities of Espana, to the honor and
glory of its sons; for they have so pacified this earth that even at
the limits of the world may be seen so many grandeurs to the honor
and glory of the Author of all. Of this not a little redounds to
the Catholic sovereigns of Espana; for by their expenses of men and
money the banners of the Church have floated over the most remote and
unknown parts of the world. Our kings of Espana deserve much, no doubt,
since God has made use of them for so great affairs in His service.

Governor Don Juan Nino de Tabora sent Captain Juan Bautista,
who had married one of his servants, to the fort and presidio
of Caragan. He was a very energetic and courageous youth, as he
had proved on all opportunities that arose--both in that presidio,
where he made many successful expeditions, and in other places where
he had been sent. He had been badly wounded in Jolo. When he beheld
himself head of that fort, he resolved to make an entrance among the
Tagabaloes. [85] He assembled many men from the friendly villages;
as is the custom--although I know not with what justice they have
taken to make forays on them, capturing them, carrying them away, and
selling them, for those Indians where they go are not Moros, nor even
have they done any harm to the Spaniards, but remaining quiet in their
own lands, they eke out a miserable existence. But this [custom] is
inherited from one [generation] to another. While about to make a foray
in this manner, Captain Bautista quarreled with a chief of Caragan,
the chief of all that district; and, not satisfied with treating him
badly with words, the captain attacked him, threw him to the ground,
and gave him many blows and kicks. Captain Bautista was unarmed,
as were also the Spaniards with him, who are very self-reliant in
all things. Then the chief returned to his own people and asked
them if they were not ashamed of what had happened. "Then," said he,
"how do you consent that the Castilians and captain treat me thus in
your presence, when you could easily kill them?" As they were few and
unarmed, the natives killed the captain and twelve soldiers, and Father
Jacinto Cor, a Recollect father, who was going with them. After this
first misfortune, resulting from the anger of an imprudent captain,
the natives went about warning and killing all the Spaniards whom they
found on their coasts, and tried to take the fort by strategy. But
already the matter was known, and on that account they did not take
the fort, which was the only means of recovering that post. They
killed four more religious, among whom was father Fray Juan de Santo
Tomas, prior in Tangda, who was near the same fort. He was a holy
man, as he showed at his death; for, seeing them resolved to kill
him, he asked permission to commend himself to God. He knelt down,
and while he was commending his soul to God, they thrust him through
with a lance. This religious was very learned and devout, and took
especial care of his soul. Therefore it is believed that by that
title of martyr our Lord chose to take him to His glory and crown
him there. They wounded brother Fray Francisco, a layman, severely,
as well as the father reader, Fray Lorenzo; but they did not die,
and were afterward ransomed. The other religious were very devoted
to God. How fortunate they, since they died so happily and in so
heroic a quest; for those idolators killed them for hatred of their
teachings. As much help was taken there as possible from Sugbu. The
chief commander in this was Captain Chaves, encomendero of Caragan,
who was living in Sugbu. He performed good services, repairing as
much as possible the evil and harm that had been begun. Afterward,
the commander-in-chief, Martin Larios, went with more soldiers to
punish those Indians.

It was reported as certain that those Indians, desirous of throwing
off the yoke from themselves, revolted because of the result
in Solog, aroused by what they saw in Jolo, among a people less
resolute than themselves, as well as by the lack of bravery that
they had witnessed in the Spaniards. The natives gathered, and held
assemblies and tried to ally themselves with the Joloans, Mindanaos,
and all the other neighboring natives that could help them. Things
were not in the condition that they wished; so they were gathering,
and biding their time. The above opportunity was presented, and they
hurled themselves to their own greater loss, since they began what
they could not finish. It was permitted by God, so that the many
souls whom the fathers have baptized and hope to baptize there may
not apostatize; for thereabout are multitudes of heathen Indians,
among whom the worship of Mahomet has not yet entered, and with the
care of the fathers the harvest, without doubt, will be very plentiful.

The Recollect fathers returned to visit, or rather, to rebuild their
house burned in Sugbu. They built it better, and roofed it with tile,
whereby it will be safer than a roofing of nipa, which is so exposed
to fire and flames.

In August, 1629, the governor sent Captain Don Sebastian de Libite--a
very noble Navarrese knight, who had been a very good soldier in
Flandes--to the Pintados as commander-in-chief. He went with his wife
and household to the city of Santisimo Nombre de Jesus. The weather
was very stormy, and they were often menaced by death. This lady, Dona
Catalina de Aguilar, and her whole household were very devoted to the
most Holy Child, and called upon Him with great anxiety. Finally, in a
disastrous storm that struck them, where death was facing them, this
lady said to her husband: "Listen, Don Sebastian, promise something
to the Holy Child, so that He may help us, and may allow us to see
Him." He promised one hundred pesos. "What, no more than that?" replied
Dona Catalina; "If we are drowning, for what do we love Him?" Finally,
he promised five hundred pesos. The most Holy Child beheld their
devotion, and miraculously saved them from their danger and conveyed
them safe to Sugbu, where they fulfilled their vow. And it is a fact
that although they were persons of great wealth of spirit and nobility,
they are people who have less of the temporal. But what they possess is
greater, which, at the end, will be a pledge of their reaching heaven.

[Father Medina's editor, Father Coco, follows the narrative with
a list of the Augustinian provincials in the Philippines from
1632-1893--eighty-two in all.]







DOCUMENTS OF 1630-1633


    Royal letters and decree. Felipe IV; December 4-31, 1630.
    Letter to Felipe IV from the bishop of Cebu. Pedro de Arce;
    July 31, 1631.
    Royal orders, 1632-33. Felipe IV; January-March, 1632, and
    March, 1633.
    Letters to Felipe IV. Juan Nino de Tavora; July 8, 1632.
    Events in Filipinas, 1630-32. [Unsigned]; July 2, 1632.
    Letter from the ecclesiastical cabildo to Felipe IV. Miguel
    Garcetas, and others; [undated, but 1632].


_Sources_: The first and third documents are obtained from MSS. in the
Archivo Historico Nacional, Madrid; the second, fourth, and sixth,
from MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla; the fifth,
from a MS. in the Academia Real de la Historia, Madrid.

_Translations_: The fifth document, and the first letter each in the
first and the third, are translated by Robert W. Haight; the remainder,
by James A. Robertson.






ROYAL LETTERS AND DECREE


_Letter to Tavora_


The King. To Don Juan Nino de Tavora, my governor and captain-general
of the Filipinas Islands, and president of my royal Audiencia which
sits there. Your letter of August 4, 628, which treats of matters
concerning the exchequer, has been received and examined in my royal
Council of the Yndias, and this will be your answer.

As to what you say that it is not expedient to continue the custom
introduced under the governorship of Don Juan de Silva, namely, that
the officials of my royal exchequer in those islands should not make
payments without your order--considering that they have not half the
money which is needed, and that it will be necessary to set limits
to the payments, so that they may be made only in the most necessary
cases--you will observe the order which you have for this matter,
taking care that the payments made be entirely justified.

I have looked into the difficulties which you mentioned as resulting
from the sale of offices of notaries in the provinces of the islands;
but as it seems that the considerations in favor of it are the
weightiest, you will order that they be immediately sold, or at least
one in the chief town of each province, and will advise me when this
is put into execution, and the amount for which each one is sold.

It will be well, as you say, that with the approval of another council
like that which was held in the time of Don Pedro Acuna, decisions
should be made whether it would be best to make a new valuation of the
produce in which the Indians are obliged to pay the tribute. Granting
the arguments which you bring forward, you will take care that they
pay some of their taxes in kind; because otherwise they would not
take the care that is desirable in stock-raising and farming.

You will see to it that the payment of salaries to the auditors of
that Audiencia be not postponed; but on the other hand you shall
prefer them to all others, whereby the complaint which they make of
you on that score will be avoided. [Madrid, December 4, 1630]


_I the King_ Countersigned by Don Fernando Ruiz de Contreras.



_Royal decree to regulate shipbuilding_

The King. To Don Juan Nino de Tavora, my governor and captain-general
of the Philipinas Islands, and president of my royal Audiencia therein,
or the person or persons in whose charge their government may be. It
has been learned by my royal Council of the Indias that the warships
which are built in those islands are so large that they can be used
only to fight in a stationary position in any battle; and that they
cannot avail for navigation, to make or leave port when desired, to
sail to windward, to pursue, or for any other purpose; and that there
are not sailors or soldiers or artillerymen in sufficient numbers with
whom to man them, as the smallest ship is of a thousand toneladas'
burden. In order to equip them many war supplies are needed, also
huge cables and heavy anchors, of which there is a great scarcity
in that country. We have been informed that, now and henceforth, it
would be advisable that no ships of greater burden than five or six
hundred toneladas be built which will be suitable for the commerce
and trade with Nueva Espana, and for the war fleet. And inasmuch as it
is advisable that the best plan be adopted in this matter, you shall
assemble the persons of that city most experienced in shipbuilding
and in navigation, and in accordance with their opinion you shall
proceed in building the ships. You shall endeavor to consider in their
construction what regards both strength and capacity, and the other
matters above mentioned. You shall advise me of what resolution you
shall adopt. Given in Madrid, December fourteen, one thousand six
hundred and thirty.


_I the King_

Countersigned by Don Fernando Ruiz de Contreras, and signed by the
members of the Council.

[_Endorsed_: "To the governor of Philipinas, ordering him to
assemble the persons of that city most experienced in shipbuilding
and navigation, and in accordance with their opinion to regulate the
building of ships."]



_Letter to the Manila Audiencia_

The King. To the auditors of my royal Audiencia of the city of Manila
in the Filipinas Islands. Your letter of the first of _[month omitted_]
628 has been received and considered in my royal Council of the Indias,
and I hereby give you answer to it.

In regard to what you say touching the fact that the officials of my
royal treasury of those islands do not pay you your salaries promptly
when due, saying that the governor has ordered them not to pay it
without his decree, I am having the said governor ordered to endeavor
not to delay the payment of your salaries; but that, on the contrary,
you be preferred to all others in the payment of them.

You say that, in accordance with what was ordained by laws of the
kingdom and ordinances of the Audiencia there, appeals have been
admitted in it, from the decisions of the alcaldes-in-ordinary,
[and] edicts of the governor; [but] that he has imposed a standard
and measure, in matters of the political government, with certain
penalties, on the Sangleys regarding the manner in which they have to
make timber, tiling, and other like articles; and that the governor
has prevented these causes from being appealed to that Audiencia,
declaring his purpose to give me an account of it. As he has done this,
and has asked for a declaration of what he ought to do, I have ordered
him to observe, in the method of reporting these contentions to me,
and in the form on which they must be grounded, the order that is
given by various decrees; and in the meanwhile he shall observe the
custom in similar cases. And if there are no similar cases, then no
innovation shall be introduced in the trial of the said appeals.

The said governor also writes me in regard to what you say about
his prohibiting disputes from going to that Audiencia, or to any of
the auditors, as alcaldes of court, as he believes that the parties
can go to place the disputes before the ordinary judges; so that,
if there should be any act of injustice, the case may go on appeal
to that Audiencia. In that regard, he has been answered to observe
the existing laws on that matter.

What you say about ceasing to maintain a room, separate from the other
collegiates, in the college of San Josef (which is under charge of
the fathers of the Society), for the instruction of the Japanese in
our holy faith, is approved for the present, as communication with
that kingdom has ceased.

The other sections of the said letter were examined, but there is
nothing to answer to them at present. Madrid, December 31, 1630.


_I the King_
By order of the king our sovereign:
_Don Francisco Ruiz de Contreras_






LETTER TO FELIPE IV FROM THE BISHOP OF CEBU


Sire:

July 26, 1631, I received three decrees from your Majesty, in which
your Majesty granted me the favor to advise me of the birth of the
prince, [86] our sovereign, whom may God preserve. I feel especial joy
and satisfaction at the favor that our Lord has shown toward Espana,
in giving us a successor to your Majesty. In regard to the thanks
that your Majesty orders me to give to God, I shall take especial
pains to do as your Majesty orders.

In the second decree of your Majesty, your Majesty orders that the
natives of these islands be treated gently, and that they be relieved
as far as possible from injuries and too heavy burdens. I have always
done my utmost, so far as I am concerned, in regard to this; and now
and henceforth, I shall do it more carefully, since your Majesty has
ordered it.

In your third decree, your Majesty orders that the governor appoint
an ecclesiastical person to assist him in the examinations in what
concerns the royal patronage, because of the troubles that have
occurred in the vacant see. What I can tell your Majesty in perfect
truth is, that I have always tried to have benefices given to the most
praiseworthy, and to those most suitable to minister to the Indians;
but if your Majesty judges an agent advisable, I shall willingly obey
what your Majesty orders.

Your Majesty has appointed the archdean of the church of Cebu, Don
Alonso de Campos, to the dignity of schoolmaster in this church of
Manila. He has not been graduated in any science, and in this regard he
is not possessed of the qualities that the council of Trent demands,
nor those which the dignity of this church demands, for he is not
a bachelor of arts. He who now exercises that office _ad interim_
is Don Alonso Ramirez Bravo. He has been graduated in both kinds
of law, and is a man of good qualities, who is at present provisor
and vicar-general of this archbishopric. He has had in charge the
bishoprics of Cubu and Camarines. He is a most praiseworthy person,
in whom are found the necessary qualifications. Will your Majesty
grant him the favor of this dignity? for he merits it, and is serving
in it by appointment of the governor of these islands.

Your Majesty orders me by a decree of your Majesty, under date of
March twenty-seven of the year twenty-nine, directed to the archbishop
of this city of Manila--which I received, as I have in charge this
church in the said vacancy--to make investigation regarding the
claims of Doctor Don Juan de Quesada Hurtado de Mendoca, fiscal of
this royal Audiencia, that he has been given a royal decree to act
as protector of the Sangleys, as his predecessors have been. Your
Majesty orders me to ascertain whether a protector is necessary,
whether the Sangleys ask for one, and whether it be advisable that he
should be the fiscal. The relation made in the royal decree, Sire, by
the said Doctor Don Juan de Quesada, is the truth, without adding one
jot to it. What I can say to your Majesty is that the Sangleys need a
protector to defend them; and that they have no defense, as has been
experienced, except when they have had the fiscals as protectors. This
is the reason why they have always been appointed. Often many injuries
and annoyances inflicted on the Sangleys are remedied by the sole
authority of the fiscal, without commencing suit. The Sangleys,
Sire, ask a protector, and ask that he be the fiscal. I have seen
a petition which was presented to the governor of these islands,
Don Juan Nino de Tabora, signed by very many Sangleys, in which they
petition him to give them the said Don Juan de Quesada, the fiscal,
as protector. He has not determined to appoint the latter, because
of the decree that he has received from your Majesty. However, I am
fully persuaded of the great advantage to the Sangleys in having
the fiscal as protector. This is the reason why no other has been
appointed; for the governor says that, in conscience, he finds it very
desirable for the Sangleys that the fiscal be their protector. The
Sangleys have always petitioned for a protector. They are the ones
who pay him his salary, and not your Majesty; consequently I cannot
see that there should be any inconvenience in your Majesty giving
them the one whom they desire and whom they pay, especially when it
does not militate against your Majesty or your royal treasury. The
Sangleys are very unprotected since your Majesty ordered that the
fiscal should not be their protector. They are much better off, as
they have experienced (as we all experience) the Christian spirit
and honesty with which the fiscal, Don Juan de Quesada, has served
and serves your Majesty. Consequently, it seems to me advisable that
the present fiscal, and those who shall fill that office hereafter,
be the protectors of the Sangleys. The contrary, I believe, would
result in harm to the Sangleys. No protector can have less trading
and business relations with the Sangleys than the fiscal, to whom
your Majesty has prohibited trade and traffic; and he has forsworn
it. May our Lord preserve the Catholic person of your Majesty for
many years for the welfare of His kingdoms. Manila, July last, 1631.


_Fray Pedro_,
bishop of Santisimo Nombre de Jesus.






ROYAL ORDERS, 1632-33

_Letter to Tavora_


The King. To Don Juan Nino de Tavora of my Council of War, my governor
and captain-general of the Filipinas Islands, and president of my
royal Audiencia there. Your letter of June 20 of the past year 630,
concerning the exchequer, has been examined in my royal Council of
the Yndias, and an answer is given you in this concerning the matters
thereof in which decision has been made, and those which require reply.

I have considered what you say in regard to the inexpediency of
including these islands in the monopoly of playing-cards established
in Mexico; [87] also the act which you issued to the effect that the
[monopoly] contracted for with Don Francisco de la Torre, a citizen
of that city, should be put into execution. You will order this to be
observed and complied with, during the time that it shall last; for
it is already agreed to, with this stipulation, and I have confirmed
it. As for the future I wish to know the advantages or difficulties
which may result to my royal exchequer from doing away with this
income, and not including those islands in it, and whatever else in
this matter may occur to you, you will inform me in regard to it very
fully on the first occasion; and I likewise command, by a decree of
this day, that the said Audiencia do this.

You say that the office of secretary of the cabildo of that city was
sold for twelve thousand five hundred pesos in coin, with the condition
of having a voice and vote in the cabildo--which you conceded because
the greater part of the offices of regidor there of were vacant, as
there was no one to buy them; and that the price of the said office
should rise, as otherwise it would not pass six or eight thousand
pesos. You also stated that it was sold under condition that, if I
should find it inexpedient and for this reason should not confirm it,
nothing should be returned to the buyer; and as the said condition of
his having a voice and vote in the cabildo has appeared prejudicial
and illegal, you will correct this immediately--supposing, as you say,
that the contract need not be altered for this reason, or anything
given back to the person concerned.

For repairing of the losses which result from the fact that the royal
officials make the winning bids for the offices which are sold in
those islands, without notifying you of the amount and the person to
whom they are sold, I am sending a decree of this date to command
them to comply with and execute, on all occasions which may arise,
the act which you have issued to this effect, which I approve.

That the said royal officials may always be at peace with you and well
disposed, letters are being written to them as to how they should
conduct themselves; and you, on your part, will maintain friendly
relations with them.

The additional pay of a thousand pesos which you set aside for the
bishop of Cebu, during the time while he governs that archbishopric,
has been approved, since the reasons which oblige you to it are so
justifiable. [Madrid, January 27, 1632.]

_I the King_

By command of the king our lord:
_Don Fernando Ruiz de Contreras_



_Decree forbidding secular priests from Eastern India in the
Philippines_


The King. To Don Juan Nino de Tavora, knight of the Order of Calatrava,
member of my Council of War, my governor and captain-general of the
Philipinas Islands, and president of my royal Audiencia therein, or the
person or persons in whose charge their government may be. I have been
informed that the secular priests who go to those islands from Eastern
India with their trading-ships generally are those expelled and exiled;
that they remain there, and are often employed in vicariates, curacies,
and benefices, to the injury of the natives, and the patrimonial rights
of the country. After examination of the matter by my royal Council
of the Indias, I have considered it proper to issue the present,
by which I order you not to permit any of the secular priests from
those districts [of Eastern India] to enter those islands; nor shall
you admit them to any exercise of office, for this is my will. [Given
in Madrid, March twenty-six, one thousand six hundred and thirty-two.]


_I the King_

By order of the king our sovereign:
_Don Fernando Ruiz de Contreras_


Signed by the Council.

[_Endorsed:_ "To the governor of Philipinas, ordering him not to
allow any of the secular priests who might go from Eastern India to
the islands to enter therein or admit them to any exercise of office."]



_Order to the city of Manila regarding the Mexican trade_


The King. To the council, justices, and magistracy of the city of
Manila, of the Philipinas Islands. In response to what Don Juan Nino
de Tavora, my governor and captain-general of those islands, wrote me,
in the former year of 1629, about your petition for the fulfilment of
the decree of 1593 which permits the inhabitants of that island to
go to sell their goods in Mexico, or to send them under charge of a
satisfactory person--and not to send or consign them, except it be in
the second place--in a section of a letter which I wrote on December 4
of the former year of 630 to the said my governor, I charged him that,
if the encomenderos living in that city who had sent persons with
their possessions to Mexico proceeded dishonestly, or formed trusts
[_ligas_], or monopolies among themselves, they should be punished
according to law; and that if, in addition to the inconveniences that
should arise in the observance of the said decree, others should be
discovered, he should advise me thereof, so that suitable measures
might be enacted. I also had my viceroy of Nueva Espana ordered
to watch carefully what the inhabitants of Mexico did, so that he
might apply the advisable remedy. Now, Don Juan Grau y Monfalcon,
your procurator, has informed me that the decree given in the said
year of 593, ordering that the inhabitants of those islands might send
persons to Nueva Espana to sell or take care of their merchandise; and
that no one might consign them, except to one of the persons appointed
for that purpose, who would reside in Mexico, was put into execution;
but that, in violation of it, many of the inhabitants secretly send
large quantities of merchandise to Mexico, entrusting those goods to
the passengers and sailors without registering them, although that
city has persons of credit and trust in Mexico. Thus result many
embarrassments and frauds to my royal duties. He petitioned me to be
pleased to have my royal decree issued, ordering that such unlawful
acts be not permitted. The matter having been examined in my royal
Council of the Indias, bearing in mind what my fiscal said there, I
have considered it fitting to advise you of the aforesaid, so that you
may understand it, and I order you, in so far as it pertains to you,
to keep, obey, and execute, and cause to be kept, obeyed, and executed,
what has been enacted in this respect. Madrid, March 25, 1633.


_I the King_

By order of the king our sovereign:
_Don Fernando Ruiz de Contreras_






LETTERS FROM TAVORA TO FELIPE IV



I

_Government affairs_


Sire:

I sent a despatch by way of India in the month of November of the
past year 631, because the flagship which sailed for Nueva Espana
sank here in port, and the almiranta put back. A copy of the despatch
which they carried goes in the first mail, with this, and I refer to
it. Accordingly I shall now begin to give an account to your Majesty
of what has happened since then.

The ships which had remained in Nueva Espana last year, reached here
during the last part of May after a favorable trip. Therefore I trust
that they will depart earlier than in previous years, and that the
voyages may become regular. [_In the margin:_ "Seen."]

The ships brought as a subsidy two hundred and thirty-four thousand
pesos for the royal treasury. Two hundred thousand came last
year. The viceroy writes that he can do no more. The visitor here
will not, I believe, consider it little, since he does not have it
in his charge. Certain it is that the last six remittances which the
viceroy has made to these islands have all been smaller than those
made by the other viceroys. I confess that the times have become
hard; but one can but ill sustain a number of men, or take care of
the expenses of war, on less than what their pay and salaries amount
to. The accounts for the five years which were asked are enclosed,
and have been made out with all clearness. For the last three, it
will be seen how much smaller have been the receipts and expenses
than those of my predecessors. [_In the margin:_ "Seen."]

Neither have the men come who are needed; for the past year came
eighty-odd soldiers, and this year ninety. That is but a scant
number for the many men who die here, for our forces are steadily
diminishing. I can do no more, for money has not been coined here,
nor do the people multiply. I ask, Sire, for what is needed to fulfil
my obligations. The viceroy does not send the orders which are given
him from there; they can not be so illiberal. As this is a case of
need, I give notice of it, in order that blame may not be cast on me
at any time. [_In the margin:_ "Have letters to the viceroy written,
charging him with this." "The viceroy has been charged with this by
a decree which was despatched at the petition of the city."]

The visitor, Don Francisco de Rojas, is proceeding with his visit
with excellent judgment, and with his personal efforts and close
occupation. This community grieves over the results, for they are
many. I trust that he may administer justice so fully in all things
that only the liquidations and the balances should be those which are
collected. He has attempted (as he thinks that he bears authority for
it) to make the final decision of what may be spent by councils of
the treasury, and in fact has begun it with this royal Audiencia and
with me. That has appeared a strong course to us, for his commission
does not extend to that. Neither would it be right for only one judge
to declare as improper any expense which the governor, auditors,
and royal officials had approved by their opinions. The councils of
the treasury were established for expenses of government and war. If
there were no authority for those expenses, it would be an evil,
and nothing could be accomplished. That will be the case on the
day when we shall be subject to have one accountant proceed, in the
visitation, against those who gave their opinion as to the expenses
which may have been incurred. Who would dare give his opinion freely,
if he had to fear that it might be amplified or not? Your Majesty
already does not trust your governor alone for this responsibility,
and orders him to meet in council with the Audiencia and the royal
officials, and that the majority of votes shall rule. That has so
many inconveniences that the service of your Majesty comes to suffer
greatly from them. If the more important things are entrusted to your
governor, why not the lesser? When the archbishop died here, as your
Majesty was advised, the bishop of Zibu, who entered into his place,
petitioned that he be given some gratuity from the salary enjoyed
by the archbishop, because of the many expenses of living in this
city--taking a precedent from the vacant see of the other archbishop,
in which the treasury council assigned him one thousand two hundred
pesos. On this occasion it seemed necessary, so that the bishop
might be able to support himself, to assign him one thousand pesos
annually; and it was ordered that your Majesty be advised thereof,
as was done, so that you might consider it a proper expense. It was
necessary and unavoidable, for in any other way the bishop could not
live three years--the time during which we have to wait for a reply,
if we first had to advise your Majesty. The visitor, Don Francisco
de Rojas, has added this item, and formed an opinion unfavorable
to the auditors who gave their votes to it, and has ordered that
they make satisfaction for it. His commission does not announce this;
accordingly, as a matter inferred from good government, he has no right
to inspect this affair. He has also taken issue against the auditors
of the last Audiencia, who were the ones who assigned the one thousand
two hundred pesos during the other vacancy. Your Majesty, by decrees
received here this year, grants concession to the archbishop-elect
of a third part of the salary which the dead archbishop would have
received. Your Majesty orders that another third be given to the
cathedral. In accordance with this, there is much more justice and
reason in giving suitable maintenance to him who is serving the
cathedral. I petition your Majesty in all humility to be pleased to
confirm what was done with so great a desire of serving you well--acts
which were so thoroughly grounded on justice and right. I assure you
that we desire to economize your royal revenues, and that economy is
the very thing which is necessary. I have written to the visitor, Don
Francisco de Rojas, a document (a copy of which I enclose herewith)
in regard to the matter of the proceedings which he is attempting to
obtain from the treasury councils, after having first consulted with
the Audiencia in regard to it. He replies as will also be seen by the
same copy. I have thought best to inform your Majesty of everything,
so that you may be advised of the matter. What he appears to take as
his basis of action, and on which he places more stress, according
to what he has told me, is a section of a decree of your Majesty sent
to Don Alonso Fajardo, dated Madrid, December 10, 1618, in which your
Majesty uses the following language:

"We have also learned that, through the opportunity furnished by
fulfilling an order which my officials of my royal treasury of
those islands had--that, if a necessary and unavoidable case arose
in which some new expense would have to be incurred, the governor,
Audiencia, and the royal officials should assemble and discuss it,
and what should have the majority of votes should be executed,
giving me advice thereof--on this account many expenses, salaries,
and wages have been incurred and increased without any necessity,
for the private ends of each one. Consequently, I order you not to
make these expenses, except in sudden cases of invasion by enemies;
for by doing the contrary so much injury to my royal treasury results."

There are two chief points in this section which can be discussed. The
first is that your Majesty says that you have heard that the expenses
have been incurred for private ends, and not because they are
justified. He who told your Majesty that the wills of the governor,
auditors, and royal officials in Filipinas could be unanimous, even
for their private interests, has deceived you; for experience shows
the contrary. Neither should your Majesty believe that we are all so
vile that we would be making unlawful expenditures of your revenues
in order to pleasure one another. Well assured can you be of this by
the limitation and restriction that would have to be because of the
majority of votes; and because the governor, in whom your Majesty
trusts most fully, does not have the final decision. Scarcely any
authority is given him in this, and a great deal is taken away
from him.

In regard to the second point, what occurs to me to say is that, if we
are to understand that we must wait for sudden emergencies, and until
the enemy is at our gates, in order that we may make any expenses
in defense of it; I, Sire, as a soldier (which is my profession),
declare that in the Filipinas Islands there is a continual invasion
of enemies. Accordingly, since we are confronting so many, it is
necessary that we be always in a state of defense. Consequently,
we must not wait until they arrive before we make the expenses for
the necessary precautions--especially since Manila is surrounded by
Chinese and Japanese, and full of slaves, all of whom need no more
than to see us without preparation, in order to revolt. All these
are so cogent reasons, in my poor judgment, that I consider it beyond
doubt that it will be for your Majesty's service to have a new order
issued giving your governor and captain-general authority. In order
that he may fill those offices effectively in your Majesty's service,
it is necessary for him to have that authority in the royal treasury,
for extraordinary expenses which result from government and war--as
your captains-general have in Flandes, in Milan, in Napoles, and in
Sicilia, where there is war, and state affairs arise which render
that necessary. It is the same in the Filipinas, because of so many
enemies who are within its gates, and so many negroes roundabout,
with whom it is necessary to have intercourse and against whom it is
necessary to be on our guard. I do not say that there should not be
a council in the form ordered by your Majesty, but after the council
the governor should have the power to take such measures as he deems
best. I do not petition this for myself; for, when a reply to this
shall come, already the term of my government will be finished. Your
Majesty's service moved me, through my zeal for it. I shall exercise
the opposition to the visitor which seems advisable in this matter
of the treasury tribunal, your Majesty always retaining the right to
order what shall be your pleasure. [_In the margin:_ "Seen."]

In the letters which I am writing by way of Yndia, I discuss the
controversy which the royal officials had with the city, before the
visitor, in regard to the seats. That contention ceased after the
visitor had pronounced judgment against the city, to which I did
not assent, affairs having been adjusted in this regard until your
Majesty should order what should be most to your pleasure. After many
excommunications which had been issued, search was made for the decree
in which your Majesty mentions the form which must be observed in this,
and in which you order that they be seated in the places which they
occupied while regidors; finally, the decree appeared among the others
that the royal officials had in their office. The same Don Francisco
de Rojas found it by chance, while looking for other decrees in the
books which he had demanded from them for the inspection, and after
they had, under oath, denied having it. The excommunications which
intervened in the matter having been annulled (for in this way do
we live in the Yndias), the visitor was at last convinced of what I
always told him; and this point is settled, that the royal officials
are to use the seats which they had when regidors. [_In the margin:_
"File it with what has been petitioned in this matter."]

It might be that the said visitor will write to your Majesty in
regard to certain points of government and war, of which he has been
accustomed to advise me by notes, of which authentic copies are
taken. It seems to him that, as a minister so superior, this duty
can devolve on him. I have respected it, for what these acts may
indicate of friendship; but I cannot help mistrusting it, because of
the caution with which it is done. Consequently, I have the authentic
replies also, so that at any time what he wrote and what I replied may
be evident. I desire his friendship and am striving for it, since there
will always result a greater service for your Majesty--an intercourse
which I would swear that he ought not to remember in the visitation;
for soldiers (and more, soldiers of my rank) do not profess to be
witnesses, nor can we be. I do not believe that he will have appeared
careless, yet I take this precaution on general grounds, so that,
if perchance he may have written something, a hearing may be kept
for me, and that new decisions may not be sent from there in matters
pertaining to government and war, simply on his report; for he is a
lawyer, and new in the country, and the most that he will set forth
in this matter will be what was told him. [_In the margin:_ "Seen."]

The decrees which I received last year from your Majesty were obeyed
and carried out. The same will be done with those which come this
year. I humbly kiss your Majesty's hand for the honor and reward
which you have conferred upon me in having an answer written to me
with so great promptness to the despatches of the years 28 and 29. In
what you charge me, namely, that I preserve friendship with Japon, I
have had very great care; for after the events of the year 27, I have
managed to give that king to understand the irregularity of the case,
[88] and your Majesty's desire for friendship with his kingdoms. My
efforts have already succeeded so well that this matter is already
settled with the inhabitants of Macan, and the embargo has been removed
from their ships. Having invited the same Japanese to come to trade
with this city of Manila, two ships came last year, as I wrote in the
last despatches. The answers which we gave to their propositions and
letters seemed somewhat satisfactory to them; for this year they have
again sent two ships, with letters from the governor of Nagansaqui. In
these he tells me that the trade is open as before, and that ships may
go there from here, and that others will come here from there. That
nation is very cautious, and there is little confidence to be put in
them. If a person should come here whom they wished to go there to
trade, I would not dare for the present to permit it, until matters
are on a more firm basis; for it is certain that their hearts are
not quiet, nor will they easily become so. They take vengeance at
a fitting time. May they bring us bread and ammunition, as they are
doing. I gave them good treatment here, so that it is now procured
that the gains which they make on their merchandise and the lapse
of time will accommodate all things. Their king died, leaving his
son as heir. There are fears of war, that Christianity may not be so
persecuted. I do not think that it would be a bad thing to have a bit
of a revolution because of their contempt and selfishness. In these
ships were sent one hundred and thirty poor lepers exiled to these
islands, whom the heathen had tried to make renegades to the faith of
Christ (as many others have become); but their entreaties had no effect
on these people. I called a council of state to determine whether
those lepers should be received, and in what manner they should be
received. It was not because I hesitated to receive them; for, even
though they might fasten the disease on me, I would not dare to leave
an apparent Christian in the sight of so many opposed to the faith,
and in the face of the persecution which has been raging in that
kingdom. It was determined that they should be received immediately,
and taken straight to the church; and that they should be welcomed,
entertained, and supported with the alms which this community desired
to apportion. A beginning has been made in collecting alms, and a room
has been arranged in the hospital of the natives where they are to be
put. Your Majesty gives that hospital a yearly alms of five hundred
pesos and a quantity of fowls and rice, with which aid it has now so
increased the number of sick [who are cared for]. For a work so pious,
and so worthy that your Majesty accept it as your own, I do not doubt
that you will have its alms increased somewhat, in case that the fervor
that is now beginning in the charity of the inhabitants should become
somewhat cooled. [_In the margin_: "An order was sent to the governor
ordering him to give a certain alms for six years. Consult with his
Majesty. Let two hundred ducados more be given to him in the same way,
for a limited time and while it lasts."]

I am awaiting a ship from Camboja which has been built there at
your Majesty's account. I am informed that it is already about to
be launched in the sea. If it arrives before the sailing of this
despatch, I shall advise you. We have friendly relations with that
king, and he has maintained the same until now with the vassals of
your Majesty. If this matter of the shipbuilding be established, it
will be a negotiation of considerable importance. [_In the margin_:
"Seen."]

Trade with the kingdom of Cochinchina is of no importance to us;
for the products of the country are of little value here, while the
products taken there from Japon are brought to us here. Shipbuilding
cannot be effected in the said kingdom, as I wrote you in the year
of 30. May God have allowed you to have received the letters. [_In
the margin_: "Seen."]

There is little to hope from the kingdom of Sian, as those people are
very treacherous, and are hand in glove with the Dutch. No injury
will be inflicted upon them, but, if I had sufficient force, it is
certain that it would be to your Majesty's service that it be used in
restraining them; for the evil course which they have pursued toward
these islands, as well as the same so far as India is concerned,
deserves that. I thoroughly believe that if those of India are able,
they should make head against the Siamese from Malaca. In the year
30 they seized a patache that had been sent there on an embassy from
Macan, and aboard which was a messenger whom I sent to them. And
although they declared that it was because they did not like my
letter, the truth (as was written to me by the messenger) is, that
their act was induced by their coveting the goods aboard the patache,
which they thought to be considerable. [_In the margin_: "Seen."]

A ship has arrived from Macan, and several from China. With the
goods which they brought, those from the ship that put back, what
came late from Macan last year, and others which were recovered from
the ship that sank, this community has enough to make a shipment. It
has a good return from the merchandise sent to Nueva Espana in the
year of 30, with which I hope that the inhabitants will be somewhat
encouraged. May God look upon us favorably, so that these islands
may prosper for your Majesty, by my means; for as a faithful vassal
I surely desire that. [_In the margin_: "Seen."]

By a decree of December of the year 30, your Majesty orders me to
inform you whether it would be advisable to abolish the posts of
commander of the galleys, and of the lieutenant and accountant
for them: That of lieutenant is abolished. That of accountant,
was abolished from the past year. I wrote that I had cut off the
pay for it. Later, this year, the papers have been given into
the possession of the royal officials here. That is a very great
burden, in addition to the many that they have, as the visitor,
Don Francisco de Rojas, thought; and I assented to it. It is not
advisable that the post of commander of the galleys be abolished,
for there is no security here that they may not have to fight many
times with the galleys. Consequently, it is proper for them to have
a commander who may do it, and who knows how to do it. The saving
would be very little. The office is now held by Antonio Carreno de
Valdes, with whom your Majesty was saved six hundred pesos, which he
received as an allowance; and not more than two hundred are spent,
as the galleys have only eight hundred for wages. [_In the margin_:
"File it with those papers which led him to make this report."]

Your Majesty orders by another decree of the same date that I
inform you as to whether it will be advisable to abolish the post of
lieutenant-general of Pintados. In reply to that, I say that the pay
was cut off as soon as I reached this government, but the title is now
allowed; for it is advisable to have one who holds that authority in
those provinces, as they are very far from here. Hence it is given to
the alcalde-mayor and infantry captain who resides in Zibu, and who
does not enjoy more pay than that for the post captain. This is the
officer who goes out in the fleets against the Joloans, Camucones, and
Mindanaos. He orders in detail what is here decided upon in general. He
is on the watch in present emergencies, and if he did not have power
and authority to command the chief men of all those provinces, a
great part of the service of your Majesty would cease. Consequently,
it is not advisable that this office be abolished, and it is enough
to have cut off the pay of it. He who holds the office at present
is occupied in the pacification of the province of Caraga, of whose
revolt I informed you in my last despatch, and which I now communicate
in my letter treating of military affairs. He has twice entered that
province with a fleet; the first time, he inflicted a very severe
punishment, and from the second, which was made this month of May,
I hope that no less a result will ensue. [_In the margin_: "The same."]

The construction of galleys at Cavite has been changed; for one
unfavorable result changes the opinions of men which are of but
little stability. Certain workmen declared that the woods of which
the ship "Santa Maria Magdalena" was made (which was the one which
sank last year) were heavy; and that for that reason it had become
worthless--and not because its sides were defective. That was a lie,
for having drawn it ashore, as I wrote, laden (which was a heroic task,
and which could only have been done where there was so much apparatus
for it) the ship was then repaired with a lining of knees. It has
been tested in this bay, and it is very staunch, and carries all the
sail that can be spread. Hence it was a lie to cast the blame on the
lumber; but, as the common people and the friars (who desire that
there should be a shipyard near here) urged it earnestly on account
of this rumor, it was necessary to order that a shipyard be sought
in another place. Consequently, the master-workmen have been sent to
the Embocadero to build a ship for the coming year; for those ships
which came from Acapulco this year are not to return there. They have
well gained their cost. I sent the measures for a galleon, of the
burden that we need here, to Cochin, and I trust that some agreement
which will prove very advantageous to these islands will be made;
for scarcely is there anything that will be more important than to
suspend shipbuilding here for some time. [_In the margin_: "Seen."]

I am glad of the decree for Don Felipe Mascarenas, and that the Council
of Portugal has ordered that thanks be extended to him because he
assisted these islands with ammunition and the other things which
were asked from him.

The galleons have been repaired this year, and were completely
overhauled so that they will last another four years. That is the best
that can be done, because of the poor quality of the woods. [_In the
margin_: "Seen."]

In the year of 28, the ships left here without register. I have had
no answer from your Majesty to the causes which, as I wrote to you,
existed for that. I have heard that some reports have been made in
that royal Council against me, in regard to it, by persons who did
not understand or know the matter thoroughly. They used up much time
in writing treatises to your Majesty; and lest, perchance, I did not
give entire satisfaction by what I lately wrote, the acts and messages
which were despatched in regard to the matter are herewith enclosed,
in order that the reason which caused the ships to go without register
may be seen. The goods which the officers of the ships carried were in
their own boxes, and not in a collection of boxes or bales, for they
were not allowed to embark them in that way. If any official embarked
anything, it was secretly. The penalty which was impeded (which will
be seen by the records) could have been executed in Nueva Espana. The
viceroy knew that I made strenuous efforts so that everything might
be declared. He found but a little quantity [of contraband goods],
as I understand; and matters cannot be so well regulated, that
with their risk there should not be some who venture to disobey the
orders and edicts. What is certain, Sire, is that none of my goods
were found, as certain persons tried to intimate in regard to me,
for I do not engage in such pursuits. And that is plainly seen to
be so, for I have less property than when I came to Filipinas. The
viceroy of Nueva Espana wrote me in regard to the matter with some
haughtiness; I answered him that I thought that, if perchance he had
been informed about it to my disfavor, my precautions should be seen,
and my efforts ascertained--which he did, as he will have written
to you--and finally our purpose would have been recognized, which
was your Majesty's service and the welfare of this community. May God
preserve the Catholic and royal person of your Majesty, as Christendom
needs. Manila, July 8, 1632. Sire, your Majesty's humble vassal,


_Don Juan Nino de Tavora_


[_In the margin_: "This matter is reserved for the inspection or
residencia of the marquis of Cerralbo. The decree."]

[_Endorsed_: "Read and decreed September 15, 1633."]




II

_Military affairs_


Sire:


I am duly grateful that your Majesty ordered the letters which I
wrote from here in the years 28 and 29 to be examined in that your
Council of War of the Yndias. Your Majesty has answered them, and has
done me honor in accordance with your usual custom toward those who
serve you. And thus with new courage I pray God that He may give me
life and better health in order to serve you. I have for a year back
been in so poor health, by reason of great exhaustion and weakness,
that I greatly fear that I shall not be able to leave this place. If I
shall not do that, I shall have fulfilled my duty by giving my life
in the service of your Majesty. Your Majesty knows that I am not
fit for the burden of government since the death of Dona Magdalena,
who is in heaven. Everything has been hardship for me; and I have
become so exhausted that I can scarce rise from my bed, and I have
been very near my end twice or thrice. May God fulfil His will,
and may your Majesty be pleased to give orders that I be relieved,
if you wish affairs to be safe here; for surely the country will be
very quickly in the power of the auditors, if some person does not
come from there who will not let it be lost. If God give me life,
I shall be contented even with retiring to the post with which your
Majesty has favored me, as your commissary of war. Notwithstanding
that I assure your Majesty as your faithful vassal, and as a person
who would prefer to lose a thousand lives than to utter one falsehood
to his king, that the Filipinas have been worth nothing to me, during
the six years of my residence herein; but rather I have lost the twenty
thousand pesos which I have spent from the dowry that Dona Magdalena
brought me. And had not our Lord been pleased to give me a son (at
whose birth she died), she would not have had enough whereby to have
returned safely home to her parents. I confess that it must seem to
politicians that one does not come so far not to gain a bit of bread;
but it is certain that if one is to serve your Majesty to the letter,
and live as a Christian, it is difficult to acquire much property. I
arrived at these islands very deeply pledged, for the expenses of
the Indias are heavy. I brought many men, so that they might serve
your Majesty here. I have carried myself in accordance with the honor
which your Majesty bestowed upon me; and, consequently, I have not
been able to save enough from my salary to pay the expenses of the
return (if God grants me life). I am anxious; for it is not right to
spend the possessions of this child. If some accommodation, in some
of the ways that my agents will represent there, were to be allowed
me for this purpose, I would appreciate it; for that would enable me
to take from here something with which to serve your Majesty in Europa.

I wrote about affairs pertaining to Japon last year, by way of
India. In this despatch I enclose a copy of it in the first mail. May
God bear it in safety; for, judging by what the fleets of the Northern
Sea encounter, we are always in fear. This year those of Japon have
come with their ships; and the governor of Nangasaqui says in answer
to my letters that the trade may be considered as open, and that the
ships from both sides may go and come, and that they will be well
received. In regard to the passport [_chapa_] of the emperor, which
is the license that they usually give for trade with their kingdoms,
he says that he will arrange that. They send one hundred and thirty
lepers in these ships, who were exiled for the faith. We believe,
through the assurance that we have of the bad disposition of that
race, that this action has been a sort of vengeance or contempt;
but it is quite certain that, although they may have done it for that
purpose, it has resulted very well for us; for we have exercised an
act of charity, which I hope, God helping, will confound them. For we
received the lepers with great pomp and display of charity; and this
city, aided by the religious orders, is striving to collect liberal
alms for them. Those ships have brought a quantity of bronze for the
founding of artillery, besides an abundance of flour. Since they are
doing this, and we are not for the present going there securely,
the matter is to be considered as more evil-intentioned than they
may regard it. I shall endeavor, as heretofore, to promote peace and
cordial intercourse, and that they may obtain all satisfaction for
the affair in Sian. If they come to ask for it rightly, satisfaction
will be given them, and the guilt of the commander who had charge of
the galleons will be settled.

The viceroy of Nueva Espana asks me to cast him some artillery,
of the calibers ordered, and it will be sent him promptly.

I wrote your Majesty, in the year that Don Geronimo de Silva died
here, how superfluous was the post of general of artillery; for he
does not take the field, nor is there any artillery train [to be
transported], or more than a few artillerymen scattered through the
ordinary presidios. For as many as there are, it would be sufficient
to have one captain of artillery; for it requires nothing else than
to order a ship to be equipped, and that is done with the order
of the captain-general; and with greater ease and less red-tape,
orders can be given to the captain of artillery, who is the one who
has to execute it, than to a general of artillery, who has to order
another to do it. Juan Bautista de Molina has served your Majesty
many years, but the Filipinas do not need so many heads, nor so many
to draw pay from its treasury. I, Sire, shall not appoint anyone to
the post (although it is vacant), as your Majesty orders me, for I
do not desire to do a thing in which I believe that I would be doing
you a disservice; and since your Majesty orders me to abolish other
posts, I do not believe that it will be disservice to add this post
to them. In the meantime, will your Majesty please inform us whether
the master-of-camp of these islands or the general of artillery is to
govern at the death of the governor and captain-general, or during
his absence. Certain it is that he who has more authority and power
is the master-of-camp, and he ought to be second in command. For
there is not any general master-of-camp here, nor is it necessary;
nor is there more than one regiment that he governs. Juan Bautista
de Molina is exercising his charge in accordance with your Majesty's
letters-patent, which will be observed to the letter.

I wrote, with the ship that sailed to India, the good news that was
had from the island of Hermosa. We have not received later news. The
disobedient Indians have been punished, and affairs have been better
regulated. May God in His mercy bring them to a knowledge of His holy
faith. I am sending two ships there, so that more abundant relief
may be sent to our men. They will bring back the general, Don Juan de
Alcaraso, who is there. The sargento-mayor will remain in his place
until another person is sent, as he is a person of trust and worth.

The province of Cagayan is more quiet than before. A company there
was abolished, for the war has ceased; and hopes are daily entertained
that more peaceful Indians will come down [from the hills].

The inhabitants of Caraga revolted, as I stated in my last despatch,
after killing the captain and commander, with twenty soldiers, in
an expedition that he made. Thinking that they could gain the fort
with that force, they came to it, but it did not fall out as they
imagined. The greater part of the province rose, and killed four
discalced Recollect religious. A severe punishment was inflicted on
them in the month of September; and recently, in the month of May just
passed, another fleet went there to punish and to reduce them. I trust,
our Lord helping, that they will remain quiet, although they are not
Christians; for there is little confidence to be placed in them.

The four pataches which were sent to Terrenate arrived there safely;
and the enemy were unable to overtake them, although they came with
hopes of doing much more here than usual, and searched for the ships
from dawn until four o'clock in the afternoon. Pedro de Heredia is
somewhat disconsolate at seeing that your Majesty does not withdraw
him. He sent no news of importance, except that the enemy is not
so powerful as formerly. During the coming year I intend to send a
greater reenforcement than usual, in order to see whether we can
capture the enemy's ship which prowls thereabout. There will be
considerable opposition, and there are very few men for what is
necessary, but I shall do what is possible.

Nueva Espana aids me with very little money; for this year not more
than two hundred and thirty-four thousand pesos has come for the
expenses of the treasury, and during all the past years aid came in
almost the same way. The viceroy thinks that he is doing his duty in
not sending more. I would like him to have charge of affairs here,
to see whether he could maintain armed fleets, infantry, friars,
ministers of justice, the extraordinary expenses of presidios, and
many other expenses--which will be seen there from the reports which
your Majesty asked, and which are sent this year--with so little
cloth. He also sent me only ninety soldiers as a reenforcement, for
whom, I am assured, twenty warrants were given. The best of all is
that I am told very positively that the levy will begin very early,
just as if that had the tune that was to attract many men. If the
captains who raise the men were the ones who had to bring them, they
would make men. But as they are not the ones to bring them, and as
the matter is reduced to three companies who have to come here, and
the captains of these come to obtain the men on the wing--that is,
on the road or at the very port of Acapulco--they find that already
the men have deserted to the other captains. Many of them die here,
and there is but a low birth rate in this country. Thus the garrisons
at Terrenate and the other presidios lack men, although the visitor
thinks it all too much. I am not surprised at that, for his desire is
the same as mine, namely, to cut short your Majesty's expenses. But it
is certain that some economies come to be wasteful. He told me that
I should reduce the soldiery in these islands to the number that was
established by Gomez Perez Dasmarinas. As he does not know what it
means to have Dutch enemies about us, he thinks that we could get
along with fewer men [than we have here]. I find, Sire, that your
Majesty does not have another military establishment more important
in the Yndias than the Filipinas Islands. And, that it may be evident
whether I make a wrong assertion, consider what part of the Yndias the
enemy have made their own--except Xava, where they hold Xacatra, three
hundred leguas from here. There they have their principal fort, and
have their ammunition and magazines. Here, Sire, here, is where your
Majesty, joining Malaca and Macan to this government, must maintain
your forces and oppose them to those of the enemy. If that is not done,
there is but little to hope from these Yndias, which will be ruined in
a short time; or, at the least, will incur so many expenses that they
will be of no use. May God take me to that court, where I hope to make
the affairs of these regions understood as they are, and not as people
imagine there. Neither heavy expenses nor large fleets are necessary
for this. The continual plying of four galleons and two pataches, and
four galleons in the strait of Malaca, will keep the enemy so hemmed
in that they will make no captures or have any trade; and they would
have to go in company and armed, and thus incur expenses. Castilla
has no trading company for the expenses of war. Without prizes or
trade they would be able to inflict the first injury on the Dutch;
for the strait of Malaca, which is the place where the Dutch conduct
the greater part of their trade, would be secure with the galleys,
for there are no winds there, as a rule. The tide allows the ships
to enter and leave by three straits, the broadest of which is very
narrow, for only one ship can tack in it. That strait is not the one
generally used, but the other two. I am assured that in both the ends
of the yards of the galleons brush through the trees ashore. I wrote in
regard to this matter, in the year of 30, by Admiral Diego Lopez Lobo,
whom I was sending to that court to treat of that matter alone; but
God was pleased to let him drown in the flagship of the trading-fleet
which was lost in the past year of 31. I wish that at least one of the
three mails which I have always despatched since my arrival at these
islands had reached you. On my part I have not failed to advise you
of everything, nor shall I fail to desire and to propose what shall
seem best to me for the increase of the service of your Majesty.

It will not be difficult to unite these camps under one head, even
though they are of two crowns. If they do not unite of themselves, they
will have no strength. Portugal and Castilla belong to your Majesty,
and that is a reason why their arms should be united; for the forces
of Francia, Olanda, Ynglaterra, and Dinamarca [89] are united in
these districts. If those of your Majesty were combined, not only
would we defend what has been gained, but we would steadily extend
farther. Your Majesty sees them united against you, although they are
of so many different sovereigns, religions, and nationalities. Then why
do not Portugal and Castilla unite in this South Sea and the coasts
of Asia, where the enemy acquires so much wealth? I do not attempt
this so that I may remain here longer, nor so that everything may be
placed in my charge; for I have no health, nor is it just to exile
me so many years in regions so remote. I express my feelings, and I
desire to express them more in detail in that Council, as experience
has shown things to me.

I sent a galliot to Yndia in November of last year, 631, in order to
continue my negotiations with that viceroy in regard to this matter
of joining hands in order better to attack the enemy. Particularly
did I inform him of the order sent me by your Majesty about making
an expedition to the island of Hermosa, asking him for the aid which
I considered necessary. I wrote the same to Macan, so that it might
for its part make other necessary preparations. I am advised that the
said galliot, because it was well equipped, escaped from the enemy who
were stationed in the above-mentioned strait of Malaca awaiting the
galliots from China--which latter they captured, together with another
ship belonging to a merchant of this city. May God remedy this loss.

I am advised from Camboja that a galleon which I am having built there
at your Majesty's account has been already launched. No one thought
that this would be accomplished; but it has been God's will that the
difficulties should be conquered at last, and that this shipbuilding
should be established in a place where this ship has been built at
much less cost, and from more durable woods, than [it could have
been] in these islands. As this one has been built, so can many
others be constructed; and these provinces can be relieved from the
great burden of their shipyards. I also have under discussion another
negotiation with the city of Cochin in regard to this same matter;
and, if it succeeds, it will be of great service to your Majesty.

Some difficulties have arisen in military matters, which it is
necessary for your Majesty to have determined in your Council of the
Yndias. Since your Majesty has had armed forces in these islands, the
ships which enter this port and that of Cabite have been inspected
by the military department. The governor does not go in person,
both because of his many duties and also because every year he gives
commission, by his authority, to one of the persons in whom he trusts,
for that person to go in his name. This appointee goes in company
with a notary, and inspects the number of the people, and the arms,
ammunition, and the amount of property, to see if everything is in
accordance with the orders given from the time of Governor Don Juan
de Silva to the Chinese, so that they might not burden these islands
with useless ships and people (as will be seen by the copy of the
commission, which is sent to your Majesty in your royal Council of
the Indias). Several discontented regidors--thinking to annoy me,
and incited perhaps by some of this royal Audiencia who is but little
inclined to my course of action--presented a decree of your Majesty
(of which a copy is also enclosed to your said royal Council), under
date of the year 20, in which it is ordained that, in order to give
this commission, the governor must meet with the auditors, and that
all in assembly choose the person to whom it shall be given. This
detracts authority from the office of the captain-general, to maintain
which efforts should be made in that royal Council of the Yndias. I
am now with spurs on my heels, as they say, [ready] either for the
other world, or to finish this government. Consequently, I cannot
negotiate this matter with the intention of enjoying it; I am doing
this for the service of your Majesty and for the authority of the
office--considering that, although it would be very proper to have
this commission granted by the votes of four, never would those votes
conform, for each one would try to have it given to his friend. For
the commission entails but little work; and, if many ships come, it is
worth quite one thousand or one thousand five hundred pesos. The tariff
of fees is appraised by the Audiencia, of which I also send a copy to
that said royal Council. I petition your Majesty that it be examined
in that royal Council, so that the military department may have a
defense on its part, and so that its rights of preeminence may be kept.

There has also arisen a quarrel this year over criminal jurisdiction
between the master-of-camp of these islands and the castellan of the
fort of Santiago of Manila, in regard to the imprisonment of a soldier
of the fort whom the master-of-camp arrested for offenses committed
outside of the fort. The castellan demanded the soldier, saying that
the jurisdiction over the men of his fort belongs to him, wherever
they may commit their offenses. On the other hand, your Majesty makes
the master-of-camp of this camp judge in the first instance of all
the soldiers in the Filipinas Islands (Terrenate excepted). Therefore
the latter declares that he must be judge in the first instance of all
the causes which are prosecuted in the island of Hermosa, and in the
presidios of Caraga, Cagayan, Zibu, and Oton; and that the commandants
there can do no more than to conduct the cause to the point of giving
sentence therein, sending it to him so that he may do this. The same is
declared by the castellan of the fort of Santiago of this city; but,
although it seems that he cites warrant for it, his predecessors have
not been wont to exercise it. On the other hand, the castellan alleges
that his predecessors have always exercised separate jurisdiction. In
regard to the governor of the island of Hermosa and the commandants
in the remote provinces, it cannot fail to be a hindrance that they
cannot give sentence. Accordingly, I petition your Majesty to have
this made clear; and at the same time to decide who is to try in
the first instance the illegal acts that the castellan of the fort,
the master-of-camp himself, the general of the artillery, and the
commander of the galleys may commit. This is not clear, and there
may be cases in which such action may be necessary. May God preserve
the Catholic and royal person of your Majesty, as is necessary to
Christendom. Manila, July 8, 1632. Sire, your Majesty's humble vassal,


_Don Juan Nino de Tavora_




III

_Ecclesiastical affairs_


Sire:

It is three years since the death of the archbishop (who is in glory),
and during those years the land has enjoyed peace and harmony between
the two jurisdictions--ecclesiastical and secular; for the provisors
who have governed in this vacant see have been more learned and more
peaceable than was the archbishop. May it please God that it may
be the same in the time of Don Fray Hernando Guerrero, to whom your
Majesty has granted the favor of this archbishopric.

The latter presented before the cabildo of this cathedral a decree
from your Majesty, despatched in the ordinary form, so that the
government should be given to him while waiting for the bulls from his
Holiness. It is not the said cabildo who governs, but Don Fray Pedro
Arce, bishop of Zibu, by virtue of a brief of his Holiness and a decree
of your Majesty. They order that during the first three vacancies of
this archbishopric (which began to be reckoned from the date of the
brief), the cabildo should not govern, but the senior bishop of the
islands (who is at present the bishop of Zibu); for it was considered
unadvisable for the government to be entrusted to the cabildo for the
space of three years--the least time that a vacancy can last here. Upon
this occasion the cabildo responded that it could not give to the
archbishop-elect the government that it did not possess. The bishop of
Zibu says that he cannot leave the government without a special order
from your Majesty and from his Holiness, who are the persons who have
given it to him. After receiving this reply, the archbishop-elect
came on appeal from fuerza to the Audiencia. They, after having
thoroughly aired the matter, judged that there was no occasion [for
this plea], because the documents lacked some clauses requisite to
make them effective, and the cabildo had not committed fuerza. They
told the archbishop to prefer his claims before him who had the right
[to judge his case]. The good archbishop was desirous of governing,
and accordingly, took hold of the affair with too much energy, aided
by his natural disposition, which is not so moderate as his dignity
demands. He thinks that we are all to blame, and I in particular;
accordingly, he shows me little favor. I mention this so that in case
that he should write anything against me, your Majesty may be warned,
and give no credit to his relation until the proof of it be adduced.

The decree in which your Majesty lays down the order that must be
observed in the changing of missions and in the appointment of the
ministers thereof on account of the death of their predecessors, was
obeyed, and notice of it given to the bishops and to the superiors of
the orders. The latter oppose it stoutly, and say that in no event can
they be ruled by it without the order of their generals, and that they
will abandon their missions first. In the year of 29 I wrote to your
Majesty at length upon this matter, in regard to which no particular
answer was given to me besides the sending of this decree--which, as I
judge, is general for all the Yndias. The point is very serious, and
is one of peculiar difficulty in these islands. Although we here are
sufficiently ministers of your Majesty to be able to decide it in case
that the religious leave their missions, yet we desire to have some
clearer light on the matter from there, in order that we may better
succeed in your Majesty's service. [_In the margin_: "File it with,
the letter of the bishop of Zibu, who writes concerning this matter,
which is submitted to the fiscal."]

For many years the bishopric of Camarines has had no prelate; for,
although your Majesty has appointed many, no one comes here. That
must be because they hear how wretched a post it is. Your Majesty
could abolish that bishopric by adding the half of it to that of
Cebu, which is very conveniently located for this purpose, and the
other half to this archbishopric of Manila, which does not have too
great a district; and by that means would save that salary, and avoid
many animosities that he who shall arrive from Espana to occupy that
bishopric must surely encounter. [_In the margin_: "To be considered
by all the Council, together with what the viceroy wrote." "A bishop
has already gone to Camarines."]

The religious orders are at peace, and are attending to the welfare
of the natives and your Majesty's service. Three of them held
chapter-meetings this year, and all quietly. That of St. Francis,
and that of the Augustinian Recollects were exemplary, and they made
their elections immediately. The calced Augustinians also made their
elections--but not so quickly that we could avoid sending to them to
remind them not to allow the disturbances of other times to occur in
their chapter--by having made them beforehand through their devotion
to the outgoing provincial, who managed the succession for another
as worthy as he. [90] May God grant that the elections be canonical.

A procurator is sent to ask your Majesty for more religious. On
other occasions, your Majesty has been informed of the existing
need for exemplary religious who may assist in the reformation of
the province. As for him who is not so, it were better that he do
not come. I cannot hide these things, nor hesitate to tell the truth
about them when opportunity offers. For that reason I am not liked;
and I have heard that reports against me have gone to that court from
several of the orders. I am very sure that your Majesty will not give
them ear without reserving another ear for me. The religious in this
country wish to govern; and, if the governor does not allow them to do
so, they regard him as an evil-conditioned man, and easily lend ear
to the malcontents. May God preserve the Catholic and royal person
of your Majesty, as is necessary to Christendom. Manila, July 8,
1632. Sire, your Majesty's humble vassal,


_Don Juan Nino de Tavora_






EVENTS IN FILIPINAS, 1630-32

_Relation of what has occurred in the Filipinas Islands and other
regions adjacent, from July, 1630, to July, 1632._


Great has been the peace which we have enjoyed in these Philipinas
Islands for the last two years; for the forces of the Dutch have been
scanty, owing to the failure of reenforcements; from Holland, and hence
there has been peace in the Malucas Islands as well. Nevertheless,
there have not been wanting here some disturbances from domestic
enemies. The Indians of the province of Caraga, which is in one of
these Philipinas Islands, rebelled and killed the Spaniards and the
religious, their ministers (although not for any cause connected with
the faith); these are discalced Augustinian friars. This uprising gave
us anxiety enough, as it seemed to be the beginning of a universal
mutiny; and it was particularly disturbing to us, as all our missions
are in the neighborhood of the said province of Caraga, which is
gradually being subdued and the leaders of the mutiny punished.

In Japon they are still pricked with the thorn of the ship which some
years ago our galleons captured and burned on the bar of Sian. To
avenge this, notable councils have been held in Japon, in order to
come and wage war against this land; in order beforehand to have it
well explored, they sent last year in January two merchant ships,
under cloak of trade and traffic. Although in Manilla warning of this
double object had been received, this was not made known; and they were
received and regaled as ambassadors from the Tono of Arima and Bungo. A
ceremonious reception and very handsome present were given to them;
but the city was put in readiness for whatever might happen. This
year they have begun again to send ships to trade and traffic, and
asked that our ships should go to Japon. But we are holding back
here, because what they wish to do is to seize the property which
might be in the vessels, and put the Castilians to the sword. They
sent in these ships a hundred or more Christian lepers, who, whatever
they did with them, would not abandon the faith; and in order not to
stain their catans, as they said, with such people, they left them
alive and exiled them to the Philipinas. Here they were very kindly
received--as was required by Christian piety, and by the cause for
which they had been exiled--without considering the affront which the
Japanese thought to put upon us by sending the dregs of that kingdom.

The persecution there was very severe, as will be seen by a letter
which Father Christoval Ferreyra [91] writes from Nangasaqui to the
father provincial of this province--which, being translated from the
Portuguese into Castilian, reads as follows:

"By the last ship, I wrote to your Reverence the state of the
Christian church here. I shall now continue with what has happened
since then; and it may all be summed up as new persecutions, labors,
and hardships. I will commence with the five religious who, in the year
twenty-nine, were taken prisoners on account of the faith. These are
fathers Fray Bartolome Gutierrez, Fray Francisco de Jesus, Fray Vicente
de San Antonio, all three Augustinians; Father Antonio Yxida, of our
Society; and brother Fray Gabriel de Magdalena, a Franciscan. The
governor of Nangasaqui, named Uneme, attempted to make them deny the
faith, and in this way to discredit our holy faith and its ministers,
and to break the spirit of the Christians, so that with the example of
these they might more easily leave the faith, and thus he would gain
credit and honor before Xongun [_i.e._, the Shogun], emperor of Japon.

"With this diabolical intention--which, it appears, he had already
discussed in the court--he ordered them to be taken from the prison
of Omura and brought to Nangasaqui, on the twenty-fifth of November
last. As he did not say for what purpose, they were persuaded that it
was to burn them alive for the faith which they professed and taught;
therefore they all went very joyfully, as men who were sighing for such
a happy death. But contrary to what they expected, they were put in the
prison of that city, where they remained until the third of December,
without knowing in the meantime what the governor intended to do.

"Twice during this time the governor ordered our Father Antonio
Yxida to be brought to his house, and although he did not find him
the first time, he, with a servant of his named Saitogonnay (who was
considered an unusually learned man in the Juto [92] sect), asked him
very affectionately that at any rate he would abandon the faith of
Christ and adopt one of the religions of Japon; and if for any reason
he did not wish to abandon at present the one which he followed, at
least he should show himself neutral, neither abandoning nor following
it. And, in order that the father might deliberate over all this,
he would give him one more year of hope; and when this was passed,
he should make known to the governor his final decision. The father
answered him that his decision was, as it had been and always would be,
to follow and confess always the faith of God, and for this no time
was necessary to deliberate in this affair; for he would always find
in him the same resolution and the same response, howsoever much time
be should give him for respite. The father added that the governor
might immediately do that which he had determined to do at the end
of the said year; for the response which he would then have to give
was the same as what he gave at present, nor would he ever accept
the alternative proposed.

"This counsel being refused, the learned man set about convincing
him by argument, attempting to prove that the Tayquio was the same,
and that the Juto sect was based upon, and regarded as the beginning
of all things, the God which we Christians adore. Wherefore, as the
question was one of names, and not of substance, the two faiths were
in accord, and that he should conform to the words also of the Juto
sect. Easily and clearly the father showed him the difference between
the one sect and he other, and in what each consisted; and convinced
him in such wise that the ignorant learned man had no other refuge
but to fall back on his reason--saying that it was indeed as the
father declared, but that reason dictated that he should follow and
obey the mandate of the emperor, whose vassal he was, and abandon the
faith of God, at least outwardly, following in his heart whatever he
pleased. 'Neither the faith which I profess,' answered the father, 'nor
pure reason itself, will consent to these deceits and maskings. The
faith of God which I follow in my heart I shall follow and confess
outwardly still; nor can the mandate of the emperor have force or
strength against that of God, the universal Lord of all things.'

"This dispute and combat lasted a day and a night, during which time
the father maintained such resolution and firmness that when the
governor tried to be stern, in order to make him change his opinion
of that idolatry, the father told him, undeceiving him, that he was
striving in vain, for in no way could he win him over. On this account,
the next day he was sent back to the prison. But as the governor's
servants knew that he desired to succeed in his endeavor, one of
them asked that the father be called out again and delivered to him,
for he hoped to subdue him. Accordingly the father himself, as well
as the others, was persuaded that this second time he was called out
to be tortured, that he might deny his faith and reveal the other
religious and their households, for this had been the practice in the
city for some time past. With astonishing courage the father went out,
resolved to suffer any torment whatever before he would deny Christ
or reveal his brothers.

"When he arrived at the house of the governor there came out to meet
him the servant who had sought to see him, who had been present at
the late dispute, and at one which the father had formerly had with
the governor, when they arrested him. Although now the same means
of controversy were attempted, finding that, nevertheless, the more
they argued the more convinced he was, the principal means which they
used was to explain to the father how much the governor desired to
grant him life and to favor him, as he could have seen every time he
discussed this matter. He was promised in behalf of the same governor
great riches and position; and they strongly insisted that not only
on account of what he owed to the friendship which the governor
showed him, but for what concerned his own welfare and interest, he
ought to abandon the faith of God, outwardly only, and to follow it
in his heart, as any man of good judgment would do--saying that he
would show himself to be such by using this expedient, for he would
not abandon the faith which he followed, and would attain riches and
repose. The answer was that even if the governor should give him all
the riches that he possessed and all that there are in the world,
and should make him lord of all, by no means would he turn his back
to God or abandon His most holy faith--no, not even outwardly.

"The governor, finding then that he could not win the father over
by arguments, advice, or promises, ordered him to be taken back to
the prison, determined to use other more rigorous measures, with
which he considered it certain that he would overcome him and the
other religious who were in prison. This was by ordering them to be
tortured in a spring of exceedingly hot water, at the mountain Unjen;
[93] for although some told him that this also would not win over
either Father Antonio or the others, it appeared impossible that
they should not yield under this most extreme torture--as experience
had shown him in the year 1629, when he ordered the Christians of
Nangasaqui to be tortured in this way. Accordingly, he ordered the
aforesaid five religious to be conveyed to that mountain, there to be
tortured with hot water until they should deny the faith, but in such
wise that they should not die. By the same order he sent likewise
in their company Beatriz de Acosta, the wife of Antonio de Silva,
and Maria her daughter; for they would not deny their faith, although
they had long been labored with--and this notwithstanding the fact
that Beatriz de Acosta was Japanese only on the side of her mother,
and the daughter much less so, as her father was a Portuguese, and her
mother a half-Portuguese; and they do not proceed in this persecution
[except] against Japanese and ministers of the gospel.

"On the third of December they left Nangasaqui alone, and started
for Unjen. The two women rode in a litter, and the five religious on
horseback, each one in the habit of his order, accompanied by many
people as a guard; they were very joyful as they took leave of a
multitude of people who came out to see this spectacle, in spite of
the fact that the governor had rigorously prohibited it. When they
arrived at the point of Fimi, a league distant from there, their arms
were tied, fetters were put upon their feet, and each one was put
on board separately, being tied to the boat. On this same afternoon
they arrived at the point of Oharna, which is within the boundaries
of Tacacu, and at the foot of the mountain Unjen. The next day they
ascended the mountain, where they immediately erected a number of huts;
then they placed the seven prisoners therein, each in a separate one,
without allowing them to see each other again so long as they were
there, so that they might not encourage one another. They kept them day
and night with fetters on their feet, and manacles upon their hands,
watched by guards.

"Besides the men of the governor of Nangasaqui, the governors of
Tacacu sent theirs likewise to be present at this act, as well as to
aid whenever necessary. Beside these, there were a number of others
as sentinels on all the roads through which this mountain could be
approached, who let no person pass by without a written permission
from the officials who were assigned to this duty.

"On the next day, the fourth of the same month, the torture commenced
in the following manner: They took each one of the seven by himself
to the most furious pool there, and, showing him the boiling water,
tried to persuade him to leave the faith of Christ before undergoing
that most horrible torture, which certainly they would not be able
to endure. Father Antonio writes that, notwithstanding the severity
of the cold that then prevailed, the water in the ponds did [not]
cease boiling, with such fury that the sight of it alone would strike
dismay to any one who was not greatly comforted by the grace of God;
but they were comforted in such manner that all, with extraordinary
courage, answered without delay that they would be tortured, for in
no wise would they abandon the faith which they profess. When this
steadfast answer was heard, they were stripped naked and, tied hand
and foot with four cords, were borne each by four men. They took
some of the water which was boiling most furiously, in a wooden dish
which held about a half-arroba; this water they poured upon each one
from the dish thrice filled--not all at once, but little by little,
opening a minute hole in the bottom so that it would last longer. The
constancy, courage, and valor with which the confessors of Christ
suffered that most horrible torment was such that they never made
the slightest movement of their bodies, to the great fright of those
who saw and heard them. Maria alone, as she was young and delicate,
was dismayed by the severity of the torture, and fell to the ground
and the torturers, who only desired some pretext whereby they could
say that she had recanted, and misrepresenting this fall, cried out,
saying, 'She has yielded, she has yielded!' Thereupon they took her
back to her hut, and the next day to Nangasaqui--although she opposed
them violently and protested that she had not given up the faith,
and that they had no reason for torturing her, or for tormenting and
killing her mother and the rest.

"The other six remained on that mountain, where they spent twenty-three
days, during which Father Antonio, father Fray Francisco, and Beatriz
de Acosta were tortured, each one six times, with hot water in the
manner that I have described. Father Fray Vicente was tortured four
times, father Fray Bartolome and brother Fray Gabriel twice, without
any one of them having made the least movement during the whole
time; or shown any sign of feeling the torture. On the contrary, with
wonderful cheerfulness and courage they gave thanks to their torturers,
and sometimes told them that the torture had been slight; at others,
that they should find some other and more cruel torment, so that their
desire to suffer for Christ might be further fulfilled. As a result,
the infidels were as if astounded, for they found them each time more
constant, cheerful, and desirous of suffering; and in Nangasaqui and
Tacacu nothing was talked of but the invincible courage and valor
with which they suffered the torture, whereupon the Christians were
full of joy and remained firmer in the faith. Several of the heathen
began to complain and sneer at the governor of Nangasaqui, who had
tried to make them deny their faith. Accordingly Father Antonio
writes [94] that, during the time while he was on that mountain,
several were brought to the faith; and among the heathen who saw
him and listened to the continual sermons which he preached to them,
many gave him their word to receive the faith, and all conceived the
highest opinion of the faith of God.

"The reason for torturing some oftener than others was that
Father Antonio, being a Japanese, had disobeyed the mandate of the
emperor, and would not follow the counsels and persuasions of the
governor of Nangasaqui and his ministers, nor be affected by the
tortures. Father Fray Francisco suffered because he spoke to them with
much Christian freedom, sang, and prayed in a loud voice, contrary to
their prohibition; and Beatriz de Acosta because, although a woman,
she showed more than a man's courage, both in the tortures and in
resisting the advice which they gave her--for which reason, beside
the torture of boiling water, they inflicted others upon her. They
made her stand upright a long time upon a small rock, threatening her
with insults and affronts; but the more they insisted, the stronger
they found her. The others, being weak and infirm, were not tortured
so long, because the tyrant did not intend to kill them, but only to
conquer them; and for this reason they had, during the whole time,
a physician upon the mountain to cure their hurts.

"Finally the governor saw that he could by no means conquer them; but,
on the contrary, his men informed him that, judging by the courage
and valor which they showed, they would suffer till all the pools and
wells in Unjen were drained, rather than give in. He therefore lost
all hope of a victory over them, and decided to order that they be
taken to Nangasaqui, although he would not do so before his departure
for the court at Meaco; for he thought that it would diminish his
prestige to have them enter as victors into that city while he was
there. After his departure, therefore, he sent on the way advice to
his deputy whom he left there, to bring them to Nangasaqui. This he
accordingly did on the fifth of January, placing Beatriz de Acosta in a
certain house, and putting the five religious into the public prison,
where they still remain. Such was the victorious end of this battle,
wherein our holy faith was nobly vindicated, the Christians encouraged,
and the tyrant overcome and confounded, quite the contrary of what
he had expected and promised.

"During the same time this governor seized and sent to Sendo [95]
the wives and daughters of the holy martyrs who have perished in
Nangasaqui from the year 1617 to the present one, one thousand
six hundred and thirty-two--separating many of them, who were
already married, from their husbands and sons. They all accepted
captivity for so holy a cause with a good will, and before leaving
protested before the governor that they were and always would be
Christians. Three Christians were taken prisoners for the faith in
Fingo at the beginning of the year 631. One of them died most happily
in the prison, a short time ago; and the other two, father and son,
remain in captivity. In Xiqui there were thrown alive into the sea
for the faith, on the twelfth of February past, Thome and Ynes, his
wife; likewise in Firando, a short time ago, another man was thrown
into the sea for the same cause.

"In Oxu [96] a man became a Christian fraudulently; and, after learning
about the principal Christians of Vacamatzu and Ayzu from one of our
household of Ojaca, called Paulo, he went and gave a list thereof to
the governors of Tenca. These immediately advised the governors of
the first two places, and there those whom the talebearer had given
in the list were taken prisoners--among them Brother Juan Yama, of
our Society, who was one whom I had catechized and baptized. Thus
far we have not learned whether they have been martyred or not.

"The governors of Tacacu sent the same information regarding Paulo,
who, although he was not in that city, was so diligently sought after
that they succeeded in arresting him; and some time afterward he,
with his wife Maria and four sons, suffered martyrdom. This led to
a furious persecution, not only in Oxu, but likewise in other parts
of the country, and in the cities of Cami, Meaco, Fugimi, Ojaca,
and Sacay. The cruelty of the tyrant reached such a point that he
sent this year, as exiles to Manilla, even the infirm and leprous
Christians of the before-mentioned cities of Cami; and already more
than ninety of them are at Nangasaqui, awaiting the monsoon, and
others are expected to go. With this, under the holy benediction of
your Reverence, etc. March 22, 1632.


_Christoval Ferreyra_"


From Japon we pass on to China, where the state of Christianity has
been more quiet, and where it is very prosperous. The Society is
established in eight provinces and eleven cities, and, if it were
not for the lack of workers, it would he extended much farther,
and with great results. At present there are in the whole of China
seventeen priests and a few brothers-coadjutor, who are all laboring
with praiseworthy zeal for the conversion of this great kingdom
of China. May the Lord prosper and protect your Reverence as I
desire. Manila, July 2, 1632.

[Another copy of this document, in the same collection (to. 114,
no. 401), adds the following matter as a postscript, dated July 6,
1632:]

The emperor of Japan is dead; [97] so is the king of Arima,
who had intended to come to attack Manila. It is said that his
death was most horrible, and that he caused his servants to put
him to death with clubs, after having scalded him with the water
with which he had tormented the martyrs. All say that this was
plainly a punishment for his tyrannous acts; and that he is paying
for them in hell--whence issued demons in the form of foxes, who
went dancing before his carriage or litter when he returned from
Nangasaqui [_words illegible_] ambassadors, spies sent to Manila,
Father Miguel Matruda, of the Society. These ambassadors--who came as
envoys in behalf of Uni Nudino, governor of Nangasaqui, and of the
tono of Arima, called Asimadoro or Bungodon--were received with the
pomp and courtesy which such an embassy demanded. On that occasion
much caution was displayed by this colony through its chief, who is
governor and captain-general of these islands. For, on the one hand,
he exhibited before those ambassadors the strength of this [_word
illegible_] with its officers and infantry, which was drawn up in
martial array along the streets--almost all the way from the street
nearest the beach where the Japanese disembarked, up to the palace;
and, on the other, he paid them honor with a splendid and friendly
reception. He also offered them presents and entertainments as if
they were envoys sent by Christian princes and our best friends. This
has been cordially remembered, to judge from what has since then been
learned of their designs--at least, that of one of those lords, the
ruler of Arima. This was, that the envoys should carefully ascertain
what were the forces in Manila, in order to see whether the former
plans were adequate. [Our transcriber in Madrid here adds: "This letter
(dated March 30, 1632) goes on to describe the martyrdoms, and ends
thus: 'After these torments, we were again conveyed to the prison
from which they had taken us, where we now are. There are five of us
religious, besides other servants of God who are also prisoners for
His sake. I think that this autumn, when the governor comes, he will
pronounce final sentence upon us.'" It is most probable that this is
part of the letter by Father Antonio Yxida, mentioned in the text.]





LETTER FROM THE ECCLESIASTICAL CABILDO TO FELIPE IV


In all the most opulent kingdoms, provinces, and cities of the Catholic
monarchy of your Majesty, the most remote, the most separated, and
the most distant from the royal presence of its king and sovereign
is the metropolitan cathedral church of this archipelago of islands
without number. Consequently, its cabildo is poorer, more needy,
and more liable to be forgotten than any other; for in order to
set forth its afflictions and poverty, it even has neither feet,
whereby it may go to cast itself at the feet of your Majesty,
nor hands for the solicitude and works that the demand alone would
require. One effort only we can make easily, and that has been made
for many years; that is, to write, petitioning, importuning, urging,
and informing your Majesty of the most important things, not to our
especial advantage. And well do we know that your Majesty is not so
wealthy that you can be liberal in proportion to your greatness;
but only in the points most necessary and important to the Divine
service and worship, and to your Majesty's honor and glory, at whose
expense it flourishes throughout Christendom--especially in this city,
fortified post, and empire of almost all the nations discovered and
known; for in that it equals Roma, and the cities of most commerce in
the whole world. That is the reason that has always moved us to urge
and petition your Majesty, representing the following points. [_In the
margin_: "July 30, 1625. [98] Reply to the cabildo, encouraging them;
and tell them that what they say in their letter will receive care
and attention, without particularizing the paragraphs or the things
that they say."]

One of the things which this cathedral has considered, and considers,
intolerable, is that it always has to be governed by friars. That is a
matter that has in itself many grave inconveniences, that would take
long to relate in a letter which demands brevity. We wish only for
your Majesty to understand and to be assured that the seculars can be
better governed than any other clergy; and that they live with greater
quietness and peace, not only in their souls and spiritual government,
but in what concerns the temporal. Not only do the seculars recognize
this, but the religious themselves; for the secular is always in the
midst of affairs, while the friar must necessarily incline himself
to his order and to those with whom he has been reared. It would be
worse if such a person had not been, in his order, of much learning
and of known virtues, but rather the contrary. Your Majesty will
consider the estimation that all will have for such a man who knew
him before. When this is so, it does not result to edification, which
is your Majesty's intent, but to depreciation of and contempt for the
episcopal dignity, which requires the highest perfection. God our Lord
would be greatly pleased if the honors, dignities, and prelacies of
this country be given to those who have served and labored in it. From
that three blessings of high importance will follow. The first,
that your Majesty will have fulfilled your obligation in accordance
with the excellent principle of distributive justice. Thus have our
sovereigns Kings Philipo Second and Third, of glorious memory, your
Majesty's grand-father and father, ruled, ordered, and commanded in
their royal patronage. And most certain can your Majesty be that there
have always been and there are now men worthy, capable, and of great
talents, from whom much may be expected, both in this cabildo and in
the orders--especially that of St. Dominic and that of St. Francis;
but, since they do not try to obtain the prebendaries of this church,
never will their affairs be known, nor will any of them ever be seen
in that royal court, for neither can they go, nor do they possess the
wherewithal to send. These arguments will have greater force and power
in the future, because of the two universities which your Majesty
has permitted in this city--one in the residence of the Society of
Jesus, and the other in that of Santo Tomas of the Dominican friars,
where students are being trained and many graduated. Thus this city
is today full of poverty-stricken seculars, and one must fear that
there will be so many within a few years that they will die of hunger,
because we have not any benefices to give them in this archbishopric
or throughout the islands; for these are held by friars, who cost your
Majesty so dearly. It is very desirable to refrain from sending many
of the religious who come from Espana, which is an argument worthy
of much consideration. [_In the margin_: "That great care will be
given to this point when vacancies occur in those churches."]

The need and poverty of this metropolitan church is known and
notorious, for it has no income or revenue other than the concessions
of your Majesty, especially the four hundred pesos that have been
given thus far, by means of which the church is kept in wine, wax, and
oil. For none of those things are given from the royal warehouses, as
they are to the other convents of this city. Consequently, we petition
your Majesty to continue that concession, for it is not a perpetual
concession, but was only for four or six years; and, when that time
expired, it was conceded for another term of four or six years. If it
were made perpetual, your Majesty would be making it a more valuable
concession; for at each prolongation of the time it is necessary to
spend at least one hundred pesos with the agent who is sent from here
to that court. Thus that amount would be saved, and that is a matter
of consideration and importance to so poor a church. [_In the margin_:
"See what is provided in regard to this." "The concession was made."]

This church is also in great need of ornaments and of a sacristy. That
which it now uses is borrowed; but with the sum of three or four
thousand pesos the one that was commenced more than ten years ago
could be finished. It has been impossible to finish it, because we
had not the means to do so. In order that your Majesty need not spend
anything from your royal treasury (which we most earnestly desire),
this could be done by your Majesty ordering that vacant encomiendas,
or pensions on those to which appointments are being made, be given
to the church, in accordance with the condition of the encomienda,
at the will of the governor--as has been done with the house of the
Society of Jesus in this city, to which your Majesty made a grant of
ten thousand pesos, as an aid to the edifice that they are at present
erecting, [_In the margin_: "See what has been ordered in this." "The
concession was made."]

We have often represented to your Majesty the great importance of
having this church well served, as this city is a place of so great
trade and commerce, where so many and so different nations come, as has
been said. The number of prebendaries that the church has at present
is not at all sufficient; for besides the five dignidades, it has no
more than four canons, two racioneros, and two medio-racioneros. And
since the land is so unhealthful and sickly, most of the prebendaries
are generally disabled, and for the greater portion of the year the
work is loaded upon only one canon and one racionero. For that reason,
we earnestly desired in the past years that your Majesty would give us
an increase Of two additional canons and four racioneros; but seeing
that that was not effected because of the great need in which the
times have placed your Majesty, we have found an easy and feasible
remedy for it--namely, to apply to this church some of the benefices
and missions that the orders hold near this city. Let the governor
and archbishop select those which would be most suitable; and let
each of them be given to two seculars--or more, if they should be so
rich. There is a mission outside the walls of this city owned by the
religious of St. Augustine, by name Tondo, where three seculars could
be maintained. One of them could be proprietary, with the title of
archdean or prior of such place and canon of this cathedral, with the
obligation to serve in it, as do the other canons. By this method
the prebendaries would be increased, and the number of religious
whom your Majesty would have to send would be lessened; while the
students who are growing up here in steadily increasing numbers
would be provided for, rewarding the sons of the conquistadors and
settlers, besides many other blessings and advantages which would
follow by so doing. [_In the margin_: "See what has been provided in
this regard, and have this section taken to the fiscal, together with
that provision." "It was taken."]

One of the persons on whom this cabildo has set its eyes--and,
together with all this community, we have been sure that your Majesty
would show him honor--is the archdean, Don Alonso Garcia de Leon;
but, only through his great modesty, he has never put forward any
such claim. Consequently, we petition your Majesty to honor us all
through him--assuring you, with the truth that one ought to speak in
regard to such a matter, that we judge him to be worthy of any favor
and honor that your Majesty might be pleased to show him, which will
be for the glory of God and your Majesty's service. [_In the margin_:
"Consult the memorial."]

Doctor Don Juan Briceno came to these islands twenty-three years ago
with the ordination of a priest, in company with Archbishop Don Diego
Vazquez de Mercado. He immediately occupied himself in learning the
language and in ministering to the natives, to their great approbation
and with benefit to their souls. He has also served this cathedral
more than nine years in the prebends of canon and precentor, the
latter of which he holds at present. He is also at present exercising
the office of vicar-general of this archbishopric, and has been its
visitor-general. In both offices he has acted and given the account
that could be expected from a good priest, learned and experienced,
and publicly recognized as a man of good life and example. Ever since
he came to these islands, there has been nothing contrary to this;
so that he deserves to have your Majesty employ him in matters of
your service, and to honor him according to the merit of his many
good services. [_In the margin_: "Consult the memorial."]

It is well-known that the Order of St. Augustine was the first to
plant the cross of Christ in these remote islands; and it has always
been foremost in continuing that work. Hence it is the one of all
the orders which has most missions, and consequently, most need
of ministers. Many years, no religious come to them from Espana;
and many of those who are here die, and very quickly. Thus, if your
Majesty do not show them the favor of protecting and replenishing
so necessary and good ministers, they will be obliged to leave many
missions, to the detriment of souls, and of the service of God and
your Majesty--whom it has cost so much from your royal patrimony to
set this flourishing and extensive Christian church in its present
condition. The propagation of Christianity here is due, at least in its
greater part, to that holy order and to its sons, as you will be more
minutely informed by father Fray Diego de Robles, who is now to go as
their procurator-general and definitor, to attend the general chapter
of his order. We are acquainted with his person, and know that he came
to these islands sixteen years ago. He soon learned two languages of
the natives, and has administered in the islands some of the houses,
convents, and missions of greatest importance. His order has honored
him, and has occupied him, now in the ministry of the pulpit for the
Spaniards, now in priorates, and in other offices and dignities of
his order. In all of them he has always furnished a very excellent
example, and has attained fame and renown as a good religious and one
worthy of all credit and honor. Consequently, this cabildo petitions
your Majesty to honor him and his order, for in both things will God
our Lord be greatly pleased. [_In the margin_: "When religious are
requested, have this section brought." "Consult the memorial."]

The Recollect religious of St. Augustine are the last who came to labor
in this field; and for that reason the most toilsome, laborious, and
dangerous part has fallen to their share, as they have been unable to
have their missions and houses together, or in contiguous provinces,
like the other orders; but their convents are separated in different
islands, very far one from another. Although they are the last, we
assure your Majesty that in point of work, zeal for the propagation
of the holy gospel, and the cultivation of souls, the other orders do
not have any advantage over them. Well have they proved that with their
blood; for about three years ago, when the province of Caraga revolted,
the rebels killed seven religious. However, by the grace of God, those
rebels have been reduced again, and punished by the excellent efforts
of Captain Juan de Chaves, one of the best soldiers, and one of the
men of best judgment that your Majesty has in these islands. It will
be of very great service to God and your Majesty to have religious
sent to the said fathers, for many years have passed since a single
religious has come to them, and it is right to encourage and aid so
good workers, [_In the margin_: "When this order shall petition for
religious, let this section be brought."]

The master-of-camp, Don Lorenco de Olasso, who exercises the office
of captain-general because of the death of Governor Don Juan Nino
de Tavora this year, has carried himself with prudence, peace, and
tranquillity. For in this office and in that of master-of-camp, which
he holds by right of appointment, he has shown his good judgment,
especially in his care and vigilance in fortifying the city and
in attending to all that concerns the obligation of his office,
and welfare of this city, and the service of your Majesty. [_In the
margin_: "Consult the memorial."]

As this noble and loyal city had so great need for sending a suitable
person as its procurator to that royal court, it made choice of the
person of General Don Diego de Arqueta Minchaca. It was a choice
so prudent and so well considered, that in quality, services of
his forbears and his own, capacity, prudence, experience, and other
qualities necessary for such action, there is not his equal in this
city. For besides the said qualifications and services (which will
be apparent by his papers), considering the chief thing, namely,
your Majesty's service and the welfare of this community, he is a
person so capable in all matters of government and war, that both
through experience and observation he can inform your Majesty as one
who has seen both all these islands and the Malucas, and as far as
Malaca; because he took part and embarked in all the fleets [sent
against] the invasions of the Dutch enemy, that have been gathered
in these islands since he was a young lad. We assure ourselves of
great results for the increase of Christianity in these islands,
the welfare of this community, and your Majesty's service, by his
going and management. [_In the margin_: "Seen."]

Captain Juan Sarmiento, chancellor of this royal Audiencia, is
the legitimate son of Captain Pedro Sarmiento (one of the first
conquistadors and settlers of these islands), and one of the most
valiant captains who has served your Majesty herein, as will appear
more authoritatively by his papers. He is married to a daughter of
Licentiate Tellez de Almacan, who was an auditor who came to establish
this Audiencia for the second time. And even were he not so worthy
in his person, he was sufficiently so to be worthy of your Majesty
showing him very great favors. For we recognize in the said auditor a
judge truly upright and Christian, and so in harmony with divine and
human laws, that these islands will ever cherish his memory. God our
Lord has given him abundance of sons and daughters, so that this city
is ennobled by such progeny and posterity. He deserves honor from
your Majesty, and aid, in order that he may become more prosperous
and not less. [_In the margin_: "Consult the memorial."]

Since we are so loyal vassals and chaplains of your Majesty, it grieves
us and rends our soul to see the damage done to your Majesty's royal
treasury, because there are not any faithful officials to execute the
so pious and excellent order that was decreed and determined by the
royal decrees of your Majesty, and by the glorious progenitors of your
Majesty; especially in regard to the money that passes annually from
Nueva Espana to these islands. We inform your Majesty that, besides
the permission of the four hundred thousand pesos that your Majesty has
given for the inhabitants of this city, it is certain that two millions
are brought. That sum is brought from Nueva Espana by companies and
agents who call themselves inhabitants of Mexico; and your judges
and officials [there] allow them to pass, and dis-simulate because
of the great profit that falls to them in Acapulco. The efforts are
not made in this city either that could be made by those who ought
to make them. Accordingly, having seen this so great loss, both to
your Majesty and to the inhabitants of this city, in assemblies of
the orders that the reverend bishop, governor of this archbishopric,
called on petition of the city, censures were issued, ordering no
one to employ the money of the inhabitants of Nueva Espana or Piru,
thinking that that would be an efficient remedy. But experience has
demonstrated that it has been of no effect, for all have employed that
money and no one has been denounced. This needs, a stringent remedy,
and there is no other except to carry out fittingly what was ordered by
your Majesty, by appointing trustworthy officials of Christian spirit
and well-known zeal for your Majesty's service. [_In the margin_:
"Let them be advised of what decision was made in this."]

One of the greatest services that the cabildos and corporations can
perform for your Majesty is to advise, inform, and report concerning
the deserving persons who attend to your Majesty's service. For, as the
matter passes before so many eyes, they cannot do else than to write
with great consideration and exactness of truth. One of the men who has
served your Majesty in these islands with ardor, eagerness, and care,
and who has occupied, since the day of his entrance into this city,
posts of great importance (as will appear in detail by his papers),
is General Don Andres Perez Franco. The limitations of a letter do not
allow us to mention his good qualities as a skilled and successful
soldier; for besides being that, God has given him good fortune in
feats of war. In matters of government and of peace, he is so excellent
and accomplished that he has been considered by most of the people
of Cavite, where he has been chief commander most of the time, as a
father rather than as a commander. God has endowed him with affability,
valor, and ability to govern and command with generosity, and actions
which make him loved, feared, and respected. That is apparent to this
cabildo, and we know that it is public and notorious. Will your Majesty
please honor him according to his many good services, so that others
may imitate him, and that they may be encouraged by his example to
serve your Majesty. [_In the margin_: "Consult the memorial."]

Your Majesty granted this archbishopric to Don Fray Hernando de
Guerrero, bishop of Nueva Segovia, an aged religious, and one well
known in these islands. He presented in this cabildo the ordinary
decree which the royal Council generally gives to the persons presented
by your Majesty, in order that the government might be given into
his charge until the bulls come from his Holiness. Inasmuch as this
cabildo is at present deprived of this jurisdiction--given to it by a
canonical law by special brief and indult of his Holiness, obtained
by your Majesty, ordering the senior bishop to govern, by virtue of
which the reverend father, Fray Pedro Arce, archbishop of Zubu, is
governing this church, a holy person and one of blameless life--this
cabildo answered that no one can give what he does not possess; that
the said bishop had the government; and that this cabildo had nothing
more to answer. However the said archbishop insisted upon it as he was
deceived by certain ill-informed lawyers. He even went to the royal
Audiencia, who delayed undeceiving him for many days and after many
meetings. All that was with the object of giving him to understand that
they were doing something for him. That had the end and object that
the auditors know; and it is not unknown that the archbishop wrote
in their favor to the royal Council. That was almost self-evident,
for the explicit manner in which Licentiate Don Francisco de Rojas y
Onate, visitor of these islands, enlightened him was not sufficient,
when the visitor said that he had no right, and that neither the
cabildo nor the bishop could do anything else. The same thing was
declared by the religious, the lecturers, and professors, and the
other learned men who examined the matter thoroughly; and lastly by
that which was declared, after many meetings and delays, by the royal
assembly. Hence, Sire, the said archbishop has maintained hostility
and ill-will toward this cabildo, and cannot conceal it; but shows
it by words unworthy his dignity, and threats against the time when
the bulls come for him. We see well, Sire, that all the above has no
remedy now, and that your Majesty made him archbishop. We suffer for
God's sake, and He will give us patience. But for the future we humbly
petition your Majesty to consider and repair this so serious damage,
from which so many troubles result, by making choice of learned
and holy persons, of known virtue. There are many in these islands,
both seculars and religious, as we informed your Majesty on another
occasion. Friars should not be consulted who only go to that court
laden with money to demand bishoprics, since by the same case they
make themselves unworthy. Necessarily the injuries that ensue from
this are felt by the poor subordinates; and they even scandalize
the faithful Christians, when they see that the holy and virtuous
priests who are laboring throughout these islands are net rewarded,
because they do not go or send [to that court], [_In the margin_:
"When our bishops are sent, if there should be a number of governors,
have what information there is here brought, so that the senior bishop
of the islands may govern; and have this section also brought."]

Often, Sire, have we given thanks in this cabildo to God our Lord,
deliberating and considering how clearly the presence of the Holy
Ghost is seen in the decisions, ordinances, and enactments in the
royal decrees of your Majesty, looking toward the good government and
increase of the common welfare of these islands. For, if your Majesty
and every one of your counselors had lived in and seen this city and
these islands for many years, they could not have better understood the
matters treated and decided in the said royal decrees. Consequently,
one of your opportune and fortunate measures was the excellent choice
that your Majesty has made in sending Licentiate Don Francisco de Rojas
y Onate as visitor; for, as long experience and the histories teach us,
and even in the present times we have seen the disputes, the confusion,
the unrest, and anxiety caused in a kingdom by any visitor; while in
this city we have seen quite the contrary with the said visitor. And
he has not been at all lacking in his duty, exercising rigor and
seventy with kindness. He has calmed troubles without drawing blood,
and has obtained the observance of your royal decrees so equitably that
those who were most opposed to him confessed that he was just. Lastly,
Sire, he is completing his visit this year, without having inflicted
extortion or wrong on a single person. He has attended to the service
of your Majesty with continual and incessant labor--which, although
he has not had at all good health, he has not spared by day or night,
on feast days, or in holiday seasons, times in which others rest. In
short, he has been a father to this republic, and a person worthy of
being occupied by your Majesty in things of greater importance in your
service; for God has given him talent for great things, a Christian
spirit, and the fear of God. That he showed because, as soon as he
entered this city, he went to confession and communed often. He chose
as confessor father Fray Domingo Goncales, one of the most holy and
learned men of the Order of St. Dominic. So great and so illustrious
is his learning that often, when the orders have come together to
argue, they have confessed that, upon asking him his opinion in very
knotty questions, their problems have been solved by his tolerance,
forbearance, and patience; for he did not cause disputes and scandals
on many occasions that people inconsiderate and bold gave him, as
is seen by certain of the writings that he carries; Consequently, we
greatly desire and we earnestly petition His Divine Majesty that he,
may have health, and that He will bear him to your Majesty's feet,
so that he may inform you of what he has seen, accomplished, and
known. From his report we hope ior the relief of these islands in
every way, and increase to the service of God and your Majesty.


_Don Miguel Garcetas_
_Don Alonso Garcia de Leon_
_Doctor Don Juan Reyes_
The treasurer, _Don Thomas Guimarano_
_Don Francisco de Valdes_
_Don Pedro de Quesada Hurtado de Mendoza_
The racionero, _Pablo Rodriguez_
The racionero, _Ruiz de Escalona_
_Diego Ramirez_


[_Endorsed_: "Manila. To his Majesty. The ecclesiastical cabildo. No
date. Examined July 30, and decreed within."]







DOCUMENTS OF 1633-1634


    Papal bull concerning missions. Urban VIII; June 28, 1633.
    News from the Far East, 1632. Fray Juan Garcia, O.P.; 1633.
    Letters to Felipe IV. Juan Cerezo de Salamanca; August 14,
    1633.
    Report of archbishop on the bakery of Manila. Hernando de
    Guerrero; August 3, 1634.
    News from Felipinas, Japon, and other parts. [Unsigned];
    August 20, 1634.
    Letters to Felipe IV. Juan Cerezo de Salamanca; August 10,
    1634.


_Sources_: The first, third, fourth, and sixth of these documents
are obtained from MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla;
the second and fifth, from MSS. in the Academia Real de la Historia,
Madrid.

_Translations_: The first document is translated by
Rev. T. C. Middleton, O.S.A.; the third and sixth, by James
A. Robertson; the remainder, by Robert W. Haight.





PAPAL BULL CONCERNING MISSIONS

_Constitution of our most holy lord, by divine Providence pope,
Urban VIII, concerning the missions of religious to Japan and other
regions of the Eastern Indias. Rome: from the press of the reverend
Apostolic Chamber. MDCXX[X]III._

_Urban VIII_


To all the faithful of Christ who shall scan these present letters,
health and apostolic benediction. In fulfilment of our pastoral charge
in regard to the safety of souls and the spread of the Catholic faith,
while readily changing those things which have been wisely, ordained
by the Roman pontiffs our predecessors, wherever through the teachings
of experience change seems advisable, we have made some arrangements,
as the same have seemed expedient in the Lord, in regard to the spread
of the Catholic faith and the health of souls.

In sooth, by his letters in form similar to a brief given on the
twenty-eighth day of January, 1585, and the thirteenth year of his
pontificate, Pope Gregory XIII, our predecessor of happy memory,
led thereto through certain reasons known at the time, issued an
interdict and prohibition to all patriarchs and bishops, including
even the province of China and Japan, under pain of ecclesiastical
interdict and of suspension, from entering the church portals and
the exercise of pontifical power, to all others besides priests,
clerics, and ecclesiastical ministers, both secular and regular--of
whatsoever order, standing, degree, rank, and condition they might
be--under pain of major excommunication to be incurred _ipso facto_,
to this effect: that without his express license and that of the
apostolic see, no one should dare go to the aforesaid countries and
provinces of Japan to preach the gospel, teach Christian doctrine,
administer the sacraments, or discharge other ecclesiastical duties.

Subsequently, however, Pope Clement VIII, also our predecessor of
renowned memory, having learned that the countries and provinces of
China and Japan, as well as of other near-by and adjacent islands,
besides the neighboring kingdoms of Eastern India, were very extensive
and thickly inhabited; that, moreover, in order to bring so great
a multitude of souls to the Catholic faith and strengthen them with
spiritual nourishment, more workmen and ministers were needed than
could be levied from the religious of the Society of Jesus, therefore
to all and singular the masters or priors-general of the mendicant
orders for the time being did he make the following grant, to wit:
that whenever necessity required they might send--by way, however,
of Portugal only, and thence by sea to the Indias and the city of
Goa--to the local superiors of their orders resident in those lands,
whomsoever of their subjects they might deem fitting and serviceable
for the discharge of the said offices and ministries, provided the
same were of respectable character and learning. Again, that the
religious of the said orders to be thus sent to the said countries
of the Indias, as well as their fellow-members resident therein,
who had been chosen and approved for the discharge of this said
duty by their masters or priors-general, or other superiors, might
go to the said Japan as well as its near-by and adjacent islands,
and even to the said islands, countries, and provinces of China and
the neighbor-kingdoms and mainland [_terra firma_] of Eastern India.

Moreover, under pain of major excommunication (wherefrom, unless
at the point of death, absolution was not to be granted save by the
Roman pontiff himself); of forfeiture besides of active and passive
vote, and of all dignities, administrations, and offices whatsoever;
furthermore, of disqualification to hold and exercise the same in the
future--all moreover to be incurred _ipso facto_ by all religious, no
matter what privileges had been granted them by the said Clement and
other Roman pontiffs his predecessors, of no matter what tenor or form,
whether general or special, even though with permit attached to preach
the word of God throughout the whole world--no matter, either, whether
hereafter the same or like privileges should be granted, approved,
and renewed as long as therein special, specific, and express mention
of this prohibition and interdict should not be made with annulment of
the same--thereupon he interdicted and forbade them all and singular,
under no matter what pretext or color of design, to leave the islands
known as the Philippines or any other part of the Western Indias or
country held as part of the Western Indias and thence to pass to the
said Japanese Islands, provinces, and countries and other near-by,
adjacent, and neighboring lands. Furthermore he ordered that should
any one have gone to the said Japan or countries near by, or in the
future should go thither, no matter what his reasons, on being warned
he should immediately depart thence and return to the said Philippine
Islands or other countries of the Western Indias, under the same
penalties as above; and, moreover, under the same penalties as well
as others at the option of any ecclesiastical judge whomsoever he
might be constrained and compelled thereto.

While later Pope Paul V, also our predecessor of happy memory, having
learned by experience that the prohibition to go to the Indias and
the city of Goa otherwise than by way of Portugal was neither obeyed,
nor even advantageous for the spread of the Catholic faith: in order
therefore that, as he desired, he might make due provision whereby so
important a work of God might be carried on without hindrance, made
the following grant to all and singular the masters, ministers and
priors--general of the mendicant orders--or the heads of orders for
the time being, by whatever title they might be known--that whenever
necessity should require them to send to Japan and other near-by,
adjacent, and neighboring islands, provinces arid countries, to the
superiors of their orders resident therein, any religious of their
order of respectable character and learning, whomsoever they might deem
fit and serviceable for the discharge of the said duties and offices,
to this end they might freely and lawfully send them otherwise than
by way of Portugal--in all remaining matters, however, being bound in
all respects to observe the said letters of his predecessor Clement,
and the fuller instructions contained in those issued by the said
Gregory and Clement and his predecessor Paul V the tenor whereof in
these our presents we wish to be considered as expressed therein.

Since, however, the experience of many years has shown that the
ordinances contained in the foregoing letters were not of avail, and
that other provision was needed whereby the sacred holy gospel of the
Lord Christ might be the more easily preached and spread throughout
the said islands and kingdoms, therefore in the discharge of our
pastoral duty, following the norm of the said Paul our predecessor,
after mature counsel with our venerable brethren, cardinals of the holy
Roman church, who are in care of the spread of the faith throughout
the whole world, in virtue of these presents to all and singular
the masters, ministers, and priors-general of any religious order,
or institute, even of the Society of Jesus, or the heads of orders, by
whatsoever other title they may be known, hereby through our apostolic
authority, we do grant and convey the following powers, to wit: that
whenever it be deemed expedient, they may freely and lawfully send to
the said islands, provinces, countries, and kingdoms of Eastern India
by other way than by Portugal whatever members of their orders and
institutes they may deem suitable for the missions by reason of age,
character, morals, and learning--provided, however, that in all other
matters (and not otherwise) they follow the said instructions of our
predecessor Clement. Moreover, under penalty of excommunication _latae
sententiae,_ we forbid all ecclesiastics and religious, of whatsoever
order and institute, both of non-mendicants and mendicants, even those
of the Society of Jesus, as well as the seculars of religious, from
hindering the journey of the aforesaid religious to the above-named
islands, provinces, countries, and kingdoms.

At the same time we exhort most earnestly in the Lord the said
religious who are to be, or even have been, sent to the said places,
to observe uniformity in their instructions to the people, especially
those who have been recently converted to the Christian faith, in order
that such neophytes be not scandalized through conflicting teachings,
especially in matters relating to morals.

Wherefore since in matters of so great concern we hold that care
and watchfulness on the part of the aforesaid are of much avail,
hence we again and again urge them to restrict their teachings to
general principles.

Accordingly, to the end that this be the more easily carried out,
in their instructions to the peoples of the said places in Eastern
India, the said religious shall as far as possible use exclusively the
Roman Catechism, and the "Christian Doctrine" (both small and large) of
Robert Bellarmino, a cardinal of the holy Roman church of good renown,
translated and printed in the dialects of the aforesaid peoples.

But since, to the no little grief of our heart, we have learned
that in Japan now for many years is raging a most bitter persecution
against Christians, especially against religious, we therefore grant
and convey to all and singular the Christians now as well as in the
future resident in Japan, the power to receive freely and lawfully
the sacraments (such however as require episcopal ministry being
excepted) even those that appertain to parish priests, from any
priests, as the above, whose services they may secure--provided,
however, these have been, or shall be, sent thither by their generals.

Furthermore, since by the sacred canons, the decrees of councils and
apostolic constitutions, all religious and even other ecclesiastics,
especially such as are in holy orders, are forbidden strictly to
engage in worldly affairs and traffickings, as gravely harmful,
undignified, and unbecoming to persons consecrated to divine service,
especially such as are vowed to the preaching of the sacred holy
gospels of the Lord Christ, therefore following the norm of the said
sacred canons, decrees, and apostolic constitutions, by our apostolic
authority, in virtue of these presents, we interdict and forbid all
and singular the religious in the afore-named places, or who shall go
thither--no matter of what order and institute, whether non-mendicant
or mendicant, even of the Society of Jesus--to devote themselves to,
or engage in, any business or trafficking, no matter in what way,
whether personally or through others, in their own name or that
of their community, be the same directly or indirectly, no matter
under what pretense or color of design; and this under penalty of
excommunication _latae sententiae_ to be incurred _ipso facto_, of
deprival moreover of active and passive vote, and of all offices,
degrees, and dignities whatsoever, of disqualification besides to
hold the same, as well as of forfeiture of all merchandise and the
gains accruing therefrom--the same to be set apart by the superiors
of the orders whereof the delinquents were members, for the service
of the missions in the said Indias in charge of the said orders,
now and hereafter, nor to be used for any other purpose whatsoever.

Moreover, under the same penalties we charge the same superiors,
while keeping watch strictly in this regard, to proceed against
delinquents with the said penalties, nor relieve them from the duty
of forfeiture of the said merchandise, or the repayment of gains,
no matter how small the amount involved. However should disputes
(which God forfend) spring up among the religious of the said orders,
let them be settled and ended by the bishops of the said places for
the time being, in their capacity of delegates of the apostolic see.

But should matters of graver moment be brought to their notice,
let the said bishops without delay refer them to us and the Roman
pontiffs our successors, to the end that, whatever the ruling and
decree, this may be provided for after mature deliberation. Such is
our wish and command.

Moreover, while commanding that without fail these present letters be
observed by all and singular to whom for the time being they appertain,
we withdraw from all and singular the judges--no matter of what rank,
whether ordinary or delegate, even though the same be auditors of
cases appertaining to the apostolic palace--the power and authority
to rule and interpret otherwise, any decisions to the contrary
heretofore given, whether knowingly or through mistake, no matter by
what authority, to be held as null and void. Therefore we command
all and singular the patriarchs, archbishops, bishops, and other
prelates of churches and palaces, even those of religious, throughout
the whole world, without fail to have these present letters observed
in their provinces, cities, dioceses, chapters, and jurisdictions,
besides whenever requested by the religious of the said orders to have
and see that the same be published solemnly, [99] notwithstanding to
the contrary any interdict, prohibitions, letters, or other premises
of our said predecessors, nor any apostolic or synodal decree, be
the same issued in provincial or general council, no matter whether
embodied in special or general constitutions and ordinances (even
in those granted to the Society of Jesus and the other said orders,
provinces and regions); no matter whether confirmed by apostolic pledge
or otherwise by statute, custom, privilege, or apostolic indult and
letters, even those granted by the pontiffs in the fulness of their
power, be the same general or special--all which, in so far as they
conflict with these our present letters, prohibition, and interdict,
wherefore they are to be considered as having been duly expressed and
inserted therein, we hereby desire and command shall be invoked in
favor of no one, no matter of what order, even though of the Society of
Jesus, but be held as null and void. And since it would be difficult
to have these present letters exhibited and published in all places,
we desire that to all copies of them (even in print), whenever the
same be certified to by any public notary, or the secretary of any of
the said orders, and attested with his seal by any church dignitary,
or the generals of the aforesaid orders, the same respect be accorded
in court, or outside, as would be given to these presents were they
themselves to be exhibited or shown. Given at Rome at St. Peter's,
under the seal of the Fisherman, the twenty-second day of February,
1632, and the tenth year of our pontificate.

_M. A. Maraldi_


We, Caesar Montius, by the grace of God and the apostolic see patriarch
of Antioch, nuncio of our most holy lord Urban VIII, by divine
Providence pope, with power of legate _a latere_ of the same see in
the kingdoms of the Spains, and collector-general for the apostolic
chamber, to all and singular who shall view and see as well as hear
these present letters, hereby do attest and in the word of truth do
vouch that this present copy of the same agrees with the original in
every respect. Wherefore we command that to it full regard be shown. In
testimony whereof we have sealed these presents, signed by our own
hand, and have ordered the same to be issued by our secretary. Maduti,
of the diocese of Ysleta, the twenty-eighth day of June, 1633.

By order of the same most illustrious lord:

_D. Francisco Gutierrez Corrilla_, secretary.





NEWS FROM THE FAR EAST, 1632


_Information which has been sent from the city of Manila of the present
condition of the Catholic religion in Philipinas, Japon, and Great
China; sent by father Fray Juan Garcia, [100] professed religious
of the Order of St. Dominic, to the royal convent of San Pablo at
Sevilla. Account of how the king our lord has taken an island in
Great China, called La Hermosa, with a great fortress which is there_.


During the former year of 631, twenty-eight professed religious of the
Order of St. Dominic, from different convents in Spana, who voluntarily
offered themselves for the service of God our Lord, the holy apostolic
Roman see, and their order, left the port of San Lucar de Barameda,
having embarked to cross over to the province of Nueva Espana in the
Yndias, thence to the Philipinas Islands, Japon, and the kingdom of
Great China, in order to preach the faith of Jesus Christ in those
said kingdoms to the barbarous and idolatrous heathen there. After a
prosperous voyage of eleven months they arrived at the city of Manila,
where they were well received by the other religious who reside in
those islands. However there died during the said voyage father Fray
Juan Quixada, a native of Xerez, and a son of that convent; father Fray
Vicente Ripol, a native of Zaragoca, and a son of the same convent;
father Fray Francisco Castaneda and brother Fray Jacinto Robles, both
sons of Salamanca; brother Fray Vicenta Ybanes, a son of the convent
of Valencia; and brother Fray Jayme Escuder, native of Mallorca. The
rest arrived safe and sound, full of joy at finding themselves where
they desired to be busied in the preaching of the holy gospel.

The news from Japon has it that the emperor of that country is holding
a large number of Dutch in prison, on account of difficulties which
they have had with the Japanese, and even worse [were their dealings]
with our people; for through friendship for the Dutch has arisen
the great persecution and martyrdom of so many religious, of so many
different orders, who have suffered martyrdom in those regions. Having
ingratiated themselves with the emperor until they stood well with him,
in order that there might be no increase in the faith of Jesus Christ
they counseled him that it was altogether inexpedient to consent that
any friar of any order should enter his kingdom, for that they were
a vile people, driven out of Espana, to preach the faith of a God
whom they adored, who had died crucified upon a cross; and that with
that humble garb they were doing great harm, converting the people to
their faith and straightway delivering over the country to the king
of Espana, as they had done in other parts of the Yndias. But as God
our Lord is ever mindful of his own, His Divine Majesty has permitted
that these works of cunning and these heretical counsels, unfriendly
to our holy Catholic faith, should have no success, and so at present
they have not. For the emperor has commanded that in no way shall any
Japanese be martyred for turning Christian; but that they should be
exiled from the realms of Japon, and landed in a Christian country,
so that, since they had accepted that faith, they might there be
supported and given the necessaries of life. The reason which moved
the emperor to order that they be not martyred is because he fears
that through the martyrdom many heathen Japanese would be converted,
if they were to see those who are martyred dying unwavering in their
Christian faith. Accordingly, in the month of May in the past year of
one thousand six hundred and thirty-two there arrived in this city of
Manila a Japanese ship with more than a hundred Japanese, with their
wives and children. They were exiled Christians who had been told in
their own country that if they abandoned the faith not only would they
not be exiled from their fatherland, but that they would be cared for
at the expense of the emperor. They chose to set out as exiles, fathers
parting from their sons, wives from their husbands, and children
from their parents, to preserve the faith of Jesus Christ, trusting
solely to the providence of God. They arrived at this city of Manila,
having suffered ill-treatment and disease. As soon as they had landed
and been received by the Christians of this city, they all began--men,
women, and children--to sing _Laudate Dominum omnes gentes_, and other
psalms, so that it would have moved stones to pity. They were taken
immediately to a church, at their own request, in procession. And no
sooner did they find themselves in the temple of the Lord for whom
they had suffered so much, than they all commenced to sing aloud
_Nunc dimittis_, from beginning to end, so that the Christians of the
primitive church could have done no more. They were then taken to a
hospital, where they are being cared for at present with liberal good
cheer, for on every hand they are supplied with plentiful alms. The
heathen Japanese went back astonished at this charitable reception
which they received; and therefore they now make martyrs no more,
because they realize that this affects the people, and that more
are converted in the public martyrdoms which they were inflicting
in order to strike the others with fear. What they now do with the
ministers of the gospel whom they can capture is as follows--as has
been done lately with six religious whom they hold prisoners among
them, two of these belonging to our order of St. Dominic: Within the
prison they strip the fathers, and throw boiling hot water on them
over their whole bodies, until they are horribly burned and wounded,
and their skin is quite flayed off. Then they are cared for; and when
they are recovering they are again stripped, and the same thing done,
and so they have been kept for a year.

Concerning missions in the kingdom of Camboxa, we learn that four years
ago, when the king sent to ask for religious in order to make himself
and his kingdom Christian, six belonging to our Dominican order only,
went there, and carried to him a handsome present on behalf of the
governor of Manila. The king received them with much kindness at
first. Afterwards, when they instructed him in our faith and told
him he must give up his idolatries to receive it, he began to hate
them--until, after two years, he ordered them to return; and so that
kingdom is without a Christian, as it was impossible to persuade a
single person; for they are wild barbarians, who, like the negroes,
go about attired in skins.

As for Great China, it is the chief object of our desire; for the
people are intelligent, and the country great and populous. The King
of Espana has taken an island which lies eighteen leguas from Great
China, and is called Hermosa Island--a thing which was considered
impossible, for it seemed that all the power in the world would
not be enough to conquer it. In this island there is a great fort
and a city, where many Spaniards are in garrison; and six of our
religious, with none of any other order. A ship-load of provisions,
and one company of soldiers, are sent to them every year from this
city of Manila. Five of our friars went this year. In that island
they are engaged in conquering it with soldiers, although most of
it has made peace. Our friars are converting some whose conversion,
through the goodness of God, is very effective. From this island two
of our religious went to Great China; and eight days ago we received
a letter from one of them which reads as follows:

"Your reverences may give thanks to our Lord, for the Order of
St. Dominic is already within Great China. They killed my companion
immediately after we landed. I am considering how the conversion of
this land can be best accomplished, etc. In this city there are about
six hundred Christians, natives of Great China, among eleven thousand
heathen, largely merchants who come to trade. It should be a matter
commended to God to be pleased to open the eyes of this people to a
knowledge of Him, as there are so many souls there to be damned--for
(so they say) there are more people in Great China than in half of
all the rest of the world. It has been revealed to a holy nun, and to
one of our friars of rare virtue, that those who are now living will
see the conversion of this people. I can assure you that the labor is
great, and the workers few; for there are missions in these islands
where, on account of the lack of religious, we can have no more than
one; and he has more than two thousand souls in his charge, and four
villages where he says mass every feast-day, with the permission of the
superior, though one village is two leguas or more from another. It
is a matter for wonder that even one religious is left, after all
this labor and service in so hot and enervating a country."

The original of this letter was addressed to the father master Fray
Alonso Tamariz, formerly prior of this convent of Sevilla.

This information has been sent to the most reverend father-general
of the Order of St. Dominic, that his most reverend Paternity may
prepare those under his command to continue this great enterprise,
and go to those regions, whence so great results are hoped and desired
for the increase and propagation of the holy Catholic faith.

With the permission of the lord provisor and of the alcalde Don Pedro
Pantoja de Ayala. In Sevilla: sold by Juan Gomez de Blas, close to
the Correo Mayor, this year of 1633.





LETTERS FROM JUAN CEREZO DE SALAMANCA TO FELIPE IV


_Military affairs_


Sire:

By two letters of the same date as this, I have informed your Majesty
of my arrival in these islands, in accordance with the orders to
the incumbents of vacancies in these governments. Referring to them,
I intend in this letter to give brief information of what concerns
military matters.

The conservation and increase of the islands depends on the trade with
China and Japon, providing that the other provinces shall steadily
maintain a suitable population. This will be secured by maintaining
the reputation of your Majesty's arms and true military discipline;
and by taking heed to preserve what your Majesty holds today, without
attempting new enterprises. For the one your Majesty has sufficient
force, but for the other there would be needed other and fresh forces.

The army of these islands is composed of nineteen companies. Six of
them are in garrison in this city, and one in the fort of Cavite; six
others in Terrenate; three in the island of Hermosa; one in the island
of Oton; another in that of Cibu; and another in that of Caraga. These
companies will be frequently changed, so that they may all share
alike in the work and the leisure, and so that all may become soldiers.

The castle of Manila has its usual garrison, and is in a state of
defense. The forts of Cavite guard the port where the ships are
anchored; while under its artillery the building and repair of the
ships is carried on. That fort always has one company of the army. The
fort of Zibu is important because of its distance, and because it
has a port in which the reenforcements for Terrenate are made ready;
while it confronts the insurgent Indians of Mindanao and Xolo. For that
reason its garrison has one company of volunteers [_sobresaliente_],
and one of the army. The other two forts of Oton and Caraga are kept
up for the same purpose. As I have but recently arrived, I do not
make so full a relation of them as I shall give next year.

In regard to the island of Hermosa, I shall not inform your Majesty,
until I have sufficient knowledge to do so, of what I think; for I
see that the expenses incurred by your Majesty are heavy, while the
island is of no use. On the other hand, trustworthy persons give
confident expectations of its population, growth, and utility.

The reenforcements for Terrenate are what cause most solicitude; they
are made at great risk, and at a heavy cost to your Majesty. That of
last year reached the fort with reputation, because it was carried
by a powerful ship which could withstand the Dutch, defensively
and offensively. The governor [of Terrenate], Pedro de Heredia,
has advised us that it will be expedient for your Majesty's service
that the first reenforcement be sent in such manner that it may
not be endangered, inasmuch as the enemy is making preparations to
await it with greater forces. Consequently, I am trying to have it
conveyed by two war galleons, and to have them leave at the time
considered advisable by men of experience. From now on, all the
reenforcements will carry two entire infantry companies, so that two
others may return in their place. In this way that garrison will be
changed every three years, and all the companies of the army will
share the work equally. It is advisable for your Majesty to order
the governors to do this, absolutely; for in this there has been
lack of system. Your Majesty should not allow portions of companies
to be sent; but whole companies should go, so that the unprotected
should not be wronged, or the privileged favored. [_In the margin_:
"Let this be marked, and also let advice of this clause be given
to the new governor. [101] Portions of companies shall not be sent
to Terrenate, but whole companies shall go there, as is here said,
so that those companies which are changed may return entire."]

Pedro de Heredia, who has been many years governor of Terrenate,
is a good soldier; but he is old and rich, and it is advisable for
your Majesty to send a successor to him. He should be one who will
be content with the honor and dignity of the post of governor.

Your Majesty has sustained here a number of galleys at a great
expense. They have been of very little or of no service. Some of
them have fallen to pieces with the lapse of time; and others have
been wrecked, not so much on account of disasters, as for the lack
of experienced officers for that navigation, as it is very different
from that of galleons. In this port there is now but one old galley;
and as I have taken a trip in it, I can assure your Majesty that it
serves for nothing else than vanity. To keep it up costs considerable,
and therefore, and because this treasury is so deeply in debt, I have
determined to prevent so excessive a cost to your Majesty. I shall
only keep up the galley of Terrenate, which is necessary and cannot be
spared; for your Majesty's revenues do not allow superfluities. And,
so long as your Majesty does not resolve upon another course, I shall
not venture upon more at present than to repair this galley, which is
old and unmanageable, in order that there may be something in which
to occupy the crew (who lie idle the whole year), until a new order
comes from your Majesty. [_In the margin_: "Have the new governor
notified, in accordance with what the last one has written, in how bad
a condition is the galley of which mention is made, the great expense
that would be required to repair it, of how little use it is; that it
can be dispensed with; and that, if there are no other reasons that
prevent, or any inconveniences, he shall do so, and, after doing it,
he shall give information of what has occurred, and of his opinion."]

Your Majesty has a captain-general of artillery here, which is a
superfluous post, not only on account of the little that there is for
him to do, but because there will never be a land campaign; and on
all occasions the governor attends to this, as to other things. It
is also proper to adjust the jurisdictions of all [the officers],
for they are all at variance, as some are trying to meddle in the
affairs of others. That results in confusion and disorder; for the
master-of-camp, in accordance with his title, claims that he can try
causes in the first instance of all the men who are paid, both in
and out of the army. The governor of the artillery, the castellans,
the military captains, the substitutes [_entretenidos_], and others
who are not soldiers of the army claim that they are exempt from
such jurisdiction. I have thought it best to inform your Majesty,
so that you may please order the measures taken that are most to your
pleasure. [_In the margin_: "When that post falls vacant, have this
section brought."]

It is not advisable that it be known here that the governors
should give so particular an account as I am giving, and as I shall
always give, in accordance with the dictates of my conscience; for
others, fearful of it, will not neglect to advise of many things of
importance. Will your Majesty provide throughout, what is most to your
pleasure. May God preserve your Majesty, etc. Manila, August 14, 1633.


_Don Juan Cerezo Salamanca_




_Government matters_

Sire:


I have informed your Majesty from Mexico that, in accordance with the
regulations in regard to the vacancies in this government of Filipinas,
the viceroy of Nueva Espana entrusted me _ad interim_ with it because
of the death of Don Juan Nino de Tavora, the regularly-appointed
incumbent. I left Acapulco April 5, and entered these islands with the
flagship and almiranta July 8, after a prosperous voyage, although
the great calms of this year have obliged the ships to make port in
the island of Mindoro, at a distance of twenty-five leguas from this
city, where they are awaiting suitable weather to enable them to get
to this city of Cavite. Accordingly, I came in an oared vessel to
take possession of this government, on the second of the present month.

I am obliged to inform your Majesty of the judicial, treasury,
military, and government matters, and as a new arrival I shall be able
to do it quite free from interest and passion, and with the sole desire
of fulfilling my duty as a vassal. I shall endeavor with all truth to
give a succinct relation of all that I have found, so that, after your
Majesty has read them, you may have the most advisable measures taken.

This government and the preservation of its provinces consists in
that the commerce of Great China and Japon be current, and especially
that of Japon. In truth this is more considerable, both as it is a
powerful neighbor, and because they are wont to bring from that kingdom
many products which are needed [here]--namely, iron, copper, lead,
saltpeter, flour, salt pork, vegetables, drugs, and silver--and which
it costs your Majesty considerable to have to supply from Nueva Espana.

Our relations with Japon are broken up, because the Dutch with their
accustomed scheming--that king having been irritated on account of
the religious who have preached the holy gospel from these provinces,
and fearful of new conquest--have converted into hate the old-time
friendship. The Japanese employ extraordinary harshness toward the
Catholics; and although your Majesty has ordered my predecessors
in so prudent and Christian a manner, by your royal decrees, not
to allow the religious to go to Japon until the times change, they
have been unable to prevent it; for the religious have imprudently
embarked in secret, thereby causing more trouble than good. They
have thus left a deficiency in the missions of these provinces,
where they have sufficient in which to busy themselves, since whole
nations are heathens. The measure that I believe to be practical is
for your Majesty to command the provincials of the orders not to allow
any religious to go to Japon for the present; for they only serve to
irritate one who, if placated, will some day, when undeceived in regard
to the Dutch malice, grant the liberty which he now denies. Now and
henceforth I shall endeavor to give Japon to understand your Majesty's
desire of good friendship and relationship. In accordance with this
I shall attempt the same with the provincials, and have them concern
themselves in converting the Japanese and Sangleys who live among us,
until your Majesty be pleased to order otherwise, [_In the margin_:
"This was provided for by writing to the governor to pay attention
to this matter, and to arrange matters as may be most advisable."]

The trade with Great China has also declined, because the Portuguese of
Macan have become masters of it, as they are so near. Being admitted
here, contrary to all good government, they come here to retail the
products which the said Sangleys formerly brought directly, whereby
these provinces are suffering a great scarcity. All of that results to
our damage and to the advantage of China, because of the great advance
in price over the [former] cheapness of their goods--[an excess]
which, moreover, they carry to their own land. The relief that I
believe can be had, although at its beginning some privation may be
felt, is for your Majesty to prohibit the trade of Macan with Manila,
and decree that no Portuguese be admitted in this government. Besides
the attainment of the aforesaid object, your Majesty's duties will
increase--which is a matter worth consideration; for until now all
has been expense. [_In the margin_: "Collect the papers that we have
upon this matter and those written upon it, and bring them here."]

I have found these islands in need of men, whose numbers are decreasing
because of the poor climate. The need of them requires that your
Majesty provide a remedy; for the reenforcements from Nueva Espana
are costly. Although the governors have exceeded their authority by
giving licenses [to leave the country], I can not avoid representing
to your Majesty that the inhabitants of Manila are worthy of the
favors that your Majesty may be pleased to show them, provided it
does not result in disservice to your Majesty--as I warn you by a
separate letter touching revenue matters, in order that I may not
confuse those matters in this letter; and in another letter touching
military matters, I advise your Majesty of certain points, which also
depend on the same thing. [_In the margin_: "Write to the governor
to avoid giving licenses; and to the viceroy [of Nueva Espana] that
he send some men there, as is ordered."]

The governors whom your Majesty shall provide for these islands
should be as experienced in nautical matters as in those of the land;
and should at the same time understand judicial and legislative
matters. [_In the margin_: "Seen."]

Licentiate Don Francisco de Rojas finished his visit, and has proceeded
in it as an honest and good minister. He has done considerable in
so brief a term, when one considers his poor health. He goes well
informed on the affairs of these regions, in order to inform your
Majesty of what he has seen. Although he has borne himself with
discretion, he leaves these provinces afflicted, because he has
taken away encomiendas from very poor persons who have served well,
and who by virtue of these grants have become citizens. They have
been condemned because they did not secure the confirmation of your
Majesty within the time set. Their excuse is, not only that it is not
more than two years since your Majesty's decree requiring that the
confirmation be given was proclaimed, but that, besides their living
in the most remote provinces in the world, the advice-ships from Nueva
Espana were wrecked this year. The ships sailing hence have put back to
port, and their despatches have not arrived; and as they are soldiers,
with careless agents who employ but little effort in soliciting their
causes, will your Majesty be pleased to show them the favor that is
agreeable to you. [_In the margin_: "It was provided."]

Two auditors have remained in this royal Audiencia, because the visitor
suspended the other two. There is a lack of officials, for I also
found that the fiscal, Don Juan de Quesada, was dead. The government
appointed in his place, before my arrival, Don Juan Fernandez de
Ledo, until your Majesty order otherwise. I am informed that he is
a capable person, and that he is very learned and of praiseworthy
morals. Will your Majesty be pleased to show him the favor that you
may deem advisable. [_In the margin_: "It was provided."]

Because of my having taken possession of this government so late,
although your Majesty had ordered that the ships that sail annually to
Nueva Espana should depart on the first of June I have found, on the
second of August, their despatch so delayed that it has been impossible
to make it before now, although I have not endeavored to accomplish any
other thing since my arrival. I desire to have your Majesty informed
that this despatch is not chargeable to me. [_In the margin_: "Seen."]

May God preserve your Majesty, etc. Manila, August 14, 1633.

_Don Juan Cerezo Salamanca_



_Revenue matters_


Sire:

Although I informed your Majesty in two other letters, of equal date
with this, of my arrival in these islands, and that this temporary
government is in my hands, I intend to tell briefly in this letter
only the matters that I observe concerning the revenues.

I have found your Majesty's revenues very inadequate, and that the
royal treasury owes eighty-eight thousand eight hundred pesos to the
inhabitants of Manila, which have been borrowed in reals; and it is
necessary to pay them from the aid that I bring.

I have found no lumber in the shipyards for the repair of the ships,
and for the other needs that are wont to arise. There is a lack of
rigging, of food, and of all the supplies necessary. I advise your
Majesty of it, in case my ability should not be sufficient to supply
so great needs as there have been; although my principal endeavor
shall be to strive, in these beginnings, that all shall be restored
to its former condition. [_In the margin_: "Examined January 25,
34. Write to the new governor that we have heard of the lack of
wood and of the other things that are [_word illegible in MS._;
necessary?] in the magazines, so that everything may be provided as
is expected from his care and zeal."]

I am obliged in conscience to inform your Majesty (in case my own
efforts should prove insufficient) of all that I shall esteem worthy
of correction in your royal service; and of what I saw in the port
of Acapulco, where I embarked, and in the ships up to the present. In
order to be able to do so, it is necessary for me to repeat in brief
the favors and privileges which your Majesty has conceded to these
inhabitants of Manila, in order to show them favor, with the desire
that they increase in numbers, and so that they alone may enjoy the
fruits of the trade and traffic of these provinces, entirely excluding
from it the inhabitants of Nueva Espana. Surely this is an important
matter, but the custom and malice of men has had so much influence
that experience shows us that neither that which your Majesty orders
is sufficient, nor do the citizens of Manila realize the value of the
favors which they receive. The worst of all is that, to judge from
the condition of affairs, there is no one from whom to obtain the
fitting remedy. The principal abuse is that, although your Majesty
ordered that no money pass from Nueva Espana here, and although you
granted permission to these inhabitants to receive only five hundred
thousand ducados, a way has been found whereby they secretly send
annually as much as they wish--and that without the said prohibition
being any hindrance to any person of Nueva Espana, or those of any
other region. The governors my predecessors have had knowledge of this
abuse, but they have not dared to remedy it because of the annoyances
that arise in so well-established a practice, and one in which nearly
all the vassals of your Majesty are included. For this same reason,
and because I have so recently arrived, I have considered it fitting to
inform your Majesty, so that, in so grave a matter, you may determine
what will be most fitting to your royal service. [_In the margin_:
"Send this letter to Don Juan de Palafox, so that he may be informed
of it." "Seen by the [_word illegible in MS._] J. Palafox."]

It is my opinion that since it has been impossible to check the
practice of sending every year money for these parts from Nueva Espana
(and I suspect that two millions are sent, and that the dearness
occasioned by this abundance of silver results only to the benefit
of Great China, where the money stops without your Majesty having
collected your duties), it will be considered as an aid to the great
expenses of the galleons of this line that your Majesty allow the money
that shall have to pass to be openly registered in Acapulco, at the
rate of five per cent. By so doing your Majesty will enjoy what has
hitherto been usurped by the officers (both the higher and the lower)
of the said ships; and at a reasonable price, and with permission,
no one would conceal the money that he was sending. And now since no
other remedy is found, it will be right for your Majesty to do this,
so that you may not lose your duties. In regard to the difficulties
on account of which they might at Acapulco refuse to accept this tax,
which will reach so great an amount of income, I answer that the trade
of these islands is not injured nor will the exchanges of the money
that comes annually from Nueva Espana increase. Only that which has
hitherto been done surreptitiously will be done openly in the future,
to the benefit of the royal treasury. The higher and lower officers
of the galleons will content themselves with the emoluments of their
offices, which are those that they are enjoying for this. Will your
Majesty have this matter considered very closely; for here, to one
who has the matter before him, it is a clear case.

In the port of Acapulco, your Majesty has three royal officials, who
are present from the time of the arrival of these ships until they
have once more set sail. In the despatching of the vessels they look
as much to their own comforts as to the service of your Majesty. They
make friends among the registrars, and shut their eyes to the money
that is wont to be sent on commission. The governors are powerless to
remedy this from here. I think that your Majesty can dispense with
all these three positions; and that, besides saving their salaries,
your Majesty will be much better served if, at the arrival of the
ships, your Majesty order that the castellan and the alcalde-mayor
of Acapulco do not permit them to discharge their cargoes, and that
an accountant-in-chief of the bureau of accounts be always sent from
Mexico on the first of December to attend to the unlading; and that he
be accompanied by the alcalde-mayor of Acapulco, or by the castellan
of that fort.

In the letters that I write pertaining to government and military
affairs, I touch on some points which also touch this matter of the
revenue; and I do not repeat them, in order not to become prolix. I
only go back in this to represent the difficulties occasioned here by
its being known that the governors give account of everything--as I am
giving it and shall continue to give it as my conscience dictates to
me; for others will not neglect to advise you of many things pertaining
to your royal service. Will your Majesty provide in this what will be
most suitable. May God preserve your Majesty. Manila, August 14, 1633.

_Don Juan Cerezo Salamanca_






REPORT OF ARCHBISHOP ON THE BAKERY OF MANILA


Sire:

On behalf of this city a royal decree has been presented to me in
which your Majesty commands me to inform you in regard to the favor
which Governor Don Fernando de Silva extended to the said city
and to Captain Andres Fernandez de Puebla, giving them the income
from the bakery of this city, which was established on the site and
lot belonging to the said Andres Fernandez de Puebla, he enjoying
half the rent and the said city the other half. The said Andres
Fernandez de Puebla is an old citizen, who has served your Majesty
with approval. Complying with the said instruction, and in order to
investigate the matter with fairness and accuracy, as it should be,
I personally went to the said bakery and inspected it. I found it
walled entirely about with cut stone, and with doors and stout locks,
so that when it is locked up at night no one can go in or come out. The
site is ramparted and habitable where the ovens stand. Although there
are some filling timbers lacking in the middle, it is nothing of
importance, and may be easily repaired. I found in the said bakery
a Spanish overseer, who serves as a faithful manager and who lives
there continually, as I have been informed. He does not allow the
Chinese bakers to adulterate the flour, and is always present to see
that they make clean bread. It seems to me that it is very useful
and advantageous for this city that all the ovens be placed together
in the said bakery, and in no other place. It is fitting that your
Majesty should order this; for there are very great difficulties in
the maintenance of ovens in private houses, as they are haunts where
are committed thefts and offenses against God, which are commonly
known. This is my opinion and is based on my forty years' experience
since I have been in these islands. May God protect the Catholic and
royal person of your Majesty, according to the needs of Christianity.

Dated at Manila, on the third of August, 1634.


_Fray Hernando_, archbishop of Manila.





NEWS FROM FELIPINAS, JAPON, AND OTHER PARTS


By the last express the following news arrived in a letter which came
from Manila, dated August 20, 634: "Father Manuel Cuello writes that
he is in Camboja in disguise, in order to pass on to Japon, where the
persecution is so bloody that it is publicly cried that five hundred
pesos will be given to any person who makes known the whereabouts of
any priest. In this way during four months sixteen of our fathers
have been arrested, besides the brothers and dogicos who are being
seized every day. While they were awaiting death, it happened that the
emperor was bedridden, suffering with the leprosy for a long time;
and he could find no remedy in his medicines, nor in the sacrifices
to his idols. He heard many loud cries and wails in the garden,
and commanded his people to learn what it was. When they came back,
they said that the sounds proceeded from a large bamboo, a plant which
is very plentiful in that country. They opened it and found within a
cross, red as if dipped in blood, which caused them great wonder. They
took it to the emperor, who was much more astounded because the day
before he had seen a very brilliant cross in the air, although he had
told no one of it; but, when this portent was found in his garden, he
had his soothsayers called in to tell him what it meant. Some of them
said one thing and some another; but the chief of them said that these
crosses were from the fathers who, although blameless, had been put to
death for teaching the veneration of the cross. This explanation was
confirmed by a bonze, one of his favorites, who added that he believed
that the leprosy which he suffered was owing to his having slain so
many innocent people. When the emperor asked him [what he meant], he
added: 'The fathers and Christians whom your Majesty ordered to be
killed at Nangasaqui. I believe that your Majesty has already seen
that with all our efforts we cannot cure you; and you should call
upon the bonzes of Nanbamcas (as they call our fathers) and perhaps
they may be able to grant and perform this miracle, as they do others.'

"It is a great deal that soothsayers and bonzes, who are so much
opposed to us, should speak so in our favor; but the Lord can do
much greater things, and as it seems that the portent is His work,
[_words illegible_] the interpretation. The result was that the emperor
immediately sent messengers to Nangasaqui and other places to bring
to him the fathers who were in prison. They brought from Nangasaqui
father Fray Luis, of the Franciscan order; and the father-provincial
Christobal Ferreira, and Father Sevastian de Viera, of the Society--the
latter having been for a long time a laborer in that church whence
he was sent to Rome as procurator. When our father invited him to
remain here, as he was so old and had labored so long, he preferred
to end his life with the children whom he had begotten in Christ,
since they were engaged in such wars, rather than enjoy the peace of
Europa. Two years ago he arrived at Manila from Rome; and a little
more than a half a year ago he left Manila for Japon, in the garb
of a Sangley. But as he was so well known, as soon as he secured an
entrance to that country, and the search for the Christians began,
more than a thousand agents were sent over the whole kingdom in search
of him, so great a desire had they to get hold of him. As they were
so numerous, and the reward great, he was unable to escape. He finally
was made a prisoner with the other Christians at Nangasaqui, who were
awaiting death (it was this that made him go back to Japon); and,
although they believed it to be certain when the order came to convey
them to court, all were greatly encouraged to suffer it. But, in place
of that, the ambassador of Macao who is at that court writes that the
kindly treatment which the emperor extended to them was remarkable. He
ordered them to be taken from the prisons and spoke to them with much
gentleness. He told the fathers that if their faith was such truth as
they said, they should obtain from their God the cure of his leprosy,
so that he might recognize its truth; and see that he had done wrong
in taking the lives of those who followed it. The fathers offered to
ask this from our Lord, if his Majesty wished, for the cause was His;
and He heard their petitions and our desires. This emperor may be the
Constantine of that church, in whom the blood that he shed of so many
noble laborers wrought the health which was restored to him; and this
made him unwilling to shed the blood of the humble innocents. We hope
that this omen has assuaged the persecution, and his health goes far
to confirm this. We have the same hope for China, where our Lord has
made us so acceptable to the emperor that he has given us one of the
study-halls at his court at Paquin. Our fathers are giving lectures
to large audiences, and are highly esteemed by all the court, whence
springs our hope of founding many colleges in that kingdom. [102]
May it please his Majesty to further this."





LETTERS FROM JUAN CEREZO DE SALAMANCA TO FELIPE IV


_Revenue affairs_


Sire:

I informed your Majesty by way of Yndia, on the twenty-second of
October of last year, of the treasury matters, and of the resistance
which these royal officials were making about accepting the new
ordinances that were left them by the visitor, Don Francisco de Roxas,
by having appealed from them, and having represented in the royal
Council of the Yndias the impossibility of being able to comply
with these in the service of your Majesty. Notwithstanding their
allegations, and the resignation of their offices which they made in
writing, I continued, by what methods I could avail myself of, to urge
them to accept the said ordinances of the visitor. As they persevered
in their disobedience, I arrested all three royal officials, and kept
them together in the treasury, so that the despatch [of business]
might not cease; thereupon they obeyed, and from that time on we have
been following the new ordinances. Although I blamed the too great
resistance which they made, ever since I have excused them somewhat,
through having experienced the great inconvenience and embarrassments
which some of the ordinances contained; and I confess how prudent
they were in the exercise of their authority before they experienced
the present damage. Matters are in such condition that while I am
trying to adjust myself to the new ordinances and not to depart one
jot from them, I find myself more embarrassed, and the despatches that
demand the greatest haste delayed--as happened to me in the stress of
sending the reenforcements in a fleet which I sent to Terrenate this
year, in which consisted the security of those forts, which were in
danger. It was necessary for me to facilitate it by making use of the
precedents of other times. Now, in order to fulfil my obligation, I
assure you that what most is needed in Philipinas is the facilitation
of the course of business, and the choice of [government] ministers
who are entirely trustworthy; for in so remote provinces where all
is invasion from the enemy, it will be most difficult to succeed in
performing your Majesty's service, if the jurisdiction and authority
are so limited. In order to be able to await what your Majesty may be
pleased [to order], I have adopted, in certain doubts, the expedient
which has seemed most advisable, after holding meetings and consulting
with persons in whom I have confidence.

One of these new ordinances directs that the governor shall deliver,
whether in large or small quantity, all the goods and wares of
these magazines which are used for various purposes. Those which
are in danger of spoiling shall be distributed by his order; and
what shall not be thus disposed of shall not be passed over, at the
time, to the royal officials. That ordinance is impractical, for,
besides the continual occupations of the governor in affairs of greater
importance and his inability to personally supervise things so minute,
your Majesty had issued the necessary ordinance before the visit, and
I have followed it in the preparation of fleets and reeenforcements;
and I do not pay any attention to the delivery in small quantities when
that is necessary. But I am endeavoring to make it understood that
it is impossible to do so always, without obstructing the despatches
which usually demand attention suddenly. What is of importance to the
service of your Majesty is that we, the governor, royal officials,
and other ministers, are attending to the best administration of the
royal revenues.

In accordance with these new ordinances, the alcaldes-mayor, the
assistants of the royal officials, and shipmasters must annually settle
their accounts exactly. Because of the difficulty of navigation between
some of the islands, it is impossible to obey this ordinance to the
letter, or to cease receiving from such men at the time of [settling]
the account, what their salaries allow, as the emoluments which
they receive are small or nothing. Thus do we continue to proceed,
according to the weather-conditions of the season, and the distance
[from Manila] of the places where they live.

Whenever ships or fleets have been despatched, some advance pay
has been given to the regular sailors and soldiers. It is a harsh
measure that because we do not have, for all the greater and less
matters that arise, a distinct decree from your Majesty which is in
accord with one of the new ordinances, the royal officials should
continually impugn and oppose the orders that exist in some of the
same matters; and although there should be nothing else to do than
to obey the ordinances, the greater part of the time is passed in
summons and replies. I have received in these ships a royal decree
from your Majesty, under date of August 26 of the past year, in which
your Majesty is pleased to order me to collect two per cent on the
merchandise exported to Nueva Espana, in addition to the other three
per cent that has been paid hitherto, in accordance with what the
visitor agreed with this city by way of a gracious gift; and that
on the first occasion _[word illegible in MS._; I make?] decision
of what must be observed, and give information whether this duty is
collected here, or whether the benefit of it is obtained along with
the situado of these islands. I caused it to be obeyed and executed
according to its contents. And in order that these citizens might
appraise their goods in accordance with this order I had the said
royal decree published in the usual places, and it was communicated to
the cabildo, judiciary, and magistracy of this city. Seeing that the
citizens were exceedingly remiss in lading, and the time far advanced
for the ships to make their voyage, I proceeded to stimulate them
by edicts and orders, and finally by placing them under the penalty
of losing the favors which your Majesty has granted them in allowing
the five hundred thousand pesos that are brought every year from Nueva
Espana. The city replied to that by appealing from my act and from the
said royal decree to your Majesty, as the relation given by the visitor
was not in harmony with the acts, and as their citizens had not made
any [such] agreement. The four thousand pesos which they gave as a
donation was for that time, provided that no further action should
be taken regarding this duty until the matter had been discussed
in the royal Council of the Yndias. In proof of it, the visitor
embarked without having made a beginning in this collection. After
many discussions, the citizens had resolved not to lade any goods at
present for Nueva Espana. I gave a copy of all this to the fiscal and
the royal officials. I resolved [not] to despatch the ships without
cargoes, and even to take the boxes and bales from where they should
be found and actually put them on board the ships; but the auditors
and officials believed that it would be contrary to law to force the
citizens. Therefore I determined to call a meeting of the Audiencia,
archbishop, fiscal, and royal officials, in order to determine what
ought to be done in this matter. All were of the opinion that the
ships should be laded, even though we should postpone the fulfilment
of what your Majesty lately ordered, for the damage that would ensue
from the ships going empty would be beyond comparison far greater
than the gain of the two per cent; and that the appeal interposed by
the citizens ought to be granted, as it was apparent that the report
which the visitor had made was different from what had actually and
truly taken place. In accordance with this, the city has given bonds
for all the sum to which this duty can amount, now and henceforth,
until your Majesty be pleased to provide what is most advisable. In
order that this may be apparent from the investigations, I enclose
herewith a testimony of the acts.

In respect to my report, Sire, I declare that the three per cent which
has been collected hitherto, has entered into this royal treasury,
and has never been reckoned with the situado. The same will have
to be done with this two per cent, for it is all needed for the
ordinary support, unless that your Majesty should be better served
[by ordering otherwise].

The visitor at his departure gave me an account of all that he had done
during the two years while he has been occupied in his visit. According
to the report which he gave me of accounts which had been settled,
I learned that this treasury was clear of debt, and had much money
besides. But I have found by experience since then that, although in
appearance he stirred up affairs, in fact the expense was greater than
the gain. For most of the settlements of which he made a parade are in
litigation, and are being nullified by the acquittal of the parties
[in the suit], while others in the Audiencia are even abandoned;
and few reach the point of collecting [the amounts due]. Some of the
new ordinances that he left suffered the same misfortune, because
he did not dictate them or draw them up, but entrusted them to two
clerks before his visit--for his poor health did not permit him to
do more. It is not to be believed that a well-informed lawyer would
try to obstruct the service of your Majesty, for nearly all his
ordinances are directed to and reflect distrust of the fidelity of
the royal officials, to whom your Majesty has hitherto entrusted your
revenues. From the good disposition that I observe in them and the work
that they do, I judge them to be your very good and faithful servants.

It is advisable that your Majesty be pleased to send an accountant
for settling accounts, and that he be a person of authority,
with adequate pay. He who serves in that office in the meanwhile
was formerly the servant of one of these auditors; and he is more
concerned in occupying his time in sustaining friendships than in
attending to what is necessary. On that account if some of the new
ordinances were to be remade, this would be bettered.

I received some decrees in these last ships, which were despatched in
the year thirty-two, and others of the year thirty-three, concerning
the treasury, which are obeyed and will be carried out as is therein
contained. When these ships set sail--and that has not been done
before as the decrees were received late, and by way of India--I
shall give an account of the condition of these matters.

The viceroy of Nueva Espana has sent me four companies as a
reenforcement, and this camp has six others. I have reorganized five,
so that there are now six companies in this city, each with more
than one hundred soldiers, which is the least number that a company
generally has.

Since the month of August of last year, when I began to govern these
islands, the half-annats [103] have been collected with the care
ordered by your Majesty, in which I cooeperated with the commissary
for that tax. The royal officials and the auditor who was appointed
commissary are doing as they should.

In the ships of last year, and by way of Yndia, I informed your
Majesty how expedient it was to charge five per cent duty on the
silver and reals that are sent annually from Nueva Espana, as no
remedy has been found whereby that commerce can be adjusted to the
permission of only five hundred thousand pesos, which your Majesty
has conceded to these islands. Past times can ill be compared with
the present; and granting the accidents which oblige the viceroys of
Nueva Espana not to practice the rigor which they themselves make the
governors of Philipinas overlook, and considering the present thing,
and watching out for the greater service of your Majesty, I am grieved
because the royal officials of the ships enjoy this advantage--which
as I have seen, amounts to more than one hundred thousand pesos per
year--and, notwithstanding this new tax, the inconvenience of the
quantities of money passing from those regions will increase; for it
is most certain that those to whom belongs the trade of Philipinas
always find a way by which to attain their objects; and because the
viceroy of Mexico undertook to check it this year, by only threats,
the inhabitants of these islands are ruined and left without their
capital, which remained in Nueva Espana. May our Lord preserve and
prosper the royal person of your Majesty, as we your vassals desire
and need. Manila, August 10, 1634.


_Don Juan Cerezo Salamanca_




_Government affairs_


Sire:

I have given your Majesty an account on all occasions of my coming
to these islands, and of the condition of affairs in them, although
with limitations, and with the caution of a new arrival. But now,
after having governed them a year, I shall be able to discuss their
affairs with experience and more freedom, so that your Majesty, having
been informed, may enact what is most advisable for your royal service.

The disputes which generally arise between the governor and the
auditors of this royal Audiencia are usually more prejudicial in these
islands than in the rest of your Majesty's monarchy, as these are
the most remote; for their preservation lies in the governor being
obeyed and respected, and in his orders being executed and entirely
observed, without the auditors hindering him, or casting any doubt
on his supremacy, as they are often wont to do.

The jurisdiction of this Audiencia is set at rest from the
ecclesiastical fuerzas and the litigations of these inhabitants--who,
as is seen from the chart which I am sending under other covers, amount
in all to 151 married men, 81 single men, 45 widows, and 160 children,
besides fifty other men who live in other places. All the rest are
paid sailors and soldiers, with whom the Audiencia has nothing to do;
and from that one can infer how few affairs of justice arise. That
is the cause of the disputes, and of the auditors actually deciding
the affairs of government under pretext of appeals, without waiting
until the governors grant or deny them, in accordance with law--to
the considerable discredit, of the authority that your Majesty has
conceded to the government. That results in nothing that is ordered
being executed. And although your Majesty has provided a remedy for
these accidents with decrees, so that, in case of doubt, the governor
may declare what occurs to him, and that the auditors may pass for
this purpose into Philipinas, still that has not sufficed; for they
take care to give the decrees a different meaning, and will not be
subdued by any means that I have used. In proof of this I cite the
following examples.

Your Majesty has prohibited the Audiencia from trying causes concerning
the Sangleys of the Parian, and ordered that they be tried only by
the alcalde-mayor and the governor, reserving only the sin against
nature to the Audiencia. Nevertheless, they meddle by taking the
[trial of] first instance from the alcaldes-mayor.

Your Majesty permits only four thousand Sangleys in these islands,
but a greater number has been tolerated because of the advantage of
the licenses that they pay, and in order not to disturb the trade
with China. In respect to these and many other troubles, the former
governors have endeavored very earnestly to assure that nation,
charging the justices to be very attentive in their jurisdictions,
and not allowing them to grant passage from one part to another
without permission. Especially is it charged upon the alcalde-mayor
of the jurisdiction of Vinondo--the point where the Sangleys fortified
themselves during the insurrection. For this so laborious occupation,
in a special meeting fees were assigned for each license, at the
rate of one real and a quarter for him and his clerk. This has been
the practice for many years. This Audiencia having begun to govern
these islands because of the death of Don Juan Nino de Tavora, the
Order [104] of St. Dominic endeavored to alter these licenses and
the fee, by representing the injury that was done the Sangleys. But
the auditors, in consideration of the above so superior reasons,
confirmed to the letter the last act made concerning this matter
by the deceased governor; and when I succeeded to the government in
accordance with your Majesty's order, the said religious endeavored to
do the same thing. Upon becoming thoroughly familiar with the matter,
I confirmed the said governmental acts, enacted by the Audiencia and
by Don Juan Nino de Tavora. Nevertheless, from this they have stirred
up this pretension, trying the subterfuge of having recourse to the
Audiencia for an affair of justice--where they are admitted without
these same auditors heeding that they have [already] cast their votes
for the government measure.

In the month of September of the past year, five Sangley ships
were wrecked on this coast of the province of Ilocos, with a great
amount of silver. When preparing to send a person to look for it,
the fiscal presented a petition in the Audiencia, although he ought
to have presented it to the government. Not to confuse matters by
withdrawing them from his charge, and to avoid controversy, and in
order that what was to be done be accomplished quickly, I tolerated
this mode of despatching the business through the Audiencia, hoping
that the alcalde-mayor, to whom the matter would be committed, would
make diligent efforts. But seeing that he sent to this treasury but
little more than three thousand pesos, I am left with deserved pain
for having allowed the jurisdiction of the government to be usurped. I
have sent a new alcalde-mayor, with new ordinances for the purpose.

Geronimo de Fuentes bid at auction [for the position of regidor],
and the judges of the auction knocked it down to him; and after he
had paid to the treasury the price and the half-annat, his title
as regidor was made out in the ordinary form. When he went to take
possession of his post, some regidors opposed him, appealing to the
Audiencia, as is their custom, with the intention that the royal
decrees and the orders of the government should never be fulfilled;
and, in order not to open the door so that those alcaldes-mayor of
the provinces might attempt the same thing with their successors,
I had possession of his post given to him, reserving to the party
concerned his right, safe and in full force.

Your Majesty has prohibited any one from sending money to Macan,
and the governors order the same by their edicts under penalty of
confiscation. Antonio Fiallo gave information of over thirteen thousand
pesos sent him by Bartolome Tenorio, chief-constable of the court,
making a gift to your Majesty of the portion which pertained to him
as denouncer. And although this cause originated from the edicts of
the government, the auditors tried it, acquitting the said Bartolome
Tenorio--commenting on the suit in examination and review during my
absence, without carrying it to the regular session.

The ordinances governing the cabildo of this city were given
by Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, governor of this island, with the
command that none of them be altered without an order from the
governors. One of them prescribes the form of the election of
alcaldes-in-ordinary. Although time has somewhat vitiated it, the
order that the regidors should give account to the governor of all that
occurred has been observed. Consequently, they send him annually two
commissaries from their last cabildo meeting with the nomination of
eighteen or more persons, on whom they have cast their eyes for the
choice of two alcaldes. This year, while separated into factions,
the regidors--finding one of them favored by an auditor who was
trying for his own private ends to oust an alcalde in opposition
to the community--tried to pervert the said custom of sending me
the nomination. I did not allow that, because of the innovation and
because of the difficulty involved therein that, in a presidio that
is open to so many enemies, alcaldes may be chosen to whom the city
cannot be entrusted--for the alcaldes are captains of the inhabitants
when occasion arises--declaring, besides, the more than thirty years
of this practice. They obeyed, and proposed eleven persons who were
satisfactory in every respect. The other new regidors, who had offered
the said auditor more than they could perform, opposed the nomination,
appealing to the Audiencia, and refusing to make the election on
the following day, the first of January. As it was vacation time,
I gave one of the auditors commission to preside in the cabildo,
in accordance with that fact. He excused himself on account of
sickness; whereupon I gave it next to the other remaining auditor,
who also excused himself. In default of both of them, I gave the same
commission to him who performs the duties of fiscal, basing my reason
for it on the grounds that, according to the ordinance he has a vote in
a deadlock; and on the fact that one of the auditors usually presides
in that act, although there are precedents of some unprofessional
men having presided. Don Juan Sarmiento, a creole, and Admiral Don
Fernando Galindo, of Espana, a man of great worth, were elected.

After the vacations were past, the two auditors and the fiscal
conspired together, in order to annul the said election and to make
another new one. They offered the necessary support to the regidors of
their party, in order to have them present themselves in the Audiencia
under pretext of appeal. This they did, heaping up nullities in order
to make a suit of suits for the purpose of constituting themselves
judges of what my delegate did in virtue of a commission of the
government, without allowing it to be returned to the delegate, who
was ignorant of what had happened in the election. They carried the
matter so far that they actually tried to take the cause from me. That
compelled me to censure their procedure, and to tell them that the
appeals would be granted according to law--but not by violence;
giving boldness to the litigants so that those who remained without
due punishment because of the support that they were giving them,
should become disrespectful, as they had done; and that I would
consult the lawyers and learned persons of this city, so that, if
that suit did not belong to the government, I might refer the cause
[to the other court]. The lawyers gave me their opinions, saying
that that matter pertained to the government. On that I founded my
declaration in virtue of royal decrees which so ordered, especially
one of November 4, 1606. However they did not refrain from it on that
account--as they are obliged to do, even if I should go further; and,
prosecuting the matter in accordance with the dangerous argument of
time, I remitted the case as definitive to Doctor Arias de Mora,
advocate of this Audiencia. With him I gave sentence, confirming
the said election of alcalde as according to law. As such, the
said Don Juan Sarmiento and the senior regidor--because of the
absence of Admiral Don Fernando Galindo, who has been occupied in
the service of your Majesty--are in the exercise of their offices;
and this has resulted in the quiet and peace of this community and
that of the appellants themselves. The latter already confess their
error, although lately, and as a matter of form, they have presented
themselves in appeal from the definitive act; while the other party
has refused the two auditors, and there is talk of settling the cause.

[_Words illegible in MS._ The assembly hall?] has been shut often
because of the sickness of these auditors, and more than two months
have gone by without any session. Although the business that arises
is but slight, it is well for the governors to know what is their
obligation when there is a deficiency of auditors in a district so
remote from your Majesty; and whether the progress of the suits ought
to be stopped on account of death or long illness, for three or four
years, until the remedy comes from Espana; or whether one can proceed
as was done when there was no Audiencia. Also it is desirable to
know whether it is exactly and legally necessary for an auditor to
preside every year at the elections of alcaldes; or whether it will
be sufficient, in the absence of auditors, to appoint a person from
the number of the influential persons of Filipinas, since the auditor
did not _per se_ possess jurisdiction to preside, except by virtue
of the commission given him by the government; or whether the said
election of alcaldes must cease because there is no one to preside.

By decree of June 8, 1621, your Majesty orders, under severe penalties,
that those who still owe anything of the proceeds from saleable
offices can neither vote nor be elected as alcaldes-in-ordinary. This
has been observed; but certain persons, because of their revengeful
dispositions and passions, have extended the decree to [cover] other
and different debts. Especially this year has the fiscal tried to
prevent the votes of some regidors by obtaining statements [of their
accounts] from the accountancy department--some of which debts the
visitor brought forward, although that had not been done hitherto,
except when only royal officials have (and only in a few years)
given a memorandum of those disqualified by evident debts; and in
the three preceding years none of these same exhibits were of this
sort. They were a disqualification while the visitor was present here,
and the interested parties demanded a declaration as the said royal
decree did not concern them, and these statements were not obtained
from the visit; they have made an appeal, in regard to these points,
and they are pending in the royal Council. None of those debts are
regarded as evident while they are in litigation, and while the royal
officials do not begin to investigate them. I referred their petitions
to the said royal officials, so that they could investigate and give
their opinions. Having examined it, I declared that those therein
contained were able to vote and to be elected, in accordance with
the aforesaid; and that, in a community so limited as this, it is
not right to give permission to avenge one's passions under pretext
of this royal decree. That extends, according to its terms, only
to the debts for saleable offices. Few would be the former regidors
and alcaldes who would not be included; and it is advisable for your
Majesty to be pleased to have the proper decision made known.

During disputes in this Audiencia, it is the president's privilege
to appoint judges; and when the auditors are challenged, he alone
remains unchallenged. Moreover, he has appointed them without any
opposition, basing his action on the old custom of this Audiencia, and
on the words of the law: "The president, the members of my Council,
and the auditors who shall remain unchallenged, shall appoint
lawyers." But recently they have tried to make an innovation and
to read the petitions of the recusants and to ascertain the causes
that they give. That they did in opposition to the accountant, Martin
Ruiz de Zalazar, in regard to a plea of appeal. As they were not in
harmony, I appointed as judge an advocate of this royal Audiencia,
who having been summoned to the session, and being asked whether the
case had right of appeal, declared in favor of the said accountant:
without allowing him to vote the auditors made him leave the session,
and proceeded by act against the party. The said accountant again
challenging him, because of these and other injuries, the said auditor,
without allowing him to read the appeal, declared that his associate
was not challenged; and the latter, as his alternate, proceeded to try
the new challenge, without its being sufficient to contradict it in
writing in the session. The so open enmity between the Audiencia and
the royal officials being evident, I have withdrawn the papers until
your Majesty be pleased to provide the remedy. A similar difficulty
has happened to me in regard to the appointment of a lawyer in the
challenge of the said Don Juan Sarmiento; and it is necessary for
the governors to know what pertains to them in such cases, since the
appointment of lawyers is not a point of law, but of the direction of
that Audiencia as president; and when he is not there they appoint,
without considering whether or not there have been judges in the cause.

The two auditors whom Don Francisco de Rojas suspended have died. Those
who are left will attend better to the service of your Majesty
anywhere else than in Philipinas. That will mean the cessation of many
challenges and other indignities, as well as the vengeance feared by
those who have made depositions against them during the visit.

Your Majesty orders me, by a decree of August 26 of the past year,
that in matters of government and expenses of the royal treasury,
when at the request of part of my [_word illegible_], I refer them
to the fiscal, so that he may advise according to his judgment. I
have observed that from the commencement of my government, and I
shall observe it with greater care in the future; but it will be
advisable to have the fiscal ordered to defend, in the disputes with
the Audiencia over jurisdiction, the royal decrees which are in favor
of the jurisdiction of the government.

Your Majesty orders me by another royal decree of the same date to see
that the ships which are despatched from all these islands to Nueva
Espana leave every year from this port in the beginning of June. That
is advisable, but it is impossible to establish it this year; for never
have these ships left without having to wait for the arrival of the
others [from Nueva Espana], in order that [the inhabitants] answer
their agents in regard to their [commercial] relations, and because
no other opportunity for this arises during the year. Consequently,
although the ships have been, as far as I am concerned, prepared in
time with all that is necessary, the inhabitants have not begun to lade
them until they have seen those which arrived safely on the twentieth
of July. Since that, the fulfilment of this royal decree touching
the two per cent has been discussed, as appears more in detail from
the sworn statement of the acts, which I enclose. From now on I have
commenced to order that the ships in the coming year are to set sail
without those which are now departing; and that the royal decree of
your Majesty must be inviolably kept and observed; but even with this
warning in advance the early despatch has many inconveniences.

This year no ships have come from Macan, so that the Chinese have
brought more merchandise than usual. Their main deficiency has been
that of not coming laden with woven stuffs; but with the fair treatment
that has been given them, it is hoped that a great abundance of cloth
of all kinds will come in the first champans.

The loan of 60,000 [pesos] made to the royal treasury by the
inhabitants of Macan, which I ordered to be paid, was opposed by the
fiscal, because the Portuguese have kept a quantity of the goods of
our citizens. Consequently that sum remains on deposit, in a separate
account, so that, when the account is adjusted, their money may be
returned to them.

The reenforcements for the island of Hermosa, which left here during
the last part of August of last year, sought shelter because of bad
weather, and went to anchor at Macan, for there was no other place
wherein to take shelter. Although the ship bore the [new] governor
of the island of Hermosa, namely, the sargento-mayor Alonso Garcia
Romero, with his wife and family, and the provincial of the Order of
St. Dominic, Fray Domingo Goncalez, together with other religious,
the Portuguese attempted their accustomed discourtesy, endeavoring
to give it color by the pretext that the ship had put in there in
order to invest a quantity of money that they were carrying. And
although [the said Romero] maintained his men at a great expense,
only awaiting suitable weather to carry aid to the island of Hermosa,
the Portuguese maliciously detained your Majesty's ship, and did not
allow it to depart until the first of April, when the said governor
determined to leave the port at all hazards. He put his determination
into effect with the secret permission of the captain-general [of
Macan], who, as was right, assisted him; but the Portuguese render
so little obedience toward him that they fired twenty-three pieces
charged with balls, and it was only by good fortune that the vessel
was not sunk. That is the usual practice of the Portuguese toward all
the vessels that arrive there from these islands. That is the reason
why the governors of Philipinas refuse to send any ships there for
supplies, except in a case of extreme necessity. Will your Majesty be
pleased to order the inhabitants of Macan to give a different welcome
to the vassals of your Majesty who belong to the crown of Castilla.

I have until the present refrained from writing about the island
of Hermosa; but now, after a year of residence here, I am obliged
to do so. [_Word illegible in MS._] that it was settled, and some
forts have been built. They are occupied by three companies of
infantry, and together with the Pampango soldiers and the other men
of service they number more than four hundred, counting the rations
which are given them. During the year two pataches ply back and
forth in August and April with the reenforcements, and carry what is
necessary for the said presidio. The climate is mild, as the island
lies in twenty-five degrees of latitude. The soil is fertile, but the
natives so intractable that they do not allow us to avail ourselves of
the fruits of it; and as yet the religious have not reduced a single
reasonable person to holy baptism. They are so treacherous a race that,
when we believe that they are most peaceful, they suddenly revolt,
and kill whomever they meet unprepared.

On its northern side, this island is about one hundred and twenty-five
leguas from the Philipinas; and so near to China that only a channel
of thirty leguas separates it from the province of Ucheo. Sailing
even farther north, Japon is 195 leguas away. The men are well built,
and not so brown as other Indians. The island lacks ports, and only
small vessels can reach our forts. The Dutch fortified themselves
on the same island first, and in a better place than we; and it was
as easy to drive them from it [then] as it is now difficult. From
their location to our settlement is a distance of fifty leguas by
sea, and there is no road overland or by the other sea. There was no
resistance offered to our settlement, although that is the usual thing
that happens when one desires to fortify himself in these regions.

The motive for settlement was the desire to be able to enjoy the
trade with China near at hand, which would redound to the advantage
and profit of the surrounding islands. That has not had the desired
effect, because of the difficulties that have arisen, distinct from
the facilities of the first plan--to which are added new accidents,
which are being continually experienced. The chief of all is that your
Majesty has more than two thousand infantry-men in various presidios,
while in this camp [_i.e._, Manila] those who remain do not exceed
six hundred. From this place are sent out all the reenforcements for
all parts. If it were necessary to fit out six or eight galleons,
it would be very difficult to do so without the infantry now in the
island of Hermosa; and yet, with that infantry, they could attempt
great things. In my opinion, even if all the purposes for which the
island of Hermosa had been settled had come to pass, it would result
in loss to the rest of Philipinas; for it is advisable for the good
of these islands, that the Chinese, Japanese, and other nations bring
their merchandise from their lands to this city at their own account
and risk, and never at ours; and permission should not be given to make
a way-station, or to maintain anyone to buy their goods. The advantage
of that will be little, and the scarcity [of goods] general. I am not
bold enough to say that the forts of the island of Hermosa should be
abandoned, but I affirm stoutly that it would be well had they never
been commenced.

In the letter touching military matters, I write at length of what
has occurred in the forts of Terrenate, and I refer you to that
letter. This is where we can now give the greatest care.

As for the kingdoms of Japon, I am informed that the persecution of
Christians was greater than ever last year, and that more than twenty
religious from all the orders were martyred, and that even those most
carefully concealed were betrayed by their confidants for the reward of
one thousand taes which was promised by edict for each religious. Later
they write here, but with little foundation, that that fury had ceased,
and that the king was proving more humane; but the fact is that it is
advisable to prohibit (so that what the provincials for the present
are applying as the suitable remedy may have the desired effect)
all religious from passing to the said kingdom. For, besides the
little or no result that they obtain, that trade is shut to these
islands for that reason; and that is what we ought most to desire,
and what is of greatest importance to your Majesty's service and to
the conversion of Japon itself.

By virtue of your Majesty's decree in which you are pleased to
grant authority to those governors to take the residencia of their
predecessors, because of the inconvenience experienced in their
going away without giving it, the decree was presented to me in
behalf of Governor Don Juan Nino de Tabora, deceased. By virtue of
it I have taken his residencia, and send the same to your Majesty. I
have not discovered that there is any charge to make against him,
as he has lived honorably, and in the praiseworthy manner that his
obligations demanded.

The Sangleys celebrate their festival, according to their custom,
every year in the month of March, in their Parian. They are very fond
of gambling, and, by the advice of all the orders, they are permitted
to play during their pastimes. The money given by the winners has been
distributed among the servants of the governors, because they do not
have any means of livelihood, and because the obligation of the charge
is so great that the pay is scarcely able to support them decently. But
I have distributed this money among the retired captains, the poor, the
widows, and worthy men who suffer necessity. The Order of St. Dominic
is the only one that dissents from the opinions of the orders.

When the Audiencia was governing, there was a change in the method of
collecting the licenses of the Sangleys; but it resulted in so much
loss that, as has been found by experience, this [year's] collection
has exceeded by many thousand [pesos] the collections made last year.

They have tried to establish the same policy in the inspection of the
Sangley ships, contrary to all good government; for it is fitting that
those people have many to protect them, as I tell more at length in
the section treating of the licenses given by the alcalde-mayor of
Tondo. In no year have they been less humbled than in this.

The wheat used by the inhabitants comes from China, because these
islands do not grow it. Consequently, the common sustenance is
rice. Formerly, as a policy of good government, the past governors
assigned a place where the bread ovens were gathered together, and
prohibited the baking of bread in any other place. In order to make
this bread near at hand, the city made a contract with Captain Andres
Fernandez de Puebla, so that it might be made on a site belonging to
him--with the provision that he, spending in the building what then
seemed sufficient, should enjoy half of the income of the said ovens,
while the other half should remain for the city. All the governors
have confirmed this, as it appeared of utility to the community. This
is what I have to inform you of, according to your Majesty's orders
in your royal decree.

The post of protector of the Sangleys is vacant, as your Majesty has
ordered that account be given of it, and that six suitable persons
be proposed for it, who must be lawyers. It is impossible to find
so many in this community, because of the few inhabitants here; and
some do not care for the said post of protector on these terms. I
propose to your Majesty the person of Captain Matheo de Heredia, who,
besides having served for many years in various exercises, is one of
the best lawyers in Philipinas. The royal Audiencia entrusts business
of importance to him, and he possesses ability and merits for things
of greater worth, and this favor will be well bestowed on him.

The viceroy of Nueva Espana has sent abundant reenforcements this
year, with three hundred thousand pesos in money and the materials
for the clothing of the soldiers (the best that have ever come here);
this has been of great relief for the present needs.

The captain-general of the artillery claims that he can issue
warrants on the treasury as well as I, because of his office. The
royal officials oppose that, as there is no money assigned for it,
and they are not subordinate to any other but the governor, and that
was not done in the time of his predecessor. It will be fitting for
your Majesty to declare what is your pleasure, considering the fact
that this treasury is poor, and that it is troublesome to have many
giving warrants on it. May God preserve the royal person of your
Majesty, as is needful to us your vassals. Manila, August 10, 1634.


_Don Juan Cereso Salamanca_



_Military affairs_

Sire:

On the twenty-second of October, I informed your Majesty of military
affairs. Now I shall do the same in detail, with the zeal of a true and
faithful vassal; in accordance with which I say that the conservation
of these islands consists in not embarking in new enterprises, but in
keeping the presidios well defended which cannot be dispensed with,
and to abolish those of least importance. By so doing there will be
men in this camp for undertaking great things, as has been done in
other times by your Majesty's governors; while the contrary is true
now, for the aforesaid reason, and the governors content themselves
with not losing anything that is in their charge.

I imagine that there will be difficulty in abandoning the
forts of the island of Hermosa; nevertheless, by my remarks in
my letter on government affairs, to which I refer, that seems
advisable. Accordingly, that can be reduced to but two posts, thus
saving most of the rations which are consumed; but in my opinion all
that may be done is superfluous.

The fort of this city is in a state of defense, although not in the
perfection that is practiced in these times; but the fortification
of the city is ruinous, to the degree of which your Majesty is
informed. On the other hand, the location of its settlement is
admirable, for more than half of it extends along the seashore where
it cannot be approached by any enemies; while another part of the
wall is bathed by the river. But on the land side it has a height,
and a location suitable for opening trenches up to the walls. The
latter has no terreplein, and is seven palmos in height. The redoubts
are smaller and have no regularity; on the contrary, the casements of
three cavaliers of the said wall are in the way. The moat is filled
up, and there is scarcely a sign of there having been one. This is
no cause of blame to the past governors, for without doubt much was
done in walling the city; for the only purpose then was to assure
themselves from the domestic enemy from China and Xapon, and from
the natives of the land, without imagining that Europeans would be
able to cause any anxiety in parts so remote. But the governors who
have successively come here, having experienced the armed wars with
which the Dutch have appeared in this port, have tried to repair and
improve somewhat the old wall, as is proved by three cavaliers of
great importance that they had built. With slight repair the requisite
completeness was given to it. Considering the great importance of
this post and that building is very cheap and costs less than in any
other part, I resolved, after gathering up the remains of what stood
there to repair the fortifications, to build a royal cavalier in the
modern style at the weakest part of the wall. Without troubling the
royal treasury, I began the work some four months ago, and now I hope
to have it finished in two more. At the same time, we are opening a
suitable moat, and we shall reduce the defense of the city to fewer
posts. That it may be more strongly fortified, all the redoubts
that impede communication between the cavaliers will be torn down,
so that the wall will consist of only four stout bulwarks.

What most surprised me in Philipinas is the careless way in which
the powder is kept; for all that there is in the islands is kept in
one room in the fort at Manila, and that in a very prominent part
of it, that overlooks the wall. And if that powder should explode
through any accident (which may God forbid), besides the danger to
the city, there would be no powder in the islands, or any material
for its manufacture. In order to obviate so extremely great a danger,
two towers will be built in one of the four cavaliers, in order to
separate and preserve a goodly portion of it.

One of the motives which compelled me to fortify the wall is because
the orders have built very near it churches so large that two of them
in particular are commanding eminences; and because between one of the
churches (which is called Minondo) and the church of the Parian there
is generally a settlement of twenty thousand or more Sangleys during
the year. They are the people who formerly rose in rebellion. By
suitable measures, those of the Parian have aided me in this work,
with forty thousand pesos from their communal fund.

I have informed your Majesty of the little importance of the galleys,
and that only that of Terrenate was suitable to be maintained; but,
having considered the matter more fully, I am of a different opinion,
and I say that they are necessary so that we may aid Terrenate in
any perilous need. However, they are not of any use in this port of
Cavite, where they are kept, as they would be if sent to the province
of Pintados at Oton or Cibu, in sight of the domestic enemy, namely,
the Mindanaos, Joloans, and Camucones. These people are the ones who
pillage the natives; and because we have had only twenty oared vessels
in those districts this year, not any of those enemies have left
their lands, although they generally render the provinces disquieted
and fearful.

The person whom your Majesty has in these islands of the greatest
service, and fit for any important mission, is Don Lorenzo de Olaso,
master-of-camp of this army, who became captain-general at the death
of Don Juan Nino de Tavora. He has assisted me greatly in everything,
especially in the work of the cavalier which is being built. While the
Audiencia was governing, he carried himself prudently; for by their
quarrels over jurisdiction they occasioned him great troubles, which
with any one else might have been more embarrassing and far-reaching.

On August 14 and October 22 of the past year I wrote to your Majesty
concerning a matter of importance, namely, that a governor be sent to
Terrenate, for Pedro de Heredia is old and rich. I say the same now,
and by what has since occurred it will be recognized that only your
Majesty's royal service moved me [to advise thus], having understood
the dangerous state in which those forts are found to be, on account
of their [present] condition.

On August thirteen of the same year, the said Pedro de Heredia
advised me that many soldiers of that presidio were about to mutiny,
but that he was making the best of it, as well as he could, until
the reenforcements should arrive. This, he said, had happened
because Father Manuel Rinto, [105] commissary of the Holy Office,
had published an edict regarding the sin against nature, in which
many had been included. The father had given them two months in
which to seek absolution. To this was joined their understanding
that the governor would make an examination of those who should be
absolved, from which arose their desperation. He also said that,
both on this account and because the Dutch had a galleon of great
strength in Malayo and were awaiting other galleons from Chacatra, it
was advisable that the usual reenforcements come, and be well guarded;
for if it came in the usual manner it would infallibly be lost.

That despatch found me already preparing two galleons and one patache
for that purpose, for the conjectures that occupied my mind gave me
greater anxiety than did the enemy themselves. In a council that I
summoned, some thought that I should not risk or weaken our forces;
and that I should send that aid in light vessels, and in the usual
way. But, considering the condition and danger of those forts, I
resolved to reenforce them in a creditable manner by sending the said
two galleons, manned with good infantry and with first-class troops;
taking for that purpose one company of volunteer soldiers from the
camp. That was a move of importance, and one that it is advisable
to make every year, so that no soldiers should be forced to go;
and, knowing that they will be exchanged, many will go willingly. I
appointed as commander Admiral Don Jeronimo de Tremonte. He filled
this post extremely well, and observed his orders not to turn aside
for other enterprises, but to place the reenforcements in Terrenate,
and to defend himself from whomever tried to hinder him, but nothing
more. The two [Dutch] ships that the enemy were expecting were boarded
and burned by the Botunes [106] Indians of the kingdom of Macassar, who
found them anchored and their crews ashore; they killed those who were
on land. But the ship of Malayo, confident in its strength and great
swiftness, attempted to drive away the reenforcements alone--risking
itself because of the great importance of this matter to the Dutch, for
they knew that the soldiers of our presidio were watching the outcome
[of this battle] in order to decide upon the murder of the governor
and the chief officers, in accordance with the plot that they had
made. It fought with our ships for eight hours, and then took flight,
disabled and with great loss. Seven persons were killed in our ships,
including the chief pilot. Accordingly, the reenforcements arrived
in safety, when the said Pedro de Heredia had arrested one hundred
and fifty persons; [of these] he had burned and garroted eleven men,
while many had died in prison, and [only] forty were left alive. These
he sent to me by the same ships that brought, the reenforcements. At
present their trial is proceeding, in the first instance, under Don
Juan Lorenzo Olaso, master-of-camp of the army of Philipinas. Inasmuch
as the charges against them are insufficiently substantiated, there
are opinions expressed that we should overlook their acts. But,
considering that if those forty soldiers are guilty, they may infect
the presidios where they may be stationed; and since the matter is so
public, and open to the gaze of so many barbarians--especially of the
Sangleys, who are more liable [to this sin] than any other nation,
this wretched affair ought to be punished with great severity and
vigor. [_In the margin_: "His Majesty has ordered, by a decree of
the past year 635, that convict soldiers be not sent to Terrenate;
and that those who are there be removed every three years, so that
they may serve with greater comfort and good will."]

The volunteer soldiers remained in Terrenate, and more than one
hundred and forty were changed. To these was given one installment
of pay that was sent them; and it had been many years since they had
received any pay. The rest were provided with materials for clothing,
and with food; and, since they know that the same thing is to be done
every year, that presidio remained happy and safe.

But the said governor, Pedro de Heredia, lately writes me that the
natives of the island of Terrenate, who have until now recognized
Cachil Varo as king of Tidore, have refused to obey him; and they have
crowned another Moro in his place, a chief named Cachil Borotalo,
as they say that the latter is the true heir of that kingdom,
and that Cachil Varo was an intruder. That makes me most anxious,
because, besides that it is not my duty to disinherit kings, the
new one who claims to be king has, until now, been living in Malayo
under the protection of the Dutch and serving in the post of naval
commander. Although he has sent ambassadors to me, and promises to be
faithful, there is little trust to be placed in his word, while Cachil
Varo is a very valiant Moro, and a true servant to your Majesty. Every
year, hitherto, a present has been sent to him, as well as to his
father before him; and besides being very much of a Spaniard, he has
retired into his fort of Tidore (which is of greater importance than
the forts that we ourselves hold), and the great mass of the people,
with more than two thousand chiefs, obey him.

The governor [of Terrenate], Pedro de Heredia, tells me that he has not
meddled in any way with these disturbances, but that he is neutral. But
the said king of Tidore complains of him, and attributes to him the
insurrection of his vassals and the summoning of a Dutchman to be new
king. That does not change him, and he will remain faithful to your
Majesty. He knows that you are ignorant of the injuries that are being
done him because of the governor's greed for the ransom of the damage.

Such is the condition of the affair at present. I do not blame the king
or clear the governor, notwithstanding the many years during which
affairs have been going badly. But that the latter has been found
lacking in the alliance, and has neglected to aid the king, has not
furnished any reason why the other allies should not take warning by
this and renounce our friendship. These are schemes of which the Dutch
avail themselves. Those who are acquainted with the king of Tidore,
and know of his services, grieve, and think that it is necessary to
protect him. I am now reflecting on the way in which these matters
can be settled, so that they may not fall into a worse condition,
by making use of the relationship between them. But in case of need
I shall not be found lacking to Cachil Varo; and because this matter
demands expedition, and so much expense cannot always be incurred as in
the past reenforcements, I shall send this aid in October, in galleys
and pataches; for that is the time when the enemy have gone away.

Last year the Audiencia wrote that one galleon and one galley had
been finished. It is a fact that more than thirty thousand pesos have
been spent in their construction, having been commenced in the time
of Don Juan Nino de Tavora.

There is nothing of so great importance in this government, as that
the port of Cavite be well provided with the necessary naval supplies;
and that this matter be charged to a competent and very intelligent
person; for the other offices are bestowed as favors, but for this one
we are looking for a person whom we can ask to accept it. Accordingly,
we have found him, in the person of him who is commander of the
fort there and river-master, namely, Captain Juan de Olaez. He has
so borne himself that the port has never for many years been found
so well supplied and more faithfully administered--which is quite
different from the utterly destitute condition in which I found it.

The rewards of Philipinas are poor, and especially those
which I have had to give, because I have had no power to provide
encomiendias. Consequently, on this account, and because of the events
that have occurred in my time, I have promoted some worthy soldiers
with the titles of infantry captains, in consideration of the fact that
they are those who have toiled in what is most necessary, and who have,
besides their pay, only their simple posts, as before. Some, under
warrant of this honor, have become married and settled as citizens;
that is a matter that ought to receive much attention. The sons of
influential men have been encouraged to enlist as soldiers, and have
begun to serve in the infantry, which was considerably in decline. I
have taken special precautions not to appoint my servants to these
posts, except in the case of my captain of the guard, as was done by
all the other governors. The judicial posts have been bestowed upon
the worthy and old settlers, but those who ask for them are very few,
for they do not care to go far from the city; and it is at times
necessary to beg them to accept those posts which are far away.

No ship has come from Yndia as yet, for they are late. That causes
us to doubt whether we may expect the return of three citizens [who
have gone] from this place, besides those who generally cross these
seas. I think that they are detained in Malaca, and that they have
not gone past that place, because they found the enemy on the sea. At
least, I am assured by letters from the king of Macasar that fourteen
urcas were on his coasts on the tenth of January of last year, where
they remained for forty days. They asked him for refreshment, but he
denied it to them. He said that the enemy had returned to the strait
with another ship (with which they had succored Malayo), and the
one that had fought. At that same time the king of Cochinchina wrote
me that twelve other urcas had left his shores, which on their way
from coasting along China, brought at least six which had been lost
in a storm; but that they were rich with the booty captured from the
Sangley prizes they had made. All those ships took their station in
the strait of Malaca, and consequently, I do not expect any from Yndia
this year. May our Lord preserve and prosper the royal person of your
Majesty, as we your vassals desire and need. Manila, August 10, 1634.


_Don Juan Cereso Salamanca_


[_In the margin_: "This letter is accompanied by the plans of the
old and the new city of Manila."]



_Ecclesiastical affairs_


Sire:

There is but little for me to mention in ecclesiastical matters;
for the orders are conducting themselves in an exemplary manner,
except that they often usurp the royal jurisdiction, under pretext
of defending the natives; and they take away the authority from the
alcaldes-mayor, so that nothing that the latter order is carried out,
so that sometimes a layman is obeyed better than they. It is advisable
to correct this, and to order that the bishops live in their dioceses,
and not in this city. [107]

The bishop of Santisimo Nombre de Jesus is governing this metropolitan
see during the vacancy. He is an apostolic man. I have consulted with
him in regard to the appointments for the prebends that have become
vacant by the death of the archdean and precentor. The prebends
have only been changed by promotion; and the only one to enter new
is Don Juan de Olaso Aclotequi, whom--because of his great virtue,
and because he is the uncle of Don Lorenzo Olasso, master-of-camp of
these islands and formerly captain-general of them--I presented as
treasurer. He had before been canon. With that this holy church is
well administered, and has good subjects. In particular, the bachelor,
Pedro Diaz de la Rivera, is considered a good ecclesiastic; and his
gray hairs are worthy of whatever favor your Majesty will be pleased
to show him. May our Lord preserve the royal person of your Majesty,
as is necessary to us your vassals. Manila, August 10, 1634.


_Don Juan Cereso Salamanca_








BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA


The following documents are obtained from MSS. in the Archivo general
de Indias, Sevilla:

1. _Letter from bishop of Cebu._--"Simancas--Secular; Audiencia de
Filipinas; cartas y espedientes de los obispos sufraganeos de Manila;
anos de 1598 a 1698; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 34."

2. _Letters from Tavora._--"Simancas--Secular; Audiencia de Filipinas;
cartas y espedientes del gobernador de Filipinas vistos en el Consejo;
anos de 1629 a 1639; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 8."

3. _Letter from cabildo._--"Simancas--Eclesiastico; Audiencia de
Filipinas; cartas y expedientes del cabildo eclesiastico de Filipinas
vistos en el Consejo; anos de 1568 a 1670; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 35."

4. _Papal bull._--"Simancas--Eclesiastico; Audiencia de Filipinas;
cartas y espedientes de religiosos misioneros de Filipinas vistos en
el Consejo; anos de 1617 a 1642; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 38."

5. _Letters from Salamanca_, 1633 and 1634.--The same as No. 2.

6. _Report of archbishop on bakery._--"Simancas--Eclesiastico;
Audiencia de Filipinas; cartas y espedientes de los arzobispos de
Manila; anos de 1579 a 1697; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 32."

_Royal letters_, 1630.--The second of these is in "Audiencia
de Filipinas; registro de oficio, reales ordenes dirigidas a las
autoridades del distrito de la Audiencia; anos 1597 a 1634; est. 105,
caj. 2, leg. 1." The others are found in the Archivo Historico
Nacional, as noted below.

The following documents are obtained from the "Cedulario Indico"
of the Archivo Historico Nacional, Madrid:

8. _Royal letters, 1630._--The first and third of these are in tomo
40, fol. 71 verso and 76 verso respectively.

9. _Royal orders, 1632-33._--The first is in tomo 40, fol. 86 verso,
no. 99; the second is in the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla,
the same as No. 7; the third, in tomo 31, fol. 145 verso.

The following documents are obtained from MSS. in the Academia Real
de la Historia, Madrid, in the collection "Papeles de los Jesuitas:"

10. _Events in Filipinas, 1630-32._--In tomo 84, no. 15; the additional
paragraph is from another copy of this document in the same collection,
in tomo 114, no. 401.

11. _News from Far East._--In tomo 114, no. 587 (copied from a pamphlet
printed at Sevilla in 1633).

12. _News from Felipinas, 1634._--In tomo 146, no. 113.





NOTES


[1] See _Vol. VIII_, p. 217, note 32; also _Vol. XIII_, p. 292,
note 39.

[2] Fray Juan de Montesdoca went to Mexico with his parents who gave
him a good education. He professed in the Augustinian convent in 1575,
and went to the Philippines in 1582. He quickly mastered the Pampanga
dialect, and ministered in the villages of Bacolor (1590), Mexico
(1593), and Macabebe (1596). He was elected subprior and procurator
of the Manila convent in 1594, provincial secretary in 1597, and
prior provincial in 1599. He was missionary at Apalit in 1602, and
prior of Guadalupe in 1605. He died at Malate in 1612, having gone
thither in 1608. See Perez's _Catalogo_, pp. 30, 31.

[3] Fray Mateo Mendoza, born of noble stock, was intended for
the profession of arms. Having gone to the Philippines, he was
received into the Augustinian order at Manila in 1575. He was sent
to Mexico to receive holy orders, as there was then no bishop in the
islands. He was missionary at Malolos in 1580, Arevalo (in 1584),
San Pablos de los Montes (in 1586), and Porac (in 1594). Although
elected definitor-general in 1596, he resigned that office to go
to Japan. Returning to Manila in 1598, he became first definitor in
1599, and presided at the provincial chapter in 1602; and labored at
Paranaque in 1603, and Tondo in 1605, dying that same year.

Fray Agustin de Tapia was a native of Burgos, and professed in the
convent at the same city. He had charge of the mission which arrived at
Manila in June, 1595; was preacher and confessor in September of the
same year; preacher-general in 1597; missionary in Panay in 1599; at
Guagua in 1601; definitor and prior of Cavite in 1602. He died in 1604.

For brief sketch of Fray Bernabe Villalobos see _vol. xxiii_, note 32.

Fray Diego Cerrabe was a native of Burgos, professing in the convent
of that city in 1584. On going to the islands he became confessor
and preacher in 1595, examiner in 1596, and lecturer and minister
at Pasig in 1600-1602, going to Europe as definitor of the general
chapter in the last year, and probably remaining in Spain.

Fray Pedro(_not_ Diego) Salcedo was born of an illustrious family
in Mexico, and took his vows at that city in 1583 at the age of
twenty-five. He went to the Philippines in 1598, where he exercised the
care of souls in Bay in 1600, in Hagonoy in 1607 and 1617, in Bulacan
in 1614, and in Malolos in 1618. He was definitor in 1602 and 1608,
and prior of Manila in 1605 and 1611. His death occurred at Malolos
in 1619.

Fray Juan Bautista de Montoya was a native of Castilla, and after
professing at the convent in Burgos went to the Philippines, where
he was subprior and master of novitiates in the Manila convent
(1581-1583), and missionary in Cagayan (1583-1586), after which he
returned to Manila, but the same year went to Macao, where he remained
until 1591. He acted as definitor that same year, and afterward was
missionary at a number of villages, where he lived a busy life, his
death occurring in 1632. He wrote sermons in Tagal, and translated
the catechism into the same language, and wrote a history of the
Augustinian order in the Philippines.

Fray Francisco Serrano professed at San Felipe el Real in 1574. After
going to the islands he labored at Macabebe, Lubao, Candaba, and Guagua
until 1596, when he was appointed provincial secretary. At the end of
his term in that office, he was chosen subprior of the Manila convent,
visitor, and finally definitor. He died in 1613.

The above notices are taken from Perez's _Catalogo_.

[4] Fray Pedro Solier was born in the town of Barajas in 1578, and
began his studies in Toledo. Me entered the Augustinian convent at
Salamanca in 1593, where he remained until 1598, when he went to
the Philippines. He was appointed provincial reader, and retained
that office until 1603, when he returned to Spain as commissary
procurator. After three years he went again to the islands, laden
with honors; and after ministering for two years at Bacolor, was
elected provincial in 1608, governing until 1610, when on account of
the deposition of Fray Lorenzo de Leon, he went to Spain to give a
report of that matter. He was appointed bishop of Puerto Rico in 1614
and took possession of his see in 1615. In 1619 he became archbishop
of Santo Domingo. He died in 1620. See Perez's _Catalogo_, p. 57.

[5] Fray Hernando Guerrero, a native of Alcaraz, professed in the
convent of San Felipe el Real in 1588. After his arrival at the
Philippines, he labored in various Bisayan villages (1599-1613). In
1613, he went to Spain, whence he returned in 1617. He went again
to Spain and Rome in 1625. In 1628 he was appointed bishop of Nueva
Segovia, and, in 1635, archbishop of Manila. His term in the latter
office was marked by contests with the Jesuits, and he was finally
excommunicated by a secular priest, and then exiled to Mariveles by
the governor, Corcuera--only leaving that island on signing certain
conditions. He died July 1, 1641, at seventy-five years of age. See
Perez's _Catalogo_, pp. 48, 49; and Buzeta and Bravo's _Diccionario_,
ii, p. 275.

[6] Innumerable are the names which might be cited here of religious
who have given proofs of the keenest patriotism, defending the islands
with the cross in one hand and the sword in the other: Father Agustin
de San Pedro, a discalced Augustinian, called "Father Captain" for his
prowess against the Mindanao Moros; the no less famous Father Pascual
Ibanez de Santa Filomena, Augustinian Recollect, who died while bravely
assaulting the fort of Abisi, Jolo, in 1857; the Jesuit, Father Ducos;
the fathers of all the orders, especially the Augustinians in the war
with the English; the Augustinian fathers who accompanied General
Malcampo on his expedition to Jolo in 1875; Father Ramon Zueco,
Recollect, of imperishable memory, besides innumerable others.--_Coco_.

Continuing his note, Father Coco quotes from Father Fabian Rodriguez
in _Revista Agustiniana_ for January 5, 1886, the remarkable defense
and military record of the Augustinian Father Julian Bermejo in Cebu,
from the latter part of the eighteenth century until his death in 1851.

[7] Fray Hernando de San Jose, the Japanese martyr, whose family
name was Ayala, was born at Vallesteros, in 1575, and took his vows
in the Augustinian convent of Montilla, May 19, 1593. He arrived in
the Philippines in August, 1604, and was soon sent to Japan, whence
he returned in 1607 to Manila as procurator. On his return to Japan,
he labored in various places, and founded the convent at Nagasaki,
of which he was made prior in 1613. He was martyred June 1, 1617. See
Diaz's _Conquistas_ (Valladolid, 1890), pp. 76-103.

[8] Fray Hernando Morales, a native of Montilla, in the province
of Cordoba, professed in the Cordoba convent, and on his arrival at
the Philippines was sent to labor among the Aetas in Panay. He was
minister of Sibucao in 1611, and of Laglag in 1618, in which year he
took charge of San Nicolas de Cebu, going later to Dumalag. He died
in the last place in 1647.

Fray Felipe Tallada was born in Estepa, in the province of
Sevilla. Professing in the city of Sevilla, he was sent to the
Philippines, where he labored in the province of Pampanga at various
periods from 1605 to 1645. He was definitor and examiner in 1617,
and procurator to Spain and Rome in 1618. His death occurred in
Betis in 1645. He wrote a life of St. Nicholas of Tolentino in the
Pampanga dialect.

Fray Pedro del Castillo became a conventual of Pototan in 1605, and
was minister of Dingle in 1611 and 1633, of Jaro in 1614, of Laglag in
1617, and of San Nicolas de Cebu in 1621. He was also subprior of the
convent of San Pablo in Manila in 1623, and minister of Santa Cruz
in Ilocos the same year; was procurator-general; and exercised the
care of souls in Bacarra in 1626, and in Purao in 1629, dying in 1642.

Fray Martin de San Nicolas was a native of Osma, and made his
profession in the convent of Puebla de los Angeles. He was a missionary
in Maluco and Japan for some years. While vicar at Guimbal in 1617,
he accompanied the troops on an expedition against the Moros of
Mindanao. He died at Manila in 1630.

See Perez's _Catalogo_.

[9] Fray Esteban Carrillo was a native of the city of Ecija and
made his profession in the Cordoba convent, where he obtained
a professorship. On going to the Philippines he spent four years
among the highlands of Ilocos. He was preacher-general (1602-1609),
provincial secretary (October 31, 1603), prior of Manila (December 24,
1603), definitor (1605), and procurator-commissary to Madrid (1607). He
was one of the foremost orators in Manila, which city he left in 1609
for Spain, where he died in 1617. See Perez's _Catalogo_, p. 52.

[10] Fray Pedro de Aguirre took his vows in the convent at Mexico. He
was, after his arrival at the islands, a conventual in Pasig and
Bombon until 1600, in which year he went to Taguig, whence he
passed to Calumpit in 1602. He was prior of Santo Nino in 1603,
and commissary-procurator to Spain and Rome in 1607, dying in 1631.

Fray Roque de Barrionuevo, a native of Lubia, took his vows in the
convent of Agreda in 1589. In 1597 he was laboring in Tanauan, and
in Malolos in 1600. In 1606, while in Hagonoy, he went to Ternate
at the request of Pedro de Acuna, whence he returned in 1608. He was
definitor and minister of Malolos in 1609, of Tondo in 1612. He died
in 1649. He wrote a grammar and dictionary of the Mardica dialect.

Fray Miguel de Sigueenza professed at the Burgos convent in 1579. From
1581 to 1599 he labored at various missions in the Visayas and in
Luzon. He was provincial secretary in 1602 and visitor to the Tagals
the same year, after which (1605) he exercised the care of souls in
Hagonoy and in Calumpit until 1607, in which year he died.

Fray Mateo de Peralta was a conventual at Lubao in 1584, of Pangasinan
in 1587, of Calumpit in 1590; after which he was at the missions in
Mexico (1591 and 1607), Porac (in 1594), Candaba (in 1597), Lubao
(in 1602), Betis (in 1608), and Apalit in 1609, where he died in the
same year.

See Perez's _Catalogo_.

[11] The text reads _puerta_, "gate," which is probably an error for
_huerta_, "garden." See account of their establishment, in _Vol_. xxi,
p. 269.

[12] The Franciscans now (1893) have charge of Sampaloc.--_Coco_.

[13] Ceded to them by the Augustinians.--_Coco_.

[14] Fray Jeronimo de Salas was born in Olias and professed in
the convent at Madrid in 1590. He was missionary in the Philippine
villages of Guagua (1602-1611) and Macabebe (1605). He served as
definitor and visitor, and in 1617 was elected provincial, but died
May 17 of the same year.

Fray Fernando de Santa Maria Trujillo was conventual at Calumtian
in 1596, prior at Barutao in 1598, missionary at Bacarra in 1599
and 1605, at Lingayen and Laoag in 1600, at Bantay in 1602, and at
Candon 1605-1611, when he was appointed definitor. After his term,
he labored in Tagal villages, and died in 1618.

See Perez's _Catalogo_.

[15] Fray Diego Uribe del Castillo was missionary in the Ilocan
villages of Purao (1613), Santa Cruz (1614), Tagudin (1612), and Agoo
(1621). He was examiner in the native language and reader of the
province for some time. He died in 1622. See Perez's _Catalogo_, p. 79.

[16] Ezekiel xviii, 21, 22.--_Coco_.

[17] See Perez's _Catalogo_ for sketches of these religious.

[18] Fray Juan Pineda was preacher and confessor in 1598, missionary at
Apalit in 1602, of Mexico in 1603, of Hagonoy in 1605, and vicar-prior
of Cebu the same year. Later he returned to Manila, where he became
reader, and afterward procurator until 1609. He then went to Rome
to take part in the general chapter, where he obtained the degree
of master of sacred theology. He died probably in 1611. See Perez's
_Catalogo_, p. 64.

[19] Fray Lucas Atienza was missionary in Ibahay in 1608, of Dumalag
in 1614, and prior of the convent of Ternate 1615-1617. Returning
in the latter year to the islands, he was in charge of the mission
of Paranaque in 1623 and of Tayabas in 1624. He was assigned to
the island of Formosa, but did not go. He died at Tiaong (Tayabas)
in 1631. See Perez's _Catalogo_, p. 188.

[20] Fray Eustaquio Ortiz was born in Alpechin in Mexico, making his
profession in the City of Mexico. On arriving at the Philippines he was
given the office of conventual procurator; and later was missionary
among the Zambales. In 1602, when prior of Bolinao, he went to Japon
with Father Guevara, remaining there six years. On returning to the
islands he became provincial secretary (1609), prior of Santo Nino
of Cebu (1614) and of Manila (1623), minister of Tondo (1626), and
lastly prior of Guadalupe, where he completed the convent in 1629. He
died May 4, 1636. He wrote two books or treatises in the Japanese
language. See Perez's _Catalogo_, pp. 45, 46.

[21] Ecclesiasticus x, 2.--_Coco_.

[22] Fray Francisco de Bonifacio, a native of Sevilla, took his vows in
the Salamanca convent in 1586. He was fluent in the language of Cebu,
and labored in various missions among the Bisayas (1596-1611). The
latter year he was chosen definitor, and in 1614 presided over the
chapter. He was minister at Pasig in 1617, at Tondo in 1618, and at
Bulacan in 1620. In 1621 he went to Oton, as his presence there was
necessary. In 1626, while definitor, he acted as provincial because
of the death of Father Becerra, after which period he had care of
missions in Luzon, until his death in Manila in 1645. Two manuscripts
written by him were conserved in the convent at Cebu.

Fray Vicente Sepulveda was a native of Castilla, and professed
in that province. In the Philippines he became chief sacristan of
the Manila convent, and learned thoroughly the Pampanga dialect,
ministering in that province for five years. He was definitor in 1611,
and provincial in 1614. His term was one of discord because of his
rigorous enforcement of the laws passed by the father visitor. In 1617,
he was chosen to fill out the term of provincial, that office becoming
vacant by the death of Jeronimo de Salas. He was killed August 21,
1617, as the result of a conspiracy of brother Augustinians who were
opposed to him.

Fray Diego Gutierrez was a native of Sigueenza in the province of
Guadalajara, and professed in the convent of Agreda in 1574. He went
to the Philippines in 1578, where he had charge of various missions
in Luzon. He served as definitor during the chapters of 1578 and
1590. His death occurred at Lubao in 1613.

Fray Antonio de Porras was born in Sevilla and professed in the convent
of that city. He arrived at Manila in 1598, where he exercised the duty
of master of novitiates in the convent. He went to Bisayas instead
of Japan which was his chosen field, working there from 1600 to 1639
(the year of his death). He held several important ecclesiastical
offices in the Bisayas.

See Perez's _Catalogo_.

[23] Definitors are the fathers who compose the council of the
provincial. Aditos are those who are to be substituted for any
definitor because of his death.--_Coco_.

[24] Fray Fernando Becerra was born in Valladolid and took his vows
in the convent of Salamanca, where he read sacred theology. On going
to the Philippines he was missionary in Bantay in 1611, preacher and
reader in 1613, provincial secretary in 1614, missionary at Hagonoy in
1615, at Pasig, 1617, 1620, and 1623, after having served as visitor
and definitor. He was elected provincial by acclamation in 1626,
but died July 31 of the same year. He left several writings. See
Perez's _Catalogo_, pp. 81, 82.

[25] Fray Alonso Mentrida, an illustrious Bisayan missionary and a
noted writer, was born in the city of Mentrida, and took his vows in
the convent of Casarrubios in 1590, where he became reader for some
time, later exercising the same duty at Manila and Lubao until he went
to the Bisayas, where most of his work thereafter lay, although he
ministered in some of the Luzon missions. He served as definitor in
1614, as prior of Manila in 1618, and as provincial in 1623. He died
at the age of seventy-eight, on March 22, 1637. He compiled a grammar
and dictionary in Bisayan dialects. See Perez's _Catalogo_, pp. 53-55.

[26] For sketches of these religious, see Perez's _Catalogo_.

[27] Juan Enriquez was a professed religious of the Toledo
convent. After going to the Philippines he labored in San Pablo de
los Montes in 1607, in Taal in 1608, and in Malate in 1611. He was
definitor in 1617, and visitor and provincial in 1620. In 1625 he went
to Spain as procurator, and died there in 1631. See Perez's _Catalogo_,
p. 77.

[28] Fray Juan de Villalobos was a conventual in Panay in 1593,
prior of Santo Nino de Cebu in 1599, first prior of the convent of
Guadalupe in 1602 and 1605, and later visitor and definitor. He died
in 1620. See Perez's _Catalogo_, p. 45.

[29] Fray Pedro Garcia Serrano, a native of the town of Chinchon, in
the province of Madrid, took his vows in the province of Castilla. He
had considerable reputation as an orator, and was given the title
of master in sacred theology some time after his arrival at the
islands in 1613. He filled many posts in the order, among them that of
vicar-provincial, definitor (1629), and prior of Guadalupe (1624-1629),
as well as that of commissary of the Inquisition and _calificador_
of the Holy Office in the archbishopric of Manila. He died in Mexico
in 1631, while on a voyage to Spain, having been appointed definitor
of the general chapter and commissary-procurator. He wrote some moral
sermons in the Pampanga dialect, while exercising the care of missions
in that province. See Perez's _Catalogo_, p. 90.

[30] Fray Alonso Ruiz was a native of Coimbra, Portugal, and professed
in the Salamanca convent in 1574. He was minister of the village of
Aclan in 1602, and of San Nicolas de Cebu in 1607, sub-prior of the
convent of Manila and master of novitiates in 1611, definitor and
prior of Guadalupe in 1617, and prior of Taal in 1620. He afterward
served in a number of Pampanga villages, and died in that of Minalin
in 1640. See Perez's _Catalogo_, p. 70.

[31] Possibly an error for Jeronimo Cavero, who ministered in certain
Luzon villages from 1596 to 1611, and attained great fluency in the
Ilocan language. He became definitor, and examiner and president of the
provincial chapter of 1617. He died in 1622. See Perez's _Catalogo_,
p. 51.

[32] Guimaras, opposite Iloilo.--_Coco_.

[33] Fray Juan de Lecea was a native of Mondragon in the province
of Vizcaya, and took his vows in the convent of Burgos. Arriving at
the Philippines he was destined for the Bisayas, laboring in various
missions in that district from 1600 to 1618, during which time he
filled several ecclesiastical offices. He died in 1618 at Oton. See
Perez's _Catalogo_, p. 56.

[34] Fray Silvestre Torres, a native of Cordoba, was missionary in
Japan in 1616, subprior of the convent of San Pablo in Manila in
1617, minister of Malate in 1618, and prior of Ternate 1620-1623. On
returning to Manila he had charge of the convent of Batangas, and
died in the Manila convent in 1626. See Perez's _Catalogo_, p. 86.

[35] Fray Diego Oseguera was a choir student in 1607, minister of
Mambusao in 1611 and of Baong in 1614. He was especially useful in
quieting the Indians who were in rebellion in the Bisayas. He died
in 1615. See Perez's _Catalogo_, pp. 187, 188.

[36] Francisco Encinas, S.J., was born at Avila in 1570, and took his
vows in 1596. After going to the Philippines, he taught grammar for
some time, and then spent more than thirty years in the Bisayas. Having
been sent to Rome as procurator for his order, in 1626, he was captured
by the Dutch; but, after ransom, returned to the Philippines in 1632,
and died at Manila, January 11, 1633. He was equally versed in Tagal
and the Bisayan speech. See Sommervogel's _Bibliotheque_.

[37] Fray Juan de Montemayor was confessor to Governor Juan de
Silva and a prominent orator. He was stationed at Malate 1614-1620,
being appointed provincial secretary in the latter year. He was
procurator-general in 1621, prior of Santo Nino de Cebu in 1623,
missionary at Pasig, 1625-1629, of Paranaque in 1626, provincial
chronicler in 1630, and prior of Guadalupe in 1635. He died at Manila
in 1638. See Perez's _Catalogo_, p. 88.

[38] Fray Agustin Mejia was a Mexican missionary, and after going to
the Philippines served in mission work in Mexico in 1608, in Bacolor
in 1611, in Guagua in 1614, and in Mexico in 1617. He was prior of
Manila in 1615, definitor, visitor, and vicar-provincial; and died
in 1630, leaving a volume of Ilocan verses, the "Life of San Barlam
y Josaphat," which remained many years in the convent of Bantay. See
Perez's _Catalogo_, p. 79.

[39] Fray Pedro Lasarte (_not_ Lesarte) professed in the convent
of Toledo in 1572. He was missionary in Purao in 1600, in Bacarra
in 1602, in Bauang in 1605, 1611, 1614, and 1620, and in Bantay in
1608 and 1611. He was definitor in 1617, prior of Manila in 1626, and
again missionary of Bantay in 1629, dying in that place in 1636. See
Perez's _Catalogo_, p. 50.

[40] For sketches of these Augustinians, see Perez's _Catalogo_.

[41] Perez mentions no missionary by this name.

[42] Evidently an error for Fray Miguel de Suarez. He was from the
branch of the order in India. In the Philippines, he served as a Tagal
and Visayan missionary, laboring in Batan in 1605, in Masbate in 1607,
in Ibahay in 1611, in Aclan in 1614, in Panay in 1617, in Batangas in
1621 and 1633, in Tanauan in 1623, in Tambobong in 1626, in Taal in
1629, in Bugason in Bisayas in 1630, in Guiguinto in 1632 and 1639,
in San Pablo de los Montes in 1636, and in Caruyan in 1641. He was
also procurator-general in 1620, and prior of the convent of Cebu in
1638, dying in 1642. See Perez's _Catalogo_, p. 186.

[43] In the unfortunate event which Father Medina mentions with
as much minuteness as candor, two important points must not be
overlooked by the judicious reader, which were the cause of this
unfortunate deed. One was the extreme harshness of the provincial in
his government, which must have been very excessive.... The imposition
of new commands must have been very heavy for the religious, since
even laymen intervened with the provincial, either for him to moderate
unnecessary harshness or to renounce the provincialate. The second
fact which also enters strongly into this case, is human passion
exasperated even to obscuring the intelligence, and personified in
Father Juan de Ocadiz, ... a man peevish and melancholy.... Hard beyond
measure must he have thought the measures taken against him. He saw
in the distance his perpetual dishonor, yet did not have the virtue
sufficient to resign himself; and, instigated by the spirit of evil,
perpetrated the crime which he expiated with his own life.--_Coco_.

[44] Literally, a sack containing one thousand pesos in silver.

[45] There were eleven Augustinians martyred, and they received
beatification from Pius X in 1867.--_Coco_.

[46] Equivalent to the English proverb, "Misfortunes never come
singly."

[47] Fray Antonio Ocampo was of the province of Castilla, and was a
religious of great activity. He was missionary to Bulacan in 1618,
to Tondo and Hagonoy in 1626, and definitor in 1620. He was sent
to Spain as procurator in 1632, but died at Acapulco on the way
thither. See Perez's _Catalogo_, p. 91.

[48] Fray Juan Ennao took his vows in the Toledo convent, and became
an excellent preacher. He was stationed at San Pablo de los Montes
in 1609; at Bulacan in 1611 and 1613; at Bay in 1613 and 1617; and
at Taal in 1614. He was provincial in 1615, and prior of Guadalupe
the same year, definitor in 1620, visitor and provincial in 1629,
returning for the third time after his provincialate to the village of
Bulacan (1635), where he died in 1636. See Perez's _Catalogo_, p. 77.

[49] Fray Lucas de la Pena was very fluent in the Bisayan language,
and labored in the missions of the Bisayan group from 1600 to 1630,
probably dying soon after the last named year. See Perez's _Catalogo_,
pp. 184, 185.

[50] Spanish, _del tropel de los caballos_--literally, "from the
trampling of the horses."

[51] "He said that those were true monks who, stifling their own wills,
wished or refused nothing, but desired only to obey the commands of
the abbot."

[52] Paul's Epistle to the Hebrews, x, 30.--_Coco_.

[53] Psalms civ, 15.--_Coco_.

[54] Fray Alonso Rincon professed in the convent of San Felipe el Real,
and after going to the Philippines became preacher at Arevalo in 1607,
and was minister in Betis in 1609 and 1626. After administering the
villages of Porac in 1611, Macabebe in 1614, and Guagua in 1615, he
was appointed definitor, visitor, and prior of the convent of Manila
in 1617. He was commissary-procurator to Spain and Rome in 1618, and
returned to Manila in 1622. He was elected definitor for the second
time in 1629, and died at Manila in 1631. See Perez's _Catalogo_,
p. 77.

[55] The native dish of rice.

[56] See Perez's _Catalogo_ for sketches of these friars.

[57] Spanish, _Rutenos_--a now obsolete name for _Ruso_
("Russians"). The term Ruthenians is applied to the people of Little
Russia (also known as Ukrania and Ruthenia), dwelling in the steppes
of Southern Russia, mainly in the valley of the Dnieper River;
they have also extended into Hungary and Galicia. The reference
in the text to "Russians" probably indicates only somewhat vague
or erroneous notions as to the geography and political condition of
Western Asia at that time: for it was not until 1722 that the Russians
advanced beyond the Black Sea into Asia, conquering the province of
Caucasus. Medina's "Diego Rodrigo" apparently means Fray Rodrigo de
San Miguel (_Vol. XXI_, p. 116), who spent some time in Persia and
Chaldea, and converted many "schismatic Christians" there to the Roman
Catholic Church. On his return to Rome, he carried a letter addressed
to the pope, from "the Chaldean Christians of Bassora." See _Vol. XXI_,
note 62.

[58] Fray Diego del Aguila, a master of the number in the
ecclesiastical province of Andalucia, was, in spite of his protests,
elected superior of the province of Mechoacan in Mexico while en route
for the Philippines; but he finally followed his first determination,
and sailed for the islands in 1618. He there became visitor, definitor
(1623), vicar-provincial, prior of Guadalupe (1620), and president of
the provincial chapter in 1626. He died at Manila in 1628. See Perez's
_Catalogo_, p. 98. Perez has evidently confused Diego del Aguila with
Lucas de Aguilar, who was definitor in 1650. See Diaz's _Conquistas_
(Valladolid, 1890), p. 516.

[59] Fray Hernando Cabrero professed at the Cordoba convent in
1601. He became sub-prior of Manila in 1609, and of San Pablo de
los Montes in 1618, 1626, and 1629. He also acted as definitor,
examiner, and definitor-general, and died at sea while en route to
Nueva Espana. See Perez's _Catalogo_, pp. 78, 79.

[60] Fray Francisco Coronel was a native of Torija in the province of
Guadalajara, and took the habit in Mexico. He went to the Philippines
in 1606 as deacon. He had charge of the parish mission of Mexico in
1611, and officiated later in Lubao (1613), Bacolor (1617, 1629),
and Macabebe (1620, 1626). He was definitor twice, and also visitor
and prior of the convent of Guadalupe in 1619. See Perez's _Catalogo_,
p. 80.

[61] For sketches of these friars, see Perez's _Catalogo_.

[62] Fray Francisco Villalon was minister at Tondo in 1630, and labored
later in the villages of Tambolong, Tanauan, Caruyan, Bay, Hagonoy, and
Guiguinto, until 1653. He was twice definitor (1638, 1653), and prior
of the convent of Santo Nino (1645). He died in Guiguinto in 1655. He
was well versed in the Tagal language. See Perez's _Catalogo_, p. 104.

[63] Fray Esteban Peralta held various charges in the province of
Castilla before going to the Philippines. He was stationed in the
islands at the mission in Cebu, being proposed several times as
provincial. In 1623 he was procurator-general, in 1626 definitor,
and was at the missions at Tondo (1629) and Hagonoy (1632), where he
died. See Perez's _Catalogo_, p. 98.

[64] Fray Jeronimo Medrano was a native of Estella, and took his vows
at the convent of Soria in 1604. He labored in the missions of Caruyan
(1615), Quingua (1617), Malolos (1620), Taal (1621), Hagonoy (1623),
Paranaque (1629), and Tondo (1638 and 1647). He was definitor and
visitor, and three times provincial (1632, 1641, and 1650). His death
occurred in 1656. See Perez's _Catalogo_, p. 88.

[65] Fray Alonso Carbajal was a native of Salamanca, and professed in
the province of Castilla, where he read sacred theology and obtained
the degree of master. Dates regarding his life are meager. He was
prior of Manila in 1623 and 1653; of Guadalupe, 1638; definitor, 1626
and 1653; visitor and provincial, 1644; while he renounced several
bishoprics. Besides this he had charge of mission work in Guagua in
1620, Macabebe in 1632, and Bacolor in 1650, after which he served
in the Bisayas until his death. See Perez's _Catalogo_, pp. 96, 97.

[66] Kings III [_i.e._, Kings I of the Protestant version], v,
4.--_Coco_.

[67] Fray Pedro de Torres was born in Andalucia. He ministered in
the Philippines in Mambusao in 1629, and at Oton in 1632, dying in
Manila about 1633. See Perez's _Catalogo_, p. 100.

[68] Fray Juan Gallegos was a native of Mancha, and took his vows in
the convent at Burgos. He was Ilocan minister at the town of Narvacan
(1620) and Laoag (1623). He refused an appointment (1625) as procurator
to Spain and Rome, preferring to devote himself to his ministry. He
was at Bantay in 1626 and 1630; at the villages of Candon in 1629,
1635, and 1644; and Bauang in 1633. He was subprior in 1617, and twice
definitor and visitor, dying in 1648 at Candon. See Perez's _Catalogo_,
p. 94. He is to be distinguished from the other Augustinian religious
of the same name who died while definitor in 1581.

[69] Fray Francisco del Portillo was one of the best orators of his
time. He died in 1628 after exercising the care of souls in Purao in
1626, and taking possession of the land necessary to found a convent
in Formosa. See Perez's _Catalogo_, pp. 103, 104.

[70] "They hanged them on gibbets in the sight of the sun."

[71] Fray Francisco de Santa Maria Oliva took his vows in the Toledo
convent in 1581. He was minister of Dumaguete in 1599, and later
of Potol, Ibabay, Mambusao, and Jaro, until 1628, when he died. See
Perez's _Catalogo_, p. 38.

[72] In the text, _actuanse_, which is apparently a misprint for
_actuante_.

[73] Perez (_Catalogo_, p. 107) says that this friar, whom he calls
Bartolome Blas Esterlich, was from Flanders. He was a confessor and
preacher in Manila, and ministered in the Ilocan villages of Bangui
(1633) and Agoo (1635), dying in 1640.

[74] For sketches of these friars, see Perez's _Catalogo_.

[75] Fray Nicolas de Herrera was a missionary in Sesmoan (1618), Lubao
(1623 and 1626), and Bacolor (1632). He was definitor in 1629, prior
of Manila in 1635, and president of the provincial chapter in 1638,
dying in 1647. See Perez's _Catalogo_, p. 89.

[76] Fray Martin de Errasti was a native of Vizcaya, and professed
in the convent of Burgos. After going to the Philippines, he became
missionary in Porac, Apalit, and Bacolor (1635). He acted as definitor
and prior of Manila. He was elected provincial in 1638, but died in
1639. See Perez's _Catalogo_, p. 93.

[77] Cristobal de Miranda was a missionary in the villages of Mexico
in 1614, and of Apalit, Betis, Sesmoan, Guagua, Minalin, Candaba,
Macabebe, and Bacolor until 1641. He was definitor in 1632 and died
in 1646. See Perez's _Catalogo_, p. 88.

[78] Fray Lorenzo (_not_ Alonso) Figueroa labored in the villages of
Caruyan, Paranaque (1620), Santa Cruz (1626), and Agoo (1626). He
was elected prior of the convent of Santo Nino de Cebu in 1629,
after which he was sent to the villages of Lipa, Bigaa, Malate,
Sala, Malalos, and San Pablo de los Montes (1653). His death is not
recorded. See Perez's _Catalogo_, p. 96.

[79] Doubtless masses for the deaths of Father Pedro Garcia and
Father Cabrera.

[80] Fray Pedro de la Pena was born in Burgos, and professed in the
convent of Badaya in 1599. He worked in the Ilocan villages of Bantay,
and Narvacan (1617). After laboring also in the villages of Apalit and
Macabebe (1626), he was chosen commissary-procurator to Madrid (1630),
dying in the following year, aboard ship. See Perez's _Catalogo_,
p. 86.

[81] St. Luke, i, 37.--Coco.

[82] Fray Pedro de Quesada, a native of Jaen, took his vows in the
province of Castilla. He was appointed preacher-general and reader of
theology in 1630, and labored afterward in the villages of Malolos
(1632), Lipa (1636), and Bulacan (1638). In 1639 he went to Spain
as procurator-commissary of Madrid and definitor-general; but the
intermediary chapter having annulled his appointment, he set out
again for the islands as president of a mission of religious, dying
in Mexico in 1645. See Perez's _Catalogo_, p. 107.

[83] Paul's Epistle to the Romans, viii, 37.--Coco.

[84] Paul's Epistle to the Galatians, vi, 14.--Coco.

[85] Blumentritt in his _List of Native Tribes of the Philippines_
(Mason's translation, Washington, 1901), says of the people of
this name: "In a chart of the Philippines for 1744, by P. Murillo
Velarde, S. J., this name is to be seen west of Caraga and Bislig
(Mindanao). English authors speak of the Tagaboloyes, Waitz mentions
their clear color, and Mas calls them Igorrotes. Others add that they
were Mestizos of Indians, and more fables to the same effect. Their
region has been well explored, but only Manabos and Mandayas have
been found there. The last named are clear colored, so Tagaboloyes
seems to be another name for Mandayas. The name sounds temptingly
like Tagabalies."

[86] This was Balthasar Carlos, born in 1630; he died in 1646. He
was betrothed to Mariana of Austria, but his father, Felipe IV,
married her in 1649.

[87] In 1552 Felipe II ordered a royal monopoly on playing-cards to
be established throughout his western dominions. All cards were to be
stamped with the royal arms. The manufacture and sale of them was sold
in 1578 to Hernando de Caseres, who paid a royalty of one real for each
pack. The value of the privilege gradually increased as well as the
price of cards paid by the public. (Bancroft's _History of Mexico_,
iii, pp. 663, 664.)

This monopoly was established in the Philippines in 1591, by Gomez
Perez Dasmarinas; see _Vol. VIII_, pp. 169, 271; and _IX_, p. 62.

[88] Apparently a reference to the capture of the Japanese junk by
Spaniards, frequently referred to in previous documents.

[89] The Oriental commerce of Denmark began with the despatch of
an expedition in 1618 to open trade with Ceylon. Being unfavorably
received there, the Danes went to the Coromandel coast of India, and
founded a trading-post at Tranquebar, one hundred and forty miles
southwest of Madras, defended by the fortress of Dansbourg. For
some time this post and its trade had considerable prosperity,
but European wars prevented its fitting support and the commercial
company was unable to maintain it. In 1670 a new company resumed this
enterprise, but was even more unfortunate than the other, and finally
expired in 1730. Two years later a third company was formed, which
was liberally endowed with privileges and subsidies, and was highly
successful. Tranquebar remained in possession of Denmark until 1846,
when it was purchased by England.

See account of this colony and the Danish trade in the East, in
_Establecimientos ultramarinos de las naciones Europeas_, by Malo
de Luque (Madrid, 1784-90), iv, pp. 9-31. See map of "District of
Tranquebar," in Bellin's _Atlas maritime_, iii, fol. 36.

[90] This was Father Jeronimo Medrano; he was again elected to the
dignity of provincial in 1641 and in 1650.

[91] Christoval Ferreira was born in Portugal, in 1580. At the age
of sixteen he entered the Jesuit order, and in 1609 was sent to the
Japan mission; he remained there through many years of persecution,
and was long the provincial of his order in Japan. In 1633 he was
seized and imprisoned, and finally, under the strain of cruel tortures,
recanted his faith--being, it is claimed, the only Jesuit who in all
those fierce persecutions, became an apostate. His life was spared,
but he was compelled by the Japanese to witness the martyrdom of his
brethren, and even to decree their fate. At last Ferreira, tormented
by remorse and shame, surrendered himself to the authorities as being
still a Christian, and died (1652) as a martyr, suffering long and
extreme torments. See Cretineau-Joly's account of his career, in
_Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, iii, pp. 161-164.

Murdoch and Yamagata say of this Jesuit (_Hist. Japan_, p. 633): "As to
the story that Ferreyra repented and was _fossed_ at Nagasaki in 1653
(at the age of seventy-four), there seems to be no foundation for it."

[92] Apparently a corrupt Spanish pronunciation of the Japanese Jodo
(also written Jiodo, and Jodo), the name of one of the Buddhist sects
which flourish in Japan. It was founded in 1174 _A.D._--by one Honen,
according to Griffis; by Genku, according to Rein. Iyeyasu and his
successors were adherents and benefactors of this sect. "Its priests
strictly insisted upon celibacy, and abhorred the eating of flesh. They
taught that the health of the soul depends less upon virtue and
moral perfection than upon the strict observance of pious practices"
(Rein). See Griffis's account of Buddhism in Japan, in his _Mikado's
Empire_, pp. 158-175; and the chapter on religious systems in Rein's
_Japan_, pp. 442-464.

[93] This is the volcanic mountain called Onzenga-take, situated in
the northern part of Shimabara peninsula--noted for the terrible
massacre of Christians, in 1637, at Arima, a town in the south of
the peninsula--and east of Nagasaki. The last great eruption of this
volcano took place in 1791-93, in which, it is said, fifty-three
thousand people lost their lives. Its height is estimated at one
thousand meters, and at its base are numerous hot springs. See Rein's
_Japan_, pp. 17, 43, 54, 86.

[94] Regarding this letter, see note in brackets at end of this
document.

[95] Probably Sendai, in the province of Satsuma.

[96] This would seem to be Otsu, the chief town of the province of Omi;
it lies northeast of Ozaka (the Ojaca of the text).

[97] This must have been some gossip or canard cited by the writer;
for Iyemidzu (grandson of Iyeyasu), who was then shogun, reigned
from 1623 to 1651. The death of the "King" (_i.e._, tono or daimio)
of Arima is also related, in more detail, by La Concepcion (_Hist. de
Philipinas_, v, pp. 160, 161); he says that a multitude of foxes
surrounded Bugandono on the road from Nangasaqui, accompanying him,
leaping and barking about his litter "until he reached Ximabara,
where they suddenly disappeared. Immediately that wretched man was
overpowered by a fury against himself, so great that, sword in hand,
he compelled his servants to beat him soundly with bamboos. They dealt
him so many blows that they inflicted upon him a wretched death"--a
punishment for his cruelties against the Christians.

"The great Shinto temple of Inari [the goddess of rice] at Kyoto is the
model of all other shrines dedicated to this popular divinity, for on
this lonely hillside twelve hundred years ago Inari was supposed to
manifest herself to mortals. A colossal red gateway and a flight of
moss-grown steps lead to the main entrance flanked by the great stone
foxes which guard every temple of Inari, and symbolize the goddess
worshipped under their form. Japanese superstition regards the fox
with abject terror; his craft and cunning are celebrated in legendary
ballads; and a condition of mental disorder, known as 'possession by
the fox,' is a common belief, bringing crowds of devotees to Inari's
temples, either to pray for the exorcism of the demoniac influence, or
to avert the danger of falling under the dreadful spell." (_Macmillan's
Magazine_, December, 1904, p. 117.)

[98] Thus in the transcript, but evidently should be 1633; for the
reference to the _ad interim_ government of Lorenzo de Olasso, past
the middle of this document, shows that it was written in 1632.

[99] From this point to nearly the end of the bull, I have found
it necessary to simplify the phraseology considerably, while
carefully preserving the sense. The passage in question, while not
hard to understand in Latin, would be, if translated literally,
almost unintelligible in English--a long, wordy repetition of
revocatory and annulling clauses, for many of which there is no
precise and brief equivalent in English. Nor is the Latin itself
elegant; and a few words and phrases can only be guessed at--these,
however, not affecting the real sense, or involving any matter of
importance.--_Rev. T. C. Middleton_, translator.

[100] Juan Garcia (afterward named "de la Cruz") came to the
Philippines in 1632; he must therefore have sent to Sevilla almost
immediately after his arrival in the islands the letter from which
this document was printed. He spent four years laboring in the
Formosa mission; and in 1636 went to China, where he spent most of his
remaining years. Persecuted in that country as a Christian preacher,
he finally was seized by Chinese soldiers, and so maltreated that
his injuries caused his death December 8, 1665, at Fogan; he was then
sixty years of age. See _Resena biog. Sant. Rosario_, i, pp. 411-414,
for sketch of his life.

[101] Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera. See vol. xvii, p. 291.

[102] See account of the founding of the Jesuit missions in China,
_vol. vi_, p. 208. The work begun by Ricci (see _vol. xv_, p. 178)
was continued by Johann Adam Schall von Bell, a German Jesuit, who
entered China in 1622, remaining there until his death in 1669. He was
a noted astronomer and mathematician, and for his learning and talents
was greatly esteemed by the Chinese, especially at the imperial court;
the reformation of the Chinese calendar was entrusted to him, and
rank and emoluments were conferred upon him. The missions in China
were not molested by the authorities after 1622; but the conflicts
between the Chinese and Tartars, which ended in the overthrow of the
Ming dynasty, greatly injured the work of the missionaries from 1630 to
1660. At the time of our text, the Jesuits were on friendly terms with
the authorities, and their work prospered especially in Peking. See
account of Catholic missions in China, in Williams's _Middle Kingdom,_
ii, pp. 290-325; and in Cretineau-Joly's _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, iii,
pp. 165-184.

[103] _Medias anatas_: half of the first year's income; a tax which
was paid to the crown upon entering any office, pension, or grant. It
was introduced into the Indias by a law of 1632. See _Recopilacion
leyes de Indias_, lib. viii, tit. xix.

[104] Spanish, _Religion_. This word was first used in the sense of
"monastic order" or "monastery" in the sixth century, in France. This
narrower sense was used along with the broader one, until the latter
was gradually crowded out (during the second half of the fourteenth
century); being, however, finally recovered during the epoch of the
Reformation; The term "man of religion" (_homo religionis_, _homme de
religion_) was never used in Latin, French, or English to mean a pious
man, but exclusively for a man belonging to a religious order. See
"History of the word _religio_ in the Middle Ages," by. Professor Ewald
Fluegel, of Leland Stanford Junior University--an abstract of which
is printed in _Transactions_ of American Philological Association,
1902, pp. ci, cii.

[105] Thus in our transcript; but in the king's answer to this letter
(_post_) the name appears as Rivero.

[106] Probably referring to the people of Butung or boeton, a large
island off the southeastern peninsula of Celebes; their state of
civilization is similar to that of the Macassar and Bugis of that
island.

[107] This recommendation was thus answered by the king, in a despatch
to Corcuera dated Madrid, December 1, 1636: "Inasmuch as it is proper
that all the prelates take personal charge of the government of their
churches, thus fulfilling their so stringent obligations for that, I
have thought it best--notwithstanding that I charge them by a decree
of the same date as this that, if they should be absent from their
churches, they shall without fail go to reside in them--to order
you, as I am doing, to see for your part by repeated urgings that
they go to reside at and to serve their churches, in case that any
of them should be absent." This is found in the "Cedulario Indico,"
at Madrid--pressmark, "Tomo 39, fol. 228."







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