c., Narrating the Hardships, Hair-Breadth Escapes and Death Struggles of the Slaves in Their Efforts for Freedom, As Related by Themselves and Others, or Witnessed by the Author. / Still, William
Author: Still, William
Title: c., Narrating the Hardships, Hair-Breadth Escapes and Death Struggles of the Slaves in Their Efforts for Freedom, As Related by Themselves and Others, or Witnessed by the Author.
Publisher: Project Gutenberg
Tag(s): slavery; underground rail; underground; slave; canada; philadelphia; committee; rail road; slaves; rail
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Versions: original; local mirror; HTML (this file); printable
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Rights: GNU General Public License
Size: 399,756 words (tome-like) Grade range: 10-13 (high school) Readability score: 58 (average)
Identifier: etext15263
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Title: The Underground Railroad
A Record Of Facts, Authentic Narratives, Letters, &C., Narrating The
Hardships, Hair-Breadth Escapes And Death Struggles Of The Slaves
In Their Efforts For Freedom, As Related By Themselves And Others,
Or Witnessed By The Author.
Author: William Still
Release Date: March 5, 2005 [EBook #15263]
Language: English
Character set encoding: ASCII
*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE UNDERGROUND RAILROAD ***
Produced by Amy Overmyer and the PG Online Distributed Proofreading Team.
THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
A RECORD OF FACTS, AUTHENTIC NARRATIVES, LETTERS, &C.,
NARRATING THE HARDSHIPS HAIR-BREADTH ESCAPES AND DEATH STRUGGLES
OF THE
SLAVES IN THEIR EFFORTS FOR FREEDOM,
AS RELATED
BY THEMSELVES AND OTHERS, OR WITNESSED BY THE AUTHOR
TOGETHER WITH
SKETCHES OF SOME OF THE LARGEST STOCKHOLDERS, AND
MOST LIBERAL AIDERS AND ADVISERS,
OF THE ROAD.
BY William Still For many years connected with the Anti-Slavery Office
in Philadelphia, and Chairman of the Acting Vigilant Committee of the
Philadelphia Branch of the Underground Rail Road.
1872
PHILADELPHIA:
PORTER & COATES, Thou shall not deliver unto his master the servant that
has escaped from his master unto thee.--_Deut._ xxiii. 16.
Illustrated with 70 fine Engravings by Bensell, Schell and others, and
Portraits from Photographs from Life.
SOLD ONLY BY SUBSCRIPTION.
822, CHESTNUT STREET.
Entered according to act of Congress, in the year 1871, by
W.M. STILL,
In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington.
[Illustration: W. Still]
PREFACE TO REVISED EDITION.
* * * * *
Like millions of my race, my mother and father were born slaves, but
were not contented to live and die so. My father purchased himself in
early manhood by hard toil. Mother saw no way for herself and children
to escape the horrors of bondage but by flight. Bravely, with her four
little ones, with firm faith in God and an ardent desire to be free, she
forsook the prison-house, and succeeded, through the aid of my father,
to reach a free State. Here life had to be begun anew. The old familiar
slave names had to be changed, and others, for prudential reasons, had
to be found. This was not hard work. However, hardly months had passed
ere the keen scent of the slave-hunters had trailed them to where they
had fancied themselves secure. In those days all power was in the hands
of the oppressor, and the capture of a slave mother and her children was
attended with no great difficulty other than the crushing of freedom in
the breast of the victims. Without judge or jury, all were hurried back
to wear the yoke again. But back this mother was resolved never to stay.
She only wanted another opportunity to again strike for freedom. In a
few months after being carried back, with only two of her little ones,
she took her heart in her hand and her babes in her arms, and this trial
was a success. Freedom was gained, although not without the sad loss of
her two older children, whom she had to leave behind. Mother and father
were again reunited in freedom, while two of their little boys were in
slavery. What to do for them other than weep and pray, were questions
unanswerable. For over forty years the mother's heart never knew what it
was to be free from anxiety about her lost boys. But no tidings came in
answer to her many prayers, until one of them, to the great astonishment
of his relatives, turned up in Philadelphia, nearly fifty years of age,
seeking his long-lost parents. Being directed to the Anti-Slavery Office
for instructions as to the best plan to adopt to find out the
whereabouts of his parents, fortunately he fell into the hands of his
own brother, the writer, whom he had never heard of before, much less
seen or known. And here began revelations connected with this marvellous
coincidence, which influenced me, for years previous to Emancipation, to
preserve the matter found in the pages of this humble volume.
And in looking back now over these strange and eventful Providences, in
the light of the wonderful changes wrought by Emancipation, I am more
and more constrained to believe that the reasons, which years ago led me
to aid the bondman and preserve the records of his sufferings, are
to-day quite as potent in convincing me that the necessity of the times
requires this testimony.
And since the first advent of my book, wherever reviewed or read by
leading friends of freedom, the press, or the race more deeply
represented by it, the expressions of approval and encouragement have
been hearty and unanimous, and the thousands of volumes which have been
sold by me, on the subscription plan, with hardly any facilities for the
work, makes it obvious that it would, in the hands of a competent
publisher, have a wide circulation.
And here I may frankly state, that but for the hope I have always
cherished that this work would encourage the race in efforts for
self-elevation, its publication never would have been undertaken by me.
I believe no more strongly at this moment than I have believed ever
since the Proclamation of Emancipation was made by Abraham Lincoln, that
as a class, in this country, no small exertion will have to be put forth
before the blessings of freedom and knowledge can be fairly enjoyed by
this people; and until colored men manage by dint of hard acquisition to
enter the ranks of skilled industry, very little substantial respect
will be shown them, even with the ballot-box and musket in their hands.
Well-conducted shops and stores; lands acquired and good farms managed
in a manner to compete with any other; valuable books produced and
published on interesting and important subjects--these are some of the
fruits which the race are expected to exhibit from their newly gained
privileges.
If it is asked "how?" I answer, "through extraordinary determination and
endeavor," such as are demonstrated in hundreds of cases in the pages of
this book, in the struggles of men and women to obtain their freedom,
education and property.
These facts must never be lost sight of.
The race must not forget the rock from whence they were hewn, nor the
pit from whence, they were digged.
Like other races, this newly emancipated people will need all the
knowledge of their past condition which they can get.
The bondage and deliverance of the children of Israel will never be
allowed to sink into oblivion while the world stands.
Those scenes of suffering and martyrdom millions of Christians were
called upon to pass through in the days of the Inquisition are still
subjects of study, and have unabated interest for all enlightened minds.
The same is true of the history of this country. The struggles of the
pioneer fathers are preserved, produced and re-produced, and cherished
with undying interest by all Americans, and the day will not arrive
while the Republic exists, when these histories will not be found in
every library.
While the grand little army of abolitionists was waging its untiring
warfare for freedom, prior to the rebellion, no agency encouraged them
like the heroism of fugitives. The pulse of the four millions of slaves
and their desire for freedom, were better felt through "The Underground
Railroad," than through any other channel.
Frederick Douglass, Henry Bibb, Wm. Wells Brown, Rev. J.W. Logan, and
others, gave unmistakable evidence that the race had no more eloquent
advocates than its own self-emancipated champions.
Every step they took to rid themselves of their fetters, or to gain
education, or in pleading the cause of their fellow-bondmen in the
lecture-room, or with their pens, met with applause on every hand, and
the very argument needed was thus furnished in large measure. In those
dark days previous to emancipation, such testimony was indispensable.
The free colored men are as imperatively required now to furnish the
same manly testimony in support of the ability of the race to surmount
the remaining obstacles growing out of oppression, ignorance, and
poverty.
In the political struggles, the hopes of the race have been sadly
disappointed. From this direction no great advantage is likely to arise
very soon.
Only as desert can be proved by the acquisition of knowledge and the
exhibition of high moral character, in examples of economy and a
disposition to encourage industrial enterprises, conducted by men of
their own ranks, will it be possible to make political progress in the
face of the present public sentiment.
Here, therefore, in my judgment is the best possible reason for
vigorously pushing the circulation of this humble volume--that it may
testify for thousands and tens of thousands, as no other work can do.
WILLIAM STILL, Author.
September, 1878. Philadelphia, Pa.
ILLUSTRATIONS.
THE AUTHOR
PETER STILL--"THE KIDNAPPED AND THE RANSOMED"
CHARITY STILL TWICE ESCAPED FROM SLAVERY
DESPERATE CONFLICT IN A BARN
DEATH OF ROMULUS HALL
RESURRECTION OF HENRY BOX BROWN
RESCUE OF JANE JOHNSON AND HER CHILDREN
PASSMORE WILLIAMSON
JANE JOHNSON
ESCAPING FROM PORTSMOUTH, VA
TWENTY-EIGHT FUGITIVES ESCAPING FROM EASTERN SHORE OF MARYLAND
ESCAPING FROM ALABAMA ON TOP OF A CAR
CROSSING THE RIVER ON HORSEBACK IN THE NIGHT
A BOLD STROKE FOR FREEDOM--CONTEST WITH FIRE-ARMS
ABRAM GALLOWAY
THE MAYOR AND POLICE OF NORFOLK SEARCHING CAPTAIN FOUNTAIN'S
SCHOONER
MARIA WEEMS ESCAPING AS JO WRIGHT
JOHN HENRY HILL
DRY-GOODS MERCHANT SEARCHING THE CARS
ESCAPE WITH A LADY, AS HER COACHMAN, WITH MASTER'S HORSE AND
CARRIAGE
SIX ON TWO HORSES
UP A TREE
SAMUEL GREEN SENTENCED TO THE PENITENTIARY FOR TEN YEARS FOR
HAVING A COPY OF "UNCLE TOM'S CABIN" IN HIS HOUSE
LEAR GREEN ESCAPING IN A CHEST
ESCAPE OF ELEVEN PASSENGERS FROM MARYLAND IN TWO CARRIAGES
THE CHRISTIANA TRAGEDY
WILLIAM AND ELLEN CRAFT
MEMBERS OF THE ACTING COMMITTEE:
N.W. DEPEE
JACOB C. WHITE
CHARLES WISE
EDWIN H. COATES
KNIFING HIS VICTIM
LIVING IN A HOLLOW TREE
IN A CAVE
A NARROW ESCAPE
SUSPENDED BY THE HANDS WITH BLOCK AND TACKLE
CROSSING THE BAY
BREAKING HIM IN
MOTHER ESCAPING WITH SEVEN CHILDREN
FIGHT IN CHESAPEAKE BAY
JOHN W. DUNGEE
MARY MILBURN (SECRETED IN A BOX)
HEAVY WEIGHTS--ARRIVAL OF A PARTY AT LEAGUE ISLAND
SKETCHES AND PORTRAITS OF STATION-MASTERS, PROMINENT
ANTI-SLAVERY MEN, AND SUPPORTERS OF THE U.G.R.R.:
ABIGAIL GOODWIN
THOMAS GARRETT
DANIEL GIBBONS
LUCRETIA MOTT
J. MILLER M'KIM
WILLIAM H. FURNESS
WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON
LEWIS TAPPAN
ELIJAH F. PENNYPACKER
WILLIAM WRIGHT
DR. BARTHOLOMEW FUSSELL
ROBERT PURVIS
JOHN HUNN
SAMUEL RHOADS
WILLIAM WHIPPER
SAMUEL D. BURRIS
CHARLES D. CLEVELAND
GRACE ANNA LEWIS
MRS. FRANCES E.W. HARPER
JOHN NEEDLES
CONTENTS.
SETH CONCKLIN
UNDERGROUND RAILROAD LETTERS. From Thomas Garrett--G.A.
Lewis--E.L. Stevens--Sydney Howard Gay--John Henry Hill--J.
Bigelowe--Ham and Eggs--Rev. H. Wilson--Sheridan Ford--E.F.
Pennypacker--J.C. Bustill--Slave secreted in Richmond--G.S.
Nelson--John Thompson--Wm. Penn
WILLIAM BOX PEEL JONES Came boxed up _via_ Erricson line of
Steamers.
WESLEY HARRIS ALIAS ROBERT JACKSON, CRAVEN MATTERSON AND TWO
BROTHERS.
CLARISSA DAVIS Arrived in Male Attire.
ANTHONY BLOW ALIAS HENRY LEVISON Secreted Ten Months--Eight days
on the Steamship City of Richmond bound for Philadelphia.
PERRY JOHNSON, OF ELKTON, MARYLAND. Eye knocked Out.
ISAAC FORMAN, WILLIAM DAVIS AND WILLIS REDICK. Hearts full of
joy for Freedom--Very anxious for Wives in Slavery.
JOSEPH HENRY CAMP Sold, the day he escaped, for Fourteen Hundred
Dollars--Slave Trader loses his Bargain.
SHERIDAN FORD Secreted in the Woods--Escapes in a Steamer.
JOSEPH KNEELAND ALIAS JOSEPH HULSON Young Master had a
"Malignant Spirit".
EX-PRESIDENT TYLER'S HOUSEHOLD LOSES AN ARISTOCRATIC ARTICLE.
EDWARD MORGAN, HENRY JOHNSON, JAMES AND STEPHEN BUTLER. "Two
Thousand Dollars Reward" offered.
HENRY PREDO Daniel Hughes, Thomas Elliott, and five others
betrayed into Dover Jail.
MARY EPPS ALIAS EMMA BROWN, JOSEPH AND ROBERT ROBINSON. A Slave
Mother Loses her Speech at the Sale of her Child ... Bob Escapes
from his Master, a Trader, with Fifteen Hundred Dollars in North
Carolina Money.
GEORGE SOLOMON, DANIEL NEALL, BENJAMIN R. FLETCHER AND MARIA
DORSEY.
HENRY BOX BROWN Arrived by Adams Express.
TRIAL OF THE EMANCIPATORS OF COL. J.H. WHEELER'S SLAVES, JANE
JOHNSON AND HER TWO LITTLE BOYS.
THE ARRIVALS OF A SINGLE MONTH. Sixty Passengers came in one
Month--Twenty-eight in one Arrival--Great Panic and Indignation
Meeting--Interesting Correspondence from Masters and Fugitives.
A SLAVE GIRL'S NARRATIVE. Cordelia Loney, Slave of Mrs. Joseph
Cahell, (widow of the late Hon. Joseph Cahell, of
Virginia)--Cordelia's Escape from her Mistress in Philadelphia.
ARRIVAL OF JACKSON, ISAAC AND EDMONDSON TURNER FROM PETERSBURG.
Touching Scene on Meeting their Old Blind Father at the U.G.R.R.
Depot.
ROBERT BROWN ALIAS THOMAS JONES. Crossing the River on Horseback
in the Night.
ANTHONY LONEY ALIAS WILLIAM ARMSTEAD AND CORNELIUS SCOTT.
SAMUEL WILLIAMS ALIAS JOHN WILLIAMS.
BARNABY GRIGBY ALIAS JOHN BOYER, AND MARY ELIZABETH HIS WIFE,
FRANK WANZER ALIAS ROBERT SCOTT, EMILY FOSTER ALIAS ANN WOOD.
WILLIAM JORDAN ALIAS WILLIAM PRICE.
JOSEPH GRANT AND JOHN SPEAKS. Two Passengers _via_ Liverpool.
WILLIAM N. TAYLOR. "One Hundred Dollars Reward".
LOUISA BROWN, JACOB WATERS, AND ALFRED GOULDEN.
ARRIVAL FROM BALTIMORE. Jefferson Pipkins alias David Jones,
Louisa Pipkins, Elizabeth Brit, Harriet Brown, alias Jane
Wooton, Gracy Murry alias Sophia Sims, Edward Williams _alias_
Henry Johnson, Charles Lee alias Thomas Bushier.
SEVERAL ARRIVALS FROM DIFFERENT PLACES. Henry Anderson, Charles
and Margaret Congo, Chaskey Brown, William Henry Washington,
James Alfred Frisley, Charles Henry Salter, Stephen Taylor,
Charles Brown, Charles H. Hollis, Luther Dorsey.
ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND. Jeremiah W. Smith and wife Julia.
EIGHT ARRIVALS. James Massey, Perry Henry Trusty, George Rhoads,
James Rhoads, George Washington, Sarah Elizabeth Rhoads, and
Child, Mary Elizabeth Stephenson.
CHARLES THOMPSON. Carrier of "The National American".
BLOOD FLOWED FREELY. Abram Galloway and Richard Eden--Secreted
in a Vessel Loaded with Spirits of Turpentine--Shrouds Prepared
to Prevent being Smoked to Death--Abram a Soldier under Father
Abraham--Senator of North Carolina.
JOHN PETTIFOOT. "One Hundred Dollars Reward" Offered--McHenry
and McCulloch Anxious About John.
EMANUEL T. WHITE. "Would rather Fight than Eat".
THE ESCAPE OF A CHILD FOURTEEN MONTHS OLD. Letter from
"J.B."--Letters from E.L. Stevens ... Great Anxiety and Care.
ESCAPE OF A YOUNG SLAVE MOTHER. Baby, Little Girl and Husband
left Behind--Three Hundred Dollars Reward Offered.
SAMUEL W. JOHNSON. Arrival from the Richmond Daily Dispatch
Office--"Uncle Tom's Cabin" turned Sam's Brain--Affecting
Letters.
FAMILY FROM BALTIMORE. Stephen Amos _alias_ Henry Johnson,
Harriet _alias_ Mary Jane Johnson, and their four children, Ann
Rebecca, William H., Elizabeth and Mary Ellen.
ELIJAH HILTON. From Richmond--"Five Hundred Dollars Reward"
offered by R.J. Christian.... Grateful letter from Canada.
SOLOMON BROWN. Arrived per City of Richmond--Letter from Canada
containing expressions of Gratitude.
WILLIAM HOGG ALIAS JOHN SMITH. Traveler from Maryland--William
was much troubled about his Wife left behind--Letter from
Canada.
TWO FEMALE PASSENGERS FROM MARYLAND. Ann Johnson and Lavina
Woolfley Sold--Out of the Frying Pan into the Fire.
CAPTAIN F. AND THE MAYOR OF NORFOLK. Twenty-one Passengers
secreted in Captain Fountain's Boat--Mayor and Posse of Officers
on the Boat searching for U.G.R.R. Passengers.
ARRIVALS FROM DIFFERENT PLACES. Matilda Mahoney--Dr. J.W.
Pennington's Brother and Sons--Great Adventure to deliver a
Lover.
FLEEING GIRL OF FIFTEEN IN MALE ATTIRE. Ann Maria Weems alias
Joe Wright--Great Triumph--Arrival on Thanksgiving
Day--Interesting letters from J. Bigelow.
FIVE YEARS AND ONE MONTH SECRETED. John Henry, Hezekiah and
James Hill.
FROM VIRGINIA, MARYLAND AND DELAWARE. Archer Barlow, alias Emet
Robins--Samuel Bush _alias_ William Oblebee--John Spencer and
his son William and James Albert--Robert Fisher--NATHAN
HARRIS--Hansel Waples--Rosanna Tonnell, _alias_ Maria Hyde--Mary
Ennis _alias_ Licia Hemmit and two Children--Lydia and Louisa
Caroline.
SAM, ISAAC, PERRY, CHARLES AND GREEN. "One Thousand Dollars
Reward".
FROM RICHMOND AND NORFOLK, VA. William B. White, Susan Brooks,
and Wm. Henry Atkinson.
FOUR ARRIVALS. Charlotte and Harriet escape in deep
Mourning--White Lady and Child with a Colored Coachman--Three
likely Young Men from Baltimore--Four large and two Small
Hams--U.G.R.R. Passengers Travelling with their Master's Horses
and Carriage--Six Passengers on two Horses, &c.
FROM VIRGINIA, MARYLAND, DELAWARE, NORTH CAROLINA, WASHINGTON,
D.C. AND SOUTH CAROLINA.
CHARLES GILBERT, Fleeing from Davis, a Negro Trader--Secreted
under a Hotel--Up a Tree--Under a Floor--In a Thicket--On a
Steamer.
LIBERTY OR DEATH. Jim Bowlegs alias Bill Paul.
SALT-WATER FUGITIVE.
SAMUEL GREEN ALIAS WESLEY KINNARD. Ten Years in the Penitentiary
for having a Copy of Uncle Tom's Cabin in his House.
AN IRISH GIRL'S DEVOTION TO FREEDOM. In Love with a Slave--Gets
him off to Canada--Follows him--Marriage, &c.
"SAM" NIXON ALIAS DR. THOMAS BAYNE. The Escape of a Dentist on
the U.G.R.R. &c.
SUNDRY ARRIVALS. From Loudoun County, Va., Norfolk, Baltimore,
Md., Petersburg, Va., &c.
HEAVY REWARD. "Two Thousand Six Hundred Dollars Reward" Offered.
SLAVE-TRADER HALL IS FOILED. Robert McCoy alias William Donar,
and Elizabeth Sanders, arrived per steamer.
THE PROTECTION OF SLAVE PROPERTY IN VIRGINIA. A Bill providing
additional Protection for the Slave Property of Citizens of this
Commonwealth.
ESCAPING IN A CHEST. "One Hundred and Fifty Dollars
Reward"--Lear Green.
ISAAC WILLIAMS, HENRY BANKS AND KIT NICKLESS.
ARRIVAL OF FIVE PROM THE EASTERN SHORE OF MARYLAND. Cyrus
Mitchell alias John Steel, Joshua Handy alias Hambleton Hamby,
Charles Button alias William Robinson, Ephraim Hudson alias John
Spry, Francis Molock alias Thomas Jackson.
SUNDRY ARRIVALS ABOUT AUGUST 1ST, 1855. Francis Hilliard and
Others.
DEEP FURROWS ON THE BACK. Thomas Madden.
PETER MATHEWS ALIAS SAMUEL SPARROWS. "I might as well be in the
Penitentiary as in Slavery."
"MOSES" ARRIVES WITH SIX PASSENGERS.
ESCAPED FROM "A WORTHLESS SOT." John Atkinson.
WILLIAM BUTCHER ALIAS Wm. T. MTCHELL. "He was abuseful".
"WHITE ENOUGH TO PASS".
ESCAPING WITH MASTER'S CARRIAGES AND HORSES. Harriet Shephard,
and her five Children with five other Passengers.
EIGHT AND A HALF MONTHS SECRETED. Washington Somlor alias James
Moore.
ARTHUR FOWLER ALIAS BENJAMIN JOHNSON.
SUNDRY ARRIVALS. About the 1st of June, 1855--Emory Roberts and
others.
SUNDRY ARRIVALS ABOUT JANUARY 1ST, 1855. Verenea Mercer and
others.
SLAVE-HOLDER IN MARYLAND WITH THREE COLORED WIVES. James Griffin
alias Thomas Brown.
CAPTAIN F. ARRIVES WITH NINE PASSENGERS. Names of Passengers.
OWEN AND OTHO TAYLOR'S FLIGHT WITH HORSES, &c.
HEAVY REWARD. Three Hundred Dollars Reward--"Tom" gone.
CAPT. F. ARRIVES WITH FOURTEEN "PRIME ARTICLES" ON BOARD.
SUNDRY ARRIVALS, LATTER PART OF DECEMBER, 1855, AND BEGINNING OF
JANUARY, 1856. Joseph Cornish and others.
PART OF THE ARRIVALS IN DECEMBER, 1855. Thomas J. Gooseberry and
others.
THE FUGITIVE SLAVE BILL OF 1850. "An Act Respecting Fugitives
from Justice, and Persons Escaping from the Services of their
Masters."
THE SLAVE HUNTING TRAGEDY IN LANCASTER COUNTY, IN SEPTEMBER,
1851. "Treason at Christiana".
WILLIAM AND ELLEN CRAFT. Female Slave in Male Attire, fleeing as
a Planter, with her Husband as her Body Servant.
ARRIVALS FROM RICHMOND. Lewis Cobb and Nancy Brister.
PASSENGERS FROM NORTH CAROLINA, [By SCHOONER.] Major Latham,
William Wilson, Henry Goram, Wiley Madison, and Andrew Shepherd.
THOMAS CLINTON, SAUNEY PRY AND BENJAMIN DUCKET. Passed over the
U.G.R.R. in the Fall of 1856.
ARRIVALS IN APRIL, 1856. Charles Hall and others.
FIVE FROM GEORGETOWN CROSS-ROADS. Mother and Child from Norfolk,
Va., &c.
PASSENGERS FROM MARYLAND. William Henry MOODY, BELINDA BIVANS,
&c.
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND.
ARRIVAL FROM WASHINGTON, D.C., &c., 1857. George Carroll,
Randolph Branson, John Clagart and William Royan.
ARRIVAL FROM UNIONVILLE, 1857. Israel Todd and Bazil Aldridge.
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1857. Ordee Lee and Richard J. Booce.
ARRIVAL FROM CAMBRIDGE, 1857. Silas Long and Solomon Light--"The
Mother of Twelve Children"--Old Jane Davis.
BENJAMIN ROSS AND HIS WIFE HARRIET Fled from Caroline County,
Eastern Shore of Maryland, June, 1857.
ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1857.
ARRIVAL FROM DELAWARE, 1857.
ARRIVAL FROM ALEXANDRIA, IN 1857.
ARRIVAL FROM UNIONVILLE, 1857.
FROM NEW ORLEANS, 1857.
ARRIVAL FROM WASHINGTON, D.C.
ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1857.
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND.
ARRIVAL FROM GEORGETOWN CROSS ROADS AND ALEXANDRIA.
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND.
ARRIVAL FROM NORFOLK, VA.
ARRIVAL FROM WASHINGTON, D.C.
FOUR ABLE BODIED "ARTICLES" IN ONE ARRIVAL, 1857.
ARRIVAL FROM ARLINGTON, MD., 1857.
FIVE PASSENGERS, 1847.
ARRIVAL FROM HOWARD COUNTY, MD., 1857.
ARRIVAL FROM PRINCE GEORGE'S COUNTY, MD.
ARRIVAL FROM RAPPAHANNOCK COUNTY, 1857.
ARRIVAL FROM NORTH CAROLINA, 1857.
ALFRED HOLLON, GEORGE AND CHARLES N. RODGERS.
ARRIVAL FROM KENT COUNTY, 1857.
ARRIVAL FROM BALTIMORE COUNTY, 1857.
MARY COOPER AND MOSES ARMSTEAD, 1857.
ARRIVAL FROM NEAR WASHINGTON, D.C.
HON. L. McLANE'S PROPERTY, SOON AFTER HIS DEATH, TRAVELS VIA THE
UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD--WILLIAM KNIGHT, ESQ. LOSES A SUPERIOR
"ARTICLE."
ARRIVAL FROM HARFORD COUNTY, 1857.
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1857.
ARRIVAL FROM NORFOLK, VA., 1857.
ARRIVAL FROM HOOPERVILLE, MD., 1857.
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1857.
ARRIVAL FROM QUEEN ANNE COUNTY, 1858.
ARRIVAL FROM BALTIMORE.
ARRIVED FROM DUNWOODY COUNTY, 1858.
ARRIVED FROM ALEXANDRIA, VA., 1857.
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1858.
ARRIVAL FROM PETERSBURG, 1858.
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND.
ARRIVAL OF A PARTY OF SIX, 1858.
ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND, 1858.
ARRIVAL FROM BALTIMORE, 1858.
ARRIVAL FROM HIGHTSTOWN, 1858.
ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1858.
ARRIVAL FROM BELLAIR.
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1858.
ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1858.
ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND, 1858.
ARRIVAL FROM NORFOLK, VA., 1858.
ARRIVAL FROM NEAR BALTIMORE, 1858.
ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1858.
ARRIVAL FROM WASHINGTON, 1858.
ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1858.
ARRIVAL FROM THE OLD DOMINION.
ARRIVAL FROM DELAWARE, 1858.
ARRIVAL FROM DELAWARE, 1858.
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1858.
ARRIVAL FROM NORTH CAROLINA AND DELAWARE.
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND.
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND.
ARRIVAL FROM THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA, 1858.
ARRIVAL FROM HONEY BROOK TOWNSHIP, 1858.
ARRIVAL FROM ALEXANDRIA, VA., 1858.
ARRIVAL FROM THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT.
CROSSING THE BAY IN A SKIFF.
ARRIVAL FROM KENT COUNTY, MD., 1858.
ARRIVAL FROM WASHINGTON, 1858.
ARRIVAL FROM CECIL COUNTY, 1858.
ARRIVAL FROM GEORGETOWN, D.C., 1858.
ARRIVAL FROM SUSSEX COUNTY, 1858.
SUNDRY ARRIVALS IN 1859.
ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND, 1859.
ARRIVAL FROM DELAWARE, 1858.
ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND, 1859.
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1859.
SUNDRY ARRIVALS, 1859.
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1859.
ARRIVAL FROM DELAWARE, 1859.
ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1859.
SUNDRY ARRIVALS FROM MARYLAND, 1859.
ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND, 1859.
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND.
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, VIRGINIA, AND THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA.
SUNDRY ARRIVALS FROM MARYLAND AND VIRGINIA.
ARRIVAL FROM SEAFORD, 1859.
ARRIVAL FROM TAPS' NECK, MD., 1859.
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1859.
SUNDRY ARRIVALS FROM VIRGINIA, MARYLAND AND DELAWARE.
ARRIVAL FROM DIFFERENT POINTS.
SUNDRY ARRIVALS FROM MARYLAND, 1860.
ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1860.
ARRIVAL FROM BALTIMORE, 1860.
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND.
ARRIVAL FROM FREDERICKSBURG, 1860.
SUNDRY ARRIVALS FROM MARYLAND, 1860.
CROSSING THE BAY IN A BATTEAU.
ARRIVAL FROM DORCHESTER COUNTY, 1860.
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1860.
TWELVE MONTHS IN THE WOODS, 1860.
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND.
A SLAVE CATCHER CAUGHT IN HIS OWN TRAP.
TO WHOM IT MIGHT CONCERN.
ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND, 1858.
ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND, 1859.
ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND.
"AUNT HANNAH MOORE."
KIDNAPPING OF RACHEL AND ELIZABETH PARKER--MURDER OF JOSEPH C.
MILLER, IN 1851 AND 1852.
ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1854.
ARRIVAL FROM NORFOLK.
ARRIVAL OF FIFTEEN FROM NORFOLK, VIRGINIA.
THE CASE OF EUPHEMIA WILLIAMS.
HELPERS AND SYMPATHIZERS AT HOME AND ABROAD--INTERESTING
LETTERS.
PAMPHLET AND LETTERS.
LETTERS TO THE WRITER.
WOMAN ESCAPING IN A BOX, 1857.
ORGANIZATION OF THE VIGILANCE COMMITTEE.
PORTRAITS AND SKETCHES.
ESTHER MOORE.
ABIGAIL GOODWIN.
THOMAS GARRETT.
DANIEL GIBBONS.
LUCRETIA MOTT.
JAMES MILLER McKIM.
WILLIAM H. FURNESS, D.D.
WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON.
LEWIS TAPPAN.
ELIJAH F. PENNYPACKER.
WILLIAM WRIGHT.
DR. BARTHOLOMEW FUSSELL.
THOMAS SHIPLEY.
ROBERT PURVIS.
JOHN HUNN.
SAMUEL RHOADS.
GEORGE CORSON.
CHARLES D. CLEVELAND.
WILLIAM WHIPPER.
ISAAC T. HOPPER.
SAMUEL D. BURRIS.
MARIANN, GRACE ANNA, AND ELIZABETH R. LEWIS.
CUNNINGHAM'S RACHE.
FRANCES ELLEN WATKINS HARPER.
THE
UNDERGROUND RAILROAD
* * * * *
SETH CONCKLIN.
In the long list of names who have suffered and died in the cause of
freedom, not one, perhaps, could be found whose efforts to redeem a poor
family of slaves were more Christlike than Seth Concklin's, whose noble
and daring spirit has been so long completely shrouded in mystery.
Except John Brown, it is a question, whether his rival could be found
with respect to boldness, disinterestedness and willingness to be
sacrificed for the deliverance of the oppressed.
By chance one day he came across a copy of the Pennsylvania Freeman,
containing the story of Peter Still, "the Kidnapped and the
Ransomed,"--how he had been torn away from his mother, when a little boy
six years old; how, for forty years and more, he had been compelled to
serve under the yoke, totally destitute as to any knowledge of his
parents' whereabouts; how the intense love of liberty and desire to get
back to his mother had unceasingly absorbed his mind through all these
years of bondage; how, amid the most appalling discouragements, prompted
alone by his undying determination to be free and be reunited with those
from whom he had been sold away, he contrived to buy himself; how, by
extreme economy, from doing over-work, he saved up five hundred dollars,
the amount of money required for his ransom, which, with his freedom,
he, from necessity, placed unreservedly in the confidential keeping of a
Jew, named Joseph Friedman, whom he had known for a long time and could
venture to trust,--how he had further toiled to save up money to defray
his expenses on an expedition in search of his mother and kindred; how,
when this end was accomplished, with an earnest purpose he took his
carpet-bag in his hand, and his heart throbbing for his old home and
people, he turned his mind very privately towards Philadelphia, where he
hoped, by having notices read in the colored churches to the effect that
"forty-one or forty-two years before two little boys[A] were kidnapped
and carried South"--that the memory of some of the older members might
recall the circumstances, and in this way he would be aided in his
ardent efforts to become restored to them.
[Footnote A: Sons of Levin and Sidney--the last names of his parents he
was too young to remember.]
And, furthermore, Seth Concklin had read how, on arriving in
Philadelphia, after traveling sixteen hundred miles, that almost the
first man whom Peter Still sought advice from was his own unknown
brother (whom he had never seen or heard of), who made the discovery
that he was the long-lost boy, whose history and fate had been enveloped
in sadness so long, and for whom his mother had shed so many tears and
offered so many prayers, during the long years of their separation; and,
finally, how this self-ransomed and restored captive, notwithstanding
his great success, was destined to suffer the keenest pangs of sorrow
for his wife and children, whom he had left in Alabama bondage.
Seth Concklin was naturally too singularly sympathetic and humane not to
feel now for Peter, and especially for his wife and children left in
bonds as bound with them. Hence, as Seth was a man who seemed wholly
insensible to fear, and to know no other law of humanity and right, than
whenever the claims of the suffering and the wronged appealed to him, to
respond unreservedly, whether those thus injured were amongst his
nearest kin or the greatest strangers,--it mattered not to what race or
clime they might belong,--he, in the spirit of the good Samaritan,
owning all such as his neighbors, volunteered his services, without pay
or reward, to go and rescue the wife and three children of Peter Still.
The magnitude of this offer can hardly be appreciated. It was literally
laying his life on the altar of freedom for the despised and oppressed
whom he had never seen, whose kins-folk even he was not acquainted with.
At this juncture even Peter was not prepared to accept this proposal. He
wanted to secure the freedom of his wife and children as earnestly as he
had ever desired to see his mother, yet he could not, at first, hearken
to the idea of having them rescued in the way suggested by Concklin,
fearing a failure.
To J.M. McKim and the writer, the bold scheme for the deliverance of
Peter's family was alone confided. It was never submitted to the
Vigilance Committee, for the reason, that it was not considered a matter
belonging thereto. On first reflection, the very idea of such an
undertaking seemed perfectly appalling. Frankly was he told of the great
dangers and difficulties to be encountered through hundreds of miles of
slave territory. Seth was told of those who, in attempting to aid slaves
to escape had fallen victims to the relentless Slave Power, and had
either lost their lives, or been incarcerated for long years in
penitentiaries, where no friendly aid could be afforded them; in short,
he was plainly told, that without a very great chance, the undertaking
would cost him his life. The occasion of this interview and
conversation, the seriousness of Concklin and the utter failure in
presenting the various obstacles to his plan, to create the slightest
apparent misgiving in his mind, or to produce the slightest sense of
fear or hesitancy, can never be effaced from the memory of the writer.
The plan was, however, allowed to rest for a time.
In the meanwhile, Peter's mind was continually vacillating between
Alabama, with his wife and children, and his new-found relatives in the
North. Said a brother, "If you cannot get your family, what will you do?
Will you come North and live with your relatives?" "I would as soon go
out of the world, as not to go back and do all I can for them," was the
prompt reply of Peter.
The problem of buying them was seriously considered, but here obstacles
quite formidable lay in the way. Alabama laws utterly denied the right
of a slave to buy himself, much less his wife and children. The right of
slave masters to free their slaves, either by sale or emancipation, was
positively prohibited by law. With these reflections weighing upon his
mind, having stayed away from his wife as long as he could content
himself to do, he took his carpet-bag in his hand, and turned his face
toward Alabama, to embrace his family in the prison-house of bondage.
His approach home could only be made stealthily, not daring to breathe
to a living soul, save his own family, his nominal Jew master, and one
other friend--a slave--where he had been, the prize he had found, or
anything in relation to his travels. To his wife and children his return
was unspeakably joyous. The situation of his family concerned him with
tenfold more weight than ever before,
As the time drew near to make the offer to his wife's master to purchase
her with his children, his heart failed him through fear of awakening
the ire of slaveholders against him, as he knew that the law and public
sentiment were alike deadly opposed to the spirit of freedom in the
slave. Indeed, as innocent as a step in this direction might appear, in
those days a man would have stood about as good a chance for his life in
entering a lair of hungry hyenas, as a slave or free colored man would,
in talking about freedom.
He concluded, therefore, to say nothing about buying. The plan proposed
by Seth Concklin was told to Vina, his wife; also what he had heard from
his brother about the Underground Rail Road,--how, that many who could
not get their freedom in any other way, by being aided a little, were
daily escaping to Canada. Although the wife and children had never
tasted the pleasures of freedom for a single hour in their lives, they
hated slavery heartily, and being about to be far separated from husband
and father, they were ready to assent to any proposition that looked
like deliverance.
So Peter proposed to Vina, that she should give him certain small
articles, consisting of a cape, etc., which he would carry with him as
memorials, and, in case Concklin or any one else should ever come for
her from him, as an unmistakable sign that all was right, he would send
back, by whoever was to befriend them, the cape, so that she and the
children might not doubt but have faith in the man, when he gave her the
sign, (cape).
Again Peter returned to Philadelphia, and was now willing to accept the
offer of Concklin. Ere long, the opportunity of an interview was had,
and Peter gave Seth a very full description of the country and of his
family, and made known to him, that he had very carefully gone over with
his wife and children the matter of their freedom. This interview
interested Concklin most deeply. If his own wife and children had been
in bondage, scarcely could he have manifested greater sympathy for them.
For the hazardous work before him he was at once prepared to make a
start. True he had two sisters in Philadelphia for whom he had always
cherished the warmest affection, but he conferred not with them on this
momentous mission. For full well did he know that it was not in human
nature for them to acquiesce in this perilous undertaking, though one of
these sisters, Mrs. Supplee, was a most faithful abolitionist.
Having once laid his hand to the plough he was not the man to look
back,--not even to bid his sisters good-bye, but he actually left them
as though he expected to be home to his dinner as usual. What had become
of him during those many weeks of his perilous labors in Alabama to
rescue this family was to none a greater mystery than to his sisters. On
leaving home he simply took two or three small articles in the way of
apparel with one hundred dollars to defray his expenses for a time; this
sum he considered ample to start with. Of course he had very safely
concealed about him Vina's cape and one or two other articles which he
was to use for his identification in meeting her and the children on the
plantation.
His first thought was, on reaching his destination, after becoming
acquainted with the family, being familiar with Southern manners, to
have them all prepared at a given hour for the starting of the steamboat
for Cincinnati, and to join him at the wharf, when he would boldly
assume the part of a slaveholder, and the family naturally that of
slaves, and in this way he hoped to reach Cincinnati direct, before
their owner had fairly discovered their escape.
But alas for Southern irregularity, two or three days' delay after being
advertised to start, was no uncommon circumstance with steamers; hence
this plan was abandoned. What this heroic man endured from severe
struggles and unyielding exertions, in traveling thousands of miles on
water and on foot, hungry and fatigued, rowing his living freight for
seven days and seven nights in a skiff, is hardly to be paralleled in
the annals of the Underground Rail Road.
The following interesting letters penned by the hand of Concklin convey
minutely his last struggles and characteristically represent the
singleness of heart which impelled him to sacrifice his life for the
slave--
EASTPORT, MISS., FEB. 3, 1851.
To Wm. Still:--Our friends in Cincinnati have failed finding anybody to
assist me on my return. Searching the country opposite Paducah, I find
that the whole country fifty miles round is inhabited only by Christian
wolves. It is customary, when a strange negro is seen, for any white man
to seize the negro and convey such negro through and out of the State of
Illinois to Paducah, Ky., and lodge such stranger in Paducah jail, and
there claim such reward as may be offered by the master.
There is no regularity by the steamboats on the Tennessee River. I was
four days getting to Florence from Paducah. Sometimes they are four days
starting, from the time appointed, which alone puts to rest the plan for
returning by steamboat. The distance from the mouth of the river to
Florence, is from between three hundred and five to three hundred and
forty-five miles by the river; by land, two hundred and fifty, or more.
I arrived at the shoe shop on the plantation, one o'clock, Tuesday,
28th. William and two boys were making shoes. I immediately gave the
first signal, anxiously waiting thirty minutes for an opportunity to
give the second and main signal, during which time I was very sociable.
It was rainy and muddy--my pants were rolled up to the knees. I was in
the character of a man seeking employment in this country. End of thirty
minutes gave the second signal.
William appeared unmoved; soon sent out the boys; instantly sociable;
Peter and Levin at the Island; one of the young masters with them; not
safe to undertake to see them till Saturday night, when they would be at
home; appointed a place to see Vina, in an open field, that night; they
to bring me something to eat; our interview only four minutes; I left;
appeared by night; dark and cloudy; at ten o'clock appeared William;
exchanged signals; led me a few rods to where stood Vina; gave her the
signal sent by Peter; our interview ten minutes; she did not call me
"master," nor did she say "sir," by which I knew she had confidence in
me.
Our situation being dangerous, we decided that I meet Peter and Levin on
the bank of the river early dawn of day, Sunday, to establish the laws.
During our interview, William prostrated on his knees, and face to the
ground; arms sprawling; head cocked back, watching for wolves, by which
position a man can see better in the dark. No house to go to safely,
traveled round till morning, eating hoe cake which William had given me
for supper; next day going around to get employment. I thought of
William, who is a Christian preacher, and of the Christian preachers in
Pennsylvania. One watching for wolves by night, to rescue Vina and her
three children from Christian licentiousness; the other standing erect
in open day, seeking the praise of men.
During the four days waiting for the important Sunday morning, I
thoroughly surveyed the rocks and shoals of the river from Florence
seven miles up, where will be my place of departure. General notice was
taken of me as being a stranger, lurking around. Fortunately there are
several small grist mills within ten miles around. No taverns here, as
in the North; any planter's house entertains travelers occasionally.
One night I stayed at a medical gentleman's, who is not a large planter;
another night at an ex-magistrate's house in South Florence--a Virginian
by birth--one of the late census takers; told me that many more persons
cannot read and write than is reported; one fact, amongst many others,
that many persons who do not know the letters of the alphabet, have
learned to write their own names; such are generally reported readers
and writers.
It being customary for a stranger not to leave the house early in the
morning where he has lodged, I was under the necessity of staying out
all night Saturday, to be able to meet Peter and Levin, which was
accomplished in due time. When we approached, I gave my signal first;
immediately they gave theirs. I talked freely. Levin's voice, at first,
evidently trembled. No wonder, for my presence universally attracted
attention by the lords of the land. Our interview was less than one
hour; the laws were written. I to go to Cincinnati to get a rowing boat
and provisions; a first class clipper boat to go with speed. To depart
from the place where the laws were written, on Saturday night of the
first of March. I to meet one of them at the same place Thursday night,
previous to the fourth Saturday from the night previous to the Sunday
when the laws were written. We to go down the Tennessee river to some
place up the Ohio, not yet decided on, in our row boat. Peter and Levin
are good oarsmen. So am I. Telegraph station at Tuscumbia, twelve miles
from the plantation, also at Paducah.
Came from Florence to here Sunday night by steamboat. Eastport is in
Mississippi. Waiting here for a steamboat to go down; paying one dollar
a day for board. Like other taverns here, the wretchedness is
indescribable; no pen, ink, paper or newspaper to be had; only one room
for everybody, except the gambling rooms. It is difficult for me to
write. Vina intends to get a pass for Catharine and herself for the
first Sunday in March.
The bank of the river where I met Peter and Levin is two miles from the
plantation. I have avoided saying I am from Philadelphia. Also avoided
talking about negroes. I never talked so much about milling before. I
consider most of the trouble over, till I arrive in a free State with my
crew, the first week in March; then will I have to be wiser than
Christian serpents, and more cautious than doves. I do not consider it
safe to keep this letter in my possession, yet I dare not put it in the
post-office here; there is so little business in these post-offices that
notice might be taken.
I am evidently watched; everybody knows me to be a miller. I may write
again when I get to Cincinnati, if I should have time. The
ex-magistrate, with whom I stayed in South Florence, held three hours'
talk with me, exclusive of our morning talk. Is a man of good general
information; he was exceedingly inquisitive. "I am from Cincinnati,
formerly from the _State of New York_." I had no opportunity to get
anything to eat from seven o'clock Tuesday morning till six o'clock
Wednesday evening, except the hoe cake, and no sleep.
Florence is the head of navigation for small steamboats. Seven miles,
all the way up to my place of departure, is swift water, and rocky.
Eight hundred miles to Cincinnati. I found all things here as Peter told
me, except the distance of the river. South Florence contains twenty
white families, three warehouses of considerable business, a
post-office, but no school. McKiernon is here waiting for a steamboat to
go to New Orleans, so we are in company.
PRINCETON, GIBSON COUNTY, INDIANA, FEB. 18, 1851.
To Wm. Still:--The plan is to go to Canada, on the Wabash, opposite
Detroit. There are four routes to Canada. One through Illinois,
commencing above and below Alton; one through to North Indiana, and the
Cincinnati route, being the largest route in the United States.
I intended to have gone through Pennsylvania, but the risk going up the
Ohio river has caused me to go to Canada. Steamboat traveling is
universally condemned, though many go in boats, consequently many get
lost. Going in a skiff is new, and is approved of in my case. After I
arrive at the mouth of the Tennessee river, I will go up the Ohio
seventy-five miles, to the mouth of the Wabash, then up the Wabash,
forty-four miles to New Harmony, where I shall go ashore by night, and
go thirteen miles east, to Charles Grier, a farmer, (colored man), who
will entertain us, and next night convey us sixteen miles to David
Stormon, near Princeton, who will take the command, and I be released.
David Stormon estimates the expenses from his house to Canada, at forty
dollars, without which, no sure protection will be given. They might be
instructed concerning the course, and beg their way through without
money. If you wish to do what should be done, you will send me fifty
dollars, in a letter, to Princeton, Gibson county, Inda., so as to
arrive there by the 8th of March. Eight days should be estimated for a
letter to arrive from Philadelphia.
The money to be State Bank of Ohio, or State Bank, or Northern Bank of
Kentucky, or any other Eastern bank. Send no notes larger than twenty
dollars.
Levi Coffin had no money for me. I paid twenty dollars for the skiff. No
money to get back to Philadelphia. It was not understood that I would
have to be at any expense seeking aid.
One half of my time has been used in trying to find persons to assist,
when I may arrive on the Ohio river, in which I have failed, except
Stormon.
Having no letter of introduction to Stormon from any source, on which I
could fully rely, I traveled two hundred miles around, to find out his
stability. I have found many Abolitionists, nearly all who have made
propositions, which themselves would not comply with, and nobody else
would. Already I have traveled over three thousand miles. Two thousand
and four hundred by steamboat, two hundred by railroad, one hundred by
stage, four hundred on foot, forty-eight in a skiff.
I have yet five hundred miles to go to the plantation, to commence
operations. I have been two weeks on the decks of steamboats, three
nights out, two of which I got perfectly wet. If I had had paper money,
as McKim desired, it would have been destroyed. I have not been
entertained gratis at any place except Stormon's. I had one hundred and
twenty-six dollars when I left Philadelphia, one hundred from you,
twenty-six mine.
Telegraphed to station at Evansville, thirty-three miles from Stormon's,
and at Vinclure's, twenty-five miles from Stormon's. The Wabash route is
considered the safest route. No one has ever been lost from Stormon's to
Canada. Some have been lost between Stormon's and the Ohio. The wolves
have never suspected Stormon. Your asking aid in money for a case
properly belonging east of Ohio, is detested. If you have sent money to
Cincinnati, you should recall it. I will have no opportunity to use it.
Seth Concklin, Princeton, Gibson county, Ind.
P.S. First of April, will be about the time Peter's family will arrive
opposite Detroit. You should inform yourself how to find them there. I
may have no opportunity.
I will look promptly for your letter at Princeton, till the 10th of
March, and longer if there should have been any delay by the mails.
In March, as contemplated, Concklin arrived in Indiana, at the place
designated, with Peter's wife and three children, and sent a thrilling
letter to the writer, portraying in the most vivid light his adventurous
flight from the hour they left Alabama until their arrival in Indiana.
In this report he stated, that instead of starting early in the morning,
owing to some unforeseen delay on the part of the family, they did not
reach the designated place till towards day, which greatly exposed them
in passing a certain town which he had hoped to avoid.
But as his brave heart was bent on prosecuting his journey without
further delay, he concluded to start at all hazards, notwithstanding the
dangers he apprehended from passing said town by daylight. For safety he
endeavored to hide his freight by having them all lie flat down on the
bottom of the skiff; covered them with blankets, concealing them from
the effulgent beams of the early morning sun, or rather from the
"Christian Wolves" who might perchance espy him from the shore in
passing the town.
The wind blew fearfully. Concklin was rowing heroically when loud voices
from the shore hailed him, but he was utterly deaf to the sound.
Immediately one or two guns were fired in the direction of the skiff,
but he heeded not this significant call; consequently here ended this
difficulty. He supposed, as the wind was blowing so hard, those on shore
who hailed him must have concluded that he did not hear them and that he
meant no disrespect in treating them with seeming indifference. Whilst
many straits and great dangers had to be passed, this was the greatest
before reaching their destination.
But suffice it to say that the glad tidings which this letter contained
filled the breast of Peter with unutterable delight and his friends and
relations with wonder beyond degree.[A] No fond wife had ever waited
with more longing desire for the return of her husband than Peter had
for this blessed news. All doubts had disappeared, and a well grounded
hope was cherished that within a few short days Peter and his fond wife
and children would be reunited in Freedom on the Canada side, and that
Concklin and the friends would be rejoicing with joy unspeakable over
this great triumph. But alas, before the few days had expired the
subjoined brief paragraph of news was discovered in the morning Ledger.
[Footnote A: In some unaccountable manner this the last letter Concklin
ever penned, perhaps, has been unfortunately lost.]
RUNAWAY NEGROES CAUGHT.--At Vincennes, Indiana, on Saturday
last, a white man and four negroes were arrested. The negroes
belong to B. McKiernon, of South Florence, Alabama, and the man
who was running them off calls himself John H. Miller. The
prisoners were taken charge of by the Marshall of
Evansville.--_April 9th_.
How suddenly these sad tidings turned into mourning and gloom the hope
and joy of Peter and his relatives no pen could possibly describe; at
least the writer will not attempt it here, but will at once introduce a
witness who met the noble Concklin and the panting fugitives in Indiana
and proffered them sympathy and advice. And it may safely be said from a
truer and more devoted friend of the slave they could not have received
counsel.
EVANSVILLE, INDIANA, MARCH 31st, 1851.
WM. STILL: _Dear Sir_ ,--On last Tuesday I mailed a letter to
you, written by Seth Concklin. I presume you have received that
letter. It gave an account of his rescue of the family of your
brother. If that is the last news you have had from them, I have
very painful intelligence for you. They passed on from near
Princeton, where I saw them and had a lengthy interview with
them, up north, I think twenty-three miles above Vincennes,
Ind., where they were seized by a party of men, and lodged in
jail. Telegraphic dispatches were sent all through the South. I
have since learned that the Marshall of Evansville received a
dispatch from Tuscumbia, to look out for them. By some means, he
and the master, so says report, went to Vincennes and claimed
the fugitives, chained Mr. Concklin and hurried all off. Mr.
Concklin wrote to Mr. David Stormon, Princeton, as soon as he
was cast into prison, to find bail. So soon as we got the letter
and could get off, two of us were about setting off to render
all possible aid, when we were told they all had passed, a few
hours before, through Princeton, Mr. Concklin in chains. What
kind of process was had, if any, I know not. I immediately came
down to this place, and learned that they had been put on a boat
at 3 P.M. I did not arrive until 6. Now all hopes of their
recovery are gone. No case ever so enlisted my sympathies. I had
seen Mr. Concklin in Cincinnati. I had given him aid and
counsel. I happened to see them after they landed in Indiana. I
heard Peter and Levin tell their tale of suffering, shed tears
of sorrow for them all; but now, since they have fallen a prey
to the unmerciful blood-hounds of this state, and have again
been dragged back to unrelenting bondage, I am entirely
unmanned. And poor Concklin! I fear for him. When he is dragged
back to Alabama, I fear they will go far beyond the utmost rigor
of the law, and vent their savage cruelty upon him. It is with
pain I have to communicate these things. But you may not hear
them from him. I could not get to see him or them, as Vincennes
is about thirty miles from Princeton, where I was when I heard
of the capture.
I take pleasure in stating that, according to the letter he
(Concklin) wrote to Mr. D. Stewart, Mr. Concklin did not abandon
them, but risked his own liberty to save them. He was not with
them when they were taken; but went afterwards to take them out
of jail upon a writ of Habeas Corpus, when they seized him too
and lodged him in prison.
I write in much haste. If I can learn any more facts of
importance, I may write you. If you desire to hear from me
again, or if you should learn any thing specific from Mr.
Concklin, be pleased to write me at Cincinnati, where I expect
to be in a short time. If curious to know your correspondent, I
may say I was formerly Editor of the "New Concord Free Press,"
Ohio. I only add that every case of this kind only tends to make
me abhor my (no!) _this_ country more and more. It is the
Devil's Government, and God will destroy it.
Yours for the slave, N.R. JOHNSTON.
P.S. I broke open this letter to write you some more. The
foregoing pages were written at night. I expected to mail it
next morning before leaving Evansville; but the boat for which I
was waiting came down about three in the morning; so I had to
hurry on board, bringing the letter along. As it now is I am not
sorry, for coming down, on my way to St. Louis, as far as
Paducah, there I learned from a colored man at the wharf that,
that same day, in the morning, the master and the family of
fugitives arrived off the boat, and had then gone on their
journey to Tuscumbia, but that the "white man" (Mr. Concklin)
had "got away from them," about twelve miles up the river. It
seems he got off the boat some way, near or at Smithland, Ky., a
town at the mouth of the Cumberland River. I presume the report
is true, and hope he will finally escape, though I was also told
that they were in pursuit of him. Would that the others had also
escaped. Peter and Levin could have done so, I think, if they
had had resolution. One of them rode a horse, he not tied
either, behind the coach in which the others were. He followed
apparently "contented and happy." From report, they told their
master, and even their pursuers, before the master came, that
Concklin had decoyed them away, they coming unwillingly. I write
on a very unsteady boat.
Yours, N.R. JOHNSTON.
A report found its way into the papers to the effect that "Miller," the
white man arrested in connection with the capture of the family, was
found drowned, with his hands and feet in chains and his skull
fractured. It proved, as his friends feared, to be Seth Concklin. And in
irons, upon the river bank, there is no doubt he was buried.
In this dreadful hour one sad duty still remained to be performed. Up to
this moment the two sisters were totally ignorant of their brother's
whereabouts. Not the first whisper of his death had reached them. But
they must now be made acquainted with all the facts in the case.
Accordingly an interview was arranged for a meeting, and the duty of
conveying this painful intelligence to one of the sisters, Mrs. Supplee,
devolved upon Mr. McKim. And most tenderly and considerately did he
perform his mournful task.
Although a woman of nerve, and a true friend to the slave, an earnest
worker and a liberal giver in the Female Anti-Slavery Society, for a
time she was overwhelmed by the intelligence of her brother's death. As
soon as possible, however, through very great effort, she controlled her
emotions, and calmly expressed herself as being fully resigned to the
awful event. Not a word of complaint had she to make because she had not
been apprised of his movements; but said repeatedly, that, had she known
ever so much of his intentions, she would have been totally powerless in
opposing him if she had felt so disposed, and as an illustration of the
true character of the man, from his boyhood up to the day he died for
his fellow-man, she related his eventful career, and recalled a number
of instances of his heroic and daring deeds for others, sacrificing his
time and often periling his life in the cause of those who he considered
were suffering gross wrongs and oppression. Hence, she concluded, that
it was only natural for him in this case to have taken the steps he did.
Now and then overflowing tears would obstruct this deeply thrilling and
most remarkable story she was telling of her brother, but her memory
seemed quickened by the sadness of the occasion, and she was enabled to
recall vividly the chief events connected with his past history. Thus
his agency in this movement, which cost him his life, could readily
enough be accounted for, and the individuals who listened attentively to
the story were prepared to fully appreciate his character, for, prior to
offering his services in this mission, he had been a stranger to them.
The following extract, taken from a letter of a subsequent date, in
addition to the above letter, throws still further light upon the
heart-rending affair, and shows Mr. Johnston's deep sympathy with the
sufferers and the oppressed generally--
EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM REV. N.R. JOHNSTON.
My heart bleeds when I think of those poor, hunted and
heart-broken fugitives, though a most interesting family, taken
back to bondage ten-fold worse than Egyptian. And then poor
Concklin! How my heart expanded in love to him, as he told me
his adventures, his trials, his toils, his fears and his hopes!
After hearing all, and then seeing and communing with the
family, now joyful in hopes of soon seeing their husband and
father in the land of freedom; now in terror lest the human
blood-hounds should be at their heels, I felt as though I could
lay down my life in the cause of the oppressed. In that hour or
two of intercourse with Peter's family, my heart warmed with
love to them. I never saw more interesting young men. They would
make Remonds or Douglasses, if they had the same opportunities.
While I was with them, I was elated with joy at their escape,
and yet, when I heard their tale of woe, especially that of the
mother, I could not suppress tears of deepest emotion.
My joy was short-lived. Soon I heard of their capture. The
telegraph had been the means of their being claimed. I could
have torn down all the telegraph wires in the land. It was a
strange dispensation of Providence.
On Saturday the sad news of their capture came to my ears. We
had resolved to go to their aid on Monday, as the trial was set
for Thursday. On Sabbath, I spoke from Psalm xii. 5. "For the
oppression of the poor, for the sighing of the needy, now will I
arise," saith the Lord: "I will set him in safety from him that
puffeth at (from them that would enslave) him." When on Monday
morning I learned that the fugitives had passed through the
place on Sabbath, and Concklin in chains, probably at the very
time I was speaking on the subject referred to, my heart sank
within me. And even yet, I cannot but exclaim, when I think of
it--O, Father! how long ere Thou wilt arise to avenge the wrongs
of the poor slave! Indeed, my dear brother, His ways are very
mysterious. We have the consolation, however, to know that all
is for the best. Our Redeemer does all things well. When He hung
upon the cross, His poor broken hearted disciples could not
understand the providence; it was a dark time to them; and yet
that was an event that was fraught with more joy to the world
than any that has occurred or could occur. Let us stand at our
post and wait God's time. Let us have on the whole armor of God,
and fight for the right, knowing, that though we may fall in
battle, the victory will be ours, sooner or later.
* * * * *
May God lead you into all truth, and sustain you in your labors,
and fulfill your prayers and hopes. Adieu.
N.R. JOHNSTON.
LETTERS FROM LEVI COFFIN.
The following letters on the subject were received from the untiring and
devoted friend of the slave, Levi Coffin, who for many years had
occupied in Cincinnati a similar position to that of Thomas Garrett in
Delaware, a sentinel and watchman commissioned of God to succor the
fleeing bondman--
CINCINNATI, 4TH MO., 10TH, 1851.
FRIEND WM. STILL:--We have sorrowful news from our friend
Concklin, through the papers and otherwise. I received a letter
a few days ago from a friend near Princeton, Ind., stating that
Concklin and the four slaves are in prison in Vincennes, and
that their trial would come on in a few days. He states that
they rowed seven days and nights in the skiff, and got safe to
Harmony, Ind., on the Wabash river, thence to Princeton, and
were conveyed to Vincennes by friends, where they were taken.
The papers state, that they were all given up to the Marshal of
Evansville, Indiana.
We have telegraphed to different points, to try to get some
information concerning them, but failed. The last information is
published in the _Times_ of yesterday, though quite incorrect in
the particulars of the case. Inclosed is the slip containing it.
I fear all is over in regard to the freedom of the slaves. If
the last account be true, we have some hope that Concklin will
escape from those bloody tyrants. I cannot describe my feelings
on hearing this sad intelligence. I feel ashamed to own my
country. Oh! what shall I say. Surely a God of justice will
avenge the wrongs of the oppressed.
Thine for the poor slave,
LEVI COFFIN.
N.B.--If thou hast any information, please write me forthwith.
CINCINNATI, 5TH MO., 11TH, 1851.
WM. STILL:--_Dear Friend_--Thy letter of 1st inst., came duly to
hand, but not being able to give any further information
concerning our friend, Concklin, I thought best to wait a little
before I wrote, still hoping to learn something more definite
concerning him.
We that became acquainted with Seth Concklin and his hazardous
enterprises (here at Cincinnati), who were very few, have felt
intense and inexpressible anxiety about them. And particularly
about poor Seth, since we heard of his falling into the hands of
the tyrants. I fear that he has fallen a victim to their inhuman
thirst for blood.
I seriously doubt the rumor, that he had made his escape. I fear
that he was sacrificed.
Language would fail to express my feelings; the intense and deep
anxiety I felt about them for weeks before I heard of their
capture in Indiana, and then it seemed too much to bear. O! my
heart almost bleeds when I think of it. The hopes of the dear
family all blasted by the wretched blood-hounds in human shape.
And poor Seth, after all his toil, and dangerous, shrewd and
wise management, and almost unheard of adventures, the many
narrow and almost miraculous escapes. Then to be given up to
Indianians, to these fiendish tyrants, to be sacrificed. O!
Shame, Shame!!
My heart aches, my eyes fill with tears, I cannot write more. I
cannot dwell longer on this painful subject now. If you get any
intelligence, please inform me. Friend N.R. Johnston, who took
so much interest in them, and saw them just before they were
taken, has just returned to the city. He is a minister of the
Covenanter order. He is truly a lovely man, and his heart is
full of the milk of humanity; one of our best Anti-Slavery
spirits. I spent last evening with him. He related the whole
story to me as he had it from friend Concklin and the mother and
children, and then the story of their capture. We wept together.
He found thy letter when he got here.
He said he would write the whole history to thee in a few days,
as far as he could. He can tell it much better than I can.
Concklin left his carpet sack and clothes here with me, except a
shirt or two he took with him. What shall I do with them? For if
we do not hear from him soon, we must conclude that he is lost,
and the report of his escape all a hoax.
Truly thy friend,
LEVI COFFIN.
Stunning and discouraging as this horrible ending was to all concerned,
and serious as the matter looked in the eyes of Peter's friends with
regard to Peter's family, he could not for a moment abandon the idea of
rescuing them from the jaws of the destroyer. But most formidable
difficulties stood in the way of opening correspondence with reliable
persons in Alabama. Indeed it seemed impossible to find a merchant,
lawyer, doctor, planter or minister, who was not too completely
interlinked with slavery to be relied upon to manage a negotiation of
this nature. Whilst waiting and hoping for something favorable to turn
up, the subjoined letter from the owner of Peter's family was received
and is here inserted precisely as it was written, spelled and
punctuated--
McKIERNON'S LETTER.
SOUTH FLORENCE ALA 6 Augest 1851
Mr WILLIAM STILL _No 31 North Fifth street Philadelphia_
Sir a few days sinc mr Lewis Tharenton of Tuscumbia Ala shewed
me a letter dated 6 June 51 from Cincinnati signd samuel Lewis
in behalf of a Negro man by the name of peter Gist who informed
the writer of the Letter that you ware his brother and wished an
answer to be directed to you as he peter would be in
philadelphi. the object of the letter was to purchis from me 4
Negros that is peters wife & 3 children 2 sons & 1 Girl the Name
of said Negres are the woman Viney the (mother) Eldest son peter
21 or 2 years old second son Leven 19 or 20 years 1 Girl about
13 or 14 years old. the Husband & Father of these people once
Belonged to a relation of mine by the name of Gist now Decest &
some few years since he peter was sold to a man by the Name of
Freedman who removed to cincinnati ohio & Tuck peter with him of
course peter became free by the volentary act of the master some
time last march a white man by the name of Miller apperd in the
nabourhood & abducted the bove negroes was caut at vincanes Indi
with said negroes & was thare convicted of steling & remanded
back to Ala to Abide the penalty of the law & on his return met
his Just reward by Getting drownded at the mouth of cumberland
River on the ohio in attempting to make his escape I recovered &
Braught Back said 4 negroes or as You would say coulard people
under the Belief that peter the Husband was accessory to the
offence thareby putting me to much Expense & Truble to the amt
$1000 which if he gets them he or his Friends must refund these
4 negroes are worth in the market about 4000 for thea are
Extraordinary fine & likely & but for the fact of Elopement I
would not take 8000 Dollars for them but as the thing now stands
you can say to peter & his new discovered Relations in
Philadelphia I will take 5000 for the 4 culerd people & if this
will suite him & he can raise the money I will delever to him or
his agent at paduca at mouth of Tennessee river said negroes but
the money must be Deposeted in the Hands of some respectabl
person at paduca before I remove the property it wold not be
safe for peter to come to this countery write me a line on recpt
of this & let me Know peters views on the above
I am Yours &c B. McKIERNON
N B say to peter to write & let me Know his viewes amediately as
I am determined to act in a way if he don't take this offer he
will never have an other oppertunity
B McKIERNON
WM. STILL'S ANSWER.
PHILADELPHIA, Aug. 16th, 1851.
To B. McKIERNON, ESQ.: _Sir_--I have received your letter from
South Florence, Ala., under date of the 6th inst. To say that it
took me by surprise, as well as afforded me pleasure, for which
I feel to be very much indebted to you, is no more than true. In
regard to your informants of myself--Mr. Thornton, of Ala., and
Mr. Samuel Lewis, of Cincinnati--to them both I am a stranger.
However, I am the brother of Peter, referred to, and with the
fact of his having a wife and three children in your service I
am also familiar. This brother, Peter, I have only had the
pleasure of knowing for the brief space of one year and thirteen
days, although he is now past forty and I twenty-nine years of
age. Time will not allow me at present, or I should give you a
detailed account of how Peter became a slave, the forty long
years which intervened between the time he was kidnapped, when a
boy, being only six years of age, and his arrival in this city,
from Alabama, one year and fourteen days ago, when he was
re-united to his mother, five brothers and three sisters.
None but a father's heart can fathom the anguish and sorrows
felt by Peter during the many vicissitudes through which he has
passed. He looked back to his boyhood and saw himself snatched
from the tender embraces of his parents and home to be made a
slave for life.
During all his prime days he was in the faithful and constant
service of those who had no just claim upon him. In the
meanwhile he married a wife, who bore him eleven children, the
greater part of whom were emancipated from the troubles of life
by death, and three only survived. To them and his wife he was
devoted. Indeed I have never seen attachment between parents and
children, or husband and wife, more entire than was manifested
in the case of Peter.
Through these many years of servitude, Peter was sold and
resold, from one State to another, from one owner to another,
till he reached the forty-ninth year of his age, when, in a good
Providence, through the kindness of a friend and the sweat of
his brow, he regained the God-given blessings of liberty. He
eagerly sought his parents and home with all possible speed and
pains, when, to his heart's joy, he found his relatives.
Your present humble correspondent is the youngest of Peter's
brothers, and the first one of the family he saw after arriving
in this part of the country. I think you could not fail to be
interested in hearing how we became known to each other, and the
proof of our being brothers, etc., all of which I should be most
glad to relate, but time will not permit me to do so. The news
of this wonderful occurrence, of Peter finding his kindred, was
published quite extensively, shortly afterwards, in various
newspapers, in this quarter, which may account for the fact of
"Miller's" knowledge of the whereabouts of the "fugitives." Let
me say, it is my firm conviction that no one had any hand in
persuading "Miller" to go down from Cincinnati, or any other
place, after the family. As glad as I should be, and as much as
I would do for the liberation of Peter's family (now no longer
young), and his three "likely" children, in whom he prides
himself--how much, if you are a father, you can imagine; yet I
would not, and could not, think of persuading any friend to
peril his life, as would be the case, in an errand of that kind.
As regards the price fixed upon by you for the family, I must
say I do not think it possible to raise half that amount, though
Peter authorized me to say he would give you twenty-five hundred
for them. Probably he is not as well aware as I am, how
difficult it is to raise so large a sum of money from the
public. The applications for such objects are so frequent among
us in the North, and have always been so liberally met, that it
is no wonder if many get tired of being called upon. To be sure
some of us brothers own some property, but no great amount;
certainly not enough to enable us to bear so great a burden.
Mother owns a small farm in New Jersey, on which she has lived
for nearly forty years, from which she derives her support in
her old age. This small farm contains between forty and fifty
acres, and is the fruit of my father's toil. Two of my brothers
own small places also, but they have young families, and
consequently consume nearly as much as they make, with the
exception of adding some improvements to their places.
For my own part, I am employed as a clerk for a living, but my
salary is quite too limited to enable me to contribute any great
amount towards so large a sum as is demanded. Thus you see how
we are situated financially. We have plenty of friends, but
little money. Now, sir, allow me to make an appeal to your
humanity, although we are aware of your power to hold as
property those poor slaves, mother, daughter and two sons,--that
in no part of the United States could they escape and be secure
from your claim--nevertheless, would your understanding, your
heart, or your conscience reprove you, should you restore to
them, without price, that dear freedom, which is theirs by right
of nature, or would you not feel a satisfaction in so doing
which all the wealth of the world could not equal? At all
events, could you not so reduce the price as to place it in the
power of Peter's relatives and friends to raise the means for
their purchase? At first, I doubt not, but that you will think
my appeal very unreasonable; but, sir, serious reflection will
decide, whether the money demanded by you, after all, will be of
as great a benefit to you, as the satisfaction you would find in
bestowing so great a favor upon those whose entire happiness in
this life depends mainly upon your decision in the matter. If
the entire family cannot be purchased or freed, what can Vina
and her daughter be purchased for? Hoping, sir, to hear from
you, at your earliest convenience, I subscribe myself,
Your obedient servant, WM. STILL.
To B. McKiernon, Esq.
No reply to this letter was ever received from McKiernon. The cause of
his reticence can be as well conjectured by the reader as the writer.
Time will not admit of further details kindred to this narrative. The
life, struggles, and success of Peter and his family were ably brought
before the public in the "Kidnapped and the Ransomed," being the
personal recollections of Peter Still and his wife "Vina," after forty
years of slavery, by Mrs. Kate E.R. Pickard; with an introduction by
Rev. Samuel J. May, and an appendix by William H. Furness, D.D., in
1856. But, of course it was not prudent or safe, in the days of Slavery,
to publish such facts as are now brought to light; all such had to be
kept concealed in the breasts of the fugitives and their friends.
[Illustration: PETER STILL ]
[Illustration: CHARITY STILL ]
The following brief sketch, touching the separation of Peter and his
mother, will fitly illustrate this point, and at the same time explain
certain mysteries which have been hitherto kept hidden--
THE SEPARATION.
With regard to Peter's separation from his mother, when a little boy, in
few words, the facts were these: His parents, Levin and Sidney, were
both slaves on the Eastern Shore of Maryland. "I will die before I
submit to the yoke," was the declaration of his father to his young
master before either was twenty-one years of age. Consequently he was
allowed to buy himself at a very low figure, and he paid the required
sum and obtained his "free papers" when quite a young man--the young
wife and mother remaining in slavery under Saunders Griffin, as also her
children, the latter having increased to the number of four, two little
boys and two little girls. But to escape from chains, stripes, and
bondage, she took her four little children and fled to a place near
Greenwich, New Jersey. Not a great while, however, did she remain there
in a state of freedom before the slave-hunters pursued her, and one
night they pounced upon the whole family, and, without judge or jury,
hurried them all back to slavery. Whether this was kidnapping or not is
for the reader to decide for himself.
Safe back in the hands of her owner, to prevent her from escaping a
second time, every night for about three months she was cautiously "kept
locked up in the garret," until, as they supposed, she was fully "cured
of the desire to do so again." But she was incurable. She had been a
witness to the fact that her own father's brains had been blown out by
the discharge of a heavily loaded gun, deliberately aimed at his head by
his drunken master. She only needed half a chance to make still greater
struggles than ever for freedom.
She had great faith in God, and found much solace in singing some of the
good old Methodist tunes, by day and night. Her owner, observing this
apparently tranquil state of mind, indicating that she "seemed better
contented than ever," concluded that it was safe to let the garret door
remain unlocked at night. Not many weeks were allowed to pass before she
resolved to again make a bold strike for freedom. This time she had to
leave the two little boys, Levin and Peter, behind.
On the night she started she went to the bed where they were sleeping,
kissed them, and, consigning them into the hands of God, bade her mother
good-bye, and with her two little girls wended her way again to
Burlington County, New Jersey, but to a different neighborhood from that
where she had been seized. She changed her name to Charity, and
succeeded in again joining her husband, but, alas, with the
heart-breaking thought that she had been compelled to leave her two
little boys in slavery and one of the little girls on the road for the
father to go back after. Thus she began life in freedom anew.
Levin and Peter, eight and six years of age respectively, were now left
at the mercy of the enraged owner, and were soon hurried off to a
Southern market and sold, while their mother, for whom they were daily
weeping, was they knew not where. They were too young to know that they
were slaves, or to understand the nature of the afflicting separation.
Sixteen years before Peter's return, his older brother (Levin) died a
slave in the State of Alabama, and was buried by his surviving brother,
Peter.
No idea other than that they had been "kidnapped" from their mother ever
entered their minds; nor had they any knowledge of the State from whence
they supposed they had been taken, the last names of their mother and
father, or where they were born. On the other hand, the mother was aware
that the safety of herself and her rescued children depended on keeping
the whole transaction a strict family secret. During the forty years of
separation, except two or three Quaker friends, including the devoted
friend of the slave, Benjamin Lundy, it is doubtful whether any other
individuals were let into the secret of her slave life. And when the
account given of Peter's return, etc., was published in 1850, it led
some of the family to apprehend serious danger from the partial
revelation of the early condition of the mother, especially as it was
about the time that the Fugitive Slave law was passed.
Hence, the author of "The Kidnapped and the Ransomed" was compelled to
omit these dangerous facts, and had to confine herself strictly to the
"personal recollections of Peter Still" with regard to his being
"kidnapped." Likewise, in the sketch of Seth Concklin's eventful life,
written by Dr. W.H. Furness, for similar reasons he felt obliged to make
but bare reference to his wonderful agency in relation to Peter's
family, although he was fully aware of all the facts in the case.
UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD LETTERS.
Here are introduced a few out of a very large number of interesting
letters, designed for other parts of the book as occasion may require.
All letters will be given precisely as they were written by their
respective authors, so that there may be no apparent room for charging
the writer with partial colorings in any instance. Indeed, the
originals, however ungrammatically written or erroneously spelt, in
their native simplicity possess such beauty and force as corrections and
additions could not possibly enhance--
LETTER FROM THOMAS GARRETT (U.G.R.R. DEPOT).
WILMINGTON, 3mo. 23d, 1856.
DEAR FRIEND, WILLIAM STILL:--Since I wrote thee this morning informing
thee of the safe arrival of the Eight from Norfolk, Harry Craige has
informed me, that he has a man from Delaware that he proposes to take
along, who arrived since noon. He will take the man, woman and two
children from here with him, and the four men will get in at Marcus
Hook. Thee may take Harry Craige by the hand as a brother, true to the
cause; he is one of our most efficient aids on the Rail Road, and worthy
of full confidence. May they all be favored to get on safe. The woman
and three children are no common stock. I assure thee finer specimens of
humanity are seldom met with. I hope herself and children may be enabled
to find her husband, who has been absent some years, and the rest of
their days be happy together.
I am, as ever, thy friend,
THOS. GARRETT.
LETTER FROM MISS G.A. LEWIS (U.G.R.R. DEPOT).
KIMBERTON, October 28th, 1855.
ESTEEMED FRIEND;--This evening a company of eleven friends reached here,
having left their homes on the night of the 26th inst. They came into
Wilmington, about ten o'clock on the morning of the 27th, and left
there, in the town, their two carriages, drawn by two horses. They went
to Thomas Garrett's by open day-light and from thence were sent hastily
onward for fear of pursuit. They reached Longwood meeting-house in the
evening, at which place a Fair Circle had convened, and stayed a while
in the meeting, then, after remaining all night with one of the Kennet
friends, they were brought to Downingtown early in the morning, and from
thence, by daylight, to within a short distance of this place.
They come from New Chestertown, within five miles of the place from
which the nine lately forwarded came, and left behind them a colored
woman who knew of their intended flight and of their intention of
passing through Wilmington and leaving their horses and carriages there.
I have been thus particular in my statement, because the case seems to
us one of unusual danger. We have separated the company for the present,
sending a mother and five children, two of them quite small, in one
direction, and a husband and wife and three lads in another, until I
could write to you and get advice if you have any to give, as to the
best method of forwarding them, and assistance pecuniarily, in getting
them to Canada. The mother and children we have sent off of the usual
route, and to a place where I do not think they can remain many days.
We shall await hearing from you. H. Kimber will be in the city on third
day, the 30th, and any thing left at 408 Green Street directed to his
care, will meet with prompt attention.
Please give me again the direction of Hiram Wilson and the friend in
Elmira, Mr. Jones, I think. If you have heard from any of the nine since
their safe arrival, please let us know when you write.
Very Respectfully,
G.A. LEWIS.
_2d day morning, 29th_.--The person who took the husband and wife and
three lads to E.F. Pennypecker, and Peart, has returned and reports that
L. Peart sent three on to Norristown. We fear that there they will fall
into the hands of an ignorant colored man Daniel Ross, and that he may
not understand the necessity of caution. Will you please write to some
careful person there? The woman and children detained in this
neighborhood are a very helpless set. Our plan was to assist them as
much as possible, and when we get things into the proper train for
sending them on, to get the assistance of the husband and wife, who have
no children, but are uncle and aunt to the woman with five, in taking
with them one of the younger children, leaving fewer for the mother. Of
the lads, or young men, there is also one whom we thought capable of
accompanying one of the older girls--one to whom he is paying attention,
they told us. Would it not be the best way to get those in Norristown
under your own care? It seems to me their being sent on could then be
better arranged. This, however, is only a suggestion,
Hastily yours,
G.A. LEWIS.
LETTER FROM E.L. STEVENS, ESQ. _(The reader will interpret for
himself_.)
WASHINGTON, D.C., July 11th, 1858.
MY DEAR SIR:--Susan Bell left here yesterday with the child of her
relative, and since leaving I have thought, perhaps, you had not the
address of the gentleman in Syracuse where the child is to be taken for
medical treatment, etc. His name is Dr. H.B. Wilbur. A woman living with
him is a most excellent nurse and will take a deep interest in the
child, which, no doubt, will under Providence be the means of its
complete restoration to health. Be kind enough to inform me whether
Susan is with you, and if she is give her the proper direction. _Ten
packages_ were sent to your address last evening, one of them belongs to
Susan, and she had better remain with you till she gets it, as it may
not have come to hand. Susan thought she would go to Harrisburg when she
left here and stay over Sunday, if so, she would not get to Philadelphia
till Monday or Tuesday. Please acknowledge the receipt of this, and
inform me of her arrival, also when the packages came safe to hand,
inform me especially if Susan's came safely.
Truly Yours,
E.L. STEVENS.
LETTER FROM S.H. GAY, ESQ., EX-EDITOR OF THE ANTI-SLAVERY STANDARD AND
NEW YORK TRIBUNE.
FRIEND STILL:--The two women, Laura and Lizzy, arrived this morning. I
shall forward them to Syracuse this afternoon.
The two men came safely yesterday, but went to Gibbs'. He has friends on
board the boat who are on the lookout for fugitives, and send them, when
found, to his house. Those whom you wish to be particularly under my
charge, must have careful directions to this office.
There is now no other sure place, but the office, or Gibbs', that I
could advise you to send such persons. Those to me, therefore, must come
in office hours. In a few days, however, Napoleon will have a room down
town, and at odd times they can be sent there. I am not willing to put
any more with the family where I have hitherto sometimes sent them.
When it is possible I wish you would advise me two days before a
shipment of your intention, as Napoleon is not always on hand to look
out for them at short notice. In special cases you might advise me by
Telegraph, thus: "One M. (or one F.) this morning. W.S." By which I
shall understand that one Male, or one Female, as the case may be, has
left Phila. by the 6 _o'clock train_--one or more, also, as the case may
be.
Aug. 17th, 1855.
Truly Yours, S.H. GAY.
LETTER FROM JOHN H. HILL, A FUGITIVE, APPEALING IN BEHALF OF A POOR
SLAVE IN PETERSBURG, VA.
HAMILTON, Sept. 15th, 1856.
DEAR FRIEND STILL:--I write to inform you that Miss Mary Wever arrived
safe in this city. You may imagine the happiness manifested on the part
of the two lovers, Mr. H. and Miss W. I think they will be married as
soon as they can get ready. I presume Mrs. Hill will commence to make up
the articles to-morrow. Kind Sir, as all of us is concerned about the
welfare of our enslaved brethren at the South, particularly our friends,
we appeal to your sympathy to do whatever is in your power to save poor
Willis Johnson from the hands of his cruel master. It is not for me to
tell you of his case, because Miss Wever has related the matter fully to
you. All I wish to say is this, I wish you to write to my uncle, at
Petersburg, by our friend, the Capt. Tell my uncle to go to Richmond and
ask my mother whereabouts this man is. The best for him is to make his
way to Petersburg; that is, if you can get the Capt. to bring him. He
have not much money. But I hope the friends of humanity will not
withhold their aid on the account of money. However we will raise all
the money that is wanting to pay for his safe delivery. You will please
communicate this to the friends as soon as possible.
Yours truly,
JOHN H. HILL.
LETTER FROM J. BIGELOW, ESQ.
WASHINGTON, D.C., June 22d, 1854.
MR. WILLIAM STILL:--_Sir_--I have just received a letter from my friend,
Wm. Wright, of York Sulphur Springs, Pa., in which he says, that by
writing to you, I may get some information about the transportation of
some _property_ from this neighborhood to your city or vicinity.
A person who signs himself Wm. Penn, lately wrote to Mr. Wright, saying
he would pay $300 to have this service performed. It is for the
conveyance of _only one_ SMALL package; but it has been discovered
since, that the removal cannot be so safely effected without taking _two
larger_ packages with it. I understand that the _three_ are to be
brought to this city and stored in safety, as soon as the forwarding
merchant in Philadelphia shall say he is ready to send on. The storage,
etc., here, will cost a trifle, but the $300 will be promptly paid for
the whole service. I think Mr. Wright's daughter, Hannah, has also seen
you. I am also known to Prof. C.D. Cleveland, of your city. If you
answer this promptly, you will soon hear from Wm. Penn himself.
Very truly yours,
J. BIGELOW.
LETTER FROM HAM & EGGS, SLAVE (U.G.R.R. AG'T).
PETERSBURG, VA., Oct. 17th, 1860.
MR. W. STILL:--_Dear Sir_--I am happy to think, that the time has come
when we no doubt can open our correspondence with one another again.
Also I am in hopes, that these few lines may find you and family well
and in the enjoyment of good health, as it leaves me and family the
same. I want you to know, that I feel as much determined to work in this
glorious cause, as ever I did in all of my life, and I have some very
good hams on hand that I would like very much for you to have. I have
nothing of interest to write about just now, only that the politics of
the day is in a high rage, and I don't know of the result, therefore, I
want you to be one of those wide-a-wakes as is mentioned from your
section of country now-a-days, &c. Also, if you wish to write to me, Mr.
J. Brown will inform you how to direct a letter to me.
No more at present, until I hear from you; but I want you to be a
wide-a-wake.
Yours in haste,
HAM & EGGS.
LETTER FROM REV H. WILSON (U.G.R.R. AG'T).
ST. CATHARINE, C.W., July 2d, 1855.
MY DEAR FRIEND, WM. STILL:--Mr. Elias Jasper and Miss Lucy Bell having
arrived here safely on Saturday last, and found their "companions in
tribulation," who had arrived before them, I am induced to write and let
you know the fact. They are a cheerful, happy company, and very grateful
for their freedom. I have done the best I could for their comfort, but
they are about to proceed across the lake to Toronto, thinking they can
do better there than here, which is not unlikely. They all remember you
as their friend and benefactor, and return to you their sincere thanks.
My means of support are so scanty, that I am obliged to write without
paying postage, or not write at all. I hope you are not moneyless, as I
am. In attending to the wants of numerous strangers, I am much of the
time perplexed from lack of means; but send on as many as you can and I
will divide with them to the last crumb.
Yours truly,
HIRAM WILSON.
LETTER FROM SHERIDAN FORD, IN DISTRESS.
BOSTON, MASS., Feb. 15th, 1855.
No. 2, Change Avenue.
MY DEAR FRIEND:--Allow me to take the liberty of addressing you and at
the same time appearing troublesomes you all friend, but subject is so
very important that i can not but ask not in my name but in the name of
the Lord and humanity to do something for my Poor Wife and children who
lays in Norfolk Jail and have Been there for three month i Would open
myself in that frank and hones manner. Which should convince you of my
cencerity of Purpoest don't shut your ears to the cry's of the Widow and
the orphant & i can but ask in the name of humanity and God for he knows
the heart of all men. Please ask the friends humanity to do something
for her and her two lettle ones i cant do any thing Place as i am for i
have to lay low Please lay this before the churches of Philadelphaise
beg them in name of the Lord to do something for him i love my freedom
and if it would do her and her two children any good i mean to change
with her but cant be done for she is Jail and you most no she suffer for
the jail in the South are not like yours for any thing is good enough
for negros the Slave hunters Says & may God interpose in behalf of the
demonstrative Race of Africa Whom i claim desendent i am sorry to say
that friendship is only a name here but i truss it is not so in Philada
i would not have taken this liberty had i not considered you a friend
for you treaty as such Please do all you can and Please ask the Anti
Slavery friends to do all they can and God will Reward them for it i am
shure for the earth is the Lords and the fullness there of as this note
leaves me not very well but hope when it comes to hand it may find you
and family enjoying all the Pleasure life Please answer this and Pardon
me if the necessary sum can be required i will find out from my
brotherinlaw i am with respectful consideration.
SHERIDAN W. FORD.
Yesterday is the fust time i have heard from home Sence i left and i
have not got any thing yet i have a tear yet for my fellow man and it is
in my eyes now for God knows it is tha truth i sue for your Pity and all
and may God open their hearts to Pity a poor Woman and two children. The
Sum is i believe 14 hundred Dollars Please write to day for me and see
if the cant do something for humanity.
LETTER FROM E.F. PENNYPACKER (U.G.R.R. DEPOT).
SCHUYLKILL, 11th mo., 7th day, 1857.
WM. STILL:--_Respected Friend_--There are three colored friends at my
house now, who will reach the city by the Phil. & Reading train this
evening. Please meet them.
Thine, &c.,
E.F. PENNYPACKER.
We have within the past 2 mos. passed 43 through our hands, transported
most of them to Norristown in our own conveyance. E.F.P.
LETTER FROM JOS. C. BUSTILL (U.G.R.R. DEPOT).
HARRISBURG, March 24, '56.
FRIEND STILL:--I suppose ere this you have seen those five large and
three small packages I sent by way of Reading, consisting of three men
and women and children. They arrived here this morning at 8-1/2 o'clock
and left twenty minutes past three. You will please send me any
information likely to prove interesting in relation to them.
Lately we have formed a Society here, called the Fugitive Aid Society.
This is our first case, and I hope it will prove entirely successful.
When you write, please inform me what signs or symbols you make use of
in your despatches, and any other information in relation to operations
of the Underground Rail Road.
Our reason for sending by the Reading Road, was to gain time; it is
expected the owners will be in town this afternoon, and by this Road we
gained five hours' time, which is a matter of much importance, and we
may have occasion to use it sometimes in future. In great haste,
Yours with great respect,
Jos. C. BUSTILL,
LETTER FROM A SLAVE SECRETED IN RICHMOND.
RICHMOND, VA, Oct. 18th, 1860.
To MR. WILLIAM STILL:--_Dear Sir_--Please do me the favor as to write to
my uncle a few lines in regard to the bundle that is for John H. Hill,
who lives in Hamilton, C.W. Sir, if this should reach you, be assured
that it comes from the same poor individual that you have heard of
before; the person who was so unlucky, and deceived also. If you write,
address your letter John M. Hill, care of Box No. 250. I am speaking of
a person who lives in P.va. I hope, sir, you will understand this is
from a poor individual.
LETTER FROM G.S. NELSON (U.G.R.R. DEPOT).
MR. STILL:--_My Dear Sir_--I suppose you are somewhat uneasy because the
goods did not come safe to hand on Monday evening, as you
expected--consigned from Harrisburg to you. The train only was from
Harrisburg to Reading, and as it happened, the goods had to stay all
night with us, and as some excitement exists here about goods of the
kind, we thought it expedient and wise to detain them until we could
hear from you. There are two small boxes and two large ones; we have
them all secure; what had better be done? Let us know. Also, as we can
learn, there are three more boxes still in Harrisburg. Answer your
communication at Harrisburg. Also, fail not to answer this by the return
of mail, as things are rather critical, and you will oblige us.
G.S. NELSON.
_Reading, May 27, '57_.
We knew not that these goods were to come, consequently we were all
taken by surprise. When you answer, use the word, goods. The reason of
the excitement, is: some three weeks ago a big box was consigned to us
by J. Bustill, of Harrisburg. We received it, and forwarded it on to J.
Jones, Elmira, and the next day they were on the fresh hunt of said box;
it got safe to Elmira, as I have had a letter from Jones, and all is
safe.
Yours,
G.S.N.
LETTER FROM JOHN THOMPSON.
MR. STILL:--You will oblige me much Iff you will Direct this Letter to
Vergenia for me to my Mother & iff it well sute you Beg her in my Letter
to Direct hers to you & you Can send it to me iff it sute your
Convenience. I am one of your Chattle.
JOHN THOMPSON,
Syracuse, Jeny 6th.
Direction--Matilda Tate Care of Dudley M Pattee Worrenton Farkiear
County Verginia.
LETTER FROM JOHN THOMPSON, A FUGITIVE, TO HIS MOTHER.
MY DEAR MOTHER:--I have imbrace an opportunity of writing you
these few lines (hoping) that they may fine you as they Leave me
quite well I will now inform you how I am geting I am now a free
man Living By the sweet of my own Brow not serving a nother man
& giving him all I Earn But what I make is mine and iff one
Plase do not sute me I am at Liberty to Leave and go some where
elce & can ashore you I think highly of Freedom and would not
exchange it for nothing that is offered me for it I am waiting
in a Hotel I supose you Remember when I was in Jail I told you
the time would Be Better and you see that the time has come when
I Leave you my heart was so full & yours But I new their was a
Better Day a head, & I have Live to see it. I hird when I was on
the Underground R. Road that the Hounds was on my Track but it
was no go I new I was too far out of their Reach where they
would never smell my track when I Leave you I was carred to
Richmond & sold & From their I was taken to North Carolina &
sold & I Ran a way & went Back to Virginna Between Richmond &
home & their I was caught & Put in Jail & their I Remain till
the oner come for me then I was taken & carred Back to Richmond
then I was sold to the man who I now Leave he is nothing But a
But of a Feller Remember me to your Husband & all in quirin
Friends & say to Miss Rosa that I am as Free as she is & more
happier I no I am getting $12 per month for what Little work I
am Doing I hope to here from you a gain I your Son & ever By
JOHN THOMPSON.
LETTER FROM "WM. PENN" (OF THE BAR).
WASHINGTON, D.C., Dec. 9th, 1856.
DEAR SIR:--I was unavoidably prevented yesterday, from replying to yours
of 6th instant, and although I have made inquiries, I am unable
_to-day_, to answer your questions satisfactorily. Although I know some
of the residents of Loudon county, and have often visited there, still I
have not practiced much in the Courts of that county. There are several
of my acquaintances here, who have lived in that county, and _possibly_,
through my assistance, your commissions might be executed. If a better
way shall not suggest itself to you, and you see fit to give me the
_facts_ in the case, I can better judge of my ability to help you; _but
I know not the man resident there, whom I would trust with an important
suit_. I think it is now some four or five weeks since, that some
packages left this vicinity, said to be from fifteen to twenty in
number, and as I suppose, went through your hands. It was at a time of
uncommon vigilance here, and to me it was a matter of extreme wonder,
_how and through whom_, such a work was accomplished. Can you tell me?
It is _needful_ that I should know! Not for curiosity merely, but for
the good of others. An enclosed slip contains the _marks_ of one of the
packages, which you will read and then _immediately burn_.
If you can give me any light that will _benefit others_, I am sure you
will do so.
A traveler here, _very reliable_, and who knows his business, has
determined not to leave home again till spring, at least not without
extraordinary temptations.
I think, however, he or others, might be tempted to travel in Virginia.
Yours,
WM. P.
LETTER FROM MISS THEODOCIA GILBERT.
SKANEATELES (GLEN HAVEN) CHUY., 1851.
WILLIAM STILL:--_Dear Friend and Brother_--A thousand thanks for
your good, generous letter!
It was so kind of you to have in mind my intense interest and
anxiety in the success and fate of poor Concklin! That he
desired and intended to hazard an attempt of the kind, I well
understood; but what particular one, or that he had actually
embarked in the enterprise, I had not been able to learn.
His memory will ever be among the sacredly cherished with me. He
certainly displayed more real disinterestedness, more earnest,
unassuming devotedness, than those who _claim_ to be the
sincerest friends of the slave can often boast. What more
_Saviour_-like than the _willing_ sacrifice he has rendered!
Never shall I forget that night of our extremest peril (as we
supposed), when he came and so heartily proffered his services
at the hazard of his liberty, of life even, in behalf of William
L. Chaplin.
_Such_ generosity! at _such_ a moment! The emotions it awakened
no words can bespeak! They are to be sought but in the inner
chambers of one's own soul! He as earnestly devised the means,
as calmly counted the cost, and as unshrinkingly turned him to
the task, as if it were his own freedom he would have won.
Through his homely features, and humble garb, the intrepidity of
soul came out in all its lustre! Heroism, in its native majesty,
_commanded_ one's admiration and love!
Most truly can I enter into your sorrows, and painfully
appreciate the pang of disappointment which must have followed
this sad intelligence. But so inadequate are words to the
consoling of such griefs, it were almost cruel to attempt to
syllable one's sympathies.
I cannot bear to believe, that Concklin has been actually
murdered, and yet I hardly dare hope it is otherwise.
And the poor slaves, for whom he periled so much, into what
depths of hopelessness and woe are they again plunged! But the
deeper and blacker for the loss of their dearly sought and
new-found freedom. How long must wrongs like these go
unredressed? "_How long, O God, how long_?"
Very truly yours,
THEODOCIA GILBERT.
WILLIAM PEEL, ALIAS WILLIAM BOX PEEL JONES.
ARRIVED PER ERRICSON LINE OF STEAMERS, WRAPPED IN STRAW AND BOXED UP,
APRIL, 1859.
William is twenty-five years of age, unmistakably colored, good-looking,
rather under the medium size, and of pleasing manners. William had
himself boxed up by a near relative and forwarded by the Erricson line
of steamers. He gave the slip to Robert H. Carr, his owner (a grocer and
commission merchant), after this wise, and for the following reasons:
For some time previous his master had been selling off his slaves every
now and then, the same as other groceries, and this admonished William
that he was liable to be in the market any day; consequently, he
preferred the box to the auction-block.
He did not complain of having been treated very badly by Carr, but felt
that no man was safe while owned by another. In fact, he "hated the very
name of slaveholder." The limit of the box not admitting of
straightening himself out he was taken with the cramp on the road,
suffered indescribable misery, and had his faith taxed to the
utmost,--indeed was brought to the very verge of "screaming aloud" ere
relief came. However, he controlled himself, though only for a short
season, for before a great while an excessive faintness came over him.
Here nature became quite exhausted. He thought he must "die;" but his
time had not yet come. After a severe struggle he revived, but only to
encounter a third ordeal no less painful than the one through which he
had just passed. Next a very "cold chill" came over him, which seemed
almost to freeze the very blood in his veins and gave him intense agony,
from which he only found relief on awaking, having actually fallen
asleep in that condition. Finally, however, he arrived at Philadelphia,
on a steamer, Sabbath morning. A devoted friend of his, expecting him,
engaged a carriage and repaired to the wharf for the box. The bill of
lading and the receipt he had with him, and likewise knew where the box
was located on the boat. Although he well knew freight was not usually
delivered on Sunday, yet his deep solicitude for the safety of his
friend determined him to do all that lay in his power to rescue him from
his perilous situation. Handing his bill of lading to the proper officer
of the boat, he asked if he could get the freight that it called for.
The officer looked at the bill and said, "No, we do not deliver freight
on Sunday;" but, noticing the anxiety of the man, he asked him if he
would know it if he were to see it. Slowly--fearing that too much
interest manifested might excite suspicion--he replied: "I think I
should." Deliberately looking around amongst all the "freight," he
discovered the box, and said, "I think that is it there." Said officer
stepped to it, looked at the directions on it, then at the bill of
lading, and said, "That is right, take it along." Here the interest in
these two bosoms was thrilling in the highest degree. But the size of
the box was too large for the carriage, and the driver refused to take
it. Nearly an hour and a half was spent in looking for a furniture car.
Finally one was procured, and again the box was laid hold of by the
occupant's particular friend, when, to his dread alarm, the poor fellow
within gave a sudden cough. At this startling circumstance he dropped
the box; equally as quick, although dreadfully frightened, and, as if
helped by some invisible agency, he commenced singing, "Hush, my babe,
lie still and slumber," with the most apparent indifference, at the same
time slowly making his way from the box. Soon his fears subsided, and it
was presumed that no one was any the wiser on account of the accident,
or coughing. Thus, after summoning courage, he laid hold of the box a
third time, and the Rubicon was passed. The car driver, totally ignorant
of the contents of the box, drove to the number to which he was directed
to take it--left it and went about his business. Now is a moment of
intense interest--now of inexpressible delight. The box is opened, the
straw removed, and the poor fellow is loosed; and is rejoicing, I will
venture to say, as mortal never did rejoice, who had not been in similar
peril. This particular friend was scarcely less overjoyed, however, and
their joy did not abate for several hours; nor was it confined to
themselves, for two invited members of the Vigilance Committee also
partook of a full share. This box man was named Wm. Jones. He was boxed
up in Baltimore by the friend who received him at the wharf, who did not
come in the boat with him, but came in the cars and met him at the
wharf.
The trial in the box lasted just seventeen hours before victory was
achieved. Jones was well cared for by the Vigilance Committee and sent
on his way rejoicing, feeling that Resolution, Underground Rail Road,
and Liberty were invaluable.
On his way to Canada, he stopped at Albany, and the subjoined letter
gives his view of things from that stand-point--
MR. STILL:--I take this opportunity of writing a few lines to
you hoping that tha may find you in good health and femaly. i am
well at present and doing well at present i am now in a store
and getting sixteen dollars a month at the present. i feel very
much o blige to you and your family for your kindnes to me while
i was with you i have got a long without any trub le a tal. i am
now in albany City. give my lov to mrs and mr miller and tel
them i am very much a blige to them for there kind ns. give my
lov to my Brother nore Jones tel him i should like to here from
him very much and he must write. tel him to give my love to all
of my perticnlar frends and tel them i should like to see them
very much. tel him that he must come to see me for i want to see
him for sum thing very perticler. please ansure this letter as
soon as posabul and excuse me for not writting sooner as i don't
write myself. no more at the present.
WILLIAM JONES.
derect to one hundred 125 lydus. stt
His good friend returned to Baltimore the same day the box man started
for the North, and immediately dispatched through the post the following
brief letter, worded in Underground Rail Road parables:
BALTIMO APRIL 16, 1859.
W. STILL:--Dear brother i have taken the opportunity of writing
you these few lines to inform you that i am well an hoping these
few lines may find you enjoying the same good blessing please to
write me word at what time was it when isreal went to Jerico i
am very anxious to hear for thare is a mighty host will pass
over and you and i my brother will sing hally luja i shall
notify you when the great catastrophe shal take place No more at
the present but remain your brother
N.L.J.
* * * * *
WESLEY HARRIS,[A] ALIAS ROBERT JACKSON, AND THE MATTERSON BROTHERS.
[Footnote A: Shot by slave-hunters.]
In setting out for freedom, Wesley was the leader of this party. After
two nights of fatiguing travel at a distance of about sixty miles from
home, the young aspirants for liberty were betrayed, and in an attempt
made to capture them a most bloody conflict ensued. Both fugitives and
pursuers were the recipients of severe wounds from gun shots, and other
weapons used in the contest.
Wesley bravely used his fire arms until almost fatally wounded by one of
the pursuers, who with a heavily loaded gun discharged the contents with
deadly aim in his left arm, which raked the flesh from the bone for a
space of about six inches in length. One of Wesley's companions also
fought heroically and only yielded when badly wounded and quite
overpowered. The two younger (brothers of C. Matterson) it seemed made
no resistance.
In order to recall the adventures of this struggle, and the success of
Wesley Harris, it is only necessary to copy the report as then penned
from the lips of this young hero, while on the Underground Rail Road,
even then in a very critical state. Most fearful indeed was his
condition when he was brought to the Vigilance Committee in this City.
UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD RECORD.
_November 2d_, 1853.--Arrived: Robert Jackson (shot man), _alias_ Wesley
Harris; age twenty-two years; dark color; medium height, and of slender
stature.
Robert was born in Martinsburg, Va., and was owned by Philip Pendleton.
From a boy he had always been hired out. At the first of this year he
commenced services with Mrs. Carroll, proprietress of the United States
Hotel at Harper's Ferry. Of Mrs. Carroll he speaks in very grateful
terms, saying that she was kind to him and all the servants, and
promised them their freedom at her death. She excused herself for not
giving them their freedom on the ground that her husband died insolvent,
leaving her the responsibility of settling his debts.
But while Mrs. Carroll was very kind to her servants, her manager was
equally as cruel. About a month before Wesley left, the overseer, for
some trifling cause, attempted to flog him, but was resisted, and
himself flogged. This resistance of the slave was regarded by the
overseer as an unpardonable offence; consequently he communicated the
intelligence to his owner, which had the desired effect on his mind as
appeared from his answer to the overseer, which was nothing less than
instructions that if he should again attempt to correct Wesley and he
should repel the wholesome treatment, the overseer was to put him in
prison and sell him. Whether he offended again or not, the following
Christmas he was to be sold without fail.
Wesley's mistress was kind enough to apprise him of the intention of his
owner and the overseer, and told him that if he could help himself he
had better do so. So from that time Wesley began to contemplate how he
should escape the doom which had been planned for him.
"A friend," says he, "by the name of C. Matterson, told me that he was
going off. Then I told him of my master's writing to Mrs. Carroll
concerning selling, etc., and that I was going off too. We then
concluded to go together. There were two others--brothers of
Matterson--who were told of our plan to escape, and readily joined with
us in the undertaking. So one Saturday night, at twelve o'clock, we set
out for the North. After traveling upwards of two days and over sixty
miles, we found ourselves unexpectedly in Terrytown, Md. There we were
informed by a friendly colored man of the danger we were in and of the
bad character of the place towards colored people, especially those who
were escaping to freedom; and he advised us to hide as quickly as we
could. We at once went to the woods and hid. Soon after we had secreted
ourselves a man came near by and commenced splitting wood, or rails,
which alarmed us. We then moved to another hiding-place in a thicket
near a farmer's barn, where we were soon startled again by a dog
approaching and barking at us. The attention of the owner of the dog was
drawn to his barking and to where we were. The owner of the dog was a
farmer. He asked us where we were going. We replied to Gettysburg--to
visit some relatives, etc. He told us that we were running off. He then
offered friendly advice, talked like a Quaker, and urged us to go with
him to his barn for protection. After much persuasion, we consented to
go with him.
"Soon after putting us in his barn, himself and daughter prepared us a
nice breakfast, which cheered our spirits, as we were hungry. For this
kindness we paid him one dollar. He next told us to hide on the mow till
eve, when he would safely direct us on our road to Gettysburg. All, very
much fatigued from traveling, fell asleep, excepting myself; I could not
sleep; I felt as if all was not right.
"About noon men were heard talking around the barn. I woke my companions
up and told them that that man had betrayed us. At first they did not
believe me. In a moment afterwards the barn door was opened, and in came
the men, eight in number. One of the men asked the owner of the barn if
he had any long straw. 'Yes,' was the answer. So up on the mow came
three of the men, when, to their great surprise, as they pretended, we
were discovered. The question was then asked the owner of the barn by
one of the men, if he harbored runaway negroes in his barn? He answered,
'No,' and pretended to be entirely ignorant of their being in his barn.
One of the men replied that four negroes were on the mow, and he knew of
it. The men then asked us where we were, going. We told them to
Gettysburg, that we had aunts and a mother there. Also we spoke of a Mr.
Houghman, a gentleman we happened to have some knowledge of, having seen
him in Virginia. We were next asked for our passes. We told them that we
hadn't any, that we had not been required to carry them where we came
from. They then said that we would have to go before a magistrate, and
if he allowed us to go on, well and good. The men all being armed and
furnished with ropes, we were ordered to be tied. I told them if they
took me they would have to take me dead or crippled. At that instant one
of my friends cried out--'Where is the man that betrayed us?' Spying him
at the same moment, he shot him (badly wounding him). Then the conflict
fairly began. The constable seized me by the collar, or rather behind my
shoulder. I at once shot him with my pistol, but in consequence of his
throwing up his arm, which hit mine as I fired, the effect of the load
of my pistol was much turned aside; his face, however, was badly burned,
besides his shoulder being wounded. I again fired on the pursuers, but
do not know whether I hit anybody or not. I then drew a sword, I had
brought with me, and was about cutting my way to the door, when I was
shot by one of the men, receiving the entire contents of one load of a
double barreled gun in my left arm, that being the arm with which I was
defending myself. The load brought me to the ground, and I was unable to
make further struggle for myself. I was then badly beaten with guns, &c.
In the meantime, my friend Craven, who was defending himself, was shot
badly in the face, and most violently beaten until he was conquered and
tied. The two young brothers of Craven stood still, without making the
least resistance. After we were fairly captured, we were taken to
Terrytown, which was in sight of where we were betrayed. By this time I
had lost so much blood from my wounds, that they concluded my situation
was too dangerous to admit of being taken further; so I was made a
prisoner at a tavern, kept by a man named Fisher. There my wounds were
dressed, and thirty-two shot were taken from my arm. For three days I
was crazy, and they thought I would die. During the first two weeks,
while I was a prisoner at the tavern, I raised a great deal of blood,
and was considered in a very dangerous condition--so much so that
persons desiring to see me were not permitted. Afterwards I began to get
better, and was then kept privately--was strictly watched day and night.
Occasionally, however, the cook, a colored woman (Mrs. Smith), would
manage to get to see me. Also James Matthews succeeded in getting to see
me; consequently, as my wounds healed, and my senses came to me, I began
to plan how to make another effort to escape. I asked one of the
friends, alluded to above, to get me a rope. He got it. I kept it about
me four days in my pocket; in the meantime I procured three nails. On
Friday night, October 14th, I fastened my nails in under the window
sill; tied my rope to the nails, threw my shoes out of the window, put
the rope in my mouth, then took hold of it with my well hand, clambered
into the window, very weak, but I managed to let myself down to the
ground. I was so weak, that I could scarcely walk, but I managed to
hobble off to a place three quarters of a mile from the tavern, where a
friend had fixed upon for me to go, if I succeeded in making my escape.
There I was found by my friend, who kept me secure till Saturday eve,
when a swift horse was furnished by James Rogers, and a colored man
found to conduct me to Gettysburg. Instead of going direct to
Gettysburg, we took a different road, in order to shun our pursuers, as
the news of my escape had created general excitement. My three other
companions, who were captured, were sent to Westminster jail, where they
were kept three weeks, and afterwards sent to Baltimore and sold for
twelve hundred dollars a piece, as I was informed while at the tavern in
Terrytown."
[Illustration: DESPERATE CONFLICT IN A BARN.]
The Vigilance Committee procured good medical attention and afforded the
fugitive time for recuperation, furnished him with clothing and a free
ticket, and sent him on his way greatly improved in health, and strong
in the faith that, "He who would be free, himself must strike the blow."
His safe arrival in Canada, with his thanks, were duly announced. And
some time after becoming naturalized, in one of his letters, he wrote
that he was a brakesman on the Great Western R.R., (in Canada--promoted
from the U.G.R.R.,) the result of being under the protection of the
British Lion.
* * * * *
DEATH OF ROMULUS HALL--NEW NAME GEORGE WEEMS.
In March, 1857, Abram Harris fled from John Henry Suthern, who lived
near Benedict, Charles county, Md., where he was engaged in the farming
business, and was the owner of about seventy head of slaves. He kept an
overseer, and usually had flogging administered daily, on males and
females, old and young. Abram becoming very sick of this treatment,
resolved, about the first of March, to seek out the Underground Rail
Road. But for his strong attachment to his wife (who was owned by Samuel
Adams, but was "pretty well treated"), he never would have consented to
suffer as he did.
Here no hope of comfort for the future seemed to remain. So Abram
consulted with a fellow-servant, by the name of Romulus Hall, alias
George Weems, and being very warm friends, concluded to start together.
Both had wives to "tear themselves from," and each was equally ignorant
of the distance they had to travel, and the dangers and sufferings to be
endured. But they "trusted in God" and kept the North Star in view. For
nine days and nights, without a guide, they traveled at a very
exhausting rate, especially as they had to go fasting for three days,
and to endure very cold weather. Abram's companion, being about fifty
years of age, felt obliged to succumb, both from hunger and cold, and
had to be left on the way. Abram was a man of medium size, tall, dark
chestnut color, and could read and write a little and was quite
intelligent; "was a member of the Mount Zion Church," and occasionally
officiated as an "exhorter," and really appeared to be a man of genuine
faith in the Almighty, and equally as much in freedom.
In substance, Abram gave the following information concerning his
knowledge of affairs on the farm under his master--
"Master and mistress very frequently visited the Protestant Church, but
were not members. Mistress was very bad. About three weeks before I
left, the overseer, in a violent fit of bad temper, shot and badly
wounded a young slave man by the name of Henry Waters, but no sooner
than he got well enough he escaped, and had not been heard of up to the
time Abram left. About three years before this happened, an overseer of
my master was found shot dead on the road. At once some of the slaves
were suspected, and were all taken to the Court House, at Serentown, St.
Mary's county; but all came off clear. After this occurrence a new
overseer, by the name of John Decket, was employed. Although his
predecessor had been dead three years, Decket, nevertheless, concluded
that it was not 'too late' to flog the secret out of some of the slaves.
Accordingly, he selected a young slave man for his victim, and flogged
him so cruelly that he could scarcely walk or stand, and to keep from
being actually killed, the boy told an untruth, and confessed that he
and his Uncle Henry killed Webster, the overseer; whereupon the poor
fellow was sent to jail to be tried for his life."
But Abram did not wait to hear the verdict. He reached the Committee
safely in this city, in advance of his companion, and was furnished with
a free ticket and other needed assistance, and was sent on his way
rejoicing. After reaching his destination, he wrote back to know how his
friend and companion (George) was getting along; but in less than three
weeks after he had passed, the following brief story reveals the sad
fate of poor _Romulus Hall_, who had journeyed with him till exhausted
from hunger and badly frost-bitten.
A few days after his younger companion had passed on North, Romulus was
brought by a pitying stranger to the Vigilance Committee, in a most
shocking condition. The frost had made sad havoc with his feet and legs,
so much so that all sense of feeling had departed therefrom.
[Illustration: DEATH OF ROMULUS HALL.]
How he ever reached this city is a marvel. On his arrival medical
attention and other necessary comforts were provided by the Committee,
who hoped with himself, that he would be restored with the loss of his
toes alone. For one week he seemed to be improving; at the expiration of
this time, however, his symptoms changed, indicating not only the end of
slavery, but also the end of all his earthly troubles.
Lockjaw and mortification set in in the most malignant form, and for
nearly thirty-six hours the unfortunate victim suffered in extreme
agony, though not a murmur escaped him for having brought upon himself
in seeking his liberty this painful infliction and death. It was
wonderful to see how resignedly he endured his fate.
Being anxious to get his testimony relative to his escape, etc., the
Chairman of the Committee took his pencil and expressed to him his
wishes in the matter. Amongst other questions, he was asked: "Do you
regret having attempted to escape from slavery?" After a severe spasm he
said, as his friend was about to turn to leave the room, hopeless of
being gratified in his purpose: "Don't go; I have not answered your
question. I am glad I escaped from slavery!" He then gave his name, and
tried to tell the name of his master, but was so weak he could not be
understood.
At his bedside, day and night, Slavery looked more heinous than it had
ever done before. Only think how this poor man, in an enlightened
Christian land, for the bare hope of freedom, in a strange land amongst
strangers, was obliged not only to bear the sacrifice of his wife and
kindred, but also of his own life.
Nothing ever appeared more sad than seeing him in a dying posture, and
instead of reaching his much coveted destination in Canada, going to
that "bourne whence no traveler returns." Of course it was expedient,
even after his death, that only a few friends should follow him to his
grave. Nevertheless, he was decently buried in the beautiful Lebanon
Cemetery.
In his purse was found one single five cent piece, his whole pecuniary
dependence.
This was the first instance of death on the Underground Rail Road in
this region.
The Committee were indebted to the medical services of the well-known
friends of the fugitive, Drs. J.L. Griscom and H.T. Childs, whose
faithful services were freely given; and likewise to Mrs. H.S. Duterte
and Mrs. Williams, who generously performed the offices of charity and
friendship at his burial.
From his companion, who passed on Canada-ward without delay, we received
a letter, from which, as an item of interest, we make the following
extract:
"I am enjoying good health, and hope when this reaches you, you
may be enjoying the same blessing. Give my love to Mr. ----, and
family, and tell them I am in a land of liberty! I am a man
among men!" (The above was addressed to the deceased.)
The subjoined letter, from Rev. L.D. Mansfield, expressed on behalf of
Romulus' companion, his sad feelings on hearing of his friend's death.
And here it may not be inappropriate to add, that clearly enough is it
to be seen, that Rev. Mansfield was one of the rare order of ministers,
who believed it right "to do unto others as one would be done by" in
practice, not in theory merely, and who felt that they could no more be
excused for "falling down," in obedience to the Fugitive Slave Law under
President Fillmore, than could Daniel for worshiping the "golden image"
under Nebuchadnezzar.
AUBURN, NEW YORK, MAY 4TH, 1857.
DEAR BR. STILL:--Henry Lemmon wishes me to write to you in reply
to your kind letter, conveying the intelligence of the death of
your fugitive guest, Geo. Weems. He was deeply affected at the
intelligence, for he was most devotedly attached to him and had
been for many years. Mr. Lemmon now expects his sister to come
on, and wishes you to aid her in any way in your power--as he
knows you will.
He wishes you to send the coat and cap of Weems by his sister
when she comes. And when you write out the history of Weems'
escape, and it is published, that you would send him a copy of
the papers. He has not been very successful in getting work yet.
Mr. and Mrs. Harris left for Canada last week. The friends made
them a purse of $15 or $20, and we hope they will do well.
Mr. Lemmon sends his respects to you and Mrs. Still. Give my
kind regards to her and accept also yourself,
Yours very truly,
L.D. MANSFIELD.
* * * * *
JAMES MERCER, WM. H. GILLIAM, AND JOHN CLAYTON.
STOWED AWAY IN A HOT BERTH.
This arrival came by Steamer. But they neither came in State-room nor as
Cabin, Steerage, or Deck passengers.
A certain space, not far from the boiler, where the heat and coal dust
were almost intolerable,--the colored steward on the boat in answer to
an appeal from these unhappy bondmen, could point to no other place for
concealment but this. Nor was he at all certain that they could endure
the intense heat of that place. It admitted of no other posture than
lying flat down, wholly shut out from the light, and nearly in the same
predicament in regard to the air. Here, however, was a chance of
throwing off the yoke, even if it cost them their lives. They considered
and resolved to try it at all hazards.
Henry Box Brown's sufferings were nothing, compared to what these men
submitted to during the entire journey.
They reached the house of one of the Committee about three o'clock, A.M.
All the way from the wharf the cold rain poured down in torrents and
they got completely drenched, but their hearts were swelling with joy
and gladness unutterable. From the thick coating of coal dust, and the
effect of the rain added thereto, all traces of natural appearance were
entirely obliterated, and they looked frightful in the extreme. But they
had placed their lives in mortal peril for freedom.
Every step of their critical journey was reviewed and commented on, with
matchless natural eloquence,--how, when almost on the eve of suffocating
in their warm berths, in order to catch a breath of air, they were
compelled to crawl, one at a time, to a small aperture; but scarcely
would one poor fellow pass three minutes being thus refreshed, ere the
others would insist that he should "go back to his hole." Air was
precious, but for the time being they valued their liberty at still
greater price.
After they had talked to their hearts' content, and after they had been
thoroughly cleansed and changed in apparel, their physical appearance
could be easily discerned, which made it less a wonder whence such
outbursts of eloquence had emanated. They bore every mark of determined
manhood.
The date of this arrival was February 26, 1854, and the following
description was then recorded--
Arrived, by Steamer Pennsylvania, James Mercer, William H. Gilliam and
John Clayton, from Richmond.
James was owned by the widow, Mrs. T.E. White. He is thirty-two years of
age, of dark complexion, well made, good-looking, reads and writes, is
very fluent in speech, and remarkably intelligent. From a boy, he had
been hired out. The last place he had the honor to fill before escaping,
was with Messrs. Williams and Brother, wholesale commission merchants.
For his services in this store the widow had been drawing one hundred
and twenty-five dollars per annum, clear of all expenses.
He did not complain of bad treatment from his mistress, indeed, he spoke
rather favorably of her. But he could not close his eyes to the fact,
that at one time Mrs. White had been in possession of thirty head of
slaves, although at the time he was counting the cost of escaping, two
only remained--himself and William, (save a little boy) and on himself a
mortgage for seven hundred and fifty dollars was then resting. He could,
therefore, with his remarkably quick intellect, calculate about how long
it would be before he reached the auction block.
He had a wife but no child. She was owned by Mr. Henry W. Quarles. So
out of that Sodom he felt he would have to escape, even at the cost of
leaving his wife behind. Of course he felt hopeful that the way would
open by which she could escape at a future time, and so it did, as will
appear by and by. His aged mother he had to leave also.
Wm. Henry Gilliam likewise belonged to the Widow White, and he had been
hired to Messrs. White and Brother to drive their bread wagon. William
was a baker by trade. For his services his mistress had received one
hundred and thirty-five dollars per year. He thought his mistress quite
as good, if not a little better than most slave-holders. But he had
never felt persuaded to believe that she was good enough for him to
remain a slave for her support.
Indeed, he had made several unsuccessful attempts before this time to
escape from slavery and its horrors. He was fully posted from A to Z,
but in his own person he had been smart enough to escape most of the
more brutal outrages. He knew how to read and write, and in readiness of
speech and general natural ability was far above the average of slaves.
He was twenty-five years of age, well made, of light complexion, and
might be put down as a valuable piece of property.
This loss fell with crushing weight upon the kind-hearted mistress, as
will be seen in a letter subjoined which she wrote to the unfaithful
William, some time after he had fled.
LETTER FROM MRS. L.E. WHITE.
RICHMOND, 16th, 1854.
DEAR HENRY:--Your mother and myself received your letter; she is
much distressed at your conduct; she is remaining just as you
left her, she says, and she will never be reconciled to your
conduct.
I think Henry, you have acted most dishonorably; had you have
made a confidant of me I would have been better off; and you as
you are. I am badly situated, living with Mrs. Palmer, and
having to put up with everything--your mother is also
dissatisfied--I am miserably poor, do not get a cent of your
hire or James', besides losing you both, but if you can
_reconcile_ so do. By renting a cheap house, I might have lived,
now it seems starvation is before me. Martha and the Doctor are
living in Portsmouth, it is not in her power to do much for me.
I know you will repent it. I heard six weeks before you went,
that you were trying to persuade him off--but we all liked you,
and I was unwilling to believe it--however, I leave it in God's
hands He will know what to do. Your mother says that I must tell
you servant Jones is _dead_ and old _Mrs. Galt_. Kit is well,
but we are very uneasy, losing your and _James' hire_, I fear
poor little fellow, that he will be obliged to go, as I am
compelled to live, and it will be your fault. I am quite unwell,
but of course, you don't care.
Yours,
L.E. WHITE.
If you choose to come back you could. I would do a very good
part by you, Toler and Cooke has none.
This touching epistle was given by the disobedient William to a member
of the Vigilant Committee, when on a visit to Canada, in 1855, and it
was thought to be of too much value to be lost. It was put away with
other valuable U.G.R.R. documents for future reference. Touching the
"rascality" of William and James and the unfortunate predicament in
which it placed the kind-hearted widow, Mrs. Louisa White, the following
editorial clipped from the wide-awake Richmond Despatch, was also highly
appreciated, and preserved as conclusive testimony to the successful
working of the U.G.R.R. in the Old Dominion. It reads thus--
"RASCALITY SOMEWHERE.--We called attention yesterday to the
advertisement of two negroes belonging to Mrs. Louisa White, by Toler &
Cook, and in the call we expressed the opinion that they were still
lurking about the city, preparatory to going off. Mr. Toler, we find, is
of a different opinion. He believes that they have already cleared
themselves--have escaped to a Free State, and we think it extremely
probable that he is in the right. They were both of them uncommonly
intelligent negroes. One of them, the one hired to Mr. White, was a
tip-top baker. He had been all about the country, and had been in the
habit of supplying the U.S. Pennsylvania with bread; Mr. W. having the
contract. In his visits for this purpose, of course, he formed
acquaintances with all sorts of sea-faring characters; and there is
every reason to believe that he has been assisted to get off in that
way, along with the other boy, hired to the Messrs. Williams. That the
two acted in concert, can admit of no doubt. The question is now to find
out how they got off. They must undoubtedly have had white men in the
secret. Have we then a nest of Abolition scoundrels among us? There
ought to be a law to put a police officer on board every vessel as soon
as she lands at the wharf. There is one, we believe for inspecting
vessels before they leave. If there is not there ought to be one.
"These negroes belong to a widow lady and constitute all the property
she has on earth. They have both been raised with the greatest
indulgence. Had it been otherwise, they would never have had an
opportunity to escape, as they have done. Their flight has left her
penniless. Either of them would readily have sold for $1200; and Mr.
Toler advised their owner to sell them at the commencement of the year,
probably anticipating the very thing that has happened. She refused to
do so, because she felt too much attachment to them. They have made a
fine return, truly."
No comment is necessary on the above editorial except simply to express
the hope that the editor and his friends who seemed to be utterly
befogged as to how these "uncommonly intelligent negroes" made their
escape, will find the problem satisfactorily solved in this book.
However, in order to do even-handed justice to all concerned, it seems
but proper that William and James should be heard from, and hence a
letter from each is here appended for what they are worth. True they
were intended only for private use, but since the "True light" (Freedom)
has come, all things may be made manifest.
LETTER FROM WILLIAM HENRY GILLIAM.
ST. CATHARINES, C.W., MAY 15th, 1854.
My Dear Friend:--I receaved yours, Dated the 10th and the papers
on the 13th, I also saw the pice that was in Miss Shadd's paper
About me. I think Tolar is right About my being in A free State,
I am and think A great del of it. Also I have no compassion on
the penniless widow lady, I have Served her 25 yers 2 months, I
think that is long Enough for me to live A Slave. Dear Sir, I am
very sorry to hear of the Accadent that happened to our Friend
Mr. Meakins, I have read the letter to all that lives in St.
Catharines, that came from old Virginia, and then I Sented to
Toronto to Mercer & Clayton to see, and to Farman to read fur
themselves. Sir, you must write to me soon and let me know how
Meakins gets on with his tryal, and you must pray for him, I
have told all here to do the same for him. May God bless and
protect him from prison, I have heard A great del of old
Richmond and Norfolk. Dear Sir, if you see Mr. or Mrs. Gilbert
Give my love to them and tell them to write to me, also give my
respect to your Family and A part for yourself, love from the
friends to you Soloman Brown, H. Atkins, Was. Johnson, Mrs.
Brooks, Mr. Dykes. Mr. Smith is better at presant. And do not
forget to write the News of Meakin's tryal. I cannot say any
more at this time; but remain yours and A true Friend ontell
Death.
W.H. GILLIAM, the widow's Mite.
"Our friend Minkins," in whose behalf William asks the united prayers of
his friends, was one of the "scoundrels" who assisted him and his two
companions to escape on the steamer. Being suspected of "rascality" in
this direction, he was arrested and put in jail, but as no evidence
could be found against him he was soon released.
JAMES MERCER'S LETTER.
TORONTO, MARCH 17th, 1854.
My dear friend Still:--I take this method of informing you that
I am well, and when this comes to hand it may find you and your
family enjoying good health. Sir, my particular for writing is
that I wish to hear from you, and to hear all the news from down
South. I wish to know if all things are working Right for the
Rest of my Brotheran whom in bondage. I will also Say that I am
very much please with Toronto, So also the friends that came
over with. It is true that we have not been Employed as yet; but
we are in hopes of be'en so in a few days. We happen here in
good time jest about time the people in this country are going
work. I am in good health and good Spirits, and feeles Rejoiced
in the Lord for my liberty. I Received cople of paper from you
to-day. I wish you see James Morris whom or Abram George the
first and second on the Ship Penn., give my respects to them,
and ask James if he will call at Henry W. Quarles on May street
oppisit the Jews synagogue and call for Marena Mercer, give my
love to her ask her of all the times about Richmond, tell her to
Send me all the news. Tell Mr. Morris that there will be no
danger in going to that place. You will also tell M. to make
himself known to her as she may know who sent him. And I wish to
get a letter from you.
JAMES M. MERCER.
JOHN H. HILL'S LETTER.
My friend, I would like to hear from you, I have been looking
for a letter from you for Several days as the last was very
interesting to me, please to write Right away.
Yours most Respectfully,
JOHN H. HILL.
Instead of weeping over the sad situation of his "penniless" mistress
and showing any signs of contrition for having wronged the man who held
the mortgage of seven hundred and fifty dollars on him, James actually
"feels rejoiced in the Lord for his liberty," and is "very much pleased
with Toronto;" but is not satisfied yet, he is even concocting a plan by
which his wife might be run off from Richmond, which would be the cause
of her owner (Henry W. Quarles, Esq.) losing at least one thousand
dollars,
ST. CATHARINE, CANADA, JUNE 8th, 1854.
MR. STILL, DEAR FRIEND:--I received a letter from the poor old
widow, Mrs. L.E. White, and she says I may come back if I choose
and she will do a good part by me. Yes, yes I am choosing the
western side of the South for my home. She is smart, but cannot
bung my eye, so she shall have to die in the poor house at last,
so she says, and Mercer and myself will be the cause of it. That
is all right. I am getting even with her now for I was in the
poor house for twenty-five years and have just got out. And she
said she knew I was coming away six weeks before I started, so
you may know my chance was slim. But Mr. John Wright said I came
off like a gentleman and he did not blame me for coming for I
was a great boy. Yes I here him enough he is all gas. I am in
Canada, and they cannot help themselves.
About that subject I will not say anything more. You must write
to me as soon as you can and let me here the news and how the
Family is and yourself. Let me know how the times is with the
U.G.R.R. Co. Is it doing good business? Mr. Dykes sends his
respects to you. Give mine to your family.
Your true friend,
W.H. GILLIAM.
John Clayton, the companion in tribulation of William and James, must
not be lost sight of any longer. He was owned by the Widow Clayton, and
was white enough to have been nearly related to her, being a mulatto. He
was about thirty-five years of age, a man of fine appearance, and quite
intelligent. Several years previous he had made an attempt to escape,
but failed. Prior to escaping in this instance, he had been laboring in
a tobacco factory at $150 a year. It is needless to say that he did not
approve of the "peculiar institution." He left a wife and one child
behind to mourn after him. Of his views of Canada and Freedom, the
following frank and sensible letter, penned shortly after his arrival,
speaks for itself--
TORONTO, March 6th, 1854.
DEAR MR. STILL:--I take this method of informing you that I am
well both in health and mind. You may rest assured that I fells
myself a free man and do not fell as I did when I was in
Virginia thanks be to God I have no master into Canada but I am
my own man. I arrived safe into Canada on friday last. I must
request of you to write a few lines to my wife and jest state to
her that her friend arrived safe into this glorious land of
liberty and I am well and she will make very short her time in
Virginia. tell her that I likes here very well and hopes to like
it better when I gets to work I don't meane for you to write the
same words that are written above but I wish you give her a
clear understanding where I am and Shall Remain here untel She
comes or I hears from her.
Nothing more at present but remain yours most respectfully,
JOHN CLAYTON.
You will please to direct the to Petersburg Luenena Johns or
Clayton John is best.
CLARISSA DAVIS.
ARRIVED DRESSED IN MALE ATTIRE.
Clarissa fled from Portsmouth, Va., in May, 1854, with two of her
brothers. Two months and a half before she succeeded in getting off,
Clarissa had made a desperate effort, but failed. The brothers
succeeded, but she was left. She had not given up all hope of escape,
however, and therefore sought "a safe hiding-place until an opportunity
might offer," by which she could follow her brothers on the U.G.R.R.
Clarissa was owned by Mrs. Brown and Mrs. Burkley, of Portsmouth, under
whom she had always served.
Of them she spoke favorably, saying that she "had not been used as hard
as many others were." At this period, Clarissa was about twenty-two
years of age, of a bright brown complexion, with handsome features,
exceedingly respectful and modest, and possessed all the characteristics
of a well-bred young lady. For one so little acquainted with books as
she was, the correctness of her speech was perfectly astonishing.
For Clarissa and her two brothers a "reward of one thousand dollars" was
kept standing in the papers for a length of time, as these (articles)
were considered very rare and valuable; the best that could be produced
in Virginia.
In the meanwhile the brothers had passed safely on to New Bedford, but
Clarissa remained secluded, "waiting for the storm to subside." Keeping
up courage day by day, for seventy-five days, with the fear of being
detected and severely punished, and then sold, after all her hopes and
struggles, required the faith of a martyr. Time after time, when she
hoped to succeed in making her escape, ill luck seemed to disappoint
her, and nothing but intense suffering appeared to be in store. Like
many others, under the crushing weight of oppression, she thought she
"should have to die" ere she tasted liberty. In this state of mind, one
day, word was conveyed to her that the steamship, City of Richmond, had
arrived from Philadelphia, and that the steward on board (with whom she
was acquainted), had consented to secrete her this trip, if she could
manage to reach the ship safely, which was to start the next day. This
news to Clarissa was both cheering and painful. She had been "praying
all the time while waiting," but now she felt "that if it would only
rain right hard the next morning about three o'clock, to drive the
police officers off the street, then she could safely make her way to
the boat." Therefore she prayed anxiously all that day that it would
rain, "but no sign of rain appeared till towards midnight." The prospect
looked horribly discouraging; but she prayed on, and at the appointed
hour (three o'clock--before day), the rain descended in torrents.
Dressed in male attire, Clarissa left the miserable coop where she had
been almost without light or air for two and a half months, and
unmolested, reached the boat safely, and was secreted in a box by Wm.
Bagnal, a clever young man who sincerely sympathized with the slave,
having a wife in slavery himself; and by him she was safely delivered
into the hands of the Vigilance Committee.
Clarissa Davis here, by advice of the Committee, dropped her old name,
and was straightway christened "Mary D. Armstead." Desiring to join her
brothers and sister in New Bedford, she was duly furnished with her
U.G.R.R. passport and directed thitherward. Her father, who was left
behind when she got off, soon after made his way on North, and joined
his children. He was too old and infirm probably to be worth anything,
and had been allowed to go free, or to purchase himself for a mere
nominal sum. Slaveholders would, on some such occasions, show wonderful
liberality in letting their old slaves go free, when they could work no
more. After reaching New Bedford, Clarissa manifested her gratitude in
writing to her friends in Philadelphia repeatedly, and evinced a very
lively interest in the U.G.R.R. The appended letter indicates her
sincere feelings of gratitude and deep interest in the cause--
NEW BEDFORD, August 26, 1855.
MR. STILL:--I avail my self to write you thes few lines hopeing
they may find you and your family well as they leaves me very
well and all the family well except my father he seams to be
improveing with his shoulder he has been able to work a little I
received the papers I was highly delighted to receive them I was
very glad to hear from you in the wheler case I was very glad to
hear that the persons ware safe I was very sory to hear that mr
Williamson was put in prison but I know if the praying part of
the people will pray for him and if he will put his trust in the
lord he will bring him out more than conquer please remember my
Dear old farther and sisters and brothers to your family kiss
the children for me I hear that the yellow fever is very bad
down south now if the underground railroad could have free
course the emergrant would cross the river of gordan rapidly I
hope it may continue to run and I hope the wheels of the car may
be greesed with more substantial greese so they may run over
swiftly I would have wrote before but circumstances would not
permit me Miss Sanders and all the friends desired to be
remembered to you and your family I shall be pleased to hear
from the underground rail road often.
Yours respectfully,
MARY D. ARMSTEAD.
* * * * *
ANTHONY BLOW, ALIAS HENRY LEVISON.
SECRETED TEN MONTHS BEFORE STARTING--EIGHT DAYS STOWED AWAY ON A STEAMER
BOUND FOR PHILADELPHIA.
Arrived from Norfolk, about the 1st of November, 1854. Ten months before
starting, Anthony had been closely concealed. He belonged to the estate
of Mrs. Peters, a widow, who had been dead about one year before his
concealment.
On the settlement of his old mistress' estate, which was to take place
one year after her death, Anthony was to be transferred to Mrs. Lewis, a
daughter of Mrs. Peters (the wife of James Lewis, Esq.). Anthony felt
well satisfied that he was not the slave to please the "tyrannical
whims" of his anticipated master, young Lewis, and of course he hated
the idea of having to come under his yoke. And what made it still more
unpleasant for Anthony was that Mr. Lewis would frequently remind him
that it was his intention to "sell him as soon as he got possession--the
first day of January." "I can get fifteen hundred dollars for you
easily, and I will do it." This contemptuous threat had caused Anthony's
blood to boil time and again. But Anthony had to take the matter as
calmly as possible, which, however, he was not always able to do.
At any rate, Anthony concluded that his "young master had counted the
chickens before they were hatched." Indeed here Anthony began to be a
deep thinker. He thought, for instance, that he had already been shot
three times, at the instance of slave-holders. The first time he was
shot was for refusing a flogging when only eighteen years of age. The
second time, he was shot in the head with squirrel shot by the sheriff,
who was attempting to arrest him for having resisted three "young white
ruffians," who wished to have the pleasure of beating him, but got
beaten themselves. And in addition to being shot this time, Anthony was
still further "broke in" by a terrible flogging from the Sheriff. The
third time Anthony was shot he was about twenty-one years of age. In
this instance he was punished for his old offence--he "would not be
whipped."
This time his injury from being shot was light, compared with the two
preceding attacks. Also in connection with these murderous conflicts, he
could not forget that he had been sold on the auction block. But he had
still deeper thinking to do yet. He determined that his young master
should never get "fifteen hundred dollars for him on the 1st of
January," unless he got them while he (Anthony) was running. For Anthony
had fully made up his mind that when the last day of December ended, his
bondage should end also, even if he should have to accept death as a
substitute. He then began to think of the Underground Rail Road and of
Canada; but who the agents were, or how to find the depot, was a serious
puzzle to him. But his time was getting so short he was convinced that
whatever he did would have to be done quickly. In this frame of mind he
found a man who professed to know something about the Underground Rail
Road, and for "thirty dollars" promised to aid him in the matter.
The thirty dollars were raised by the hardest effort and passed over to
the pretended friend, with the expectation that it would avail greatly
in the emergency. But Anthony found himself sold for thirty dollars, as
nothing was done for him. However, the 1st day of January arrived, but
Anthony was not to be found to answer to his name at roll call. He had
"took out" very early in the morning. Daily he prayed in his place of
concealment how to find the U.G.R.R. Ten months passed away, during
which time he suffered almost death, but persuaded himself to believe
that even that was better than slavery. With Anthony, as it has been
with thousands of others similarly situated, just as everything was
looking the most hopeless, word came to him in his place of concealment
that a friend named Minkins, employed on the steamship City of Richmond,
would undertake to conceal him on the boat, if he could be crowded in a
certain place, which was about the only spot that would be perfectly
safe. This was glorious news to Anthony; but it was well for him that he
was ignorant of the situation that awaited him on the boat, or his heart
might have failed him. He was willing, however, to risk his life for
freedom, and, therefore, went joyfully.
The hiding-place was small and he was large. A sitting attitude was the
only way he could possibly occupy it. He was contented. This place was
"near the range, directly over the boiler," and of course, was very
warm. Nevertheless, Anthony felt that he would not murmur, as he knew
what suffering was pretty well, and especially as he took it for granted
that he would be free in about a day and a half--the usual time it took
the steamer to make her trip. At the appointed hour the steamer left
Norfolk for Philadelphia, with Anthony sitting flat down in his U.G.R.R.
berth, thoughtful and hopeful. But before the steamer had made half her
distance the storm was tossing the ship hither and thither fearfully.
Head winds blew terribly, and for a number of days the elements seemed
perfectly mad. In addition to the extraordinary state of the weather,
when the storm subsided the fog took its place and held the mastery of
the ship with equal despotism until the end of over seven days, when
finally the storm, wind, and fog all disappeared, and on the eighth day
of her boisterous passage the steamship City of Richmond landed at the
wharf of Philadelphia, with this giant and hero on board who had
suffered for ten months in his concealment on land and for eight days on
the ship.
Anthony was of very powerful physical proportions, being six feet three
inches in height, quite black, very intelligent, and of a temperament
that would not submit to slavery. For some years his master, Col.
Cunnagan, had hired him out in Washington, where he was accused of being
in the schooner Pearl, with Capt. Drayton's memorable "seventy fugitives
on board, bound for Canada." At this time he was stoker in a machine
shop, and was at work on an anchor weighing "ten thousand pounds." In
the excitement over the attempt to escape in the Pearl, many were
arrested, and the officers with irons visited Anthony at the machine
shop to arrest him, but he declined to let them put the hand-cuffs on
him, but consented to go with them, if permitted to do so without being
ironed. The officers yielded, and Anthony went willingly to the jail.
Passing unnoticed other interesting conflicts in his hard life, suffice
it to say, he left his wife, Ann, and three children, Benjamin, John and
Alfred, all owned by Col. Cunnagan. In this brave-hearted man, the
Committee felt a deep interest, and accorded him their usual
hospitalities.
PERRY JOHNSON, OF ELKTON, MARYLAND.
EYE KNOCKED OUT, ETC.
Perry's exit was in November, 1853. He was owned by Charles Johnson, who
lived at Elkton. The infliction of a severe "flogging" from the hand of
his master awakened Perry to consider the importance of the U.G.R.R.
Perry had the misfortune to let a "load of fodder upset," about which
his master became exasperated, and in his agitated state of mind he
succeeded in affixing a number of very ugly stationary marks on Perry's
back. However, this was no new thing. Indeed he had suffered at the
hands of his mistress even far more keenly than from these "ugly marks."
He had but one eye; the other he had been deprived of by a terrible
stroke with a cowhide in the "hand of his mistress." This lady he
pronounced to be a "perfect savage," and added that "she was in the
habit of cowhiding any of her slaves whenever she felt like it, which
was quite often." Perry was about twenty-eight years of age and a man of
promise. The Committee attended to his wants and forwarded him on North.
* * * * *
ISAAC FORMAN, WILLIAM DAVIS, AND WILLIS REDICK.
HEARTS FULL OF JOY FOR FREEDOM--VERY ANXIOUS FOR WIVES IN SLAVERY.
These passengers all arrived together, concealed, per steamship City of
Richmond, December, 1853. Isaac Forman, the youngest of the
party--twenty-three years of age and a dark mulatto--would be considered
by a Southerner capable of judging as "very likely." He fled from a
widow by the name of Mrs. Sanders, who had been in the habit of hiring
him out for "one hundred and twenty dollars a year." She belonged in
Norfolk, Va.; so did Isaac. For four years Isaac had served in the
capacity of steward on the steamship Augusta. He stated that he had a
wife living in Richmond, and that she was confined the morning he took
the U.G.R.R. Of course he could not see her. The privilege of living in
Richmond with his wife "had been denied him." Thus, fearing to render
her unhappy, he was obliged to conceal from her his intention to escape.
"Once or twice in the year was all the privilege allowed" him to visit
her. This only added "insult to injury," in Isaac's opinion; wherefore
he concluded that he would make one less to have to suffer thus, and
common sense said he was wise in the matter. No particular charges are
found recorded on the U.G.R.R. books against the mistress. He went to
Canada.
In the subjoined letters (about his wife) is clearly revealed the
sincere gratitude he felt towards those who aided him: at the same time
it may be seen how the thought of his wife being in bondage grieved his
heart. It would have required men with stone hearts to have turned deaf
ears to such appeals. Extract from letter soon after reaching
Canada--hopeful and happy--
EXTRACT OF LETTER FROM ISAAC FORMAN.
TORONTO, Feb. 20th, 1854.
MR. WILLIAM STILL:--_Sir_--Your kind letter arrived safe at hand
on the 18th, and I was very happy to receive it. I now feel that
I should return you some thanks for your kindness. Dear sir I do
pray from the bottom of my heart, that the high heavens may
bless you for your kindness; give my love to Mr. Bagnel and Mr.
Minkins, ask them if they have heard anything from my brother,
tell Mr. Bagnel to give my love to my sister-in-law and mother
and all the family. I am now living at Russell's Hotel; it is
the first situation I have had since I have been here and I like
it very well. Sir you would oblige me by letting me know if Mr.
Minkins has seen my wife; you will please let me know as soon as
possible. I wonder if Mr. Minkins has thought of any way that he
can get my wife away. I should like to know in a few days.
Your well wisher,
ISAAC FORMAN.
Another letter from Isaac. He is very gloomy and his heart is almost
breaking about his wife.
SECOND LETTER.
TORONTO, May 7,1854.
MR. W. STILL:--_Dear Sir_--I take this opportunity of writing
you these few lines and hope when they reach you they will find
you well. I would have written you before, but I was waiting to
hear from my friend, Mr. Brown. I judge his business has been of
importance as the occasion why he has not written before. Dear
sir, nothing would have prevented me from writing, in a case of
this kind, except death.
My soul is vexed, my troubles are inexpressible. I often feel as
if I were willing to die. I must see my wife in short, if not, I
will die. What would I not give no tongue can utter. Just to
gaze on her sweet lips one moment I would be willing to die the
next. I am determined to see her some time or other. The thought
of being a slave again is miserable. I hope heaven will smile
upon me again, before I am one again. I will leave Canada again
shortly, but I don't name the place that I go, it may be in the
bottom of the ocean. If I had known as much before I left, as I
do now, I would never have left until I could have found means
to have brought her with me. You have never suffered from being
absent from a wife, as I have. I consider that to be nearly
superior to death, and hope you will do all you can for me, and
inquire from your friends if nothing can be done for me. Please
write to me immediately on receipt of this, and say something
that will cheer up my drooping spirits. You will oblige me by
seeing Mr. Brown and ask him if he would oblige me by going to
Richmond and see my wife, and see what arrangements he could
make with her, and I would be willing to pay all his expenses
there and back. Please to see both Mr. Bagnel and Mr. Minkins,
and ask them if they have seen my wife. I am determined to see
her, if I die the next moment. I can say I was once happy, but
never will be again, until I see her; because what is freedom to
me, when I know that my wife is in slavery? Those persons that
you shipped a few weeks ago, remained at St. Catherine, instead
of coming over to Toronto. I sent you two letters last week and
I hope you will please attend to them. The post-office is shut,
so I enclose the money to pay the post, and please write me in
haste.
I remain evermore your obedient servant,
I. FORMAN.
WILLIS REDICK.
He was owned by S.J. Wilson, a merchant, living in Portsmouth, Va.
Willis was of a very dark hue, thick set, thirty-two years of age, and
possessed of a fair share of mind. The owner had been accustomed to hire
Willis out for "one hundred dollars a year." Willis thought his lot
"pretty hard," and his master rather increased this notion by his
severity, and especially by "threatening" to sell him. He had enjoyed,
as far as it was expected for a slave to do, "five months of married
life," but he loved slavery no less on this account. In fact he had just
begun to consider what it was to have a wife and children that he "could
not own or protect," and who were claimed as another's property.
Consequently he became quite restive under these reflections and his
master's ill-usage, and concluded to "look out," without consulting
either the master or the young wife.
This step looked exceedingly hard, but what else could the poor fellow
do? Slavery existed expressly for the purpose of crushing souls and
breaking tender hearts.
* * * * *
WILLIAM DAVIS.
William might be described as a good-looking mulatto, thirty-one years
of age, and capable of thinking for himself. He made no grave complaints
of ill-usage under his master, "Joseph Reynolds," who lived at Newton,
Portsmouth, Va. However, his owner had occasionally "threatened to sell
him." As this was too much for William's sensitive feelings, he took
umbrage at it and made a hasty and hazardous move, which resulted in
finding himself on the U.G.R.R. The most serious regret William had to
report to the Committee was, that he was compelled to "leave" his
"wife," Catharine, and his little daughter, Louisa, two years and one
month, and an infant son seven months old. He evidently loved them very
tenderly, but saw no way by which he could aid them, as long as he was
daily liable to be put on the auction block and sold far South. This
argument was regarded by the Committee as logical and unanswerable;
consequently they readily endorsed his course, while they deeply
sympathized with his poor wife and little ones. "Before escaping," he
"dared not" even apprise his wife and child, whom he had to leave behind
in the prison house.
* * * * *
JOSEPH HENRY CAMP.
THE AUCTION BLOCK IS DEFEATED AND A SLAVE TRADER LOSES FOURTEEN HUNDRED
DOLLARS.
In November, 1853, in the twentieth year of his age, Camp was held to
"service or labor" in the City of Richmond, Va., by Dr. K. Clark. Being
uncommonly smart and quite good-looking at the same time, he was a
saleable piece of merchandise. Without consulting his view of the matter
or making the least intimation of any change, the master one day struck
up a bargain with a trader for Joseph, and received _Fourteen Hundred
Dollars cash_ in consideration thereof. Mr. Robert Parrett, of Parson &
King's Express office, happened to have a knowledge of what had
transpired, and thinking pretty well of Joseph, confidentially put him
in full possession of all the facts in the case. For reflection he
hardly had five minutes. But he at once resolved to strike that day for
freedom--not to go home that evening to be delivered into the hands of
his new master. In putting into execution his bold resolve, he secreted
himself, and so remained for three weeks. In the meantime his mother,
who was a slave, resolved to escape also, but after one week's gloomy
foreboding, she became "faint-hearted and gave the struggle over." But
Joseph did not know what surrender meant. His sole thought was to
procure a ticket on the U.G.R.R. for Canada, which by persistent effort
he succeeded in doing. He hid himself in a steamer, and by this way
reached Philadelphia, where he received every accommodation at the usual
depot, was provided with a free ticket, and sent off rejoicing for
Canada. The unfortunate mother was "detected and sold South."
* * * * *
SHERIDAN FORD.
SECRETED IN THE WOODS--ESCAPES IN A STEAMER.
About the twenty-ninth of January, 1855, Sheridan arrived from the Old
Dominion and a life of bondage, and was welcomed cordially by the
Vigilance Committee. Miss Elizabeth Brown of Portsmouth, Va. claimed
Sheridan as her property. He spoke rather kindly of her, and felt that
he "had not been used very hard" as a general thing, although, he wisely
added, "the best usage was bad enough." Sheridan had nearly reached his
twenty-eighth year, was tall and well made, and possessed of a
considerable share of intelligence.
Not a great while before making up his mind to escape, for some trifling
offence he had been "stretched up with a rope by his hands," and
"whipped unmercifully." In addition to this he had "got wind of the
fact," that he was to be auctioneered off; soon these things brought
serious reflections to Sheridan's mind, and among other questions, he
began to ponder how he could get a ticket on the U.G.R.R., and get out
of this "place of torment," to where he might have the benefit of his
own labor. In this state of mind, about the fourteenth day of November,
he took his first and daring step. He went not, however, to learned
lawyers or able ministers of the Gospel in his distress and trouble, but
wended his way "directly to the woods," where he felt that he would be
safer with the wild animals and reptiles, in solitude, than with the
barbarous civilization that existed in Portsmouth.
The first day in the woods he passed in prayer incessantly, all alone.
In this particular place of seclusion he remained "four days and
nights," "two days suffered severely from hunger, cold and thirst."
However, one who was a "friend" to him, and knew of his whereabouts,
managed to get some food to him and consoling words; but at the end of
the four days this friend got into some difficulty and thus Sheridan was
left to "wade through deep waters and head winds" in an almost hopeless
state. There he could not consent to stay and starve to death.
Accordingly he left and found another place of seclusion--with a friend
in the town--for a pecuniary consideration. A secret passage was
procured for him on one of the steamers running between Philadelphia and
Richmond, Va. When he left his poor wife, Julia, she was then "lying in
prison to be sold," on the simple charge of having been suspected of
conniving at her husband's escape. As a woman she had known something of
the "barbarism of slavery", from every-day experience, which the large
scars about her head indicated--according to Sheridan's testimony. She
was the mother of two children, but had never been allowed to have the
care of either of them. The husband, utterly powerless to offer her the
least sympathy in word or deed, left this dark habitation of cruelty, as
above referred to, with no hope of ever seeing wife or child again in
this world.
The Committee afforded him the usual aid and comfort, and passed him on
to the next station, with his face set towards Boston. He had heard the
slaveholders "curse" Boston so much, that he concluded it must be a
pretty safe place for the fugitive.
* * * * *
JOSEPH KNEELAND, ALIAS JOSEPH HULSON.
Joseph Kneeland arrived November 25, 1853. He was a prepossessing man of
twenty-six, dark complexion, and intelligent. At the time of Joseph's
escape, he was owned by Jacob Kneeland, who had fallen heir to him as a
part of his father's estate. Joseph spoke of his old master as having
treated him "pretty well," but he had an idea that his young master had
a very "malignant spirit;" for even before the death of his old master,
the heir wanted him, "Joe," sold, and after the old man died, matters
appeared to be coming to a crisis very fast. Even as early as November,
the young despot had distinctly given "Joe" to understand, that he was
not to be hired out another year, intimating that he was to "go
somewhere," but as to particulars, it was time enough for Joe to know
them.
Of course "Joe" looked at his master "right good" and saw right through
him, and at the same time, saw the U.G.R.R., "darkly." Daily slavery
grew awfully mean, but on the other hand, Canada was looked upon as a
very desirable country to emigrate to, and he concluded to make his way
there, as speedily as the U.G.R.R. could safely convey him. Accordingly
he soon carried his design into practice, and on his arrival, the
Committee regarded him as a very good subject for her British Majesty's
possessions in Canada.
* * * * *
EX-PRESIDENT TYLER'S HOUSEHOLD LOSES AN ARISTOCRATIC "ARTICLE."
James Hambleton Christian is a remarkable specimen of the "well fed,
&c." In talking with him relative to his life as a slave, he said very
promptly, "I have always been treated well; if I only have half as good
times in the North as I have had in the South, I shall be perfectly
satisfied. Any time I desired spending money, five or ten dollars were
no object." At times, James had borrowed of his master, one, two, and
three hundred dollars, to loan out to some of his friends. With regard
to apparel and jewelry, he had worn the best, as an every-day adornment.
With regard to food also, he had fared as well as heart could wish, with
abundance of leisure time at his command. His deportment was certainly
very refined and gentlemanly. About fifty per cent. of Anglo-Saxon blood
was visible in his features and his hair, which gave him no
inconsiderable claim to sympathy and care. He had been to William and
Mary's College in his younger days, to wait on young master James B.C.,
where, through the kindness of some of the students he had picked up a
trifling amount of book learning. To be brief, this man was born the
slave of old Major Christian, on the Glen Plantation, Charles City
county, Va. The Christians were wealthy and owned many slaves, and
belonged in reality to the F.F.V's. On the death of the old Major, James
fell into the hands of his son, Judge Christian, who was executor to his
father's estate. Subsequently he fell into the hands of one of the
Judge's sisters, Mrs. John Tyler (wife of Ex-President Tyler), and then
he became a member of the President's domestic household, was at the
White House, under the President, from 1841 to 1845. Though but very
young at that time, James was only fit for training in the arts,
science, and mystery of waiting, in which profession, much pains were
taken to qualify him completely for his calling.
After a lapse of time; his mistress died. According to her request,
after this event, James and his old mother were handed over to her
nephew, William H. Christian, Esq., a merchant of Richmond. From this
gentleman, James had the folly to flee.
Passing hurriedly over interesting details, received from him respecting
his remarkable history, two or three more incidents too good to omit
must suffice.
"How did you like Mr. Tyler?" said an inquisitive member of the
Vigilance Committee. "I didn't like Mr. Tyler much," was the reply.
"Why?" again inquired the member of the Committee. "Because Mr. Tyler
was a poor man. I never did like poor people. I didn't like his marrying
into our family, who were considered very far Tyler's superiors." "On
the plantation," he said, "Tyler was a very cross man, and treated the
servants very cruelly; but the house servants were treated much better,
owing to their having belonged to his wife, who protected them from
persecution, as they had been favorite servants in her father's family."
James estimated that "Tyler got about thirty-five thousand dollars and
twenty-nine slaves, young and old, by his wife."
What prompted James to leave such pleasant quarters? It was this: He had
become enamored of a young and respectable free girl in Richmond, with
whom he could not be united in marriage solely because he was a slave,
and did not own himself. The frequent sad separations of such married
couples (where one or the other was a slave) could not be overlooked;
consequently, the poor fellow concluded that he would stand a better
chance of gaining his object in Canada than by remaining in Virginia. So
he began to feel that he might himself be sold some day, and thus the
resolution came home to him very forcibly to make tracks for Canada.
In speaking of the good treatment he had always met with, a member of
the Committee remarked, "You must be akin to some one of your master's
family?" To which he replied, "I am Christian's son." Unquestionably
this passenger was one of that happy class so commonly referred to by
apologists for the "Patriarchal Institution." The Committee, feeling a
deep interest in his story, and desiring great success to him in his
Underground efforts to get rid of slavery, and at the same time possess
himself of his affianced, made him heartily welcome, feeling assured
that the struggles and hardships he had submitted to in escaping, as
well as the luxuries he was leaving behind, were nothing to be compared
with the blessings of liberty and a free wife in Canada.
* * * * *
EDWARD MORGAN, HENRY JOHNSON, JAMES AND STEPHEN BUTLER.
"TWO THOUSAND DOLLARS REWARD.--The above Reward will be paid for
the apprehension of two blacks, who escaped on Sunday last. It
is supposed they have made their way to Pennsylvania. $500 will
be paid for the apprehension of either, so that we can get them
again. The oldest is named Edward Morgan, about five feet six or
seven inches, heavily made--is a dark black, has rather a down
look when spoken to, and is about 21 years of age.
"Henry Johnson is a colored negro, about five feet seven or
eight inches, heavily made, aged nineteen years, has a pleasant
countenance, and has a mark on his neck below the ear.
"Stephen Butler is a dark-complexioned negro, about five feet
seven inches; has a pleasant countenance, with a scar above his
eye; plays on the violin; about twenty-two years old.
"Jim Butler is a dark-complexioned negro, five feet eight or
nine inches; is rather sullen when spoken to; face rough; aged
about twenty-one years. The clothing not recollected. They had
black frock coats and slouch hats with them. Any information of
them address Elizabeth Brown, Sandy Hook P.O., or of Thomas
Johnson, Abingdon P.O., Harford county, Md.
"ELIZABETH BROWN.
"THOMAS JOHNSON."
FROM THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD RECORDS.
The following memorandum is made, which, if not too late, may afford
some light to "Elizabeth Brown and Thomas Johnson," if they have not
already gone the way of the "lost cause"--
_June_ 4, 1857.--Edward is a hardy and firm-looking young man of
twenty-four years of age, chestnut color, medium size, and
"likely,"--would doubtless bring $1,400 in the market. He had been held
as the property of the widow, "Betsy Brown," who resided near Mill Green
P.O., in Harford county, Md. "She was a very bad woman; would go to
church every Sunday, come home and go to fighting amongst the colored
people; was never satisfied; she treated my mother very hard, (said
Ed.); would beat her with a walking-stick, &c. She was an old woman and
belonged to the Catholic Church. Over her slaves she kept an overseer,
who was a very wicked man; very bad on colored people; his name was
'Bill Eddy;' Elizabeth Brown owned twelve head."
Henry is of a brown skin, a good-looking young man, only nineteen years
of age, whose prepossessing appearance would insure a high price for him
in the market--perhaps $1,700. With Edward, he testifies to the meanness
of Mrs. Betsy Brown, as well as to his own longing desire for freedom.
Being a fellow-servant with Edward, Henry was a party to the plan of
escape. In slavery he left his mother and three sisters, owned by the
"old woman" from whom he escaped.
James is about twenty-one years of age, full black, and medium size. As
he had been worked hard on poor fare, he concluded to leave, in company
with his brother and two cousins, leaving his parents in slavery, owned
by the "Widow Pyle," who was also the owner of himself. "She was upwards
of eighty, very passionate and ill-natured, although a member of the
Presbyterian Church." James may be worth $1,400.
Stephen is a brother of James', and is about the same size, though a
year older. His experience differed in no material respect from his
brother's; was owned by the same woman, whom he "hated for her bad
treatment" of him. Would bring $1,400, perhaps.
In substance, and to a considerable extent in the exact words, these
facts are given as they came from the lips of the passengers, who,
though having been kept in ignorance and bondage, seemed to have their
eyes fully open to the wrongs that had been heaped upon them, and were
singularly determined to reach free soil at all hazards. The Committee
willingly attended to their financial and other wants, and cheered them
on with encouraging advice.
They were indebted to "The Baltimore Sun" for the advertisement
information. And here it may be further added, that the "Sun" was quite
famous for this kind of U.G.R.R. literature, and on that account alone
the Committee subscribed for it daily, and never failed to scan closely
certain columns, illustrated with a black man running away with a bundle
on his back. Many of these popular illustrations and advertisements were
preserved, many others were sent away to friends at a distance, who took
a special interest in the U.G.R.R. matters. Friends and stockholders in
England used to take a great interest in seeing how the fine arts, in
these particulars, were encouraged in the South ("the land of
chivalry").
* * * * *
HENRY PREDO.
BROKE JAIL, JUMPED OUT OF THE WINDOW AND MADE HIS ESCAPE.
Henry fled from Buckstown, Dorchester Co., Md., March, 1857. Physically
he is a giant. About 27 years of age, stout and well-made, quite black,
and no fool, as will appear presently. Only a short time before he
escaped, his master threatened to sell him south. To avoid that fate,
therefore, he concluded to try his luck on the Underground Rail Road,
and, in company with seven others--two of them females--he started for
Canada. For two or three days and nights they managed to outgeneral all
their adversaries, and succeeded bravely in making the best of their way
to a Free State.
In the meantime, however, a reward of $3,000 was offered for their
arrest. This temptation was too great to be resisted, even by the man
who had been intrusted with the care of them, and who had faithfully
promised to pilot them to a safe place. One night, through the treachery
of their pretended conductor, they were all taken into Dover Jail, where
the Sheriff and several others, who had been notified beforehand by the
betrayer, were in readiness to receive them. Up stairs they were taken,
the betrayer remarking as they were going up, that they were "cold, but
would soon have a good warming." On a light being lit they discovered
the iron bars and the fact that they had been betrayed. Their
liberty-loving spirits and purposes, however, did not quail. Though
resisted brutally by the sheriff with revolver in hand, they made their
way down one flight of stairs, and in the moment of excitement, as good
luck would have it, plunged into the sheriff's private apartment, where
his wife and children were sleeping. The wife cried murder lustily. A
shovel full of fire, to the great danger of burning the premises, was
scattered over the room; out of the window jumped two of the female
fugitives. Our hero Henry, seizing a heavy andiron, smashed out the
window entire, through which the others leaped a distance of twelve
feet. The railing or wall around the jail, though at first it looked
forbidding, was soon surmounted by a desperate effort.
At this stage of the proceedings, Henry found himself without the walls,
and also lost sight of his comrades at the same time. The last enemy he
spied was the sheriff in his stockings without his shoes. He snapped his
pistol at him, but it did not go off. Six of the others, however,
marvellously got off safely together; where the eighth went, or how he
got off, was not known.
* * * * *
DANIEL HUGHES.
Daniel fled from Buckstown, Dorchester Co., also. His owner's name was
Richard Meredith, a farmer. Daniel is one of the eight alluded to above.
In features he is well made, dark chestnut color, and intelligent,
possessing an ardent thirst for liberty. The cause of his escape was:
"Worked hard in all sorts of weather--in rain and snow," so he thought
he would "go where colored men are free." His master was considered the
hardest man around. His mistress was "eighty-three years of age," "drank
hard," was "very stormy," and a "member of the Methodist Church" (Airy's
meeting-house). He left brothers and sisters, and uncles and aunts
behind. In the combat at the prison he played his part manfully.
* * * * *
THOMAS ELLIOTT.
Thomas is also one of the brave eight who broke out of Dover Jail. He
was about twenty-three years of age, well made, wide awake, and of a
superb black complexion. He too had been owned by Richard Meredith.
Against the betrayer, who was a black man, he had vengeance in store if
the opportunity should ever offer. Thomas left only one brother living;
his "father and mother were dead."
The excitement over the escape spread very rapidly next morning, and
desperate efforts were made to recapture the fugitives, but a few
friends there were who had sympathy and immediately rendered them the
needed assistance.
The appended note from the faithful Garrett to Samuel Rhoads, may throw
light upon the occurrence to some extent.
WILMINGTON, 3d mo. 13th, 1857.
DEAR COUSIN, SAMUEL RHOADS:--I have a letter this day from an
agent of the Underground Rail Road, near Dover, in this state,
saying I must be on the look out for six brothers and two
sisters, they were decoyed and betrayed, he says by a colored
man named Thomas Otwell, who pretended to be their friend, and
sent a _white scamp_ ahead to wait for them at Dover till they
arrived; they were arrested and put in Jail there, with Tom's
assistance, and some officers. On third day morning about four
o'clock, they broke jail; six of them are secreted in the
neighborhood, and the writer has not known what became of the
other two. The six were to start last night for this place. I
hear that their owners have persons stationed at several places
on the road watching. I fear they will be taken. If they could
lay quiet for ten days or two weeks, they might then get up
safe. I shall have two men sent this evening some four or five
miles below to keep them away from this town, and send them (if
found to Chester County). Thee may show this to Still and McKim,
and oblige thy cousin,
THOMAS GARRETT.
Further light about this exciting contest, may be gathered from a
colored conductor on the Road, in Delaware, who wrote as follows to a
member of the Vigilance Committee at Philadelphia.
CAMDEN, DEL., March 23d, 1857.
DEAR SIR;--I tak my pen in hand to write to you, to inform you
what we have had to go throw for the last two weaks. Thir wir
six men and two woman was betraid on the tenth of this month,
thea had them in prison but thea got out was conveyed by a black
man, he told them he wood bring them to my hows, as he wos told,
he had ben ther Befor, he has com with Harrett, a woman that
stops at my hous when she pases tow and throw yau. You don't no
me I supos, the Rev. Thomas H. Kennard dos, or Peter Lowis. He
Road Camden Circuit, this man led them in dover prisin and left
them with a whit man; but tha tour out the winders and jump out,
so cum back to camden. We put them throug, we hav to carry them
19 mils and cum back the sam night wich maks 38 mils. It is tou
much for our littel horses. We must do the bes we can, ther is
much Bisness dun on this Road. We hay to go throw dover and
smerny, the two wors places this sid of mary land lin. If you
have herd or sean them ples let me no. I will Com to Phila be
for long and then I will call and se you. There is much to do
her. Ples to wright, I Remain your frend,
WILLIAM BRINKLY.
Remember me to Thom. Kennard.
The balance of these brave fugitives, although not named in this
connection, succeeded in getting off safely. But how the betrayer,
sheriff and hunters got out of their dilemma, the Committee was never
fully posted.
The Committee found great pleasure in assisting these passengers, for
they had the true grit. Such were always doubly welcome.
* * * * *
MARY EPPS, ALIAS EMMA BROWN--JOSEPH AND ROBERT ROBINSON.
A SLAVE MOTHER LOSES HER SPEECH AT THE SALE OF HER CHILD--BOB ESCAPES
FROM HIS MASTER, A TRADER, WITH $1500 IN NORTH CAROLINA MONEY.
Mary fled from Petersburg and the Robinsons from Richmond. A fugitive
slave law-breaking captain by the name of B., who owned a schooner, and
would bring any kind of freight that would pay the most, was the
conductor in this instance. Quite a number of passengers at different
times availed themselves of his accommodations and thus succeeded in
reaching Canada.
His risk was very great. On this account he claimed, as did certain
others, that it was no more than fair to charge for his services--indeed
he did not profess to bring persons for nothing, except in rare
instances. In this matter the Committee did not feel disposed to
interfere directly in any way, further than to suggest that whatever
understanding was agreed upon by the parties themselves should be
faithfully adhered to.
Many slaves in cities could raise, "by hook or by crook," fifty or one
hundred dollars to pay for a passage, providing they could find one who
was willing to risk aiding them. Thus, while the Vigilance Committee of
Philadelphia especially neither charged nor accepted anything for their
services, it was not to be expected that any of the Southern agents
could afford to do likewise.
The husband of Mary had for a long time wanted his own freedom, but did
not feel that he could go without his wife; in fact, he resolved to get
her off first, then to try and escape himself, if possible. The first
essential step towards success, he considered, was to save his money and
make it an object to the captain to help him. So when he had managed to
lay by one hundred dollars, he willingly offered this sum to Captain B.,
if he would engage to deliver his wife into the hands of the Vigilance
Committee of Philadelphia. The captain agreed to the terms and fulfilled
his engagement to the letter. About the 1st of March, 1855, Mary was
presented to the Vigilance Committee. She was of agreeable manners,
about forty-five years of age, dark complexion, round built, and
intelligent. She had been the mother of fifteen children, four of whom
had been sold away from her; one was still held in slavery in
Petersburg; the others were all dead.
At the sale of one of her children she was so affected with grief that
she was thrown into violent convulsions, which caused the loss of her
speech for one entire month. But this little episode was not a matter to
excite sympathy in the breasts of the highly refined and tender-hearted
Christian mothers of Petersburg. In the mercy of Providence, however,
her reason and strength returned.
She had formerly belonged to the late Littleton Reeves, whom she
represented as having been "kind" to her, much more so than her mistress
(Mrs. Reeves). Said Mary, "She being of a jealous disposition, caused me
to be hired out with a hard family, where I was much abused, frequently
flogged, and stinted for food," etc.
But the sweets of freedom in the care of the Vigilance Committee now
delighted her mind, and the hope that her husband would soon follow her
to Canada, inspired her with expectations that she would one day "sit
under her own vine and fig tree where none dared to molest or make her
afraid."
The Committee rendered her the usual assistance, and in due time,
forwarded her on to Queen Victoria's free land in Canada. On her arrival
she wrote back as follows--
TORONTO, March 14th, 1855.
DEAR MR. STILL:--I take this opportunity of addressing you with
these few lines to inform you that I arrived here to-day, and
hope that this may find yourself and Mrs. Still well, as this
leaves me at the present. I will also say to you, that I had no
difficulty in getting along. the two young men that was with me
left me at Suspension Bridge. they went another way.
I cannot say much about the place as I have ben here but a short
time but so far as I have seen I like very well. you will give
my Respect to your lady, & Mr & Mrs Brown. If you have not
written to Petersburg you will please to write as soon as can I
have nothing More to Write at present but yours Respectfully
EMMA BROWN (old name MARY EPPS).
Now, Joseph and Robert (Mary's associate passengers from Richmond) must
here be noticed. Joseph was of a dark orange color, medium size, very
active and intelligent, and doubtless, well understood the art of
behaving himself. He was well acquainted with the auction block--having
been sold three times, and had had the misfortune to fall into the hands
of a cruel master each time. Under these circumstances he had had but
few privileges. Sundays and week days alike he was kept pretty severely
bent down to duty. He had been beaten and knocked around shamefully. He
had a wife, and spoke of her in most endearing language, although, on
leaving, he did not feel at liberty to apprise her of his movements,
"fearing that it would not be safe so to do." His four little children,
to whom he appeared warmly attached, he left as he did his wife--in
Slavery. He declared that he "stuck to them as long as he could." George
E. Sadler, the keeper of an oyster house, held the deed for "Joe," and a
most heartless wretch he was in Joe's estimation. The truth was, Joe
could not stand the burdens and abuses which Sadler was inclined to heap
upon him. So he concluded to join his brother and go off on the U.G.R.R.
Robert, his younger brother, was owned by Robert Slater, Esq., a regular
negro trader. Eight years this slave's duties had been at the slave
prison, and among other daily offices he had to attend to, was to lock
up the prison, prepare the slaves for sale, etc. Robert was a very
intelligent young man, and from long and daily experience with the
customs and usages of the slave prison, he was as familiar with the
business as a Pennsylvania farmer with his barn-yard stock. His account
of things was too harrowing for detail here, except in the briefest
manner, and that only with reference to a few particulars. In order to
prepare slaves for the market, it was usual to have them greased and
rubbed to make them look bright and shining. And he went on further to
state, that "females as well as males were not uncommonly stripped
naked, lashed flat to a bench, and then held by two men, sometimes four,
while the brutal trader would strap them with a broad leather strap."
The strap being preferred to the cow-hide, as it would not break the
skin, and damage the sale. "One hundred lashes would only be a common
flogging." The separation of families was thought nothing of. "Often I
have been flogged for refusing to flog others." While not yet
twenty-three years of age, Robert expressed himself as having become so
daily sick of the brutality and suffering he could not help witnessing,
that he felt he could not possibly stand it any longer, let the cost be
what it might. In this state of mind he met with Captain B. Only one
obstacle stood in his way--material aid. It occurred to Robert that he
had frequent access to the money drawer, and often it contained the
proceeds of fresh sales of flesh and blood; and he reasoned that if some
of that would help him and his brother to freedom, there could be no
harm in helping himself the first opportunity.
The captain was all ready, and provided he could get three passengers at
$100 each he would set sail without much other freight. Of course he was
too shrewd to get out papers for Philadelphia. That would betray him at
once. Washington or Baltimore, or even Wilmington, Del., were names
which stood fair in the eyes of Virginia. Consequently, being able to
pack the fugitives away in a very private hole of his boat, and being
only bound for a Southern port, the captain was willing to risk his
share of the danger. "Very well," said Robert, "to-day I will please my
master so well, that I will catch him at an unguarded moment, and will
ask him for a pass to go to a ball to-night (slave-holders love to see
their slaves fiddling and dancing of nights), and as I shall be leaving
in a hurry, I will take a grab from the day's sale, and when Slater
hears of me again, I will be in Canada." So after having attended to all
his disagreeable duties, he made his "grab," and got a hand full. He did
not know, however, how it would hold out. That evening, instead of
participating with the gay dancers, he was just one degree lower down
than the regular bottom of Captain B's. deck, with several hundred
dollars in his pocket, after paying the worthy captain one hundred each
for himself and his brother, besides making the captain an additional
present of nearly one hundred. Wind and tide were now what they prayed
for to speed on the U.G.R.R. schooner, until they might reach the depot
at Philadelphia.
The Richmond _Dispatch_, an enterprising paper in the interest of
slaveholders, which came daily to the Committee, was received in advance
of the passengers, when lo! and behold, in turning to the interesting
column containing the elegant illustrations of "runaway negroes," it was
seen that the unfortunate Slater had "lost $1500 in North Carolina
money, and also his dark orange-colored, intelligent, and good-looking
turnkey, Bob." "Served him right, it is no stealing for one piece of
property to go off with another piece," reasoned a member of the
Committee.
In a couple of days after the Dispatch brought the news, the three
U.G.R.R. passengers were safely landed at the usual place, and so
accurate were the descriptions in the paper, that, on first seeing them,
the Committee recognized them instantly, and, without any previous
ceremonies, read to them the advertisement relative to the "$1500 in
N.C. money, &c.," and put the question to them direct: "Are you the
ones?" "We are," they owned up without hesitation. The Committee did not
see a dollar of their money, but understood they had about $900, after
paying the captain; while Bob considered he made a "very good grab," he
did not admit that the amount advertised was correct. After a reasonable
time for recruiting, having been so long in the hole of the vessel, they
took their departure for Canada.
From Joseph, the elder brother, is appended a short letter, announcing
their arrival and condition under the British Lion--
SAINT CATHARINE, April 16, 1855.
MR. WILLIAM STILL, DEAR SIR:--Your letter of date April 7th I
have just got, it had been opened before it came to me. I have
not received any other letter from you and can get no account of
them in the Post Office in this place, I am well and have got a
good situation in this city and intend staying here. I should be
very glad to hear from you as soon as convenient and also from
all of my friends near you. My Brother is also at work with me
and doing well.
There is nothing here that would interest you in the way of
news. There is a Masonic Lodge of our people and two churches
and societys here and some other institutions for our benefit.
Be kind enough to send a few lines to the Lady spoken of for
that mocking bird and much oblige me. Write me soon and believe
me your obedient Serv't
Love & respects to Lady and daughter
JOSEPH ROBINSON.
As well as writing to a member of the Committee, Joe and Bob had the
assurance to write back to the trader and oyster-house keeper. In their
letter they stated that they had arrived safely in Canada, and were
having good times,--in the eating line had an abundance of the
best,--also had very choice wines and brandies, which they supposed that
they (trader and oyster-house keeper) would give a great deal to have a
"smack at." And then they gave them a very cordial invitation to make
them a visit, and suggested that the quickest way they could come, would
be by telegraph, which they admitted was slightly dangerous, and without
first greasing themselves, and then hanging on very fast, the journey
might not prove altogether advantageous to them. This was wormwood and
gall to the trader and oyster-house man. A most remarkable coincidence
was that, about the time this letter was received in Richmond, the
captain who brought away the three passengers, made it his business for
some reason or other, to call at the oyster-house kept by the owner of
Joe, and while there, this letter was read and commented on in torrents
of Billingsgate phrases; and the trader told the captain that he would
give him "two thousand dollars if he would get them;" finally he told
him he would "give every cent they would bring, which would be much over
$2000," as they were "so very likely." How far the captain talked
approvingly, he did not exactly tell the Committee, but they guessed he
talked strong Democratic doctrine to them under the frightful
circumstances. But he was good at concealing his feelings, and obviously
managed to avoid suspicion.
* * * * *
GEORGE SOLOMON, DANIEL NEALL, BENJAMIN R. FLETCHER AND MARIA DORSEY.
The above representatives of the unrequited laborers of the South fled
directly from Washington, D.C. Nothing remarkable was discovered in
their stories of slave life; their narratives will therefore be brief.
George Solomon was owned by Daniel Minor, of Moss Grove, Va. George was
about thirty-three years of age; mulatto, intelligent, and of
prepossessing appearance. His old master valued George's services very
highly, and had often declared to others, as well as to George himself,
that without him he should hardly know how to manage. And frequently
George was told by the old master that at his "death he was not to be a
slave any longer, as he would have provision made in his will for his
freedom." For a long time this old story was clung to pretty faithfully
by George, but his "old master hung on too long," consequently George's
patience became exhausted. And as he had heard a good deal about Canada,
U.G.R.R., and the Abolitionists, he concluded that it would do no harm
to hint to a reliable friend or two the names of these hard places and
bad people, to see what impression would be made on their minds; in
short, to see if they were ready to second a motion to get rid of
bondage. In thus opening his mind to his friends, he soon found a
willing accord in each of their hearts, and they put their heads
together to count up the cost and to fix a time for leaving Egypt and
the host of Pharaoh to do their own "hewing of wood and drawing of
water." Accordingly George, Daniel, Benjamin and Maria, all of one heart
and mind, one "Saturday night" resolved that the next Sunday should find
them on the U.G.R.R., with their faces towards Canada.
Daniel was young, only twenty-three, good looking, and half white, with
a fair share of intelligence. As regards his slave life, he acknowledged
that he had not had it very rough as a general thing; nevertheless, he
was fully persuaded that he had "as good a right to his freedom" as his
"master had to his," and that it was his duty to contend for it.
Benjamin was twenty-seven years of age, small of stature, dark
complexion, of a pleasant countenance, and quite smart. He testified,
that "ill-treatment from his master," Henry Martin, who would give him
"no chance at all," was the cause of his leaving. He left a brother and
sister, belonging to Martin, besides he left two other sisters in
bondage, Louisa and Letty, but his father and mother were both dead.
Therefore, the land of slave-whips and auction-blocks had no charms for
him. He loved his sisters, but he knew if he could not protect himself,
much less could he protect them. So he concluded to bid them adieu
forever in this world.
Turning from the three male companions for the purpose of finding a
brief space for Maria, it will be well to state here that females in
attempting to escape from a life of bondage undertook three times the
risk of failure that males were liable to, not to mention the additional
trials and struggles they had to contend with. In justice, therefore, to
the heroic female who was willing to endure the most extreme suffering
and hardship for freedom, double honors were due.
Maria, the heroine of the party, was about forty years of age, chestnut
color, medium size, and possessed of a good share of common sense. She
was owned by George Parker. As was a common thing with slave-holders,
Maria had found her owners hard to please, and quite often, without the
slightest reason, they would threaten to "sell or make a change." These
threats only made matters worse, or rather it only served to nerve Maria
for the conflict. The party walked almost the entire distance from
Washington to Harrisburg, Pennsylvania.
In the meantime George Parker, the so-called owner of Daniel and Maria,
hurriedly rushed their good names into the "Baltimore Sun," after the
following manner--
"FOUR HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD.--Ranaway from my house on Saturday
night, August 30, my negro man 'Daniel,' twenty-five years of
age, bright yellow mulatto, thick set and stout made.
Also, my negro woman, 'Maria,' forty years of age, bright
mulatto. The above reward will be paid if delivered in
Washington city. GEORGE PARKER."
While this advertisement was in the Baltimore papers, doubtless these
noble passengers were enjoying the hospitalities of the Vigilance
Committee, and finally a warm reception in Canada, by which they were
greatly pleased. Of Benjamin and Daniel, the subjoined letter from Rev.
H. Wilson is of importance in the way of throwing light upon their
whereabouts in Canada:
ST. CATHARINE, C.W., Sept. 15th, 1856.
MR. WILLIAM STILL:--_Dear Sir_--Two young men arrived here on
Friday evening last from Washington, viz: Benjamin R. Fletcher
and Daniel Neall. Mr. Neall (or Neale) desires to have his box
of clothing forwarded on to him. It is at Washington in the care
of John Dade, a colored man, who lives at Doct. W.H. Gilman's,
who keeps an Apothecary store on the corner of 4-1/2 and
Pennsylvania Avenue. Mr. Dade is a slave, but a free dealer. You
will please write to John Dade, in the care of Doct. W.H.
Gilman, on behalf of Daniel Neale, but make use of the name of
George Harrison, instead of Neale, and Dade will understand it.
Please have John Dade direct the box by express to you in
Philadelphia; he has the means of paying the charges on it in
advance, as far as Philadelphia; and as soon as it comes, you
will please forward it on to my care at St. Catherine. Say to
John Dade, that George Harrison sends his love to his sister and
Uncle Allen Sims, and all inquiring friends. Mr. Fletcher and
Mr. Neale both send their respects to you, and I may add mine.
Yours truly,
HIRAM WILSON.
P.S.--Mr. Benjamin R. Fletcher wishes to have Mr. Dade call on
his brother James, and communicate to him his affectionate
regards, and make known to him that he is safe, and cheerful and
happy. He desires his friends to know, through Dade, that he
found Mrs. Starke here, his brother Alfred's wife's sister; that
she is well, and living in St. Catharine, C.W., near Niagara
Palls. H.W.
* * * * *
HENRY BOX BROWN.
ARRIVED BY ADAMS' EXPRESS.
Although the name of Henry Box Brown has been echoed over the land for a
number of years, and the simple facts connected with his marvelous
escape from slavery in a box published widely through the medium of
anti-slavery papers, nevertheless it is not unreasonable to suppose that
very little is generally known in relation to this case.
Briefly, the facts are these, which doubtless have never before been
fully published--
Brown was a man of invention as well as a hero. In point of interest,
however, his case is no more remarkable than many others. Indeed,
neither before nor after escaping did he suffer one-half what many
others have experienced.
He was decidedly an unhappy piece of property in the city of Richmond,
Va. In the condition of a slave he felt that it would be impossible for
him to remain. Full well did he know, however, that it was no holiday
task to escape the vigilance of Virginia slave-hunters, or the wrath of
an enraged master for committing the unpardonable sin of attempting to
escape to a land of liberty. So Brown counted well the cost before
venturing upon this hazardous undertaking. Ordinary modes of travel he
concluded might prove disastrous to his hopes; he, therefore, hit upon a
new invention altogether, which was to have himself boxed up and
forwarded to Philadelphia direct by express. The size of the box and how
it was to be made to fit him most comfortably, was of his own ordering.
Two feet eight inches deep, two feet wide, and three feet long were the
exact dimensions of the box, lined with baize. His resources with regard
to food and water consisted of the following: One bladder of water and a
few small biscuits. His mechanical implement to meet the death-struggle
for fresh air, all told, was one large gimlet. Satisfied that it would
be far better to peril his life for freedom in this way than to remain
under the galling yoke of Slavery, he entered his box, which was safely
nailed up and hooped with five hickory hoops, and was then addressed by
his next friend, James A. Smith, a shoe dealer, to Wm. H. Johnson, Arch
street, Philadelphia, marked, "This side up with care." In this
condition he was sent to Adams' Express office in a dray, and thence by
overland express to Philadelphia. It was twenty-six hours from the time
he left Richmond until his arrival in the City of Brotherly Love. The
notice, "This side up, &c.," did not avail with the different
expressmen, who hesitated not to handle the box in the usual rough
manner common to this class of men. For a while they actually had the
box upside down, and had him on his head for miles. A few days before he
was expected, certain intimation was conveyed to a member of the
Vigilance Committee that a box might be expected by the three o'clock
morning train from the South, which might contain a man. One of the most
serious walks he ever took--and they had not been a few--to meet and
accompany passengers, he took at half past two o'clock that morning to
the depot. Not once, but for more than a score of times, he fancied the
slave would be dead. He anxiously looked while the freight was being
unloaded from the cars, to see if he could recognize a box that might
contain a man; one alone had that appearance, and he confessed it really
seemed as if there was the scent of death about it. But on inquiry, he
soon learned that it was not the one he was looking after, and he was
free to say he experienced a marked sense of relief. That same
afternoon, however, he received from Richmond a telegram, which read
thus, "Your case of goods is shipped and will arrive to-morrow morning."
At this exciting juncture of affairs, Mr. McKim, who had been
engineering this important undertaking, deemed it expedient to change
the programme slightly in one particular at least to insure greater
safety. Instead of having a member of the Committee go again to the
depot for the box, which might excite suspicion, it was decided that it
would be safest to have the express bring it direct to the Anti-Slavery
Office.
But all apprehension of danger did not now disappear, for there was no
room to suppose that Adams' Express office had any sympathy with the
Abolitionist or the fugitive, consequently for Mr. McKim to appear
personally at the express office to give directions with reference to
the coming of a box from Richmond which would be directed to Arch
street, and yet not intended for that street, but for the Anti-Slavery
office at 107 North Fifth street, it needed of course no great
discernment to foresee that a step of this kind was wholly impracticable
and that a more indirect and covert method would have to be adopted. In
this dreadful crisis Mr. McKim, with his usual good judgment and
remarkably quick, strategical mind, especially in matters pertaining to
the U.G.R.R., hit upon the following plan, namely, to go to his friend,
E.M. Davis,[A] who was then extensively engaged in mercantile business,
and relate the circumstances. Having daily intercourse with said Adams'
Express office, and being well acquainted with the firm and some of the
drivers, Mr. Davis could, as Mr. McKim thought, talk about "boxes,
freight, etc.," from any part of the country without risk. Mr. Davis
heard Mr. McKim's plan and instantly approved of it, and was heartily at
his service.
[Footnote A: E.M. Davis was a member of the Executive Committee of the
Pennsylvania Anti-Slavery Society and a long-tried Abolitionist,
son-in-law of James and Lucretia Mott.]
[Illustration: RESURRECTION OF HENRY BOX BROWN.]
"Dan, an Irishman, one of Adams' Express drivers, is just the fellow to
go to the depot after the box," said Davis. "He drinks a little too much
whiskey sometimes, but he will do anything I ask him to do, promptly and
obligingly. I'll trust Dan, for I believe he is the very man." The
difficulty which Mr. McKim had been so anxious to overcome was thus
pretty well settled. It was agreed that Dan should go after the box next
morning before daylight and bring it to the Anti-Slavery office direct,
and to make it all the more agreeable for Dan to get up out of his warm
bed and go on this errand before day, it was decided that he should have
a five dollar gold piece for himself. Thus these preliminaries having
been satisfactorily arranged, it only remained for Mr. Davis to see Dan
and give him instructions accordingly, etc.
Next morning, according to arrangement, the box was at the Anti-Slavery
office in due time. The witnesses present to behold the resurrection
were J.M. McKim, Professor C.D. Cleveland, Lewis Thompson, and the
writer.
Mr. McKim was deeply interested; but having been long identified with
the Anti-Slavery cause as one of its oldest and ablest advocates in the
darkest days of slavery and mobs, and always found by the side of the
fugitive to counsel and succor, he was on this occasion perfectly
composed.
Professor Cleveland, however, was greatly moved. His zeal and
earnestness in the cause of freedom, especially in rendering aid to
passengers, knew no limit. Ordinarily he could not too often visit these
travelers, shake them too warmly by the hand, or impart to them too
freely of his substance to aid them on their journey. But now his
emotion was overpowering.
Mr. Thompson, of the firm of Merrihew & Thompson--about the only
printers in the city who for many years dared to print such incendiary
documents as anti-slavery papers and pamphlets--one of the truest
friends of the slave, was composed and prepared to witness the scene.
All was quiet. The door had been safely locked. The proceedings
commenced. Mr. McKim rapped quietly on the lid of the box and called
out, "All right!" Instantly came the answer from within, "All right,
sir!"
The witnesses will never forget that moment. Saw and hatchet quickly had
the five hickory hoops cut and the lid off, and the marvellous
resurrection of Brown ensued. Rising up in his box, he reached out his
hand, saying, "How do you do, gentlemen?" The little assemblage hardly
knew what to think or do at the moment. He was about as wet as if he had
come up out of the Delaware. Very soon he remarked that, before leaving
Richmond he had selected for his arrival-hymn (if he lived) the Psalm
beginning with these words: "_I waited patiently for the Lord, and He
heard my prayer_." And most touchingly did he sing the psalm, much to
his own relief, as well as to the delight of his small audience.
He was then christened Henry Box Brown, and soon afterwards was sent to
the hospitable residence of James Mott and E.M. Davis, on Ninth street,
where, it is needless to say, he met a most cordial reception from Mrs.
Lucretia Mott and her household. Clothing and creature comforts were
furnished in abundance, and delight and joy filled all hearts in that
stronghold of philanthropy.
As he had been so long doubled up in the box he needed to promenade
considerably in the fresh air, so James Mott put one of his broad-brim
hats on his head and tendered him the hospitalities of his yard as well
as his house, and while Brown promenaded the yard flushed with victory,
great was the joy of his friends.
After his visit at Mr. Mott's, he spent two days with the writer, and
then took his departure for Boston, evidently feeling quite conscious of
the wonderful feat he had performed, and at the same time it may be
safely said that those who witnessed this strange resurrection were not
only elated at his success, but were made to sympathize more deeply than
ever before with the slave. Also the noble-hearted Smith who boxed him
up was made to rejoice over Brown's victory, and was thereby encouraged
to render similar service to two other young bondmen, who appealed to
him for deliverance. But, unfortunately, in this attempt the undertaking
proved a failure. Two boxes containing the young men alluded to above,
after having been duly expressed and some distance on the road, were,
through the agency of the telegraph, betrayed, and the heroic young
fugitives were captured in their boxes and dragged back to hopeless
bondage. Consequently, through this deplorable failure, Samuel A. Smith
was arrested, imprisoned, and was called upon to suffer severely, as may
be seen from the subjoined correspondence, taken from the New York
Tribune soon after his release from the penitentiary.
THE DELIVERER OF BOX BROWN--MEETING OF THE COLORED CITIZENS OF
PHILADELPHIA.
[Correspondence of the N.Y. Tribune.]
PHILADELPHIA, Saturday, July 5, 1856.
Samuel A. Smith, who boxed up Henry Box Brown in Richmond, Va.,
and forwarded him by overland express to Philadelphia, and who
was arrested and convicted, eight years ago, for boxing up two
other slaves, also directed to Philadelphia, having served out
his imprisonment in the Penitentiary, was released on the 18th
ultimo, and arrived in this city on the 21st.
Though he lost all his property; though he was refused witnesses
on his trial (no officer could be found, who would serve a
summons on a witness); though for five long months, in hot
weather, he was kept heavily chained in a cell four by eight
feet in dimensions; though he received five dreadful stabs,
aimed at his heart, by a bribed assassin, nevertheless he still
rejoices in the motives which prompted him to "undo the heavy
burdens, and let the oppressed go free." Having resided nearly
all his life in the South, where he had traveled and seen much
of the "peculiar institution," and had witnessed the most horrid
enormities inflicted upon the slave, whose cries were ever
ringing in his ears, and for whom he had the warmest sympathy,
Mr. Smith could not refrain from believing that the black man,
as well as the white, had God-given rights. Consequently, he was
not accustomed to shed tears when a poor creature escaped ftom
his "kind master;" nor was he willing to turn a deaf ear to his
appeals and groans, when he knew he was thirsting for freedom.
From 1828 up to the day he was incarcerated, many had sought his
aid and counsel, nor had they sought in vain. In various places
he operated with success. In Richmond, however, it seemed
expedient to invent a new plan for certain emergencies, hence
the Box and Express plan was devised, at the instance of a few
heroic slaves, who had manifested their willingness to die in a
box, on the road to liberty, rather than continue longer under
the yoke. But these heroes fell into the power of their enemies.
Mr. Smith had not been long in the Penitentiary before he had
fully gained the esteem and confidence of the Superintendent and
other officers. Finding him to be humane and
generous-hearted--showing kindness toward all, especially in
buying bread, &c., for the starving prisoners, and by a timely
note of warning, which had saved the life of one of the keepers,
for whose destruction a bold plot had been arranged--the
officers felt disposed to show him such favors as the law would
allow. But their good intentions were soon frustrated. The
Inquisition (commonly called the Legislature), being in session
in Richmond, hearing that the Superintendent had been speaking
well of Smith, and circulating a petition for his pardon,
indignantly demanded to know if the rumor was well founded. Two
weeks were spent by the Inquisition, and many witnesses were
placed upon oath, to solemnly testify in the matter. One of the
keepers swore that his life had been saved by Smith. Col.
Morgan, the Superintendent, frequently testified in writing and
verbally to Smith's good deportment; acknowledging that he had
circulated petitions, &c.; and took the position, that he
sincerely believed, that it would be to the interest of the
institution to pardon him; calling the attention of the
Inquisition, at the same time, to the fact, that not
unfrequently pardons had been granted to criminals, under
sentence of death, for the most cold-blooded murder, to say
nothing of other gross crimes. The effort for pardon was soon
abandoned, for the following reason given by the Governor: "I
can't, and I won't pardon him!"
In view of the unparalleled injustice which Mr. S. had suffered,
as well as on account of the aid he had rendered to the slaves,
on his arrival in this city the colored citizens of Philadelphia
felt that he was entitled to sympathy and aid, and straightway
invited him to remain a few days, until arrangements could be
made for a mass meeting to receive him. Accordingly, on last
Monday evening, a mass meeting convened in the Israel church,
and the Rev. Wm. T. Catto was called to the chair, and Wm. Still
was appointed secretary. The chairman briefly stated the object
of the meeting. Having lived in the South, he claimed to know
something of the workings of the oppressive system of slavery
generally, and declared that, notwithstanding the many exposures
of the evil which came under his own observation, the most vivid
descriptions fell far short of the realities his own eyes had
witnessed. He then introduced Mr. Smith, who arose and in a
plain manner briefly told his story, assuring the audience that
he had always hated slavery, and had taken great pleasure in
helping many out of it, and though he had suffered much
physically and pecuniarily for the cause' sake, yet he murmured
not, but rejoiced in what he had done. After taking his seat,
addresses were made by the Rev. S. Smith, Messrs. Kinnard,
Brunner, Bradway, and others. The following preamble and
resolutions were adopted--
WHEREAS, We, the colored citizens of Philadelphia, have
among us Samuel A. Smith, who was incarcerated over
seven years in the Richmond Penitentiary, for doing an
act that was honorable to his feelings and his sense of
justice and humanity, therefore,
_Resolved_, That we welcome him to this city as a martyr
to the cause of Freedom.
_Resolved_, That we heartily tender him our gratitude
for the good he has done to our suffering race.
_Resolved_, That we sympathize with him in his losses
and sufferings in the cause of the poor, down-trodden
slave.
W.S.
During his stay in Philadelphia, on this occasion, he stopped for about
a fortnight with the writer, and it was most gratifying to learn from
him that he was no new worker on the U.G.R.R. But that he had long hated
slavery thoroughly, and although surrounded with perils on every side,
he had not failed to help a poor slave whenever the opportunity was
presented.
Pecuniary aid, to some extent, was rendered him in this city, for which
he was grateful, and after being united in marriage, by Wm. H. Furness,
D.D., to a lady who had remained faithful to him through all his sore
trials and sufferings, he took his departure for Western New York, with
a good conscience and an unshaken faith in the belief that in aiding his
fellow-man to freedom he had but simply obeyed the word of Him who
taught man to do unto others as he would be done by.
* * * * *
TRIAL OF THE EMANCIPATORS OF COL. J.H. WHEELER'S SLAVES, JANE JOHNSON
AND HER TWO LITTLE BOYS.
Among other duties devolving on the Vigilance Committee when hearing of
slaves brought into the State by their owners, was immediately to inform
such persons that as they were not fugitives, but were brought into the
State by their masters, they were entitled to their freedom without
another moment's service, and that they could have the assistance of the
Committee and the advice of counsel without charge, by simply availing
themselves of these proffered favors.
Many slave-holders fully understood the law in this particular, and were
also equally posted with regard to the vigilance of abolitionists.
Consequently they avoided bringing slaves beyond Mason and Dixon's Line
in traveling North. But some slave-holders were not thus mindful of the
laws, or were too arrogant to take heed, as may be seen in the case of
Colonel John H. Wheeler, of North Carolina, the United States Minister
to Nicaragua. In passing through Philadelphia from Washington, one very
warm July day in 1855, accompanied by three of his slaves, his high
official equilibrium, as well as his assumed rights under the
Constitution, received a terrible shock at the hands of the Committee.
Therefore, for the readers of these pages, and in order to completely
illustrate the various phases of the work of the Committee in the days
of Slavery, this case, selected from many others, is a fitting one.
However, for more than a brief recital of some of the more prominent
incidents, it will not be possible to find room in this volume. And,
indeed, the necessity of so doing is precluded by the fact that Mr.
Williamson in justice to himself and the cause of freedom, with great
pains and singular ability, gathered the most important facts bearing on
his memorable trial and imprisonment, and published them in a neat
volume for historical reference.
In order to bring fully before the reader the beginning of this
interesting and exciting case, it seems only necessary to publish the
subjoined letter, written by one of the actors in the drama, and
addressed to the New York Tribune, and an additional paragraph which may
be requisite to throw light on a special point, which Judge Kane decided
was concealed in the "obstinate" breast of Passmore Williamson, as said
Williamson persistently refused before the said Judge's court, to own
that he had a knowledge of the mystery in question. After which, a brief
glance at some of the more important points of the case must suffice.
LETTER COPIED FROM THE NEW YORK TRIBUNE.
[Correspondence of The N.Y. Tribune.]
PHILADELPHIA, Monday, July 30, 1855.
As the public have not been made acquainted with the facts and
particulars respecting the agency of Mr. Passmore Williamson and
others, in relation to the slave case now agitating this city,
and especially as the poor slave mother and her two sons have
been so grossly misrepresented, I deem it my duty to lay the
facts before you, for publication or otherwise, as you may think
proper.
On Wednesday afternoon, week, at 4-1/2 o'clock, the following
note was placed in my hands by a colored boy whom I had never
before seen, to my recollection:
"MR. STILL--_Sir_: Will you come down to Bloodgood's Hotel as
soon as possible--as there are three fugitive slaves here and
they want liberty. Their master is here with them, on his way to
New York."
The note was without date, and the signature so indistinctly
written as not to be understood by me, having evidently been
penned in a moment of haste.
Without delay I ran with the note to Mr. P. Williamson's office,
Seventh and Arch, found him at his desk, and gave it to him, and
after reading it, he remarked that he could not go down, as he
had to go to Harrisburg that night on business--but he advised
me to go, and to get the names of the slave-holder and the
slaves, in order to telegraph to New York to have them arrested
there, as no time remained to procure a writ of habeas corpus
here.
I could not have been two minutes in Mr. W.'s office before
starting in haste for the wharf. To my surprise, however, when I
reached the wharf, there I found Mr. W., his mind having
undergone a sudden change; he was soon on the spot.
I saw three or four colored persons in the hall at Bloodgood's,
none of whom I recognized except the boy who brought me the
note. Before having time for making inquiry some one said they
had gone on board the boat. "Get their description," said Mr. W.
I instantly inquired of one of the colored persons for the
desired description, and was told that she was "a tall, dark
woman, with two little boys."
Mr. W. and myself ran on board of the boat, looked among the
passengers on the first deck, but saw them not. "They are up on
the second deck," an unknown voice uttered. In a second we were
in their presence. We approached the anxious-looking
slave-mother with her two boys on her left-hand; close on her
right sat an ill-favored white man having a cane in his hand
which I took to be a sword-cane. (As to its being a sword-cane,
however, I might have been mistaken.)
The first words to the mother were: "Are you traveling?" "Yes,"
was the prompt answer. "With whom?" She nodded her head toward
the ill-favored man, signifying with him. Fidgeting on his seat,
he said something, exactly what I do not now recollect. In reply
I remarked: "Do they belong to you, Sir?" "Yes, they are in my
charge," was his answer. Turning from him to the mother and her
sons, in substance, and word for word, as near as I can
remember, the following remarks were earnestly though calmly
addressed by the individuals who rejoiced to meet them on free
soil, and who felt unmistakably assured that they were justified
by the laws of Pennsylvania as well as the Law of God, in
informing them of their rights:
"You are entitled to your freedom according to the laws of
Pennsylvania, having been brought into the State by your owner.
If you prefer freedom to slavery, as we suppose everybody does,
you have the chance to accept it now. Act calmly--don't be
frightened by your master--you are as much entitled to your
freedom as we are, or as he is--be determined and you need have
no fears but that you will be protected by the law. Judges have
time and again decided cases in this city and State similar to
yours in favor of freedom! Of course, if you want to remain a
slave with your master, we cannot force you to leave; we only
want to make you sensible of your rights. _Remember, if you lose
this chance you may never get such another," etc_.
[Illustration: RESCUE OF JANE JOHNSON AND HER CHILDREN.]
This advice to the woman was made in the hearing of a number of
persons present, white and colored; and one elderly white
gentleman of genteel address, who seemed to take much interest
in what was going on, remarked that they would have the same
chance for their freedom in New Jersey and New York as they then
had--seeming to sympathize with the woman, etc.
During the few moments in which the above remarks were made, the
slaveholder frequently interrupted--said she understood all
about the laws making her free, and her right to leave if she
wanted to; but contended that she did not want to leave--that
she was on a visit to New York to see her friends--afterward
_wished to return to her three children whom she left in
Virginia, from whom it would be_ HARD _to separate her_.
Furthermore, he diligently tried to constrain her to say that
she did not want to be interfered with--that she wanted to go
with him--that she was on a visit to New York--had children in
the South, etc.; but the woman's desire to be free was
altogether too strong to allow her to make a single
acknowledgment favorable to his wishes in the matter. On the
contrary, she repeatedly said, distinctly and firmly, "_I am not
free, but I want my freedom_--ALWAYS _wanted to be free!! but he
holds me_."
While the slaveholder claimed that she belonged to him, he said
_that she was free_! Again he said that he was _going to give
her her freedom_, etc. When his eyes would be off of hers, such
eagerness as her looks expressed, indicative of her entreaty
that we would not forsake her and her little ones in their
weakness, it had never been my lot to witness before, under any
circumstances.
The last bell tolled! The last moment for further delay passed!
The arm of the woman being slightly touched, accompanied with
the word, "Come!" she instantly arose. "Go along--go along!"
said some, who sympathized, to the boys, at the same time taking
hold of their arms. By this time the parties were fairly moving
toward the stairway leading to the deck below. Instantly on
their starting, the slave-holder rushed at the woman and her
children, to prevent their leaving; and, if I am not mistaken,
he simultaneously took hold of the woman and Mr. Williamson,
which resistance on his part caused Mr. W. to take hold of him
and set him aside quickly.
The passengers were looking on all around, but none interfered
in behalf of the slaveholder except one man, whom I took to be
another slaveholder. He said harshly, "Let them alone; they are
his _property_!'" The youngest boy, about 7 years of age--too
young to know what these things meant--cried "Massa John! Massa
John!" The elder boy, 11 years of age, took the matter more
dispassionately, and the mother _quite calmly_. The mother and
her sympathizers all moved down the stairs together in the
presence of quite a number of spectators on the first deck and
on the wharf, all of whom, as far as I was able to discern,
seemed to look upon the whole affair with the greatest
indifference. The woman and children were assisted, but not
forced to leave. Nor were there any violence or threatenings as
I saw or heard. The only words that I heard from any one of an
objectionable character, were: "Knock him down; knock him down!"
but who uttered it or who was meant I knew not, nor have I since
been informed. However, if it was uttered by a colored man, I
regret it, as there was not the slightest cause for such
language, especially as the sympathies of the spectators and
citizens seemed to justify the course pursued.
While passing off of the wharf and down Delaware-avenue to Dock
st., and up Dock to Front, where a carriage was procured, the
slaveholder and one police officer were of the party, if no
more.
The youngest boy on being put in the carriage was told that he
was "a fool for crying so after 'Massa John,' who would sell him
if he ever caught him." Not another whine was heard on the
subject.
The carriage drove down town slowly, the horses being fatigued
and the weather intensely hot; the inmates were put out on Tenth
street--not at any house--after which they soon found hospitable
friends and quietude. The excitement of the moment having passed
by, the mother _seemed very cheerful, and rejoiced greatly that
herself and boys had been, as she thought, so "providentially
delivered from the house of bondage_!" For the first time in her
life she could look upon herself and children and feel free!
Having felt the iron in her heart for the best half of her
days--having been sold with her children on the auction
block--having had one of her children sold far away from her
without hope of her seeing him again--she very naturally and
wisely concluded to go to Canada, fearing if she remained in
this city--as some assured her she could do with entire
safety--that she might again find herself in the clutches of the
tyrant from whom she had fled.
A few items of what she related concerning the character of her
master may be interesting to the reader--
Within the last two years he had sold all his slaves--between
thirty and forty in number--having purchased the present ones in
that space of time. She said that before leaving Washington,
coming on the cars, and at his father-in-law's in this city, a
number of persons had told him that in bringing his slaves into
Pennsylvania they would be free. When told at his
father-in-law's, as she overheard it, that he "could not have
done a worse thing," &c., he replied that "Jane would not leave
him."
As much, however, as he affected to have such implicit
confidence in Jane, he scarcely allowed her to be out of his
presence a moment while in this city. To use Jane's own
language, he was "on her heels every minute," fearing that some
one might get to her ears the sweet music of freedom. By the
way, Jane had it deep in her heart before leaving the South, and
was bent on succeeding in New York, if disappointed in
Philadelphia.
At Bloodgood's, after having been belated and left by the 2
o'clock train, while waiting for the 5 o'clock line, his
appetite tempted her "master" to take a hasty dinner. So after
placing Jane where he thought she would be pretty secure from
"evil communications" from the colored waiters, and after giving
her a double counselling, he made his way to the table; remained
but a little while, however, before leaving to look after Jane;
finding her composed, looking over a bannister near where he
left her, he returned to the table again and finished his meal.
But, alas, for the slave-holder! Jane had her "top eye open,"
and in that brief space had appealed to the sympathies of a
person whom she ventured to trust, saying, "I and my children
are slaves, and we want liberty!" I am not certain, but suppose
that person, in the goodness of his heart, was the cause of the
note being sent to the Anti-Slavery office, and hence the
result.
As to her going on to New York to see her friends, and wishing
to return to her three children in the South, and his going to
free her, &c., Jane declared repeatedly and very positively,
that there was not a particle of truth in what her master said
on these points. The truth is she had not the slightest hope of
freedom through any act of his. She had only left one boy in the
South, who had been sold far away, where she scarcely ever heard
from him, indeed never expected to see him any more.
In appearance Jane is tall and well formed, high and large
forehead, of genteel manners, chestnut color, and seems to
possess, naturally, uncommon good sense, though of course she
has never been allowed to read.
Thus I have given as truthful a report as I am capable of doing,
of Jane and the circumstances connected with her deliverance.
W. STILL.
P.S.--Of the five colored porters who promptly appeared, with
warm hearts throbbing in sympathy with the mother and her
children, too much cannot be said in commendation. In the
present case they acted nobly, whatever may be said of their
general character, of which I know nothing. How human beings,
who have ever tasted oppression, could have acted differently
under the circumstances I cannot conceive.
The mystery alluded to, which the above letter did not contain, and
which the court failed to make Mr. Williamson reveal, might have been
truthfully explained in these words. The carriage was procured at the
wharf, while Col. Wheeler and Mr. Williamson were debating the question
relative to the action of the Committee, and at that instant, Jane and
her two boys were invited into it and accompanied by the writer, who
procured it, were driven down town, and on Tenth Street, below Lombard,
the inmates were invited out of it, and the said conductor paid the
driver and discharged him. For prudential reasons he took them to a
temporary resting-place, where they could tarry until after dark; then
they were invited to his own residence, where they were made welcome,
and in due time forwarded East. Now, what disposition was made of them
after they had left the wharf, while Williamson and Wheeler were
discussing matters--(as was clearly sworn to by Passmore, in his answer
to the writ of Habeas Corpus)--he Williamson did not know. That evening,
before seeing the member of the Committee, with whom he acted in concert
on the boat, and who had entire charge of Jane and her boys, he left for
Harrisburg, to fulfill business engagements. The next morning his father
(Thomas Williamson) brought the writ of Habeas Corpus (which had been
served at Passmore's office after he left) to the Anti-Slavery Office.
In his calm manner he handed it to the writer, at the same time
remarking that "Passmore had gone to Harrisburg," and added, "thee had
better attend to it" (the writ). Edward Hopper, Esq., was applied to
with the writ, and in the absence of Mr. Williamson, appeared before the
court, and stated "that the writ had not been served, as Mr. W. was out
of town," etc.
After this statement, the Judge postponed further action until the next
day. In the meanwhile, Mr. Williamson returned and found the writ
awaiting him, and an agitated state of feeling throughout the city
besides. Now it is very certain, that he did not seek to know from those
in the secret, where Jane Johnson and her boys were taken after they
left the wharf, or as to what disposition had been made of them, in any
way; except to ask simply, "are they safe?" (and when told "yes," he
smiled) consequently, he might have been examined for a week, by the
most skillful lawyer, at the Philadelphia bar, but he could not have
answered other than he did in making his return to the writ, before
Judge Kane, namely: "_That the persons named in the writ, nor either of
them, are now nor was at the time of issuing of the writ, or the
original writ, or at any other time in the custody, power, or possession
of the respondent, nor by him confined or restrained; wherefore he
cannot have the bodies," etc._.
Thus, while Mr. W. was subjected to the severest trial of his devotion
to Freedom, his noble bearing throughout, won for him the admiration and
sympathy of the friends of humanity and liberty throughout the entire
land, and in proof of his fidelity, he most cheerfully submitted to
imprisonment rather than desert his principles. But the truth was not
wanted in this instance by the enemies of Freedom; obedience to Slavery
was demanded to satisfy the South. The opportunity seemed favorable for
teaching abolitionists and negroes, that they had no right to interfere
with a "chivalrous southern gentleman," while passing through
Philadelphia with his slaves. Thus, to make an effective blow, all the
pro-slavery elements of Philadelphia were brought into action, and
matters looked for a time as though Slavery in this instance would have
everything its own way. Passmore was locked up in prison on the flimsy
pretext of contempt of court, and true bills were found against him and
half a dozen colored men, charging them with "riot," "forcible
abduction," and "assault and battery," and there was no lack of hard
swearing on the part of Col. Wheeler and his pro-slavery sympathizers in
substantiation of these grave charges. But the pro-slaveryites had
counted without their host--Passmore would not yield an inch, but stood
as firmly by his principles in prison, as he did on the boat. Indeed, it
was soon evident, that his resolute course was bringing floods of
sympathy from the ablest and best minds throughout the North. On the
other hand, the occasion was rapidly awakening thousands daily, who had
hitherto manifested little or no interest at all on the subject, to the
wrongs of the slave.
It was soon discovered by the "chivalry" that keeping Mr. Williamson in
prison would indirectly greatly aid the cause of Freedom--that every day
he remained would make numerous converts to the cause of liberty; that
Mr. Williamson was doing ten-fold more in prison for the cause of
universal liberty than he could possibly do while pursuing his ordinary
vocation.
With regard to the colored men under bonds, Col. Wheeler and his
satellites felt very confident that there was no room for them to
escape. They must have had reason so to think, judging from the hard
swearing they did, before the committing magistrate. Consequently, in
the order of events, while Passmore was still in prison, receiving
visits from hosts of friends, and letters of sympathy from all parts of
the North, William Still, William Curtis, James P. Braddock, John
Ballard, James Martin and Isaiah Moore, were brought into court for
trial. The first name on the list in the proceedings of the court was
called up first.
Against this individual, it was pretty well understood by the friends of
the slave, that no lack of pains and false swearing would be resorted to
on the part of Wheeler and his witnesses, to gain a verdict.
Mr. McKim and other noted abolitionists managing the defense, were
equally alive to the importance of overwhelming the enemy in this
particular issue. The Hon. Charles Gibbons, was engaged to defend
William Still, and William S. Pierce, Esq., and William B. Birney, Esq.,
the other five colored defendants.
In order to make the victory complete, the anti-slavery friends deemed
it of the highest importance to have Jane Johnson in court, to face her
master, and under oath to sweep away his "refuge of lies," with regard
to her being "abducted," and her unwillingness to "leave her master,"
etc. So Mr. McKim and the friends very privately arranged to have Jane
Johnson on hand at the opening of the defense.
Mrs. Lucretia Mott, Mrs. McKim, Miss Sarah Pugh and Mrs. Plumly,
volunteered to accompany this poor slave mother to the court-house and
to occupy seats by her side, while she should face her master, and
boldly, on oath, contradict all his hard swearing. A better subject for
the occasion than Jane, could not have been desired. She entered the
court room veiled, and of course was not known by the crowd, as pains
had been taken to keep the public in ignorance of the fact, that she was
to be brought on to bear witness. So that, at the conclusion of the
second witness on the part of the defense, "Jane Johnson" was called
for, in a shrill voice. Deliberately, Jane arose and answered, in a
lady-like manner to her name, and was then the observed of all
observers. Never before had such a scene been witnessed in Philadelphia.
It was indescribable. Substantially, her testimony on this occasion, was
in keeping with the subjoined affidavit, which was as follows--
"_State of New York, City and County of New York_.
"Jane Johnson being sworn, makes oath and says--
"My name is Jane--Jane Johnson; I was the slave of Mr. Wheeler
of Washington; he bought me and my two children, about two years
ago, of Mr. Cornelius Crew, of Richmond, Va.; my youngest child
is between six and seven years old, the other between ten and
eleven; I have one other child only, and he is in Richmond; I
have not seen him for about two years; never expect to see him
again; Mr. Wheeler brought me and my two children to
Philadelphia, on the way to Nicaragua, to wait on his wife; I
didn't want to go without my two children, and he consented to
take them; we came to Philadelphia by the cars; stopped at Mr.
Sully's, Mr. Wheeler's father-in-law, a few moments; then went
to the steamboat for New York at 2 o'clock, but were too late;
we went into Bloodgood's Hotel; Mr. Wheeler went to dinner; Mr.
Wheeler had told me in Washington to have nothing to say to
colored persons, and if any of them spoke to me, to say I was a
free woman traveling with a minister; we staid at Bloodgood's
till 5 o'clock; Mr. Wheeler kept his eye on me all the time
except when he was at dinner; he left his dinner to come and see
if I was safe, and then went back again; while he was at dinner,
I saw a colored woman and told her I was a slave woman, that my
master had told me not to speak to colored people, and that if
any of them spoke to me to say that I was free; but I am not
free; but I want to be free; she said: 'poor thing, I pity you;'
after that I saw a colored man and said the same thing to him,
he said he would telegraph to New York, and two men would meet
me at 9 o'clock and take me with them; after that we went on
board the boat, Mr. Wheeler sat beside me on the deck; I saw a
colored gentleman come on board, he beckoned to me; I nodded my
head, and could not go; Mr. Wheeler was beside me and I was
afraid; a white gentleman then came and said to Mr. Wheeler, 'I
want to speak to your servant, and tell her of her rights;' Mr.
Wheeler rose and said, 'If you have anything to say, say it to
me--she knows her rights;' the white gentleman asked me if I
wanted to be free; I said 'I do, but I belong to this gentleman
and I can't have it;' he replied, 'Yes, you can, come with us,
you are as free as your master, if you want your freedom come
now; if you go back to Washington you may never get it;' I rose
to go, Mr. Wheeler spoke, and said, 'I will give you your
freedom,' but he had never promised it before, and I knew he
would never give it to me; the white gentleman held out his hand
and I went toward him; I was ready for the word before it was
given me; I took the children by the hands, who both cried, for
they were frightened, but both stopped when they got on shore; a
colored man carried the little one, I led the other by the hand.
We walked down the street till we got to a hack; nobody forced
me away; nobody pulled me, and nobody led me; I went away of my
own free will; I always wished to be free and meant to be free
when I came North; I hardly expected it in Philadelphia, but I
thought I should get free in New York; I have been comfortable
and happy since I left Mr. Wheeler, and so are the children; I
don't want to go back; I could have gone in Philadelphia if I
had wanted to; I could go now; but I had rather die than go
back. I wish to make this statement before a magistrate, because
I understand that Mr. Williamson is in prison on my account, and
I hope the truth may be of benefit to him."
[Illustration: JANE JOHNSON]
[Illustration: PASSMORE WILLIAMSON.]
JANE [her X mark.] JOHNSON.
It might have been supposed that her honest and straightforward
testimony would have been sufficient to cause even the most relentless
slaveholder to abandon at once a pursuit so monstrous and utterly
hopeless as Wheeler's was. But although he was sadly confused and put to
shame, he hung on to the "lost cause" tenaciously. And his counsel,
David Webster, Esq., and the United States District Attorney, Vandyke,
completely imbued with the pro-slavery spirit, were equally as
unyielding. And thus, with a zeal befitting the most worthy object
imaginable, they labored with untiring effort to convict the colored
men.
By this policy, however, the counsel for the defense was doubly aroused.
Mr. Gibbons, in the most eloquent and indignant strains, perfectly
annihilated the "distinguished Colonel John H. Wheeler, United States
Minister Plenipotentiary near the Island of Nicaragua," taking special
pains to ring the changes repeatedly on his long appellations. Mr.
Gibbons appeared to be precisely in the right mood to make himself
surpassingly forcible and eloquent, on whatever point of law he chose to
touch bearing on the case; or in whatever direction he chose to glance
at the injustice and cruelty of the South. Most vividly did he draw the
contrast between the States of "Georgia" and "Pennsylvania," with regard
to the atrocious laws of Georgia. Scarcely less vivid is the impression
after a lapse of sixteen years, than when this eloquent speech was made.
With the District Attorney, Wm. B. Mann, Esq., and his Honor, Judge
Kelley, the defendants had no cause to complain. Throughout the entire
proceedings, they had reason to feel, that neither of these officials
sympathized in the least with Wheeler or Slavery. Indeed in the Judge's
charge and also in the District Attorney's closing speech the ring of
freedom could be distinctly heard--much more so than was agreeable to
Wheeler and his Pro-Slavery sympathizers. The case of Wm. Still ended in
his acquittal; the other five colored men were taken up in order. And it
is scarcely necessary to say that Messrs. Peirce and Birney did full
justice to all concerned. Mr. Peirce, especially, was one of the oldest,
ablest and most faithful lawyers to the slave of the Philadelphia Bar.
He never was known, it may safely be said, to hesitate in the darkest
days of Slavery to give his time and talents to the fugitive, even in
the most hopeless cases, and when, from the unpopularity of such a
course, serious sacrifices would be likely to result. Consequently he
was but at home in this case, and most nobly did he defend his clients,
with the same earnestness that a man would defend his fireside against
the approach of burglars. At the conclusion of the trial, the jury
returned a verdict of "not guilty," as to all the persons in the first
count, charging them with riot. In the second count, charging them with
"Assault and Battery" (on Col. Wheeler) Ballard and Curtis were found
"guilty," the rest "not guilty." The guilty were given about a week in
jail. Thus ended this act in the Wheeler drama.
The following extract is taken from the correspondence of the New York
Tribune touching Jane Johnson's presence in the court, and will be
interesting on that account:
"But it was a bold and perilous move on the part of her friends,
and the deepest apprehensions were felt for a while, for the
result. The United States Marshal was there with his warrant and
an extra force to execute it. The officers of the court and
other State officers were there to protect the witness and
vindicate the laws of the State. Vandyke, the United States
District Attorney, swore he would take her. The State officers
swore he should not, and for a while it seemed that nothing
could avert a bloody scene. It was expected that the conflict
would take place at the door, when she should leave the room, so
that when she and her friends went out, and for some time after,
the most intense suspense pervaded the court-room. She was,
however, allowed to enter the carriage that awaited her without
disturbance. She was accompanied by Mr. McKim, Secretary of the
Pennsylvania Anti-Slavery Society, Lucretia Mott and George
Corson, one of our most manly and intrepid police officers. The
carriage was followed by another filled with officers as a
guard; and thus escorted she was taken back in safety to the
house from which she had been brought. Her title to Freedom
under the laws of the State will hardly again be brought into
question."
Mr. Williamson was committed to prison by Judge Kane for contempt of
Court, on the 27th day of July, 1855, and was released on the 3d day of
November the same year, having gained, in the estimation of the friends
of Freedom every where, a triumph and a fame which but few men in the
great moral battle for Freedom could claim.
* * * * *
THE ARRIVALS OF A SINGLE MONTH.
SIXTY PASSENGERS CAME IN ONE MONTH--TWENTY-EIGHT IN ONE ARRIVAL--GREAT
PANIC AND INDIGNATION MEETING--INTERESTING CORRESPONDENCE FROM MASTERS
AND FUGITIVES.
The great number of cases to be here noticed forbids more than a brief
reference to each passenger. As they arrived in parties, their
narratives will be given in due order as found on the book of records:
William Griffen, Henry Moor, James Camper, Noah Ennells and Levin
Parker. This party came from Cambridge, Md.
William is thirty-four years of age, of medium size and substantial
appearance. He fled from James Waters, Esq., a lawyer, living in
Cambridge. He was "wealthy, close, and stingy," and owned nine head of
slaves and a farm, on which William served. He was used very hard, which
was the cause of his escape, though the idea that he was entitled to his
freedom had been entertained for the previous twelve years. On preparing
to take the Underground, he armed himself with a big butcher-knife, and
resolved, if attacked, to make his enemies stand back. His master was a
member of the Methodist Church.
Henry is tall, copper-colored, and about thirty years of age. He
complained not so much of bad usage as of the utter distaste he had to
working all the time for the "white people for nothing." He was also
decidedly of the opinion that every man should have his liberty. Four
years ago his wife was "sold away to Georgia" by her young master; since
which time not a word had he heard of her. She left three children, and
he, in escaping, also had to leave them in the same hands that sold
their mother. He was owned by Levin Dale, a farmer near Cambridge. Henry
was armed with a six-barreled revolver, a large knife, and a determined
mind.
James is twenty-four years of age, quite black, small size, keen look,
and full of hope for the "best part of Canada." He fled from Henry
Hooper, "a dashing young man and a member of the Episcopal Church." Left
because he "did not enjoy privileges" as he wished to do. He was armed
with two pistols and a dirk to defend himself.
Noah is only nineteen, quite dark, well-proportioned, and possessed of a
fair average of common sense. He was owned by "Black-head Bill LeCount,"
who "followed drinking, chewing tobacco, catching 'runaways,' and
hanging around the court-house." However, he owned six head of slaves,
and had a "rough wife," who belonged to the Methodist Church. Left
because he "expected every day to be sold"--his master being largely in
"debt." Brought with him a butcher-knife.
Levin is twenty-two, rather short built, medium size and well colored.
He fled from Lawrence G. Colson, "a very bad man, fond of drinking,
great to fight and swear, and hard to please." His mistress was "real
rough; very bad, worse than he was as 'fur' as she could be." Having
been stinted with food and clothing and worked hard, was the apology
offered by Levin for running off.
Stebney Swan, John Stinger, Robert Emerson, Anthony Pugh and Isabella
----. This company came from Portsmouth, Va. Stebney is thirty-four
years of age, medium size, mulatto, and quite wide awake. He was owned
by an oysterman by the name of Jos. Carter, who lived near Portsmouth.
Naturally enough his master "drank hard, gambled" extensively, and in
every other respect was a very ordinary man. Nevertheless, he "owned
twenty-five head," and had a wife and six children. Stebney testified
that he had not been used hard, though he had been on the "auction-block
three times." Left because he was "tired of being a servant." Armed with
a broad-axe and hatchet, he started, joined by the above-named
companions, and came in a skiff, by sea. Robert Lee was the brave
Captain engaged to pilot this Slavery-sick party from the prison-house
of bondage. And although every rod of rowing was attended with
inconceivable peril, the desired haven was safely reached, and the
overjoyed voyagers conducted to the Vigilance Committee.
John is about forty years of age, and so near white that a microscope
would be required to discern his colored origin. His father was white,
and his mother nearly so. He also had been owned by the oysterman
alluded to above; had been captain of one of his oyster-boats, until
recently. And but for his attempt some months back to make his escape,
he might have been this day in the care of his kind-hearted master. But,
because of this wayward step on the part of John, his master felt called
upon to humble him. Accordingly, the captaincy was taken from him, and
he was compelled to struggle on in a less honorable position.
Occasionally John's mind would be refreshed by his master relating the
hard times in the North, the great starvation among the blacks, etc. He
would also tell John how much better off he was as a "slave with a kind
master to provide for all his wants," etc. Notwithstanding all this
counsel, John did not rest contented until he was on the Underground
Rail Road.
Robert was only nineteen, with an intelligent face and prepossessing
manners; reads, writes and ciphers; and is about half Anglo-Saxon. He
fled from Wm. H. Wilson, Esq., Cashier of the Virginia Bank. Until
within the four years previous to Robert's escape, the cashier was
spoken of as a "very good man;" but in consequence of speculations in a
large Hotel in Portsmouth, and the then financial embarrassments, "he
had become seriously involved," and decidedly changed in his manners.
Robert noticed this, and concluded he had "better get out of danger as
soon as possible."
Anthony and Isabella were an engaged couple, and desired to cast their
lot where husband and wife could not be separated on the auction-block.
The following are of the Cambridge party, above alluded to. All left
together, but for prudential reasons separated before reaching
Philadelphia. The company that left Cambridge on the 24th of October may
be thus recognized: Aaron Cornish and wife, with their six children;
Solomon, George Anthony, Joseph, Edward James, Perry Lake, and a
nameless babe, all very likely; Kit Anthony and wife Leah, and three
children, Adam, Mary, and Murray; Joseph Hill and wife Alice, and their
son Henry; also Joseph's sister. Add to the above, Marshall Button and
George Light, both single young men, and we have twenty-eight in one
arrival, as hearty-looking, brave and interesting specimens of Slavery
as could well be produced from Maryland. Before setting out they counted
well the cost. Being aware that fifteen had left their neighborhood only
a few days ahead of them, and that every slave-holder and slave-catcher
throughout the community, were on the alert, and raging furiously
against the inroads of the Underground Rail Road, they provided
themselves with the following weapons of defense: three revolvers, three
double-barreled pistols, three single-barreled pistols, three
sword-canes, four butcher knives, one bowie-knife, and one paw.[A] Thus,
fully resolved upon freedom or death, with scarcely provisions enough
for a single day, while the rain and storm was piteously descending,
fathers and mothers with children in their arms (Aaron Cornish had
two)--the entire party started. Of course, their provisions gave out
before they were fairly on the way, but not so with the storm. It
continued to pour upon them for nearly three days. With nothing to
appease the gnawings of hunger but parched corn and a few dry crackers,
wet and cold, with several of the children sick, some of their feet bare
and worn, and one of the mothers with an infant in her arms, incapable
of partaking of the diet,--it is impossible to imagine the ordeal they
were passing. It was enough to cause the bravest hearts to falter. But
not for a moment did they allow themselves to look back. It was
exceedingly agreeable to hear even the little children testify that in
the most trying hour on the road, not for a moment did they want to go
back. The following advertisement, taken from _The Cambridge Democrat_
of November 4, shows how the Rev. Levi Traverse felt about Aaron--
[Footnote A: A paw is a weapon with iron prongs, four inches long, to be
grasped with the hand and used in close encounter.]
$300 Reward.--Ran away from the subscriber, from the
neighborhood of Town Point, on Saturday night, the 24th inst.,
my negro man, AARON CORNISH, about 35 years old. He is about
five feet ten inches high, black, good-looking, rather pleasant
countenance, and carries himself with a confident manner. He
went off with his wife, DAFFNEY, a negro woman belonging to
Reuben E. Phillips. I will give the above reward if taken out of
the county, and $200 if taken in the county; in either case to
be lodged in Cambridge Jail.
[Illustration: Runaway]
October 25, 1857.
Levi D. Traverse.
To fully understand the Rev. Mr. Traverse's authority for taking the
liberty he did with Aaron's good name, it may not be amiss to give
briefly a paragraph of private information from Aaron, relative to his
master. The Rev. Mr. Traverse belonged to the Methodist Church, and was
described by Aaron as a "bad young man; rattle-brained; with the
appearance of not having good sense,--not enough to manage the great
amount of property (he had been left wealthy) in his possession."
Aaron's servitude commenced under this spiritual protector in May prior
to the escape, immediately after the death of his old master. His
deceased master, William D. Traverse, by the way, was the father-in-law,
and at the same time own uncle of Aaron's reverend owner. Though the
young master, for marrying his own cousin and uncle's daughter, had been
for years the subject of the old gentleman's wrath, and was not allowed
to come near his house, or to entertain any reasonable hope of getting
any of his father-in-law's estate, nevertheless, scarcely had the old
man breathed his last, ere the young preacher seized upon the
inheritance, slaves and all; at least he claimed two-thirds, allowing
for the widow one-third. Unhesitatingly he had taken possession of all
the slaves (some thirty head), and was making them feel his power to the
fullest extent. To Aaron this increased oppression was exceedingly
crushing, as he had been hoping at the death of his old master to be
free. Indeed, it was understood that the old man had his will made, and
freedom provided for the slaves. But, strangely enough, at his death no
will could be found. Aaron was firmly of the conviction that the Rev.
Mr. Traverse knew what became of it. Between the widow and the
son-in-law, in consequence of his aggressive steps, existed much
hostility, which strongly indicated the approach of a law-suit;
therefore, except by escaping, Aaron could not see the faintest hope of
freedom. Under his old master, the favor of hiring his time had been
granted him. He had also been allowed by his wife's mistress (Miss Jane
Carter, of Baltimore), to have his wife and children home with him--that
is, until his children would grow to the age of eight and ten years,
then they would be taken away and hired out at twelve or fifteen dollars
a year at first. Her oldest boy, sixteen, hired the year he left for
forty dollars. They had had ten children; two had died, two they were
compelled to leave in chains; the rest they brought away. Not one
dollar's expense had they been to their mistress. The industrious Aaron
not only had to pay his own hire, but was obliged to do enough over-work
to support his large family.
Though he said he had no special complaint to make against his old
master, through whom he, with the rest of the slaves, hoped to obtain
freedom, Aaron, nevertheless, spoke of him as a man of violent temper,
severe on his slaves, drinking hard, etc., though he was a man of wealth
and stood high in the community. One of Aaron's brothers, and others,
had been sold South by him. It was on account of his inveterate hatred
of his son-in-law, who, he declared, should never have his property
(having no other heir but his niece, except his widow), that the slaves
relied on his promise to free them. Thus, in view of the facts referred
to, Aaron was led to commit the unpardonable sin of running away with
his wife Daffney, who, by the way, looked like a woman fully capable of
taking care of herself and children, instead of having them stolen away
from her, as though they were pigs.
Joseph Viney and family--Joseph was "held to service or labor," by
Charles Bryant, of Alexandria, Va. Joseph had very nearly finished
paying for himself. His wife and children were held by Samuel Pattison,
Esq., a member of the Methodist Church, "a great big man," "with red
eyes, bald head, drank pretty freely," and in the language of Joseph,
"wouldn't bear nothing." Two of Joseph's brothers-in-law had been sold
by his master. Against Mrs. Pattison his complaint was, that "she was
mean, sneaking, and did not want to give half enough to eat."
For the enlightenment of all Christendom, and coming posterity
especially, the following advertisement and letter are recorded, with
the hope that they will have an important historical value. The writer
was at great pains to obtain these interesting documents, directly after
the arrival of the memorable Twenty-Eight; and shortly afterwards
furnished to the New York _Tribune_, in a prudential manner, a brief
sketch of these very passengers, including the advertisements, but not
the letter. It was safely laid away for history--
$2,000 REWARD.--Ran away from the subscriber on Saturday night,
the 24th inst, FOURTEEN HEAD OF NEGROES, viz: Four men, two
women, one boy and seven children. KIT is about 35 years of age,
five feet six or seven inches high, dark chestnut color, and has
a scar on one of his thumbs. JOE is about 30 years old, very
black, his teeth are very white, and is about five feet eight
inches high. HENRY is about 22 years old, five feet ten inches
high, of dark chestnut color and large front teeth. JOE is about
20 years old, about five feet six inches high, heavy built and
black. TOM is about 16 years old, about five feet high, light
chestnut color. SUSAN is about 35 years old, dark chestnut
color, and rather stout built; speaks rather slow, and has with
her FOUR CHILDREN, varying from one to seven years of age. LEAH
is about 28 years old, about five feet high, dark chestnut
color, with THREE CHILDREN, two boys and one girl, from one to
eight years old.
[Illustration: Runaway]
I will give $1,000 if taken in the county, $1,500 if taken out
of the county and in the State, and $2,000 if taken out of the
State; in either case to be lodged in Cambridge (Md.) Jail, so
that I can get them again; or I will give a fair proportion of
the above reward if any part be secured.
SAMUEL PATTISON,
October 26, 1857.
Near Cambridge, Md.
P.S.--Since writing the above, I have discovered that my negro
woman, SARAH JANE, 25 years old, stout built and chestnut color,
has also run off.
[Illustration: ]
S.P.
SAMUEL PATTISON'S LETTER.
CAMBRIDGE, Nov. 16th, 1857.
L.W. THOMPSON:--SIR, this morning I received your letter wishing
an accurate description of my Negroes which ran away on the 24th
of last month and the amt of reward offered &c &c. The
description is as follows. _Kit_ is about 35 years old, five
feet, six or seven inches high, dark chestnut color and has a
scar on one of his thumbs, he has a very quick step and walks
very straight, and can read and write. _Joe_, is about 30 years
old, very black and about five feet eight inches high, has a
very pleasing appearance, he has a free wife who left with him
she is a light molatoo, she has a child not over one year old.
_Henry_ is about 22 years old, five feet, ten inches high, of
dark chestnut coller and large front teeth, he stoops a little
in his walk and has a downward look. _Joe_ is about 20 years
old, about five feet six inches high, heavy built, and has a
grum look and voice dull, and black. _Tom_ is about 16 years old
about five feet high light chestnut coller, smart active boy,
and swagers in his walk. Susan is about 35 years old, dark
chesnut coller and stout built, speaks rather slow and has with
her _four children, three boys_ and one _girl_--the girl has a
thumb or finger on her left hand (part of it) cut off, the
children are from 9 months to 8 years old. (the youngest a boy 9
months and the oldest whose name is Lloyd is about 8 years old)
The husband of Susan (Joe Viney) started off with her, he is a
slave, belonging to a gentleman in Alexandria D.C. he is about
40 years old and dark chesnut coller rather slender built and
about five feet seven or eight inches high, he is also the
Father of Henry, Joe and Tom. A _reward_ of $400. will be given
for his apprehension. _Leah_ is about 28 years old about five
feet high dark chesnut coller, with three children. 2 Boys and 1
girl, they are from one to eight years old, the oldest boy is
called Adam, Leah is the wife of Kit, the first named man in the
list. _Sarah Jane_ is about 25 years old, stout built and
chesnut coller, quick and active in her walk. Making in all 15
head, men, women and children belonging to me, or 16 head
including Joe Viney, the husband of my woman Susan.
_A Reward_ of $2250. will be given for my negroes if taken out
of the State of Maryland and lodged in Cambridge or Baltimore
Jail, so that I can get them or a fair proportion for any part
of them. And including Joe Viney's reward $2650.00.
At the same time eight other negroes belonging to a neighbor of
mine ran off, for which a reward of $1400.00 has been offered
for them.
If you should want any information, witnesses to prove or
indentify the negroes, write immediately on to me. Or if you
should need any information with regard to proving the negroes,
before I could reach Philadelphia, you can call on Mr. Burroughs
at Martin & Smith's store, Market Street, No 308. Phila and he
can refer you to a gentleman who knows the negroes.
Yours &c SAML. PATTISON.
This letter was in answer to one written in Philadelphia and signed,
"L.W. Thompson." It is not improbable that Mr. Pattison's loss had
produced such a high state of mental excitement that he was hardly in a
condition for cool reflection, or he would have weighed the matter a
little more carefully before exposing himself to the U.G.R.R. agents.
But the letter possesses two commendable features, nevertheless. It was
tolerably well written and prompt.
Here is a wonderful exhibition of affection for his contented and happy
negroes. Whether Mr. Pattison suspended on suddenly learning that he was
minus fifteen head, the writer cannot say. But that there was a great
slave hunt in every direction there is no room to doubt. Though much
more might be said about the parties concerned, it must suffice to add
that they came to the Vigilance Committee in a very sad plight--in
tattered garments, hungry, sick, and penniless; but they were kindly
clothed, fed, doctored, and sent on their way rejoicing.
Daniel Stanly, Nat Amby, John Scott, Hannah Peters, Henrietta Dobson,
Elizabeth Amby, Josiah Stanly, Caroline Stanly, Daniel Stanly, jr., John
Stanly and Miller Stanly (arrival from Cambridge.) Daniel is about 35,
well-made and wide-awake. Fortunately, in emancipating himself, he also,
through great perseverance, secured the freedom of his wife and six
children; one child he was compelled to leave behind. Daniel belonged to
Robert Calender, a farmer, and, "except when in a passion," said to be
"pretty clever." However, considering as a father, that it was his "duty
to do all he could" for his children, and that all work and no play
makes Jack a dull boy, Daniel felt bound to seek refuge in Canada. His
wife and children were owned by "Samuel Count, an old, bald-headed, bad
man," who "had of late years been selling and buying slaves as a
business," though he stood high and was a "big bug in Cambridge." The
children were truly likely-looking.
Nat is no ordinary man. Like a certain other Nat known to history, his
honest and independent bearing in every respect was that of a natural
hero. He was full black, and about six feet high; of powerful physical
proportions, and of more than ordinary intellectual capacities. With the
strongest desire to make the Port of Canada safely, he had resolved to
be "carried back," if attacked by the slave hunters, "only as a dead
man." He was held to service by John Muir, a wealthy farmer, and the
owner of 40 or 50 slaves. "Muir would drink and was generally devilish."
Two of Nat's sisters and one of his brothers had been "sold away to
Georgia by him." Therefore, admonished by threats and fears of having to
pass through the same fiery furnace, Nat was led to consider the
U.G.R.R. scheme. It was through the marriage of Nat's mistress to his
present owner that he came into Muir's hands. "Up to the time of her
death," he had been encouraged to "hope" that he would be "free;"
indeed, he was assured by her "dying testimony that the slaves were not
to be sold." But regardless of the promises and will of his departed
wife, Muir soon extinguished all hopes of freedom from that quarter. But
not believing that God had put one man here to "be the servant of
another--to work," and get none of the benefit of his labor, Nat armed
himself with a good pistol and a big knife, and taking his wife with
him, bade adieu forever to bondage. Observing that Lizzie (Nat's wife)
looked pretty decided and resolute, a member of the committee remarked,
"Would your wife fight for freedom?" "I have heard her say she would
wade through blood and tears for her freedom," said Nat, in the most
serious mood.
The following advertisement from _The Cambridge Democrat_ of Nov. 4,
speaks for itself--
$300 REWARD.--Ran away from the subscriber, on Saturday night
last, 17th inst., my negro woman Lizzie, about 28 years old. She
is medium sized, dark complexion, good-looking, with rather a
down look. When spoken to, replies quickly. She was well
dressed, wearing a red and green blanket shawl, and carried with
her a variety of clothing. She ran off in company with her
husband, Nat Amby (belonging to John Muir, Esq.), who is about 6
feet in height, with slight impediment in his speech, dark
chestnut color, and a large scar on the side of his neck.
[Illustration: ]
I will give the above reward if taken in this County, or
one-half of what she sells for if taken out of the County or
State. In either ease to be lodged in Cambridge Jail.
Cambridge, Oct. 21, 1857.
ALEXANDER H. BAYLY.
P.S.--For the apprehension of the above-named negro man Nat, and
delivery in Cambridge Jail, I will give $500 reward.
JOHN MUIR.
Now since Nat's master has been introduced in the above order, it seems
but appropriate that Nat should be heard too; consequently the following
letter is inserted for what it is worth:
Auburn, June 10th, 1858.
Mr. William Still:--Sir, will you be so Kind as to write a
letter to affey White in straw berry alley in Baltimore city on
the point. Say to her at nat Ambey that I wish to Know from her
the Last Letar that Joseph Ambie and Henry Ambie two Brothers
and Ann Warfield a couisin of them two boys I state above. I
would like to hear from my mother sichy Ambie you will Please
write to my mother and tell her that I am well and doing well
and state to her that I perform my Relissius dutys and I would
like to hear from her and want to know if she is performing her
Relissius dutys yet and send me word from all her children I
left behind say to affey White that I wish her to write me a
Letter in Hast my wife is well and doing well and my nephew is
doing well. Please tell affey White when she writes to me to Let
me know where Joseph and Henry Ambie is.
Mr. Still Please Look on your Book and you will find my name on
your Book. They was eleven of us children and all when we came
through and I feal interrested about my Brothers. I have never
heard from them since I Left home you will Please Be Kind
annough to attend to this Letter. When you send the answer to
this Letter you will Please send it to P.R. Freeman Auburn City
Cayuga County New York.
Yours Truly
NAT AMBIE.
William is 25, complexion brown, intellect naturally good, with no
favorable notions of the peculiar institution. He was armed with a
formidable dirk-knife, and declared he would use it if attacked, rather
than be dragged back to bondage.
Hannah is a hearty-looking young woman of 23 or 24, with a countenance
that indicated that liberty was what she wanted and was contending for,
and that she could not willingly submit to the yoke. Though she came
with the Cambridge party, she did not come from Cambridge, but from
Marshall Hope, Caroline County, where she had been owned by Charles
Peters, a man who had distinguished himself by getting "drunk,
scratching and fighting, etc.," not unfrequently in his own family even.
She had no parents that she knew of. Left because they used her "so bad,
beat and knocked" her about.
"Jack Scott." Jack is about thirty-six years of age, substantially
built, dark color, and of quiet and prepossessing manners. He was owned
by David B. Turner, Esq., a dry goods merchant of New York. By birth,
Turner was a Virginian, and a regular slave-holder. His slaves were kept
hired out by the year. As Jack had had but slight acquaintance with his
New York owner, he says but very little about him. He was moved to leave
simply because he had got tired of working for the "white people for
nothing." Fled from Richmond, Va. Jack went to Canada direct. The
following letter furnishes a clew to his whereabouts, plans, etc.
MONTREAL, September 1st 1859.
DEAR SIR:--It is with extreme pleasure that I set down to
inclose you a few lines to let you know that I am well & I hope
when these few lines come to hand they may find you & your
family in good health and prosperity I left your house Nov. 3d,
1857, for Canada I Received a letter here from James Carter in
Peters burg, saying that my wife would leave there about the
28th or the first September and that he would send her on by way
of Philadelphia to you to send on to Montreal if she come on you
be please to send her on and as there is so many boats coming
here all times a day I may not know what time she will. So you
be please to give her this direction, she can get a cab and go
to the Donegana Hotel and Edmund Turner is there he will take
you where I lives and if he is not there cabman take you to Mr
Taylors on Durham St. nearly opposite to the Methodist Church.
Nothing more at present but Remain your well wisher
JOHN SCOTT.
C. Hitchens.--This individual took his departure from Milford, Del.,
where he was owned by Wm. Hill, a farmer, who took special delight in
having "fighting done on the place." This passenger was one of our least
intelligent travelers. He was about 22.
Major Ross.--Major fled from John Jay, a farmer residing in the
neighborhood of Havre de Grace, Md. But for the mean treatment received
from Mr. Jay, Major might have been foolish enough to have remained all
his days in chains. "It's an ill wind that blows nobody any good."
Henry Oberne.--Henry was to be free at 28, but preferred having it at
21, especially as he was not certain that 28 would ever come. He is of
chestnut color, well made, &c., and came from Seaford, Md.
Perry Burton.--Perry is about twenty-seven years of age, decidedly
colored, medium size, and only of ordinary intellect. He acknowledged
John R. Burton, a farmer on Indian River, as his master, and escaped
because he wanted "some day for himself."
Alfred Hubert, Israel Whitney and John Thompson. Alfred is of powerful
muscular appearance and naturally of a good intellect. He is full dark
chestnut color, and would doubtless fetch a high price. He was owned by
Mrs. Matilda Niles, from whom he had hired his time, paying $110 yearly.
He had no fault to find with his mistress, except he observed she had a
young family growing up, into whose hands he feared he might unluckily
fall some day, and saw no way of avoiding it but by flight. Being only
twenty-eight, he may yet make his mark.
Israel was owned by Elijah Money. All that he could say in favor of his
master was, that he treated him "respectfully," though he "drank hard."
Israel was about thirty-six, and another excellent specimen of an
able-bodied and wide-awake man. He hired his time at the rate of $120 a
year, and had to find his wife and child in the bargain. He came from
Alexandria, Va.
INTERESTING LETTER FROM ISRAEL.
HAMILTON, Oct. 16, 1858.
WILLIAM STILL--_My Dear Friend_:--I saw Carter and his friend a
few days ago, and they told me, that you was well. On the
seventh of October my wife came to Hamilton. Mr. A. Hurberd, who
came from Virginia with me, is going to get married the 20th of
November, next. I wish you would write to me how many of my
friends you have seen since October, 1857. Montgomery Green
keeps a barber shop in Cayuga, in the State of New York. I have
not heard of Oscar Ball but once since I came here, and then he
was well and doing well. George Carroll is in Hamilton. The
times are very dull at present, and have been ever since I came
here. Please write soon. Nothing more at present, only I still
remain in Hamilton, C.W.
ISRAEL WHITNEY.
John is nineteen years of age, mulatto, spare made, but not lacking in
courage, mother wit or perseverance. He was born in Fauquier county,
Va., and, after experiencing Slavery for a number of years there--being
sold two or three times to the "highest bidder"--he was finally
purchased by a cotton planter named Hezekiah Thompson, residing at
Huntsville, Alabama. Immediately after the sale Hezekiah bundled his new
"purchase" off to Alabama, where he succeeded in keeping him only about
two years, for at the end of that time John determined to strike a blow
for liberty. The incentive to this step was the inhuman treatment he was
subjected to. Cruel indeed did he find it there. His master was a young
man, "fond of drinking and carousing, and always ready for a fight or a
knock-down." A short time before John left his master whipped him so
severely with the "bull whip" that he could not use his arm for three or
four days. Seeing but one way of escape (and that more perilous than the
way William and Ellen Craft, or Henry Box Brown traveled), he resolved
to try it. It was to get on the top of the car, instead of inside of it,
and thus ride of nights, till nearly daylight, when, at a stopping-place
on the road, he would slip off the car, and conceal himself in the woods
until under cover of the next night he could manage to get on the top of
another car. By this most hazardous mode of travel he reached Virginia.
It may be best not to attempt to describe how he suffered at the hands
of his owners in Alabama; or how severely he was pinched with hunger in
traveling; or how, when he reached his old neighborhood in Virginia, he
could not venture to inquire for his mother, brothers or sisters, to
receive from them an affectionate word, an encouraging smile, a crust of
bread, or a drink of water.
Success attended his efforts for more than two weeks; but alas, after
having got back north of Richmond, on his way home to Alexandria, he was
captured and put in prison; his master being informed of the fact, came
on and took possession of him again. At first he refused to sell him;
said he "had money enough and owned about thirty slaves;" therefore
wished to "take him back to make an example of him." However, through
the persuasion of an uncle of his, he consented to sell. Accordingly,
John was put on the auction-block and bought for $1,300 by Green
McMurray, a regular trader in Richmond. McMurray again offered him for
sale, but in consequence of hard times and the high price demanded, John
did not go off, at least not in the way the trader desired to dispose of
him, but did, nevertheless, succeed in going off on the Underground Rail
Road. Thus once more he reached his old home, Alexandria. His mother was
in one place, and his six brothers and sisters evidently scattered,
where he knew not. Since he was five years of age, not one of them had
he seen.
If such sufferings and trials were not entitled to claim for the
sufferer the honor of a hero, where in all Christendom could one be
found who could prove a better title to that appellation?
It is needless to say that the Committee extended to him brotherly
kindness, sympathized with him deeply, and sent him on his way
rejoicing.
Of his subsequent career the following extract from a letter written at
London shows that he found no rest for the soles of his feet under the
Stars and Stripes in New York:
I hope that you will remember John Thompson, who passed through
your hands, I think, in October, 1857, at the same time that Mr.
Cooper, from Charleston, South Carolina, came on. I was engaged
at New York, in the barber business, with a friend, and was
doing very well, when I was betrayed and obliged to sail for
England very suddenly, my master being in the city to arrest me.
(LONDON, December 21st, 1860.)
[Illustration: Escaping from Alabama on top of a car.]
JEREMIAH COLBURN.--Jeremiah is a bright mulatto, of prepossessing
appearance, reads and writes, and is quite intelligent. He fled from
Charleston, where he had been owned by Mrs. E. Williamson, an old lady
about seventy-five, a member of the Episcopal Church, and opposed to
Freedom. As far as he was concerned, however, he said, she had treated
him well; but, knowing that the old lady would not be long here, he
judged it was best to look out in time. Consequently, he availed himself
of an Underground Rail Road ticket, and bade adieu to that hot-bed of
secession, South Carolina. Indeed, he was fair enough to pass for white,
and actually came the entire journey from Charleston to this city under
the garb of a white gentleman. With regard to gentlemanly bearing,
however, he was all right in this particular. Nevertheless, as he had
been a slave all his days, he found that it required no small amount of
nerve to succeed in running the gauntlet with slave-holders and
slave-catchers for so long a journey.
The following pointed epistle, from Jeremiah Colburn alias William
Cooper, beautifully illustrates the effects of Freedom on many a
passenger who received hospitalities at the Philadelphia depot--
SYRACUSE, June 9th, 1858.
MR. STILL:--_Dear Sir_:--One of your Underground R.R. Passenger
Drop you these few Lines to let you see that he have not
forgoten you one who have Done so much for him well sir I am
still in Syracuse, well in regard to what I am Doing for a
Living I no you would like to hear, I am in the Painting
Business, and have as much at that as I can do, and enough to
Last me all the Summer, I had a knolledge of Painting Before I
Left the South, the Hotell where I was working Last winter the
Proprietor fail & shot up in the Spring and I Loose evry thing
that I was working for all Last winter. I have Ritten a Letter
to my Friend P. Christianson some time a goo & have never
Received an Answer, I hope this wont Be the case with this one,
I have an idea sir, next winter iff I can this summer make
Enough to Pay Expenses, to goo to that school at McGrowville &
spend my winter their. I am going sir to try to Prepair myself
for a Lectuer, I am going sir By the Help of god to try and Do
something for the Caus to help my Poor Breathern that are
suffering under the yoke. Do give my Respect to Mrs Stills &
Perticular to Miss Julia Kelly, I supose she is still with you
yet, I am in great hast you must excuse my short letter. I hope
these few Lines may fine you as they Leave me quite well. It
will afford me much Pleasure to hear from you.
yours Truly,
WILLIAM COOPER.
John Thompson is still here and Doing well.
It will be seen that this young Charlestonian had rather exalted notions
in his head. He was contemplating going to McGrawville College, for the
purpose of preparing himself for the lecturing field. Was it not rather
strange that he did not want to return to his "kind-hearted old
mistress?"
THOMAS HENRY, NATHAN COLLINS AND HIS WIFE MARY ELLEN.--Thomas is about
twenty-six, quite dark, rather of a raw-boned make, indicating that
times with him had been other than smooth. A certain Josiah Wilson owned
Thomas. He was a cross, rugged man, allowing not half enough to eat, and
worked his slaves late and early. Especially within the last two or
three months previous to the escape, he had been intensely savage, in
consequence of having lost, not long before, two of his servants. Ever
since that misfortune, he had frequently talked of "putting the rest in
his pocket." This distressing threat made the rest love him none the
more; but, to make assurances doubly sure, after giving them their
supper every evening, which consisted of delicious "skimmed milk, corn
cake and a herring each," he would very carefully send them up in the
loft over the kitchen, and there "lock them up," to remain until called
the next morning at three or four o'clock to go to work again. Destitute
of money, clothing, and a knowledge of the way, situated as they were
they concluded to make an effort for Canada.
NATHAN was also a fellow-servant with Thomas, and of course owned by
Wilson. Nathan's wife, however, was owned by Wilson's son, Abram. Nathan
was about twenty-five years of age, not very dark. He had a remarkably
large head on his shoulders and was the picture of determination, and
apparently was exactly the kind of a subject that might be desirable in
the British possessions, in the forest or on the farm.
His wife, Mary Ellen, is a brown-skinned, country-looking young woman,
about twenty years of age. In escaping, they had to break jail, in the
dead of night, while all were asleep in the big house; and thus they
succeeded. What Mr. Wilson did, said or thought about these "shiftless"
creatures we are not prepared to say; we may, notwithstanding,
reasonably infer that the Underground has come in for a liberal share of
his indignation and wrath. The above travelers came from near New
Market, Md. The few rags they were clad in were not really worth the
price that a woman would ask for washing them, yet they brought with
them about all they had. Thus they had to be newly rigged at the expense
of the Vigilance Committee.
_The Cambridge Democrat_, of Nov. 4, 1857, from which the advertisements
were cut, said--
"At a meeting of the people of this county, held in Cambridge,
on the 2d of November, to take into consideration the better
protection of the interests of the slave-owners; among other
things that were done, it was resolved to enforce the various
acts of Assembly * * * * relating to servants and slaves.
"The act of 1715, chap. 44, sec. 2, provides 'that from and
after the publication thereof no servant or servants whatsoever,
within this province, whether by indenture or by the custom of
the counties, or hired for wages shall travel by land or water
ten miles from the house of his, her or their master, mistress
or dame, without a note under their hands, or under the hands of
his, her or their overseer, if any be, under the penalty of
being taken for a runaway, and to suffer such penalties as
hereafter provided against runaways.' The Act of 1806, chap. 81,
sec. 5, provides, 'That any person taking up such runaway, shall
have and receive $6,' to be paid by the master or owner. It was
also determined to have put in force the act of 1825, chap. 161,
and the act of 1839, chap. 320, relative to idle, vagabond, free
negroes, providing for their sale or banishment from the State.
All persons interested, are hereby notified that the aforesaid
laws, in particular, will be enforced, and all officers failing
to enforce them will be presented to the Grand Jury, and those
who desire to avoid the penalties of the aforesaid statutes are
requested to conform to these provisions."
As to the modus operandi by which so many men, women and children were
delivered and safely forwarded to Canada, despite slave-hunters and the
fugitive slave law, the subjoined letters, from different agents and
depots, will throw important light on the question.
Men and women aided in this cause who were influenced by no oath of
secresy, who received not a farthing for their labors, who believed that
God had put it into the hearts of all mankind to love liberty, and had
commanded men to "feel for those in bonds as bound with them," "to break
every yoke and let the oppressed go free." But here are the letters,
bearing at least on some of the travelers:
WILMINGTON, 10th Mo. 31st, 1857.
ESTEEMED FRIEND WILLIAM STILL:--I write to inform thee that we
have either 17 or 27, I am not certain which, of that large Gang
of God's poor, and I hope they are safe. The man who has them in
charge informed me there were 27 safe and one boy lost during
last night, about 14 years of age, without shoes; we have felt
some anxiety about him, for fear he may be taken up and betray
the rest. I have since been informed there are but 17 so that I
cannot at present tell which is correct. I have several looking
out for the lad; they will be kept from Phila. for the present.
My principal object in writing thee at this time is to inform
thee of what one of our constables told me this morning; he told
me that a colored man in Phila. who professed to be a great
friend of the colored people was a traitor; that he had been
written to by an Abolitionist in Baltimore, to keep a look out
for those slaves that left Cambridge this night week, told him
they would be likely to pass through Wilmington on 6th day or
7th day night, and the colored man in Phila. had written to the
master of part of them telling him the above, and the master
arrived here yesterday in consequence of the information, and
told one of our constables the above; the man told the name of
the Baltimore writer, which he had forgotten, but declined
telling the name of the colored man in Phila. I hope you will be
able to find out who he is, and should I be able to learn the
name of the Baltimore friend, I will put him on his Guard,
respecting his Phila. correspondents. As ever thy friend, and
the friend of Humanity, without regard to color or clime.
THOS. GARRETT.
How much truth there was in the "constable's" story to the effect, "that
a colored man in Philadelphia, who professed to be a great friend of the
colored people, was a traitor, etc.," the Committee never learned. As a
general thing, colored people were true to the fugitive slave; but now
and then some unprincipled individuals, under various pretenses, would
cause us great anxiety.
LETTER FROM JOHN AUGUSTA.
NORRISTOWN Oct 18th 1857 2 o'clock PM
DEAR SIR:--There is Six men and women and Five children making
Eleven Persons. If you are willing to Receve them write to me
imediately and I will bring them to your To morrow Evening I
would not Have wrote this But the Times are so much worse
Financialy that I thought It best to hear From you Before I
Brought such a Crowd Down Pleas Answer this and
Oblige
JOHN AUGUSTA.
This document has somewhat of a military appearance about it. It is
short and to the point. Friend Augusta was well known in Norristown as a
first-rate hair-dresser and a prompt and trustworthy Underground Rail
Road agent. Of course a speedy answer was returned to his note, and he
was instructed to bring the eleven passengers on to the Committee in
Brotherly Love.
LETTER FROM MISS G. LEWIS ABOUT A PORTION OF THE SAME "MEMORABLE
TWENTY-EIGHT."
SUNNYSIDE, Nov. 6th, 1857.
DEAR FRIEND:--Eight more of the large company reached our place
last night, direct from Ercildown. The eight constitute one
family of them, the husband and wife with four children under
eight years of age, wish tickets for Elmira. Three sons, nearly
grown, will be forwarded to Phila., probably by the train which
passes Phoenixville at seven o'clock of to-morrow evening the
seventh. It would be safest to meet them there. We shall send
them to Elijah with the request for them to be sent there. And I
presume they will be. If they should not arrive you may suppose
it did not suit Elijah to send them.
We will send the money for the tickets by C.C. Burleigh, who
will be in Phila. on second day morning. If you please, you will
forward the tickets by to-morrow's mail as we do not have a mail
again till third day.
Yours hastily,
Q. LEWIS.
Please give directions for forwarding to Elmira and name the
price of tickets.
At first Miss Lewis thought of forwarding only a part of her fugitive
guests to the Committee in Philadelphia, but on further consideration,
all were safely sent along in due time, and the Committee took great
pains to have them made as comfortable as possible, as the cases of
these mothers and children especially called forth the deepest sympathy.
In this connection it seems but fitting to allude to Captain Lee's
sufferings on account of his having brought away in a skiff, by sea, a
party of four, alluded to in the beginning of this single month's
report.
Unfortunately he was suspected, arrested, tried, convicted, and torn
from his wife and two little children, and sent to the Richmond
Penitentiary for twenty-five years. Before being sent away from
Portsmouth, Va., where he was tried, for ten days in succession in the
prison five lashes a day were laid heavily on his bare back. The further
sufferings of poor Lee and his heart-broken wife, and his little
daughter and son, are too painful for minute recital. In this city the
friends of Freedom did all in their power to comfort Mrs. Lee, and
administered aid to her and her children; but she broke down under her
mournful fate, and went to that bourne from whence no traveler ever
returns.
Captain Lee suffered untold misery in prison, until he, also, not a
great while before the Union forces took possession of Richmond, sank
beneath the severity of his treatment, and went likewise to the grave.
The two children for a long time were under the care of Mr. Wm. Ingram
of Philadelphia, who voluntarily, from pure benevolence, proved himself
to be a father and a friend to them. To their poor mother also he had
been a true friend.
The way in which Captain Lee came to be convicted, if the Committee were
correctly informed and they think they were, was substantially in this
wise: In the darkness of the night, four men, two of them constables,
one of the other two, the owner of one of the slaves who had been aided
away by Lee, seized the wife of one of the fugitives and took her to the
woods, where the fiends stripped every particle of clothing from her
person, tied her to a tree, and armed with knives, cowhides and a
shovel, swore vengeance against her, declaring they would kill her if
she did not testify against Lee. At first she refused to reveal the
secret; indeed she knew but little to reveal; but her savage tormentors
beat her almost to death. Under this barbarous infliction she was
constrained to implicate Captain Lee, which was about all the evidence
the prosecution had against him. And in reality her evidence, for two
reasons, should not have weighed a straw, as it was contrary to the laws
of the State of Virginia, to admit the testimony of colored persons
against white; then again for the reason that this testimony was
obtained wholly by brute force.
But in this instance, this woman on whom the murderous attack had been
made, was brought into court on Lee's trial and was bid to simply make
her statement with regard to Lee's connection with the escape of her
husband. This she did of course. And in the eyes of this chivalric
court, this procedure "was all right." But thank God the events since
those dark and dreadful days, afford abundant proof that the All-seeing
Eye was not asleep to the daily sufferings of the poor bondman.
* * * * *
A SLAVE GIRL'S NARRATIVE.
CORDELIA LONEY, SLAVE OF MRS. JOSEPH CAHELL (WIDOW OF THE LATE HON.
JOSEPH CAHELL, OF VA.), OF FREDERICKSBURG, VA.--CORDELIA'S ESCAPE FROM
HER MISTRESS IN PHILADELPHIA.
Rarely did the peculiar institution present the relations of mistress
and maid-servant in a light so apparently favorable as in the case of
Mrs. Joseph Cahell (widow of the late Hon. Jos Cahell, of Va.), and her
slave, Cordelia. The Vigilance Committee's first knowledge of either of
these memorable personages was brought about in the following manner.
About the 30th of March, in the year 1859, a member of the Vigilance
Committee was notified by a colored servant, living at a fashionable
boarding-house on Chestnut street that a lady with a slave woman from
Fredericksburg, Va., was boarding at said house, and, that said slave
woman desired to receive counsel and aid from the Committee, as she was
anxious to secure her freedom, before her mistress returned to the
South. On further consultation about the matter, a suitable hour was
named for the meeting of the Committee and the Slave at the above named
boarding-house. Finding that the woman was thoroughly reliable, the
Committee told her "that two modes of deliverance were open before her.
One was to take her trunk and all her clothing and quietly retire." The
other was to "sue out a writ of habeas corpus; and bring the mistress
before the Court, where she would be required, under the laws of
Pennsylvania, to show cause why she restrained this woman of her
freedom." Cordelia concluded to adopt the former expedient, provided the
Committee would protect her. Without hesitation the Committee answered
her, that to the extent of their ability, she should have their aid with
pleasure, without delay. Consequently a member of the Committee was
directed to be on hand at a given hour that evening, as Cordelia would
certainly be ready to leave her mistress to take care of herself. Thus,
at the appointed hour, Cordelia, very deliberately, accompanied the
Committee away from her "kind hearted old mistress."
In the quiet and security of the Vigilance Committee Room, Cordelia
related substantially the following brief story touching her
relationship as a slave to Mrs. Joseph Cahell. In this case, as with
thousands and tens of thousands of others, as the old adage fitly
expresses it, "All is not gold that glitters." Under this apparently
pious and noble-minded lady, it will be seen, that Cordelia had known
naught but misery and sorrow.
Mrs. Cahell, having engaged board for a month at a fashionable private
boarding-house on Chestnut street, took an early opportunity to caution
Cordelia against going into the streets, and against having anything to
say or do with "free niggers in particular"; withal, she appeared
unusually kind, so much so, that before retiring to bed in the evening,
she would call Cordelia to her chamber, and by her side would take her
Prayer-book and Bible, and go through the forms of devotional service.
She stood very high both as a church communicant and a lady in society.
For a fortnight it seemed as though her prayers were to be answered, for
Cordelia apparently bore herself as submissively as ever, and Madame
received calls and accepted invitations from some of the _elite_ of the
city, without suspecting any intention on the part of Cordelia to
escape. But Cordelia could not forget how her children had all been sold
by her mistress!
Cordelia was about fifty-seven years of age, with about an equal
proportion of colored and white blood in her veins; very neat,
respectful and prepossessing in manner.
From her birth to the hour of her escape she had worn the yoke under
Mrs. C., as her most efficient and reliable maid-servant. She had been
at her mistress' beck and call as seamstress, dressing-maid, nurse in
the sickroom, etc., etc., under circumstances that might appear to the
casual observer uncommonly favorable for a slave. Indeed, on his first
interview with her, the Committee man was so forcibly impressed with the
belief, that her condition in Virginia had been favorable, that he
hesitated to ask her if she did not desire her liberty. A few moments'
conversation with her, however, convinced him of her good sense and
decision of purpose with regard to this matter. For, in answer to the
first question he put to her, she answered, that, "As many creature
comforts and religious privileges as she had been the recipient of under
her 'kind mistress,' still she 'wanted to be free,' and 'was bound to
leave,' that she had been 'treated very cruelly,' that her children had
'all been sold away' from her; that she had been threatened with sale
herself 'on the first insult,'" etc.
She was willing to take the entire responsibility of taking care of
herself. On the suggestion of a friend, before leaving her mistress, she
was disposed to sue for her freedom, but, upon a reconsideration of the
matter, she chose rather to accept the hospitality of the Underground
Rail Road, and leave in a quiet way and go to Canada, where she would be
free indeed. Accordingly she left her mistress and was soon a free
woman.
The following sad experience she related calmly, in the presence of
several friends, an evening or two after she left her mistress:
Two sons and two daughters had been sold from her by her mistress,
within the last three years, since the death of her master. Three of her
children had been sold to the Richmond market and the other in Nelson
county.
Paulina was the first sold, two years ago last May. Nat was the next; he
was sold to Abram Warrick, of Richmond. Paulina was sold before it was
named to her mother that it had entered her mistress's mind to dispose
of her. Nancy, from infancy, had been in poor health. Nevertheless, she
had been obliged to take her place in the field with the rest of the
slaves, of more rugged constitution, until she had passed her twentieth
year, and had become a mother. Under these circumstances, the overseer
and his wife complained to the mistress that her health was really too
bad for a field hand and begged that she might be taken where her duties
would be less oppressive. Accordingly, she was withdrawn from the field,
and was set to spinning and weaving. When too sick to work her mistress
invariably took the ground, that "nothing was the matter,"
notwithstanding the fact, that her family physician, Dr. Ellsom, had
pronounced her "quite weakly and sick."
In an angry mood one day, Mrs. Cahell declared she would cure her; and
again sent her to the field, "with orders to the overseer, to whip her
every day, and make her work or kill her." Again the overseer said it
was "no use to try, for her health would not stand it," and she was
forthwith returned. The mistress then concluded to sell her.
One Sabbath evening a nephew of hers, who resided in New Orleans,
happened to be on a visit to his aunt, when it occurred to her, that she
had "better get Nancy off if possible." Accordingly, Nancy was called in
for examination. Being dressed in her "Sunday best" and "before a poor
candle-light," she appeared to good advantage; and the nephew concluded
to start with her on the following Tuesday morning. However, the next
morning, he happened to see her by the light of the sun, and in her
working garments, which satisfied him that he had been grossly deceived;
that she would barely live to reach New Orleans; he positively refused
to carry out the previous evening's contract, thus leaving her in the
hands of her mistress, with the advice, that she should "doctor her up."
The mistress, not disposed to be defeated, obviated the difficulty by
selecting a little boy, made a lot of the two, and thus made it an
inducement to a purchaser to buy the sick woman; the boy and the woman
brought $700.
In the sale of her children, Cordelia was as little regarded as if she
had been a cow.
"I felt wretched," she said, with emphasis, "when I heard that Nancy had
been sold," which was not until after she had been removed. "But," she
continued, "I was not at liberty to make my grief known to a single
white soul. I wept and couldn't help it." But remembering that she was
liable, "on the first insult," to be sold herself, she sought no
sympathy from her mistress, whom she describes as "a woman who shows as
little kindness towards her servants as any woman in the States of
America. She neither likes to feed nor clothe well."
With regard to flogging, however, in days past, she had been up to the
mark. "A many a slap and blow" had Cordelia received since she arrived
at womanhood, directly from the madam's own hand.
One day smarting under cruel treatment, she appealed to her mistress in
the following strain: "I stood by your mother in all her sickness and
nursed her till she died!" "I waited on your niece, night and day for
months, till she died." "I waited upon your husband all my life--in his
sickness especially, and shrouded him in death, etc., yet I am treated
cruelly." It was of no avail.
Her mistress, at one time, was the owner of about five hundred slaves,
but within the last few years she had greatly lessened the number by
sales.
She stood very high as a lady, and was a member of the Episcopal Church.
To punish Cordelia, on several occasions, she had been sent to one of
the plantations to work as a field hand. Fortunately, however, she found
the overseers more compassionate than her mistress, though she received
no particular favors from any of them.
Asking her to name the overseers, etc., she did so. The first was
"Marks, a thin-visaged, poor-looking man, great for swearing." The
second was "Gilbert Brower, a very rash, portly man." The third was
"Buck Young, a stout man, and very sharp." The fourth was "Lynn Powell,
a tall man with red whiskers, very contrary and spiteful." There was
also a fifth one, but his name was lost.
Thus Cordelia's experience, though chiefly confined to the "great
house," extended occasionally over the corn and tobacco fields, among
the overseers and field hands generally. But under no circumstances
could she find it in her heart to be thankful for the privileges of
Slavery.
After leaving her mistress she learned, with no little degree of
pleasure, that a perplexed state of things existed at the
boarding-house; that her mistress was seriously puzzled to imagine how
she would get her shoes and stockings on and off; how she would get her
head combed, get dressed, be attended to in sickness, etc., as she
(Cordelia), had been compelled to discharge these offices all her life.
Most of the boarders, being slave-holders, naturally sympathized in her
affliction; and some of them went so far as to offer a reward to some of
the colored servants to gain a knowledge of her whereabouts. Some
charged the servants with having a hand in her leaving, but all agreed
that "she had left a very kind and indulgent mistress," and had acted
very foolishly in running out of Slavery into Freedom.
A certain Doctor of Divinity, the pastor of an Episcopal church in this
city and a friend of the mistress, hearing of her distress, by request
or voluntarily, undertook to find out Cordelia's place of seclusion.
Hailing on the street a certain colored man with a familiar face, who he
thought knew nearly all the colored people about town, he related to him
the predicament of his lady friend from the South, remarked how kindly
she had always treated her servants, signified that Cordelia would rue
the change, and be left to suffer among the "miserable blacks down
town," that she would not be able to take care of herself; quoted
Scripture justifying Slavery, and finally suggested that he (the colored
man) would be doing a duty and a kindness to the fugitive by using his
influence to "find her and prevail upon her to return."
It so happened that the colored man thus addressed, was Thomas Dorsey,
the well-known fashionable caterer of Philadelphia, who had had the
experience of quite a number of years as a slave at the South,--had
himself once been pursued as a fugitive, and having, by his industry in
the condition of Freedom, acquired a handsome estate, he felt entirely
qualified to reply to the reverend gentleman, which he did, though in
not very respectful phrases, telling him that Cordelia had as good a
right to her liberty as he had, or her mistress either; that God had
never intended one man to be the slave of another; that it was all false
about the slaves being better off than the free colored people; that he
would find as many "poor, miserably degraded," of his own color
"down-town," as among the "degraded blacks"; and concluded by telling
him that he would "rather give her a hundred dollars to help her off,
than to do aught to make known her whereabouts, if he knew ever so much
about her."
What further steps were taken by the discomfited divine, the mistress,
or her boarding-house sympathizers, the Committee was not informed.
But with regard to Cordelia: she took her departure for Canada, in the
midst of the Daniel Webster (fugitive) trial, with the hope of being
permitted to enjoy the remainder of her life in Freedom and peace. Being
a member of the Baptist Church, and professing to be a Christian, she
was persuaded that, by industry and assistance of the Lord, a way would
be opened to the seeker of Freedom even in a strange land and among
strangers.
This story appeared in part in the _N.Y. Evening Post_, having been
furnished by the writer, without his name to it. It is certainly none
the less interesting now, as it may be read in the light of Universal
Emancipation.
* * * * *
ARRIVAL OF JACKSON, ISAAC AND EDMONDSON TURNER FROM PETERSBURG.
TOUCHING SCENE ON MEETING THEIR OLD BLIND FATHER AT THE U.G.R.R. DEPOT.
LETTERS AND WARNING TO SLAVEHOLDERS.
About the latter part of December, 1857, Isaac and Edmondson, brothers,
succeeded in making their escape together from Petersburg, Va. They
barely escaped the auction block, as their mistress, Mrs. Ann Colley, a
widow, had just completed arrangements for their sale on the coming
first day of January. In this kind of property, however, Mrs. Colley had
not largely invested. In the days of her prosperity, while all was happy
and contented, she could only boast of "four head:" these brothers,
Jackson, Isaac and Edmondson and one other. In May, 1857, Jackson had
fled and was received by the Vigilance Committee, who placed him upon
their books briefly in the following light:
"RUNAWAY--_Fifty Dollars Reward_,--Ran away some time in May
last, my _Servant-man_, who calls himself _Jackson Turner_. He
is about 27 years of age, and has one of his front teeth out. He
is quite black, with thick lips, a little bow-legged, and looks
down when spoken to. I will give a reward of Fifty dollars if
taken out of the city, and twenty five Dollars if taken within
the city. I forewarn all masters of vessels from harboring or
employing the said slave; all persons who disregard this Notice
will be punished as the law directs.
ANN COLLEY.
Petersburg, June 8th, 1857."
JACKSON is quite dark, medium size, and well informed for one in his
condition. In Slavery, he had been "pressed hard." His hire, "ten
dollars per month" he was obliged to produce at the end of each month,
no matter how much he had been called upon to expend for "doctor bills,
&c." The woman he called mistress went by the name of Ann Colley, a
widow, living near Petersburg. "She was very quarrelsome," although a
"member of the Methodist Church." Jackson seeing that his mistress was
yearly growing "harder and harder," concluded to try and better his
condition "if possible." Having a free wife in the North, who was in the
habit of communicating with him, he was kept fully awake to the love of
Freedom. The Underground Rail Road expense the Committee gladly bore. No
further record of Jackson was made. Jackson found his poor old father
here, where he had resided for a number of years in a state of almost
total blindness, and of course in much parental anxiety about his boys
in chains. On the arrival of Jackson, his heart overflowed with joy and
gratitude not easily described, as the old man had hardly been able to
muster faith enough to believe that he should ever look with his dim
eyes upon one of his sons in Freedom. After a day or two's tarrying,
Jackson took his departure for safer and more healthful localities,--her
"British Majesty's possessions." The old man remained only to feel more
keenly than ever, the pang of having sons still toiling in hopeless
servitude.
In less than seven months after Jackson had shaken off the yoke, to the
unspeakable joy of the father, Isaac and Edmondson succeeded in
following their brother's example, and were made happy partakers of the
benefits and blessings of the Vigilance Committee of Philadelphia. On
first meeting his two boys, at the Underground Rail Road Depot, the old
man took each one in his arms, and as looking through a glass darkly,
straining every nerve of his almost lost sight, exclaiming, whilst
hugging them closer and closer to his bosom for some minutes, in tears
of joy and wonder, "My son Isaac, is this you? my son Isaac, is this
you, &c.?" The scene was calculated to awaken the deepest emotion and to
bring tears to eyes not accustomed to weep. Little had the old man
dreamed in his days of sadness, that he should share such a feast of joy
over the deliverance of his sons. But it is in vain to attempt to
picture the affecting scene at this reunion, for that would be
impossible. Of their slave life, the records contain but a short notice,
simply as follows:
"Isaac is twenty-eight years of age, hearty-looking, well made, dark
color and intelligent. He was owned by Mrs. Ann Colley, a widow,
residing near Petersburg, Va. Isaac and Edmondson were to have been
sold, on New Year's day; a few days hence. How sad her disappointment
must have been on finding them gone, may be more easily imagined than
described."
Edmondson is about twenty-five, a brother of Isaac, and a smart,
good-looking young man, was owned by Mrs. Colley also. "This is just the
class of fugitives to make good subjects for John Bull," thought the
Committee, feeling pretty well assured that they would make good reports
after having enjoyed free air in Canada for a short time. Of course, the
Committee enjoined upon them very earnestly "not to forget their
brethren left behind groaning in fetters; but to prove by their
industry, uprightness, economy, sobriety and thrift, by the remembrance
of their former days of oppression and their obligations to their God,
that they were worthy of the country to which they were going, and so to
help break the bands of the oppressors, and undo the heavy burdens of
the oppressed." Similar advice was impressed upon the minds of all
travelers passing over this branch of the Underground Rail Road. From
hundreds thus admonished, letters came affording the most gratifying
evidence that the counsel of the Committee was not in vain. The appended
letter from the youngest brother, written with his own hand, will
indicate his feelings and views in Canada:
HAMILTON, CANADA WEST Mar. 1, 1858.
MR. STILL, DEAR SIR:--I have taken the oppertunity to enform you
yur letter came to hand 27th I ware glad to hear from you and
yer famly i hope this letter May fine you and the famly Well i
am Well my self My Brother join me in Love to you and all the
frend. I ware sorry to hear of the death of Mrs freaman. We all
must die sune or Late this a date we all must pay we must Perpar
for the time she ware a nise lady dear sir the all is well and
san thar love to you Emerline have Ben sick But is better at
this time. I saw the hills the war well and san thar Love to
you. I war sory to hear that My brother war sol i am glad that i
did come away when i did god works all the things for the Best
he is young he may get a long in the wole May god Bless hem ef
you have any News from Petersburg Va Plas Rite me a word when
you anser this Letter and ef any person came form home Letter Me
know. Please sen me one of your Paper that had the under grands
R wrod give My Love to Mr Careter and his family I am Seving
with a barber at this time he have promust to give me the trad
ef i can lane it he is much of a gentman. Mr Still sir i have
writing a letter to Mr Brown of Petersburg Va Pleas reed it and
ef you think it right Plas sen it by the Mail or by hand you
wall see how i have writen it the will know how sent it by the
way this writing ef the ancer it you can sen it to Me i have tol
them direc to yor care for Ed. t. Smith Philadelphia i hope it
may be right i promorst to rite to hear Please rite to me sune
and let me know ef you do sen it on write wit you did with that
ma a bught the cappet Bage do not fergit to rite tal John he
mite rite to Me. I am doing as well is i can at this time but i
get no wagges But my Bord but is satfid at that thes hard time
and glad that i am Hear and in good helth. Northing More at this
time
yor truly
EDMUND TURNER.
The same writer sent to the Corresponding Secretary the following
"Warning to Slave-holders." At the time these documents were received,
Slaveholders were never more defiant. The right to trample on the weak
in oppression was indisputable. "Cinnamon and odors, and ointments, and
frankincense, and wine, and oil, and fine flour and wheat, and beasts,
and sheep, and horses, and chariots, and slaves, and souls of men,"
slave-holders believed doubtless were theirs by Divine Right. Little
dreaming that in less than three short years--"Therefore shall her
plagues come in one day, death, and mourning, and famine." In view of
the marvelous changes which have been wrought by the hand of the
Almighty, this warning to slave-holders from one who felt the sting of
Slavery, as evincing a particular phase of simple faith and Christian
charity is entitled to a place in these records.
A WARNING TO SLAVE-HOLDERS.
Well may the Southern slaveholder say, that holding their Fellow
men in Bondage is no sin, because it is their delight as the
Egyptians, so do they; but nevertheless God in his own good time
will bring them out by a mighty hand, as it is recorded in the
sacred oracles of truth, that Ethiopia shall soon stretch out
her hands to God, speaking in the positive (shall). And my
prayer is to you, oh, slaveholder, in the name of that God who
in the beginning said, Let there be light, and there was light.
Let my People go that they may serve me; thereby good may come
unto thee and to thy children's children. Slave-holder have you
seriously thought upon the condition yourselves, family and
slaves; have you read where Christ has enjoined upon all his
creatures to read his word, thereby that they may have no excuse
when coming before his judgment seat? But you say he shall not
read his word, consequently his sin will be upon your head. I
think every man has as much as he can do to answer for his own
sins. And now my dear-slave-holder, who with you are bound and
fast hastening to judgment? As one that loves your soul repent
ye, therefore, and be converted, that your sins may be blotted
out when the time of refreshing shall come from the presence of
the Lord.
In the language of the poet:
Stop, poor sinner, stop and think,
Before you further go;
Think upon the brink of death
Of everlasting woe.
Say, have you an arm like God,
That you his will oppose?
Fear you not that iron rod
With which he breaks his foes?
Is the prayer of one that loves your souls.
EDMUND TURNER.
N.B. The signature bears the name of one who knows and felt the
sting of Slavery; but now, thanks be to God, I am now where the
poisonous breath taints not our air, but every one is sitting
under his own vine and fig tree, where none dare to make him
ashamed or afraid.
EDMUND TURNER, formerly of Petersburg, Va.
HAMILTON, June 22d, 1858, C.W.
To MR. WM. STILL, DEAR SIR:--A favorable opportunity affords the
pleasure of acknowledging the receipt of letters and papers;
certainly in this region they were highly appreciated, and I
hope the time may come that your kindness will be reciprocated
we are al well at present, but times continue dull. I also
deeply regret the excitement recently on the account of those
slaves, you will favor me by keeping me posted upon the subject.
Those words written to slaveholder is the thought of one who had
sufferd, and now I thought it a duty incumbent upon me to cry
aloud and spare not, &c., by sending these few lines where the
slaveholder may hear. You will still further oblige your humble
servant also, to correct any inaccuracy. My respects to you and
your family and all inquiring friends.
Your friend and well wisher,
EDMUND TURNER.
The then impending judgments seen by an eye of faith as set forth in
this "Warning," soon fell with crushing weight upon the oppressor, and
Slavery died. But the old blind father of Jackson, Isaac and Edmondson,
still lives and may be seen daily on the streets of Philadelphia; and
though "halt, and lame, and blind, and poor," doubtless resulting from
his early oppression, he can thank God and rejoice that he has lived to
see Slavery abolished.
ROBERT BROWN, ALIAS THOMAS JONES.
CROSSING THE RIVER ON HORSEBACK IN THE NIGHT.
In very desperate straits many new inventions were sought after by
deep-thinking and resolute slaves, determined to be free at any cost.
But it must here be admitted, that, in looking carefully over the more
perilous methods resorted to, Robert Brown, alias Thomas Jones, stands
second to none, with regard to deeds of bold daring. This hero escaped
from Martinsburg, Va., in 1856. He was a man of medium size, mulatto,
about thirty-eight years of age, could read and write, and was naturally
sharp-witted. He had formerly been owned by Col. John F. Franie, whom
Robert charged with various offences of a serious domestic character.
Furthermore, he also alleged, that his "mistress was cruel to all the
slaves," declaring that "they (the slaves), could not live with her,"
that "she had to hire servants," etc.
In order to effect his escape, Robert was obliged to swim the Potomac
river on horseback, on Christmas night, while the cold, wind, storm, and
darkness were indescribably dismal. This daring bondman, rather than
submit to his oppressor any longer, perilled his life as above stated.
Where he crossed the river was about a half a mile wide. Where could be
found in history a more noble and daring struggle for Freedom?
The wife of his bosom and his four children, only five days before he
fled, were sold to a trader in Richmond, Va., for no other offence than
simply "because she had resisted" the lustful designs of her master,
being "true to her own companion." After this poor slave mother and her
children were cast into prison for sale, the husband and some of his
friends tried hard to find a purchaser in the neighborhood; but the
malicious and brutal master refused to sell her--wishing to gratify his
malice to the utmost, and to punish his victims all that lay in his
power, he sent them to the place above named.
In this trying hour, the severed and bleeding heart of the husband
resolved to escape at all hazards, taking with him a daguerreotype
likeness of his wife which he happened to have on hand, and a lock of
hair from her head, and from each of the children, as mementoes of his
unbounded (though sundered) affection for them.
After crossing the river, his wet clothing freezing to him, he rode all
night, a distance of about forty miles. In the morning he left his
faithful horse tied to a fence, quite broken down. He then commenced his
dreary journey on foot--cold and hungry--in a strange place, where it
was quite unsafe to make known his condition and wants. Thus for a day
or two, without food or shelter, he traveled until his feet were
literally worn out, and in this condition he arrived at Harrisburg,
where he found friends. Passing over many of the interesting incidents
on the road, suffice it to say, he arrived safely in this city, on New
Year's night, 1857, about two hours before day break (the telegraph
having announced his coming from Harrisburg), having been a week on the
way. The night he arrived was very cold; besides, the Underground train,
that morning, was about three hours behind time; in waiting for it,
entirely out in the cold, a member of the Vigilance Committee thought he
was frosted. But when he came to listen to the story of the Fugitive's
sufferings, his mind changed.
Scarcely had Robert entered the house of one of the Committee, where he
was kindly received, when he took from his pocket his wife's likeness,
speaking very touchingly while gazing upon it and showing it.
Subsequently, in speaking of his family, he showed the locks of hair
referred to, which he had carefully rolled up in paper separately.
Unrolling them, he said, "this is my wife's;" "this is from my oldest
daughter, eleven years old;" "and this is from my next oldest;" "and
this from the next," "and this from my infant, only eight weeks old."
These mementoes he cherished with the utmost care as the last remains of
his affectionate family. At the sight of these locks of hair so tenderly
preserved, the member of the Committee could fully appreciate the
resolution of the fugitive in plunging into the Potomac, on the back of
a dumb beast, in order to flee from a place and people who had made such
barbarous havoc in his household.
His wife, as represented by the likeness, was of fair complexion,
prepossessing, and good looking--perhaps not over thirty-three years of
age.
* * * * *
ANTHONY LONEY, ALIAS WILLIAM ARMSTEAD.
Anthony had been serving under the yoke of Warring Talvert, of Richmond,
Va. Anthony was of a rich black complexion, medium size, about
twenty-five years of age. He was intelligent, and a member of the
Baptist Church. His master was a member of the Presbyterian Church and
held family prayers with the servants. But Anthony believed seriously,
that his master was no more than a "whitened sepulchre," one who was
fond of saying, "Lord, Lord," but did not do what the Lord bade him,
consequently Anthony felt, that before the Great Judge his "master's
many prayers" would not benefit him, as long as he continued to hold his
fellow-men in bondage. He left a father, Samuel Loney, and mother,
Rebecca also, one sister and four brothers. His old father had bought
himself and was free; likewise his mother, being very old, had been
allowed to go free. Anthony escaped in May, 1857.
* * * * *
CORNELIUS SCOTT.
Cornelius took passage _per_ the Underground Rail Road, in March, 1857,
from the neighborhood of Salvington, Stafford county, Va. He stated that
he had been claimed by Henry L. Brooke, whom he declared to be a "hard
drinker and a hard swearer." Cornelius had been very much bleached by
the Patriarchal Institution, and he was shrewd enough to take advantage
of this circumstance. In regions of country where men were less critical
and less experienced than Southerners, as to how the bleaching process
was brought about, Cornelius Scott would have had no difficulty whatever
in passing for a white man of the most improved Anglo-Saxon type.
Although a young man only twenty-three years of age, and quite stout,
his fair complexion was decidedly against him. He concluded, that for
this very reason, he would not have been valued at more than five
hundred dollars in the market. He left his mother (Ann Stubbs, and half
brother, Isaiah), and traveled as a white man.
* * * * *
SAMUEL WILLIAMS, ALIAS JOHN WILLIAMS.
This candidate for Canada had the good fortune to escape the clutches of
his mistress, Mrs. Elvina Duncans, widow of the late Rev. James Duncans,
who lived near Cumberland, Md. He had very serious complaints to allege
against his mistress, "who was a member of the Presbyterian Church." To
use his own language, "the servants in the house were treated worse than
dogs." John was thirty-two years of age, dark chestnut color, well made,
prepossessing in appearance, and he "fled to keep from being sold." With
the Underground Rail Road he was "highly delighted." Nor was he less
pleased with the thought, that he had caused his mistress, who was "one
of the worst women who ever lived," to lose twelve hundred dollars by
him. He escaped in March, 1857. He did not admit that he loved slavery
any the better for the reason that his master was a preacher, or that
his mistress was the wife of a preacher. Although a common farm hand,
Samuel had common sense, and for a long time previous had been watching
closely the conduct of his mistress, and at the same time had been
laying his plans for escaping on the Underground Rail Road the first
chance.
$100 REWARD!--My negro man Richard has been missing since Sunday
night, March 22d. I will give $100 to any one who will secure
him or deliver him to me. Richard is thirty years old, but looks
older; very short legs, dark, but rather bright color, broad
cheek bones, a respectful and serious manner, generally looks
away when spoken to, small moustache and beard (but he may have
them off). He is a remarkably intelligent man, and can turn his
hand to anything. He took with him a bag made of Brussels
carpet, with my name written in large, rough letters on the
bottom, and a good stock of coarse and fine clothes, among them
a navy cap and a low-crowned hat. He has been seen about New
Kent C.H., and on the Pamunky river, and is no doubt trying to
get off in some vessel bound North.
[Illustration: ]
April 18th, 1857.
J.W. RANDOLPH, Richmond, Va.
Even at this late date, it may perhaps afford Mr. R. a degree of
satisfaction to know what became of Richard; but if this should
not be the case, Richard's children, or mother, or father, if
they are living, may possibly see these pages, and thereby be
made glad by learning of Richard's wisdom as a traveler, in the
terrible days of slave-hunting. Consequently here is what was
recorded of him, April 3d, 1857, at the Underground Rail Road
Station, just before a free ticket was tendered him for Canada.
"Richard is thirty-three years of age, small of stature, dark
color, smart and resolute. He was owned by Captain Tucker, of
the United States Navy, from whom he fled." He was "tired of
serving, and wanted to marry," was the cause of his escape. He
had no complaint of bad treatment to make against his owner;
indeed he said, that he had been "used well all his life."
Nevertheless, Richard felt that this Underground Rail Road was
the "greatest road he ever saw."
When the war broke out, Richard girded on his knapsack and went
to help Uncle Sam humble Richmond and break the yoke.
* * * * *
BARNABY GRIGBY, ALIAS JOHN BOYER, AND MARY ELIZABETH, HIS WIFE; FRANK
WANZER, ALIAS ROBERT SCOTT; EMILY FOSTER, ALIAS ANN WOOD.
(TWO OTHERS WHO STARTED WITH THEM WERE CAPTURED.)
All these persons journeyed together from Loudon Co., Va. on horseback
and in a carriage for more than one hundred miles. Availing themselves
of a holiday and their master's horses and carriage, they as
deliberately started for Canada, as though they had never been taught
that it was their duty, as servants, to "obey their masters." In this
particular showing a most utter disregard of the interest of their
"kind-hearted and indulgent owners." They left home on Monday, Christmas
Eve, 1855, under the leadership of Frank Wanzer, and arrived in Columbia
the following Wednesday at one o'clock. As willfully as they had thus
made their way along, they had not found it smooth sailing by any means.
The biting frost and snow rendered their travel anything but agreeable.
Nor did they escape the gnawings of hunger, traveling day and night. And
whilst these "articles" were in the very act of running away with
themselves and their kind master's best horses and carriage--when about
one hundred miles from home, in the neighborhood of Cheat river,
Maryland, they were attacked by "six white men, and a boy," who,
doubtless, supposing that their intentions were of a "wicked and
unlawful character" felt it to be their duty in kindness to their
masters, if not to the travelers to demand of them an account of
themselves. In other words, the assailants positively commanded the
fugitives to "show what right" they possessed, to be found in a
condition apparently so unwarranted.
The _spokesman_ amongst the fugitives, affecting no ordinary amount of
dignity, told their assailants plainly, that "no gentleman would
interfere with persons riding along civilly"--not allowing it to be
supposed that they were slaves, of course. These "gentlemen," however,
were not willing to accept this account of the travelers, as their very
decided steps indicated. Having the law on their side, they were for
compelling the fugitives to surrender without further parley.
At this juncture, the fugitives verily believing that the time had
arrived for the practical use of their pistols and dirks, pulled them
out of their concealment--the young women as well as the young men--and
declared they would not be "taken!" One of the white men raised his gun,
pointing the muzzle directly towards one of the young women, with the
threat that he would "shoot," etc. "Shoot! shoot!! shoot!!!" she
exclaimed, with a double barrelled pistol in one hand and a long dirk
knife in the other, utterly unterrified and fully ready for a death
struggle. The male _leader_ of the fugitives by this time had "pulled
back the hammers" of his "pistols," and was about to fire! Their
adversaries seeing the weapons, and the unflinching determination on the
part of the _runaways_ to stand their ground, "spill blood, kill, or
die," rather than be "taken," very prudently "sidled over to the other
side of the road," leaving at least four of the victors to travel on
their way.
At this moment the four in the carriage lost sight of the two on
horseback. Soon after the separation they heard firing, but what the
result was, they knew not. They were fearful, however, that their
companions had been captured.
The following paragraph, which was shortly afterwards taken from a
Southern paper, leaves no room to doubt, as to the fate of the two.
Six fugitive slaves from Virginia were arrested at the Maryland
line, near Hood's Mill, on Christmas day, but, after a severe
fight, four of them escaped and have not since been heard of.
They came from Loudoun and Fauquier counties.
[Illustration: ]
Though the four who were successful, saw no "severe fight," it is not
unreasonable to suppose, that there was a fight, nevertheless; but not
till after the number of the fugitives had been reduced to two, instead
of six. As chivalrous as slave-holders and slave-catchers were, they
knew the value of their precious lives and the fearful risk of
attempting a capture, when the numbers were equal.
The party in the carriage, after the conflict, went on their way
rejoicing.
The young men, one cold night, when they were compelled to take rest in
the woods and snow, in vain strove to keep the feet of their female
companions from freezing by lying on them; but the frost was merciless
and bit them severely, as their feet very plainly showed. The following
disjointed report was cut from the _Frederick (Md.) Examiner_, soon
after the occurrence took place:
"Six slaves, four men and two women, fugitives from Virginia,
having with them two spring wagons and four horses, came to
Hood's Mill, on the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, near the
dividing line between Frederick and Carroll counties, on
Christmas day. After feeding their animals, one of them told a
Mr. Dixon whence they came; believing them to be fugitives, he
spread the alarm, and some eight or ten persons gathered round
to arrest them; but the negroes drawing revolvers and
bowie-knives, kept their assailants at bay, until five of the
party succeeded in escaping in one of the wagons, and as the
last one jumped on a horse to flee, he was fired at, the load
taking effect in the small of the back. The prisoner says he
belongs to Charles W. Simpson, Esq., of Fauquier county, Va.,
and ran away with the others on the preceding evening."
This report from the _Examiner_, while it is not wholly correct,
evidently relates to the fugitives above described. Why the reporter
made such glaring mistakes, may be accounted for on the ground that the
bold stand made by the fugitives was so bewildering and alarming, that
the "assailants" were not in a proper condition to make correct
statements. Nevertheless the _Examiner's_ report was preserved with
other records, and is here given for what it is worth.
These victors were individually noted on the Record thus: Barnaby was
owned by William Rogers, a farmer, who was considered a "moderate
slaveholder," although of late "addicted to intemperance." He was the
owner of about one "dozen head of slaves," and had besides a wife and
two children.
Barnaby's chances for making extra "change" for himself were never
favorable; sometimes of "nights" he would manage to earn a "trifle." He
was prompted to escape because he "wanted to live by the sweat of his
own brow," believing that all men ought so to live. This was the only
reason he gave for fleeing.
Mary Elizabeth had been owned by Townsend McVee (likewise a farmer), and
in Mary's judgment, he was "severe," but she added, "his wife made him
so." McVee owned about twenty-five slaves; "he hardly allowed them to
talk--would not allow them to raise chickens," and "only allowed Mary
three dresses a year;" the rest she had to get as she could. Sometimes
McVee would sell slaves--last year he sold two. Mary said that she could
not say anything good of her mistress. On the contrary, she declared
that her mistress "knew no mercy nor showed any favor."
It was on account of this "domineering spirit," that Mary was induced to
escape.
Frank was owned by Luther Sullivan, "the meanest man in Virginia," he
said; he treated his people just as bad as he could in every respect.
"Sullivan," added Frank, "would 'lowance the slaves and stint them to
save food and get rich," and "would sell and whip," etc. To Frank's
knowledge, he had sold some twenty-five head. "He sold my mother and her
two children to Georgia some four years previous." But the motive which
hurried Frank to make his flight was his laboring under the apprehension
that his master had some "pretty heavy creditors who might come on him
at any time." Frank, therefore, wanted to be from home in Canada when
these gentry should make their visit. My poor mother has been often
flogged by master, said Frank. As to his mistress, he said she was
"tolerably good."
Ann Wood was owned by McVee also, and was own sister to Elizabeth. Ann
very fully sustained her sister Elizabeth's statement respecting the
character of her master.
The above-mentioned four, were all young and likely. Barnaby was
twenty-six years of age, mulatto, medium size, and intelligent--his wife
was about twenty-four years of age, quite dark, good-looking, and of
pleasant appearance. Frank was twenty-five years of age, mulatto, and
very smart; Ann was twenty-two, good-looking, and smart. After their
pressing wants had been met by the Vigilance Committee, and after
partial recuperation from their hard travel, etc., they were forwarded
on to the Vigilance Committee in New York. In Syracuse, Frank (the
leader), who was engaged to Emily, concluded that the knot might as well
be tied on the U.G.R.R., although penniless, as to delay the matter a
single day longer. Doubtless, the bravery, struggles, and trials of
Emily throughout the journey, had, in his estimation, added not a little
to her charms. Thus after consulting with her on the matter, her
approval was soon obtained, she being too prudent and wise to refuse the
hand of one who had proved himself so true a friend to Freedom, as well
as so devoted to her. The twain were accordingly made one at the
U.G.R.R. Station, in Syracuse, by Superintendent--Rev. J.W. Loguen.
After this joyful event, they proceeded to Toronto, and were there
gladly received by the Ladies' Society for aiding colored refugees.
The following letter from Mrs. Agnes Willis, wife of the distinguished
Rev. Dr. Willis, brought the gratifying intelligence that these brave
young adventurers, fell into the hands of distinguished characters and
warm friends of Freedom:
TORONTO, 28th January, Monday evening, 1856.
MR. STILL, DEAR SIR:--I have very great pleasure in making you
aware that the following respectable persons have arrived here
in safety without being annoyed in any way after you saw them.
The women, two of them, viz: Mrs. Greegsby and Mrs. Graham, have
been rather ailing, but we hope they will very soon be well.
They have been attended to by the Ladies' Society, and are most
grateful for any attention they have received. The solitary
person, Mrs. Graves, has also been attended to; also her box
will be looked after. She is pretty well, but rather dull;
however, she will get friends and feel more at home by and bye.
Mrs. Wanzer is quite well; and also young William Henry
Sanderson. They are all of them in pretty good spirits, and I
have no doubt they will succeed in whatever business they take
up. In the mean time the men are chopping wood, and the ladies
are getting plenty sewing. We are always glad to see our colored
refugees safe here. I remain, dear sir,
yours respectfully,
AGNES WILLIS,
Treasurer to the Ladies' Society to aid colored refugees.
For a time Frank enjoyed his newly won freedom and happy bride with
bright prospects all around; but the thought of having left sisters and
other relatives in bondage was a source of sadness in the midst of his
joy. He was not long, however, in making up his mind that he would
deliver them or "die in the attempt." Deliberately forming his plans to
go South, he resolved to take upon himself the entire responsibility of
all the risks to be encountered. Not a word did he reveal to a living
soul of what he was about to undertake. With "twenty-two dollars" in
cash and "three pistols" in his pockets, he started in the lightning
train from Toronto for Virginia. On reaching Columbia in this State, he
deemed it not safe to go any further by public conveyance, consequently
he commenced his long journey on foot, and as he neared the slave
territory he traveled by night altogether. For two weeks, night and day,
he avoided trusting himself in any house, consequently was compelled to
lodge in the woods. Nevertheless, during that space of time he succeeded
in delivering one of his sisters and her husband, and another friend in
the bargain. You can scarcely imagine the Committee's amazement on his
return, as they looked upon him and listened to his "noble deeds of
daring" and his triumph. A more brave and self-possessed man they had
never seen.
He knew what Slavery was and the dangers surrounding him on his mission,
but possessing true courage unlike most men, he pictured no alarming
difficulties in a distance of nearly one thousand miles by the mail
route, through the enemy's country, where he might have in truth said,
"I could not pass without running the gauntlet of mobs and assassins,
prisons and penitentiaries, bailiffs and constables, &c." If this hero
had dwelt upon and magnified the obstacles in his way he would most
assuredly have kept off the enemy's country, and his sister and friends
would have remained in chains.
The following were the persons delivered by Frank Wanzer. They were his
trophies, and this noble act of Frank's should ever be held as a
memorial and honor. The Committee's brief record made on their arrival
runs thus:
"August 18, 1856. Frank Wanzer, Robert Stewart, alias Gasberry Robison,
Vincent Smith, alias John Jackson, Betsey Smith, wife of Vincent Smith,
alias Fanny Jackson. They all came from Alder, Loudon county, Virginia."
Robert is about thirty years of age, medium size, dark chestnut color,
intelligent and resolute. He was held by the widow Hutchinson, who was
also the owner of about one hundred others. Robert regarded her as a
"very hard mistress" until the death of her husband, which took place
the Fall previous to his escape. That sad affliction, he thought, was
the cause of a considerable change in her treatment of her slaves. But
yet "nothing was said about freedom," on her part. This reticence Robert
understood to mean, that she was still unconverted on this great
cardinal principle at least. As he could see no prospect of freedom
through her agency, when Frank approached him with a good report from
Canada and his friends there, he could scarcely wait to listen to the
glorious news; he was so willing and anxious to get out of slavery. His
dear old mother, Sarah Davis, and four brothers and two sisters,
William, Thomas, Frederick and Samuel, Violet and Ellen, were all owned
by Mrs. Hutchinson. Dear as they were to him, he saw no way to take them
with him, nor was he prepared to remain a day longer under the yoke; so
he decided to accompany Frank, let the cost be what it might.
Vincent is about twenty-three years of age, very "likely-looking," dark
color, and more than ordinarily intelligent for one having only the
common chances of slaves.
He was owned by the estate of Nathan Skinner, who was "looked upon," by
those who knew him, "as a good slave-holder." In slave property,
however, he was only interested to the number of twelve head. Skinner
"neither sold nor emancipated." A year and a half before Vincent
escaped, his master was called to give an account of his stewardship,
and there in the spirit land Vincent was willing to let him remain,
without much more to add about him.
Vincent left his mother, Judah Smith, and brothers and sisters, Edwin,
Angeline, Sina Ann, Adaline Susan, George, John and Lewis, all belonging
to the estate of Skinner.
Vincent was fortunate enough to bring his wife along with him. She was
about twenty-seven years of age, of a brown color, and smart, and was
owned by the daughter of the widow Hutchinson. This mistress was said to
be a "clever woman."
* * * * *
WILLIAM JORDON, ALIAS WILLIAM PRICE
Under Governor Badger, of North Carolina, William had experienced
Slavery in its most hateful form. True, he had only been twelve months
under the yoke of this high functionary. But William's experience in
this short space of time, was of a nature very painful.
Previous to coming into the governor's hands, William was held as the
property of Mrs. Mary Jordon, who owned large numbers of slaves. Whether
the governor was moved by this consideration, or by the fascinating
charms of Mrs. Jordon, or both, William was not able to decide. But the
governor offered her his hand, and they became united in wedlock. By
this circumstance, William was brought into his unhappy relations with
the Chief Magistrate of the State of North Carolina. This was the third
time the governor had been married. Thus it may be seen, that the
governor was a firm believer in wives as well as slaves. Commonly he was
regarded as a man of wealth. William being an intelligent piece of
property, his knowledge of the governor's rules and customs was quite
complete, as he readily answered such questions as were propounded to
him. In this way a great amount of interesting information was learned
from William respecting the governor, slaves, on the plantation, in the
swamps, etc. The governor owned large plantations, and was interested in
raising cotton, corn, and peas, and was also a practical planter. He was
willing to trust neither overseers nor slaves any further than he could
help.
The governor and his wife were both equally severe towards them; would
stint them shamefully in clothing and food, though they did not get
flogged quite as often as some others on neighboring plantations.
Frequently, the governor would be out on the plantation from early in
the morning till noon, inspecting the operations of the overseers and
slaves.
In order to serve the governor, William had been separated from his wife
by sale, which was the cause of his escape. He parted not with his
companion willingly. At the time, however, he was promised that he
should have some favors shown him;--could make over-work, and earn a
little money, and once or twice in the year, have the opportunity of
making visits to her. Two hundred miles was the distance between them.
He had not been long on the governor's plantation before his honor gave
him distinctly to understand that the idea of his going two hundred
miles to see his wife was all nonsense, and entirely out of the
question. "If I said so, I did not mean it," said his honor, when the
slave, on a certain occasion, alluded to the conditions on which he
consented to leave home, etc.
Against this cruel decision of the governor, William's heart revolted,
for he was warmly attached to his wife, and so he made up his mind, if
he could not see her "once or twice a year even," as he had been
promised, he had rather "die," or live in a "cave in the wood," than to
remain all his life under the governor's yoke. Obeying the dictates of
his feelings, he went to the woods. For ten months before he was
successful in finding the Underground Road, this brave-hearted young
fugitive abode in the swamps--three months in a cave--surrounded with
bears, wild cats, rattle-snakes and the like.
While in the swamps and cave, he was not troubled, however, about
ferocious animals and venomous reptiles. He feared only man!
From his own story there was no escaping the conclusion, that if the
choice had been left to him, he would have preferred at any time to have
encountered at the mouth of his cave a ferocious bear than his master,
the governor of North Carolina. How he managed to subsist, and
ultimately effected his escape, was listened to with the deepest
interest, though the recital of these incidents must here be very brief.
After night he would come out of his cave, and, in some instances, would
succeed in making his way to a plantation, and if he could get nothing
else, he would help himself to a "pig," or anything else he could
conveniently convert into food. Also, as opportunity would offer, a
friend of his would favor him with some meal, etc. With this mode of
living he labored to content himself until he could do better. During
these ten months he suffered indescribable hardships, but he felt that
his condition in the cave was far preferable to that on the plantation,
under the control of his Excellency, the Governor. All this time,
however, William had a true friend, with whom he could communicate; one
who was wide awake, and was on the alert to find a reliable captain from
the North, who would consent to take this "property," or "freight," for
a consideration. He heard at last of a certain Captain, who was then
doing quite a successful business in an Underground way. This good news
was conveyed to William, and afforded him a ray of hope in the
wilderness. As Providence would have it, his hope did not meet with
disappointment; nor did his ten months' trial, warring against the
barbarism of Slavery, seem too great to endure for Freedom. He was about
to leave his cave and his animal and reptile neighbors,--his heart
swelling with gladness,--but the thought of soon being beyond the reach
of his mistress and master thrilled him with inexpressible delight. He
was brought away by Captain F., and turned over to the Committee, who
were made to rejoice with him over the signal victory he had gained in
his martyr-like endeavors to throw off the yoke, and of course they took
much pleasure in aiding him. William was of a dark color, stout made
physically, and well knew the value of Freedom, and how to hate and
combat Slavery. It will be seen by the appended letter of Thomas
Garrett, that William had the good luck to fall into the hands of this
tried friend, by whom he was aided to Philadelphia:
WILMINGTON, 12th mo., 19th, 1855.
DEAR FRIEND, WILLIAM STILL:--The bearer of this is one of the
twenty-one that I thought had all gone North; he left home on
Christmas day, one year since, wandered about the forests of
North Carolina for about ten months, and then came here with
those forwarded to New Bedford, where he is anxious to go. I
have furnished him with a pretty good pair of boots, and gave
him money to pay his passage to Philadelphia. He has been at
work in the country near here for some three weeks, till taken
sick; he is, by no means, well, but thinks he had better try to
get farther North, which I hope his friends in Philadelphia will
aid him to do. I handed this morning Captain Lambson's[A] wife
twenty dollars to help fee a lawyer to defend him. She leaves
this morning, with her child, for Norfolk, to be at the trial
before the Commissioner on the 24th instant. Passmore Williamson
agreed to raise fifty dollars for him. As none came to hand, and
a good chance to send it by his wife, I thought best to advance
that much.
[Footnote A: Captain Lambson had been suspected of having aided
in the escape of slaves from the neighborhood of Norfolk, and
was in prison awaiting his trial.]
Thy friend,
THOS. GARRETT.
JOSEPH GRANT AND JOHN SPEAKS.
TWO PASSENGERS ON THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD, VIA LIVERPOOL.
It is to be regretted that, owing to circumstances, the account of these
persons has not been fully preserved. Could justice be done them,
probably their narratives would not be surpassed in interest by any
other in the history of fugitives. In 1857, when these remarkable
travelers came under the notice of the Vigilance Committee, as Slavery
seemed likely to last for generations, and there was but little
expectation that these records would ever have the historical value
which they now possess, care was not always taken to prepare and
preserve them. Besides, the cases coming under the notice of the
Committee, were so numerous and so interesting, that it seemed almost
impossible to do them anything like justice. In many instances the rapt
attention paid by friends, when listening to the sad recitals of such
passengers, would unavoidably consume so much time that but little
opportunity was afforded to make any record of them. Particularly was
this the case with regard to the above-mentioned individuals. The story
of each was so long and sad, that a member of the Committee in
attempting to write it out, found that the two narratives would take
volumes. That all traces, of these heroes might not be lost, a mere
fragment is all that was preserved.
The original names of these adventurers, were Joseph Grant and John
Speaks. Between two and three years before escaping, they were sold from
Maryland to John B. Campbell a negro trader, living in Baltimore, and
thence to Campbell's brother, another trader in New Orleans, and
subsequently to Daniel McBeans and Mr. Henry, of Harrison county,
Mississippi.
Though both had to pass through nearly the same trial, and belonged to
the same masters, this recital must be confined chiefly to the incidents
in the career of Joseph. He was about twenty-seven years of age, well
made, quite black, intelligent and self-possessed in his manner.
He was owned in Maryland by Mrs. Mary Gibson, who resided at St.
Michael's on the Eastern Shore. She was a _nice woman_ he said, but her
property was under mortgage and had to be sold, and he was in danger of
sharing the same fate.
Joseph was a married man, and spoke tenderly of his wife. She "promised"
him when he was sold that she would "never marry," and earnestly
entreated him, if he "ever met with the luck, to come and see her." She
was unaware perhaps at that time of the great distance that was to
divide them; his feelings on being thus sundered need not be stated.
However, he had scarcely been in Mississippi three weeks, ere his desire
to return to his wife, and the place of his nativity constrained him to
attempt to return; accordingly he set off, crossing a lake eighty miles
wide in a small boat, he reached Kent Island. There he was captured by
the watchman on the Island, who with _pistols, dirk and cutlass_ in
hand, threatened if he resisted that death would be his instant doom. Of
course he was returned to his master.
He remained there a few months, but could content himself no longer to
endure the ills of his condition. So he again started for home, walked
to Mobile, and thence he succeeded in stowing himself away in a
steamboat and was thus conveyed to Montgomery, a distance of five
hundred and fifty miles through solid slave territory. Again he was
captured and returned to his owners; one of whom always went for
immediate punishment, the other being mild thought persuasion the better
plan in such cases. On the whole, Joseph thus far had been pretty
fortunate, considering the magnitude of his offence.
A third time he summoned courage and steered his course homewards
towards Maryland, but as in the preceding attempts, he was again
unsuccessful.
In this instance Mr. Henry, the harsh owner, was exasperated, and the
mild one's patience so exhausted that they concluded that nothing short
of stern measures would cause Joe to reform. Said Mr. Henry; "_I had
rather lose my right arm than for him to get off without being punished,
after having put us to so much trouble_."
_Joseph_ will now speak for himself.
"He (master) sent the overseer to tie me. I told him I would not be
tied. I ran and stayed away four days, which made Mr. Henry very
anxious. Mr. Beans told the servants if they saw me, to tell me to come
back and I should not be hurt. Thinking that Mr. Beans had always stood
to his word, I was over persuaded and came back. He sent for me in his
parlor, talked the matter over, sent me to the steamboat (perhaps the
one he tried to escape on.) After getting cleverly on board the captain
told me, I am sorry to tell you, you have to be tied. I was tied and Mr.
Henry was sent for. He came; 'Well, I have got you at last, beg my
pardon and promise you will never run away again and I will not be so
hard on you.' I could not do it. He then gave me three hundred lashes
well laid on. I was stripped entirely naked, and my flesh was as raw as
a piece of beef. He made John (the companion who escaped with him) hold
one of my feet which I broke loose while being whipped, and when done
made him bathe me in salt and water.
"Then I resolved to 'go or die' in the attempt. Before starting, one
week, I could not work. On getting better we went to Ship Island; the
sailors, who were Englishmen, were very sorry to hear of the treatment
we had received, and counselled us how we might get free."
The counsel was heeded, and in due time they found themselves in
Liverpool. There their stay was brief. Utterly destitute of money,
education, and in a strange land, they very naturally turned their eyes
again in the direction of their native land. Accordingly their host, the
keeper of a sailor's boarding-house, shipped them to Philadelphia.
But to go back, Joseph saw many things in New Orleans and Mississippi of
a nature too horrible to relate, among which were the following:
I have seen Mr. Beans whip one of his slaves to death, at the tree to
which he was tied.
Mr. Henry would make them lie down across a log, stripped naked, and
with every stroke would lay the flesh open. Being used to it, some would
lie on the log without being tied.
In New Orleans, I have seen women stretched out just as naked as my
hand, on boxes, and given one hundred and fifty lashes, four men holding
them. I have helped hold them myself: when released they could hardly
sit or walk. This whipping was at the "_Fancy House_."
The "chain-gangs" he also saw in constant operation. Four and five
slaves chained together and at work on the streets, cleaning, &c., was a
common sight. He could hardly tell Sunday from Monday in New Orleans,
the slaves were kept so constantly going.
* * * * *
WILLIAM N. TAYLOR.
ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD.--Ran away from Richmond City on
Tuesday, the 2d of June, a negro man named WM. N. TAYLOR,
belonging to Mrs. Margaret Tyler of Hanover county.
[Illustration: ]
Said negro was hired to Fitzhugh Mayo, Tobacconist; is quite
black, of genteel and easy manners, about five feet ten or
eleven inches high, has one front tooth broken, and is about 35
years old.
He is supposed either to have made his escape North, or
attempted to do so. The above reward will be paid for his
delivery to Messrs. Hill and Rawlings, in Richmond, or secured
in jail, so that I get him again.
JAS. G. TYLER, Trustee for Margaret Tyler.
June 8th &c2t--
_Richmond Enquirer, June 9, 57_.
William unquestionably possessed a fair share of common sense, and just
enough distaste to Slavery to arouse him most resolutely to seek his
freedom.
The advertisement of James G. Tyler was not altogether accurate with
regard to his description of William; but notwithstanding, in handing
William down to posterity, the description of Tyler has been adopted
instead of the one engrossed in the records by the Committee. But as a
simple matter of fair play, it seems fitting, that the description given
by William, while on the Underground Rail Road, of his master, &c.,
should come in just here.
William acknowledged that he was the property of Walter H. Tyler,
brother of EX-PRESIDENT TYLER, who was described as follows: "He
(master) was about sixty-five years of age; was a barbarous man, very
intemperate, horse racer, chicken-cock fighter and gambler. He had owned
as high as forty head of slaves, but he had gambled them all away. He
was a doctor, circulated high amongst southerners, though he never lived
agreeably with his wife, would curse her and call her all kinds of names
that he should not call a lady. From a boy of nine up to the time I was
fifteen or sixteen, I don't reckon he whipped me less than a hundred
times. He shot at me once with a double-barrelled gun.
"What made me leave was because I worked for him all my life-time and he
never gave me but two dollars and fifteen cents in all his life. I was
hired out this year for two hundred dollars, but when I would go to him
to make complaints of hard treatment from the man I was hired to, he
would say: "G----d d----n it, don't come to me, all I want is my money."
"Mr. Tyler was a thin raw-boned man, with a long nose, the picture of
the president. His wife was a tolerably well-disposed woman in some
instances--she was a tall, thin-visaged woman, and stood high in the
community. Through her I fell into the hands of Tyler. At present she
owns about fifty slaves. His own slaves, spoken of as having been
gambled away, came by his father--he has been married the second time."
Twice William had been sold and bought in, on account of his master's
creditors, and for many months had been expecting to be sold again, to
meet pressing claims in the hands of the sheriff against Tyler. He, by
the way, "now lives in Hanover county, about eighteen miles from
Richmond, and for fear of the sheriff, makes himself very scarce in that
city."
At fourteen years of age, William was sold for eight hundred dollars; he
would have brought in 1857, probably twelve hundred and fifty dollars;
he was a member of the Baptist Church in good and regular standing.
* * * * *
LOUISA BROWN.
Louisa is a good-looking, well-grown, intelligent mulatto girl of
sixteen years of age, and was owned by a widow woman of Baltimore, Md.
To keep from being sold, she was prompted to try her fortune on the
U.G.R.R., for Freedom in Canada, under the protection of the British
Lion.
* * * * *
JACOB WATERS AND ALFRED GOULDEN.
Jacob is twenty-one years of age, dark chestnut color, medium size, and
of prepossessing manners. Fled from near Frederick, Md., from the
clutches of a farmer by the name of William Dorsey, who was described as
a severe master, and had sold two of Jacob's sisters, South, only three
years prior to his escape. Jacob left three brothers in chains.
Alfred is twenty-three years of age, in stature quite small, full black,
and bears the marks of ill usage. Though a member of the Methodist
Church, his master, Fletcher Jackson, "thought nothing of taking the
shovel to Alfred's head; or of knocking him, and stamping his head with
the heels of his boots." Repeatedly, of late, he had been shockingly
beaten. To escape those terrible visitations, therefore, he made up his
mind to seek a refuge in Canada.
* * * * *
ARRIVAL FROM BALTIMORE.
JEFFERSON PIPKINS, ALIAS DAVID JONES, LOUISA PIPKINS, ELIZABETH BRIT,
HARRIET BROWN, ALIAS JANE WOOTON, GRACY MURRY, ALIAS SOPHIA SIMS, EDWARD
WILLIAMS, ALIAS HENRY JOHNSON, CHAS. LEE, ALIAS THOMAS BUSHIER.
Six very clever-looking passengers, all in one party from Baltimore,
Md., the first Sunday in April, 1853. Baltimore used to be in the days
of Slavery one of the most difficult places in the South for even free
colored people to get away from, much more for slaves. The rule forbade
any colored person leaving there by rail road or steamboat, without such
applicant had been weighed, measured, and then given a bond signed by
unquestionable signatures, well known. Baltimore was rigid in the
extreme, and was a never-failing source of annoyance, trouble and
expense to colored people generally, and not unfrequently to
slave-holders too, when they were traveling North with "colored
servants." Just as they were ready to start, the "Rules" would forbid
colored servants until the law was complied with. Parties hurrying on
would on account of this obstruction "have to wait until their hurry was
over." As this was all done in the interest of Slavery, the matter was
not very loudly condemned. But, notwithstanding all this weighing,
measuring and requiring of bonds, many travelers by the Underground Rail
Road took passage from Baltimore.
The enterprising individual, whose name stands at the head of this
narrative, came directly from this stronghold of Slavery. The widow
Pipkins held the title deed for Jefferson. She was unfortunate in losing
him, as she was living in ease and luxury off of Jefferson's sweat and
labor. Louisa, Harriet and Grace owed service to Geo. Stewart of
Baltimore; Edward was owned by Chas. Moondo, and Chas. Lee by the above
Stewart.
Those who would have taken this party for stupid, or for know-nothings,
would have found themselves very much mistaken. Indeed they were far
from being dull or sleepy on the subject of Slavery at any rate. They
had considered pretty thoroughly how wrongfully they, with all others in
similar circumstances, had been year in and year out subjected to
unrequited toil so resolved to leave masters and mistresses to shift for
themselves, while they would try their fortunes in Canada.
Four of the party ranged in age from twenty to twenty-eight years of
age, and the other two from thirty-seven to forty. The Committee on whom
they called, rendered them due aid and advice, and forwarded them to the
Committee in New York.
The following letter from Jefferson, appealing for assistance on behalf
of his children in Slavery, was peculiarly touching, as were all similar
letters. But the mournful thought that these appeals, sighs, tears and
prayers would continue in most cases to be made till death, that nothing
could be done directly for the deliverance of such sufferers was often
as painful as the escape from the auction block was gratifying.
LETTER FROM JEFFERSON PIPKINS.
Sept. 28, 1856.
To WM. STILL. SIR:--I take the liberty of writing to you a few
lines concerning my children, for I am very anxious to get them
and I wish you to please try what you can do for me. Their names
are Charles and Patrick and are living with Mrs. Joseph G. Wray
Murphysborough Hartford county, North Carolina; Emma lives with
a Lawyer Baker in Gatesville North Carolina and Susan lives in
Portsmouth Virginia and is stopping with Dr. Collins sister a
Mrs. Nash you can find her out by enquiring for Dr. Collins at
the ferry boat at Portsmouth, and Rose a coloured woman at the
Crawford House can tell where she is. And I trust you will try
what you think will be the best way. And you will do me a great
favour.
Yours Respectfully,
JEFFERSON PIPKINS.
P.S. I am living at Yorkville near Toronto Canada West. My wife
sends her best respects to Mrs. Still.
* * * * *
SEVERAL ARRIVALS FROM DIFFERENT PLACES.
In order to economize time and space, with a view to giving an account
of as many of the travelers as possible, it seems expedient, where a
number of arrivals come in close proximity to each other, to report them
briefly, under one head.
Henry Anderson, _alias_ WILLIAM ANDERSON. In outward appearance Henry
was uninteresting. As he asserted, and as his appearance indicated, he
had experienced a large share of "rugged" usage. Being far in the South,
and in the hands of a brutal "Captain of a small boat," chances of
freedom or of moderate treatment, had rarely ever presented themselves
in any aspect. On the 3d of the preceding March he was sold to a negro
trader--the thought of having to live under a trader was so terrible, he
was moved to escape, leaving his wife, to whom he had only been married
three months. Henry was twenty-five years of age, quite black and a
little below the medium size.
He fled from Beaufort, North Carolina. The system of slavery in all the
region of country whence Henry came, exhibited generally great brutality
and cruelty.
CHARLES CONGO AND WIFE, MARGARET. Charles and his wife were fortunate in
managing to flee together. Their attachment to each other was evidently
true. They were both owned by a farmer, who went by the name of David
Stewart, and resided in Maryland. As Charles' owner did not require
their services at home, as he had more of that kind of stock than he had
use for--he hired them out to another farmer--Charles for $105 per
annum; how much for the wife they could not tell. She, however, was not
blessed with good health, though she was not favored any more on that
account. Charles' affection for his wife, on seeing how hard she had to
labor when not well, aroused him to seek their freedom by flight. He
resolved to spare no pains, to give himself no rest until they were both
free. Accordingly the Underground Rail Road was sought and found.
Charles was twenty-eight, with a good head and striking face, as well as
otherwise well made; chestnut color and intelligent, though unable to
read. Left two sisters in bondage. Margaret was about the same age as
her husband, a nice-looking brown-skinned woman; worth $500. Charles was
valued at $1200.
The atmosphere throughout the neighborhood where Charles and Margaret
had lived and breathed, and had their existence, was heavily oppressed
with slavery. No education for the freeman of color, much less for the
slave. The order of the day was literally, as far as colored men were
concerned: "No rights which white men were bound to respect."
Chaskey Brown, Wm. Henry Washington, James Alfred Frisley, and Charles
Henry Salter. Chaskey is about twenty-four years of age, quite black,
medium size, sound body and intelligent appearance, nevertheless he
resembled a "farm hand" in every particular. His master was known by the
name of Major James H. Gales, and he was the owner of a farm with
eighteen men, women and children, slaves to toil for him. The Major in
disposition was very abusive and profane, though old and grey-headed.
His wife was pretty much the same kind of a woman as he was a man; one
who delighted in making the slaves tremble at her bidding. Chaskey was a
member of the "Still Pond church," of Kent county, Md. Often Chaskey was
made to feel the lash on his back, notwithstanding his good standing in
the church. He had a wife and one child. In escaping, he was obliged to
leave them both. Chaskey was valued at $1200.
William Henry was about 20 years of age, and belonged to Doctor B.
Grain, of Baltimore, who hired him out to a farmer. Not relishing the
idea of having to work all his life in bondage, destitute of all
privileges, he resolved to seek a refuge in Canada. He left his mother,
four sisters and two brothers.
James is twenty-four years of age, well made, quite black and pretty
shrewd. He too was unable to see how it was that he should be worked,
and flogged, and sold, at the pleasure of his master and "getting
nothing;" he "had rather work for himself." His master was a
"_speckled-faced--pretty large stomach man_, but was not very abuseful."
He only owned one other.
Charles Henry is about thirty years of age, of good proportion,
nice-looking and intelligent; but to rough usage he was no stranger. To
select his own master was a privilege not allowed; privileges of all
kinds were rare with him. So he resolved to flee. Left his mother, three
sisters and five brothers in slavery. He was a member of "Albany
Chapel," at Massey's Cross Roads, and a slave of Dr. B. Crain. Charles
left his wife Anna, living near the head of Sassafras, Md. The
separation was painful, as was everything belonging to the system of
Slavery.
These were all gladly received by the Vigilance Committee, and the hand
of friendship warmly extended to them; and the best of counsel and
encouragement was offered; material aid, food and clothing were also
furnished as they had need, and they were sent on their way rejoicing to
Canada.
Stephen Taylor, Charles Brown, Charles Henry Hollis, and Luther Dorsey.
Stephen was a fine young man, of twenty years of age; he fled to keep
from being sold. He "supposed his master wanted money." His master was a
"tall, spare-faced man, with long whiskers, very wicked and very
quick-tempered," and was known by the name of James Smithen, of Sandy
Hook, Harford county, Md. His wife was also a very "close woman." They
had four children growing up to occupy their places as oppressors.
Stephen was not satisfied to serve either old or young masters any
longer, and made up his mind to leave the first opportunity. Before this
watchful and resolute purpose the way opened, and he soon found it
comparatively easy to find his way from Maryland to Pennsylvania, and
likewise into the hands of the Vigilance Committee, to whom he made
known fully the character of the place and people whence he had fled,
the dangers he was exposed to from slave-hunters, and the strong hope he
cherished of reaching free land soon. Being a young man of promise,
Stephen was advised earnestly to apply his mind to seek an education,
and to use every possible endeavor to raise himself in the scale of
manhood, morally, religiously and intellectually; and he seemed to drink
in the admonitions thus given with a relish. After recruiting, and all
necessary arrangements had been made for his comfort and passage to
Canada, he was duly forwarded. "One more slave-holder is minus another
slave worth at least $1200, which is something to rejoice over," said
Committee. Stephen's parents were dead; one brother was the only near
relative he left in chains.
Charles Brown was about twenty-five years of age, quite black, and bore
the marks of having been used hard, though his stout and hearty
appearance would have rendered him very desirable to a trader. He fled
from William Wheeling, of Sandy Hook, Md. He spoke of his master as a
"pretty bad man," who was "always quarreling," and "would drink, swear
and lie." Left simply because he "never got anything for his labor." On
taking his departure for Canada, he was called upon to bid adieu to his
mother and three brothers, all under the yoke. His master he describes
thus--
"His face was long, cheek-bones high, middling tall, and about
twenty-six years of age." With this specimen of humanity, Charles was
very much dissatisfied, and he made up his mind not to stand the burdens
of Slavery a day longer than he could safely make his way to the North.
And in making an effort to reach Canada, he was quite willing to suffer
many things. So the first chance Charles got, he started, and Providence
smiled upon his resolution; he found himself a joyful passenger on the
Underground Rail Road, being entertained free, and receiving attentions
from the Company all along the line through to her British Majesty's
boundlessly free territory in the Canadas.
True, the thought of his mother and brothers, left in the prison house,
largely marred his joy, as it did also the Committee's, still the
Committee felt that Charles had gained his Freedom honorably, and at the
same time, had left his master a poorer, if not a wiser man, by at least
$1200.
Charles Henry was a good-looking young man, only twenty years of age,
and appeared to possess double as much natural sense as he would require
to take care of himself. John Webster of Sandy Hook, claimed Charles'
time, body and mind, and this was what made Charles unhappy. Uneducated
as he was, he was too sensible to believe that Webster had any God-given
right to his manhood. Consequently, he left because his master "did not
treat him right." Webster was a tall man, with large black whiskers,
about forty years of age, and owned Charles' two sisters. Charles was
sorry for the fate of his sisters, but he could not help them if he
remained. Staying to wear the yoke, he felt would rather make it worse
instead of better for all concerned.
Luther Dorsey is about nineteen years of age, rather smart, black, well
made and well calculated for a Canadian. He was prompted to escape
purely from the desire to be "_free_." He fled from a "very insulting
man," by the name of Edward Schriner, from the neighborhood of
Sairsville Mills, Frederick Co., Md. This Schriner was described as a
"low chunky man, with grum look, big mouth, etc.," and was a member of
the German Reformed Church. "Don't swear, though might as well; he was
so bad other ways."
Luther was a member of the Methodist church at Jones Hill. Left his
father in chains; his mother had wisely escaped to Canada years back,
when he was but a boy. Where she was then, he could not tell, but hoped
to meet her in Canada.
* * * * *
ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND.
JEREMIAH W. SMITH AND WIFE JULIA.
Richmond was a city noted for its activity and enterprise in slave
trade. Several slave pens and prisons were constantly kept up to
accommodate the trade. And slave auctions were as common in Richmond as
dress goods auctions in Philadelphia; notwithstanding this fact, strange
as it may seem, the Underground Rail Road brought away large numbers of
passengers from Richmond, Petersburg and Norfolk, and not a few of them
lived comparatively within a hair's breadth of the auction block. Many
of those from these localities were amongst the most intelligent and
respectable slaves in the South, and except at times when disheartened
by some grave disaster which had befallen the road, as, for instance,
when some friendly captain or conductor was discovered in aiding
fugitives, many of the thinking bondmen were daily manoeuvering and
watching for opportunities to escape or aid their friends so to do. This
state of things of course made the naturally hot blood of Virginians
fairly boil. They had preached long and loudly about the contented and
happy condition of the slaves,--that the chief end of the black man was
to worship and serve the white man, with joy and delight, with more
willingness and obedience indeed than he would be expected to serve his
Maker. So the slave-holders were utterly at a loss to account for the
unnatural desire on the part of the slaves to escape to the North where
they affirmed they would be far less happy in freedom than in the hands
of those so "kind and indulgent towards them." Despite all this, daily
the disposition increased, with the more intelligent slaves, to distrust
the statements of their masters especially when they spoke against the
North. For instance if the master was heard to curse Boston the slave
was then satisfied that Boston was just the place he would like to go
to; or if the master told the slave that the blacks in Canada were
freezing and starving to death by hundreds, his hope of trying to reach
Canada was made tenfold stronger; he was willing to risk all the
starving and freezing that the country could afford; his eagerness to
find a conductor then would become almost painful.
The situations of Jeremiah and Julia Smith, however, were not considered
very hard, indeed they had fared rather better than most slaves in
Virginia, nevertheless it will be seen that they desired to better their
condition, to keep off of the auction-block at least. Jeremiah could
claim to have no mixture in his blood, as his color was of such a pure
black; but with the way of the world, in respect to shrewdness and
intelligence, he had evidently been actively conversant. He was about
twenty-six years of age, and in stature only medium, with poor health.
The name of James Kinnard, whom he was obliged to call master and serve,
was disgusting to him. Kinnard, he said, was a "close and severe man."
At the same time he was not considered by the community "a hard man."
From the age of fifteen years Jeremiah had been hired out, for which his
owner had received from $50 to $130 per annum. In consequence of his
master's custom of thus letting out Jeremiah, the master had avoided
doctors' bills, &c. For the last two years prior to his escape, however,
Jeremiah's health had been very treacherous, in consequence of which the
master had been compelled to receive only $50 a year, sick or well.
About one month before Jeremiah left, he was to have been taken on his
master's farm, with the hope that he could be made more profitable there
than he was in being hired out.
His owner had thought once of selling him, perhaps fearing that Jeremiah
might unluckily die on his hands. So he put him in prison and
advertised; but as he had the asthma pretty badly at that time, he was
not saleable, the traders even declined to buy him.
While these troubles were presenting themselves to Jeremiah, Julia, his
wife, was still more seriously involved, which added to Jeremiah's
perplexities, of course.
Julia was of a dark brown color, of medium size, and thirty years of
age. Fourteen years she had been the slave of A. Judson Crane, and under
him she had performed the duties of nurse, chamber-maid, etc.,
"faithfully and satisfactorily," as the certificate furnished her by
this owner witnessed. She actually possessing a certificate, which he,
Crane, gave her to enable her to find a new master, as she was then
about to be sold. Her master had experienced a failure in business. This
was the reason why she was to be sold.
Mrs. Crane, her mistress, had always promised Julia that she should be
free at her death. But, unexpectedly, as Mrs. Crane was on her journey
home from Cape May, where she had been for her health the summer before
Julia escaped, she died suddenly in Philadelphia. Julia, however, had
been sold twice before her mistress' death; once to the trader, Reed,
and afterwards to John Freeland, and again was on the eve of being sold.
Freeland, her last owner, thought she was unhappy because she was denied
the privilege of going home of nights to her husband, instead of being
on hand at the beck and call of her master and mistress day and night.
So the very day Julia and her husband escaped, arrangements had been
made to put her up at auction a third time. But both Julia and her
husband had seen enough of Slavery to leave no room to hope that they
could ever find peace or rest so long as they remained. So there and
then, they resolved to strike for Canada, via the Underground Rail Road.
By a little good management, berths were procured for them on one of the
Richmond steamers (berths not known to the officers of the boat), and
they were safely landed in the hands of the Vigilance Committee, and a
most agreeable interview was had.
The Committee extended to them the usual hospitalities, in the way of
board, accommodations, and free tickets Canadaward, and wished them a
safe and speedy passage. The passengers departed, exceedingly
light-hearted, Feb. 1, 1854.
* * * * *
EIGHT ARRIVALS:
JAMES MASSEY, PERRY HENRY TRUSTY, GEORGE RHOADS, JAMES RHOADS, GEORGE
WASHINGTON, SARAH ELIZABETH RHOADS AND CHILD, MARY ELIZABETH STEVENSON.
Doubtless there was a sensation in "the camp," when this gang was found
missing.
James was a likely-looking young man of twenty years of age, dark, tall,
and sensible; and worth, if we may judge, about $1,600. He was owned by
a farmer named James Pittman, a "crabid kind of a man," grey-headed,
with a broken leg; drank very hard, at which times he would swear that
he would "sell them all to Georgia;" this threat was always unpleasant
to the ears of James, but it seemed to be a satisfaction to the master.
Fearing that it would be put into execution, James thought he had better
let no time be lost in getting on towards Canada, though he was entitled
to his Freedom at the age of twenty-five. Left his father, four brothers
and two sisters. Also left his wife, to whom he had been married the
previous Christmas.
His master's further stock of slaves consisted of two women, a young man
and a child. The name of his old mistress was Amelia. She was "right
nice," James admitted. One of James' brothers had been sold to Georgia
by Pittman, although he was also entitled to his Freedom at the age of
twenty-five.
His near relatives left in bondage lived near Level Square, Queen Ann's
county, Maryland. His wife's name was Henrietta. "She was free."
Interesting letter from James Massey to his wife. It was forwarded to
the corresponding secretary, to be sent to her, but no opportunity was
afforded so to do, safely.
ST. CATHARINES, C.W., April 24, 1857.
Dear Wife--I take this opertunity to inform you that I have
Arive in St Catharines this Eving. After Jorney of too weeks,
and now find mysilf on free ground and wish that you was here
with me But you are not here, when we parted I did not know that
I should come away so soon as I did. But for that of causin you
pain I left as I did, I hope that you will try to come. But if
you cannot, write to me as soon as you can and tell me all that
you can But don't be Desscuredged I was sory to leave you, and I
could not help it for you know that I promest see you to sister,
But I was persuaded By Another man go part with it grived mutch,
you must not think that I did not care for you. I cannot tell
how I come, for I was some times on the earth and some times
under the earth Do not Bee afraid to come But start and keep
trying, if you are afrid fitch your tow sister with you for
compeny and I will take care of you and treat you like a lady so
long as you live. The talk of cold in this place is all a
humbug, it is wormer here than it was there when I left, your
father and mother has allways treated me like their own child I
have no fault to find in them. I send my Respects to them Both
and I hope that they will remember me in Prayer, if you make a
start come to Philidelpa tell father and mother that I am safe
and hope that they will not morn after me I shall ever Remember
them. No more at present But yours in Body and mind, and if we
no meet on Earth I hope that we shall meet in heven.
Your husbern.
Good night.
JAME MASEY.
Perry was about thirty-one years of age, round-made, of dark complexion,
and looked quite gratified with his expedition, and the prospect of
becoming a British subject instead of a Maryland slave. He was not free,
however, from the sad thought of having left his wife and three children
in the "_prison house_," nor of the fact that his own dear mother was
brutally stabbed to the heart with a butcher knife by her young master,
while he (Perry) was a babe; nor of a more recent tragedy by which a
fellow-servant, only a short while before he fled, was also murdered by
a stab in the groin from another young master. "Powerful bad" treatment,
and "no pay," was the only reward poor Perry had ever received for his
life services. Perry could only remember his having received from his
master, in all, eleven cents. Left a brother and sister in Slavery.
Perry was worth $1200 perhaps.
Perry was compelled to leave his wife and three children--namely, Hannah
(wife), Perry Henry, William Thomas and Alexander, who were owned by
John McGuire, of Caroline county, Maryland. Perry was a fellow-servant
of James Massey, and was held by the same owner who held James. It is
but just, to say, that it was not in the Pittman family that his mother
and his fellow-servant had been so barbarously murdered. These
occurrences took place before they came into the hands of Pittman.
The provocation for which his fellow-servant was killed, was said to be
very trifling. In a moment of rage, his young master, John Piper,
plunged the blade of a small knife into Perry's groin, which resulted in
his death twenty-six hours afterwards. For one day only the young master
kept himself concealed, then he came forward and said he "did it in
self-defense," and there the matter ended. The half will never be told
of the barbarism of Slavery.
Perry's letter subjoined, explains where he went, and how his mind was
occupied with thoughts of his wife, children and friends.
ST. CATHARINES, C.W. June 21, 1857.
DEAR SIR.--I take this opportunity to inform you that I am well
at present, and hope that these few lines may find you injoying
the same Blessing, I have Been for some time now, But have not
written to you Before, But you must Excuse me. I want you to
give my Respects to all my inquiring friends and to my wife, I
should have let you know But I was afraid and all three of my
little children too, P.H. Trusty if he was mine Wm. T. Trusty
and to Alexander I have been A man agge But was assurd nuthin,
H. Trusty, a hard grand citt. I should lie know how times is,
Henry Turner if you get this keep it and read it to yourself and
not let any one else But yourself, tell ann Henry, Samuel Henry,
Jacob Bryant, Wm Claton, Mr James at Almira Receved at Mr Jones
house the Best I could I have Been healthy since I arrived here.
My Best Respect to all and my thanks for past favours. No more
at present But Remain youre obedented Servent &c.
HENRY TRUSTY.
Please send me an answer as son as you get this, and, oblige
yours,
MR TRUSTY.
George Rhoads is a young man of twenty-five years of age, chestnut
color, face round, and hating Slavery heartily. He had come from under
the control of John P. Dellum a farmer, and a crabbed master, who "would
swear very much when crossed, and would drink moderately every day,"
except sometimes he would "take a _spree_," and would then get pretty
high. Withal he was a member of the Presbyterian church at Perryville,
Maryland; he was a single man and followed farming. Within the last two
or three years, he had sold a man and woman; hence, George thought it
was time to take warning. Accordingly he felt it to be his duty to try
for Canada, via Underground Rail Road. As his master had always declared
that if one run off, he would sell the rest to Georgia, George very
wisely concluded that as an effort would have to be made, they had
better leave their master with as "few as possible to be troubled with
selling." Consequently, a consultation was had between the brothers,
which resulted in the exit of a party of eight. The market price for
George would be about $1400. A horrid example professed Christians set
before the world, while holding slaves and upholding Slavery.
James Rhoads, brother of George, was twenty-three years of age, medium
size, dark color, intelligent and manly, and would doubtless have
brought, in the Richmond market, $1700. Fortunately he brought his wife
and child with him. James was also held by the same task-master who held
George. Often had he been visited with severe stripes, and had borne his
full share of suffering from his master.
George Washington, one of the same party, was only about fifteen years
of age; he was tall enough, however, to pass for a young man of twenty.
George was of an excellent, fast, dark color. Of course, mentally he was
undeveloped, nevertheless, possessed of enough mother-wit to make good
his escape. In the slave market he might have been valued at $800.
George was claimed as the lawful property of Benjamin Sylves--a
Presbyterian, who owned besides, two men, three girls, and a boy. He was
"tolerable good" sometimes, and sometimes "bad." Some of the slaves
supposed themselves to be on the eve of being emancipated about the time
George left; but of this there was no certainty. George, however, was
not among this hopeful number, consequently, he thought that he would
start in time, and would be ready to shout for Freedom quite as soon as
any other of his fellow-bondmen. George left a father and three sisters.
Sarah Elizabeth Rhoads, wife of James Rhoads, was seventeen years of
age, a tall, dark, young woman, who had had no chances for mental
improvement, except such as were usual on a farm, stocked with slaves,
where learning to read the Bible was against the "rules." Sarah was a
young slave mother with a babe (of course a slave) only eight months
old. She was regarded as having been exceedingly fortunate in having
rescued herself and child from the horrid fate of slaves.
MARY ELIZABETH STEPHENSON is a promising-looking young woman, of twenty
years of age, chestnut color, and well made. Hard treatment had been her
lot. Left her mother, two sisters and four brothers in bondage. Worth
$1100.
Although these travelers were of the "field hand" class, who had never
been permitted to see much off of the farm, and had been deprived of
hearing intelligent people talk, yet the spirit of Freedom, so natural
to man, was quite uppermost with all of them. The members of the
Committee who saw them, were abundantly satisfied that these candidates
for Canada would prove that they were able to "take care of themselves."
Their wants were attended to in the usual manner, and they were sent on
their way rejoicing, the Committee feeling quite a deep interest in
them. It looked like business to see so many passing over the Road.
* * * * *
CHARLES THOMPSON,
CARRIER OF "THE NATIONAL AMERICAN," OFF FOR CANADA.
The subjoined "pass" was brought to the Underground Rail Road station in
Philadelphia by Charles, and while it was interesting as throwing light
upon his escape, it is important also as a specimen of the way the
"pass" system was carried on in the dark days of Slavery in Virginia:
"NAT. AMERICAN OFFICE,
Richmond, July 20th, 1857.
Permit Charles to pass and repass from this office to the
residence of Rev B. Manly's on Clay St., near 11th, at any hour
of the night for one month.
WM. W. HARDWICK."
It is a very short document, but it used to be very unsafe for a slave
in Richmond, or any other Southern city, to be found out in the evening
without a legal paper of this description. The penalties for being found
unprepared to face the police were fines, imprisonment and floggings.
The satisfaction it seemed always to afford these guardians of the city
to find either males or females trespassing in this particular, was
unmistakable. It gave them (the police) the opportunity to prove to
those they served (slaveholders), that they were the right men in the
right place, guarding their interests. Then again they got the fine for
pocket money, and likewise the still greater pleasure of administering
the flogging. Who would want an office, if no opportunity should turn up
whereby proof could be adduced of adequate qualifications to meet
emergencies? But Charles was too wide awake to be caught without his
pass day or night. Consequently he hung on to it, even after starting on
his voyage to Canada. He, however, willingly surrendered it to a member
of the Committee at his special request.
But in every way Charles was quite a remarkable man. It afforded the
Committee great pleasure to make his acquaintance, and much practical
and useful information was gathered from his story, which was felt to be
truthful.
The Committee feeling assured that this "chattel" must have been the
subject of much inquiry and anxiety from the nature of his former
position, as a prominent piece of property, as a member of the Baptist
church, as taking "first premiums" in making tobacco, and as a paper
carrier in the National American office, felt called upon to note fully
his movements before and after leaving Richmond.
In stature he was medium size, color quite dark, hair long and
bushy--rather of a raw-boned and rugged appearance, modest and
self-possessed; with much more intelligence than would be supposed from
first observation. On his arrival, ere he had "shaken hands with the
(British) Lion's paw," (which he was desirous of doing), or changed the
habiliments in which he escaped, having listened to the recital of his
thrilling tale, and wishing to get it word for word as it flowed
naturally from his brave lips, at a late hour of the night a member of
the Committee remarked to him, with pencil in hand, that he wanted to
take down some account of his life. "Now," said he, "we shall have to be
brief. Please answer as correctly as you can the following questions:"
"How old are you?" "Thirty-two years old the 1st day of last June."
"Were you born a slave?" "Yes." "How have you been treated?" "Badly all
the time for the last twelve years." "What do you mean by being treated
badly?" "Have been whipped, and they never give me anything; some people
give their servants at Christmas a dollar and a half and two dollars,
and some five, but my master would never give me anything." "What was
the name of your master?" "Fleming Bibbs." "Where did he live?" "In
Caroline county, fifty miles above Richmond." "What did he do?" "He was
a farmer." "Did you ever live with him?" "Never did; always hired me
out, and then I couldn't please him." "What kind of a man was he?" "A
man with a very severe temper; would drink at all times, though would do
it slyly." "Was he a member of any church?" "Baptist church--would curse
at his servants as if he wern't in any church." "Were his family members
of church, too?" "Yes." "What kind of family had he?" "His wife was a
tolerable fair woman, but his sons were dissipated, all of them
_rowdies_ and _gamblers. His sons has had children by the servants. One
of his daughters had a child by his grandson last April_. They are
traders, buy and sell."
"How many slaves did he own?" "Sam, Richmond, Henry, Dennis, Jesse,
Addison, Hilliard, Jenny, Lucius, Julia, Charlotte, Easte, Joe, Taylor,
Louisa, two more small children and Jim." Did any of them know that you
were going to leave? "No, I saw my brother Tuesday, but never told him a
word about it." "What put it into your head to leave?" "It was bad
treatment; for being put in jail for sale the 7th of last January; was
whipped in jail and after I came out the only thing they told me was
that I had been selling newspapers about the streets, and was half
free."
"Where did you live then?" "In Richmond, Va.; for twenty-two years I
have been living out." "How much did your master receive a year for your
hire?" "From sixty-five to one hundred and fifty dollars." "Did you have
to find yourself?" "The people who hired me found me. The general rule
is in Richmond, for a week's board, seventy-five cents is allowed; if he
gets any more than that he has got to find it himself." "How about
Sunday clothing?" "Find them yourself?" "How about a house to live in?"
"Have that to find yourself." "Suppose you have a wife and family." "It
makes no difference, they don't allow you anything for that at all."
"Suppose you are sick who pays your doctor's bill?" "He (master) pays
that." "How do you manage to make a little extra money?" "By getting up
before day and carrying out papers and doing other jobs, cleaning up
single men's rooms and the like of that." "What have you been employed
at in Richmond?" "Been working in tobacco factory in general; this year
I was hired at a printing-office. The National American. I carried
papers." "Had you a wife?" "I did, but her master was a very bad man and
was opposed to me, and was against my coming to his place to see my
wife, and he persuaded her to take another husband in preference to me;
being in his hands she took his advice." "How long ago was that?" "Very
near twelve months; she got married last fall." "Had you any children?"
"Yes." "How many?" "Five." "Where are they?" "Three are with Joel Luck,
her master, one with his sister Eliza, and the other belongs to Judge
Hudgins, of Bowling Green Court House." "Do you ever expect to see them
again?" "No, not till the day of the Great I am!" "Did you ever have any
chance of schooling?" "Not a day in my life." "Can you read?" "No, sir,
nor write my own name." "What do you think of Slavery any how?" "I think
it's a great curse, and I think the _Baptists_ in _Richmond_ will go to
the deepest hell, if there is any, for they are so wicked they will work
you all day and part of the night, and _wear cloaks and long faces_, and
try to get all the work out of you they can by telling you about Jesus
Christ. All the extra money you make they think you will give to hear
talk about Jesus Christ. Out of their extra money they have to pay a
white man _Five hundred dollars a year for preaching_." "What kind of
preaching does he give them?" "He tells them if they die in their sins
they will go to hell; don't tell them any thing about their elevation;
he would tell them obey their masters and mistresses, for good servants
make good masters." "Did you belong to the Baptist Church?" "Yes, Second
Baptist Church." "Did you feel that the preaching you heard was the true
Gospel?" "One part of it, and one part burnt me as bad as ever insult
did. They would tell us that we must take money out of our pockets to
send it to Africa, to enlighten the African race. I think that we were
about as blind in Richmond as the African race is in Africa. All they
want you to know, is to have sense enough to say master and mistress,
and _run_ like lightning, when they speak to you, to do exactly what
they want you to do," "When you made up your mind to escape, where did
you think you would go to?" "I made up my mind not to stop short of the
British protection; to shake hands with the _Lion's_ paw." "Were you not
afraid of being captured on the way, of being devoured by the
abolitionists, or of freezing and starving in Canada?" "Well, I had
often thought that I would be in a bad condition to come here, without
money and clothes, but I made up my mind to come, live or die." "What
are your impressions from what little you have seen of Freedom?" "I
think it is intended for all men, and all men ought to have it."
"Suppose your master was to appear before you, and offer you the
privilege of returning to Slavery or death on the spot, which would be
your choice?" "_Die right there_. I made up my mind before I started."
"Do you think that many of the slaves are anxious about their Freedom?"
"The third part of them ain't anxious about it, because the white people
have _blinded_ them, telling about the North,--they _can't live here_;
telling them that the people are worse off than they are there; they say
that the 'niggers' in the North have no houses to live in, stand about
freezing, dirty, no clothes to wear. They all would be very glad to get
their time, but want to stay where they are." Just at this point of the
interview, the hour of midnight admonished us that it was time to
retire. Accordingly, said Mr. Thompson, "I guess we had better close,"
adding, if he "could only write, he could give seven volumes!" Also,
said he, "give my best respects to Mr. W.W. Hardwicke, and Mr. Perry in
the National American office, and tell them _I wish they will pay the
two boys who carry the papers for me, for they are as ignorant of this
matter as you are_."
Charles was duly forwarded to Canada to shake hands with the Lion's paw,
and from the accounts which came from him to the Committee, he was
highly delighted. The following letter from him afforded gratifying
evidence, that he neither forgot his God nor his friends in freedom:
DETROIT, Sept. 17, 1862.
DEAR BROTHER IN CHRIST--It affords me the greatest pleasure
imaginable in the time I shall occupy in penning these few lines
to you and your dear loving wife, not because I can write them
to you myself, but for the love and regard I have for you, for I
never can forget a man who will show kindness to his neighbor
when in distress. I remember when I was in distress and out of
doors, you took me in; I was hungry, and you fed me; for these
things God will reward you, dear brother. I am getting along as
well as I can expect. Since I have been out here, I have
endeavored to make every day tell for itself, and I can say, no
doubt, what a great many men cannot say, that I have made good
use of all the time that God has given me, and not one week has
been spent in idleness. Brother William, I expect to visit you
some time next summer to sit and have a talk with you and Mrs.
Still. I hope to see that time, if it is God's will. You will
remember me, with my wife, to Mrs. Still. Give my best respects
to all inquiring friends, and believe me to be yours forever.
Well wishes both soul and body. Please write to me sometimes.
C.W. THOMPSON.
* * * * *
BLOOD FLOWED FREELY.
ABRAM GALLOWAY AND RICHARD EDEN, TWO PASSENGERS SECRETED IN A VESSEL
LOADED WITH SPIRITS OF TURPENTINE. SHROUDS PREPARED TO PREVENT BEING
SMOKED TO DEATH.
The Philadelphia branch of the Underground Rail Road was not fortunate
in having very frequent arrivals from North Carolina. Of course such of
her slave population as managed to become initiated in the mysteries of
traveling North by the Underground Rail Road were sensible enough to
find out nearer and safer routes than through Pennsylvania. Nevertheless
the Vigilance Committee of Philadelphia occasionally had the pleasure of
receiving some heroes who were worthy to be classed among the bravest of
the brave, no matter who they may be who have claims to this
distinction.
In proof of this bold assertion the two individuals whose names stand at
the beginning of this chapter are presented. Abram was only twenty-one
years of age, mulatto, five feet six inches high, intelligent and the
picture of good health. "What was your master's name?" inquired a member
of the Committee. "Milton Hawkins," answered Abram. "What business did
Milton Hawkins follow?" again queried said member. "He was chief
engineer on the Wilmington and Manchester Rail Road" (not a branch of
the Underground Rail Road), responded Richard. "Describe him," said the
member. "He was a slim built, tall man with whiskers. He was a man of
very good disposition. I always belonged to him; he owned three. He
always said he would sell before he would use a whip. His wife was a
very mean woman; she would whip contrary to his orders." "Who was your
father?" was further inquired. "John Wesley Galloway," was the prompt
response. "Describe your father?" "He was captain of a government
vessel; he recognized me as his son, and protected me as far as he was
allowed so to do; he lived at Smithfield, North Carolina. Abram's
master, Milton Hawkins, lived at Wilmington, N.C." "What prompted you to
escape?" was next asked. "Because times were hard and I could not come
up with my wages as I was required to do, so I thought I would try and
do better." At this juncture Abram explained substantially in what sense
times were hard, &c. In the first place he was not allowed to own
himself; he, however, preferred hiring his time to serving in the usual
way. This favor was granted Abram; but he was compelled to pay $15 per
month for his time, besides finding himself in clothing, food, paying
doctor bills, and a head tax of $15 a year.
[Illustration: HON. ABRAM GALLOWAY]
Even under this master, who was a man of very good disposition, Abram
was not contented. In the second place, he "always thought Slavery was
wrong," although he had "never suffered any personal abuse." Toiling
month after month the year round to support his master and not himself,
was the one intolerable thought. Abram and Richard were intimate
friends, and lived near each other. Being similarly situated, they could
venture to communicate the secret feelings of their hearts to each
other. Richard was four years older than Abram, with not quite so much
Anglo-Saxon blood in his veins, but was equally as intelligent, and was
by trade, a "fashionable barber," well-known to the ladies and gentlemen
of Wilmington. Richard owed service to Mrs. Mary Loren, a widow. "She
was very kind and tender to all her slaves." "If I was sick," said
Richard, "she would treat me the same as a mother would." She was the
owner of twenty, men, women and children, who were all hired out, except
the children too young for hire. Besides having his food, clothing and
doctor's expenses to meet, he had to pay the "very kind and
tender-hearted widow" $12.50 per month, and head tax to the State,
amounting to twenty-five cents per month. It so happened, that Richard
at this time, was involved in a matrimonial difficulty. Contrary to the
laws of North Carolina, he had lately married a free girl, which was an
indictable offence, and for which the penalty was then in soak for
him--said penalty to consist of thirty-nine lashes, and imprisonment at
the discretion of the judge.
So Abram and Richard put their heads together, and resolved to try the
Underground Rail Road. They concluded that liberty was worth dying for,
and that it was their duty to strike for Freedom even if it should cost
them their lives. The next thing needed, was information about the
Underground Rail Road. Before a great while the captain of a schooner
turned up, from Wilmington, Delaware. Learning that his voyage extended
to Philadelphia, they sought to find out whether this captain was true
to Freedom. To ascertain this fact required no little address. It had to
be done in such a way, that even the captain would not really understand
what they were up to, should he be found untrue. In this instance,
however, he was the right man in the right place, and very well
understood his business.
Abram and Richard made arrangements with him to bring them away; they
learned when the vessel would start, and that she was loaded with tar,
rosin, and spirits of turpentine, amongst which the captain was to
secrete them. But here came the difficulty. In order that slaves might
not be secreted in vessels, the slave-holders of North Carolina had
procured the enactment of a law requiring all vessels coming North to be
smoked.
To escape this dilemma, the inventive genius of Abram and Richard soon
devised a safe-guard against the smoke. This safe-guard consisted in
silk oil cloth shrouds, made large, with drawing strings, which, when
pulled over their heads, might be drawn very tightly around their
waists, whilst the process of smoking might be in operation. A bladder
of water and towels were provided, the latter to be wet and held to
their nostrils, should there be need. In this manner they had determined
to struggle against death for liberty. The hour approached for being at
the wharf. At the appointed time they were on hand ready to go on the
boat; the captain secreted them, according to agreement. They were ready
to run the risk of being smoked to death; but as good luck would have
it, the law was not carried into effect in this instance, so that the
"smell of smoke was not upon them." The effect of the turpentine,
however, of the nature of which they were totally ignorant, was worse,
if possible, than the smoke would have been. The blood was literally
drawn from them at every pore in frightful quantities. But as heroes of
the bravest type they resolved to continue steadfast as long as a pulse
continued to beat, and thus they finally conquered.
The invigorating northern air and the kind treatment of the Vigilance
Committee acted like a charm upon them, and they improved very rapidly
from their exhaustive and heavy loss of blood. Desiring to retain some
memorial of them, a member of the Committee begged one of their silk
shrouds, and likewise procured an artist to take the photograph of one
of them; which keepsakes have been valued very highly. In the regular
order of arrangements the wants of Abram and Richard were duly met by
the Committee, financially and otherwise, and they were forwarded to
Canada. After their safe arrival in Canada, Richard addressed a member
of the Committee thus:
KINGSTON, July 20, 1857.
MR. WILLIAM STILL--_Dear Friend_:--I take the opertunity of
wrighting a few lines to let you no that we air all in good
health hoping thos few lines may find you and your family
engoying the same blessing. We arived in King all saft Canada
West Abram Galway gos to work this morning at $1.75 per day and
John pediford is at work for mr george mink and i will opne a
shop for my self in a few days My wif will send a daugretipe to
your cair whitch you will pleas to send on to me Richard Edons
to the cair of George Mink Kingston C W
Yours with Respect,
RICHARD EDONS.
Abram, his comrade, allied himself faithfully to John Bull until Uncle
Sam became involved in the contest with the rebels. In this hour of need
Abram hastened back to North Carolina to help fight the battles of
Freedom. How well he acted his part, we are not informed. We only know
that, after the war was over, in the reconstruction of North Carolina,
Abram was promoted to a seat in its Senate. He died in office only a few
months since. The portrait is almost a "fac-simile."
* * * * *
JOHN PETTIFOOT.
Anglo-African and Anglo-Saxon were about equally mixed in the
organization of Mr. Pettifoot. His education, with regard to books, was
quite limited. He had, however, managed to steal the art of reading and
writing, to a certain extent. Notwithstanding the Patriarchal
Institution of the South, he was to all intents and purposes a rebel at
heart, consequently he resolved to take a trip on the Underground Rail
Road to Canada. So, greatly to the surprise of those whom he was
serving, he was one morning inquired for in vain. No one could tell what
had become of Jack no more than if he had vanished like a ghost.
Doubtless Messrs. McHenry and McCulloch were under the impression that
newspapers and money possessed great power and could, under the
circumstances, be used with entire effect. The following advertisement
is evidence, that Jack was much needed at the tobacco factory.
$100 REWARD--For the apprehension and delivery to us of a
MULATTO MAN, named John Massenberg, or John Henry Pettifoot, who
has been passing as free, under the name of Sydney. He is about
5 feet 6 or 8 inches high, spare made, bright, with a bushy head
of hair, curled under and a small moustache. Absconded a few
days ago from our Tobacco Factory.
[Illustration: ]
McHENRY & MCCULLOCH.
ju 16 3t.
Jack was aware that a trap of this kind would most likely be set for
him, and that the large quantity of Anglo-Saxon blood in his veins would
not save him. He was aware, too, that he was the reputed son of a white
gentleman, who was a professional dentist, by the name of Dr. Peter
Cards. The Doctor, however, had been called away by death, so Jack could
see no hope or virtue in having a white father, although a "chivalric
gentleman," while living, and a man of high standing amongst
slave-holders. Jack was a member of the Baptist church, too, and hoped
he was a good Christian; but he could look for no favors from the
Church, or sympathy on the score of his being a Christian. He knew very
well were it known, that he had the love of freedom in his heart, or the
idea of the Underground Rail Road in his head, he would be regarded as
having committed the "unpardonable sin." So Jack looked to none of these
"broken reeds" in Richmond in the hour of his trial, but to Him above,
whom he had not seen, and to the Underground Rail Road. He felt pretty
well satisfied, that if Providence would aid him, and he could get a
conductor to put him on the right road to Canada, he would be all right.
Accordingly, he acted up to his best light, and thus he succeeded
admirably, as the sequel shows.
JOHN HENRY PETTIFOOT. John is a likely young man, quite bright in color
and in intellect also. He was the son of Peter Cards, a dentist by
profession, and a white man by complexion. As a general thing, he had
been used 'very well;' had no fault to find, except this year, being
hired to McHenry & McCulloch, tobacconists, of Petersburg, Va., whom he
found rather more oppressive than he agreed for, and supposing that he
had 'no right' to work for any body for nothing, he 'picked up his bed
and walked.' His mistress had told him that he was '_willed_ free,' at
her death, but John was not willing to wait her "motions to die."
He had a wife in Richmond, but was not allowed to visit her. He left one
sister and a step-father in bondage. Mr. Pettifoot reached Philadelphia
by the Richmond line of steamers, stowed away among the pots and cooking
utensils. On reaching the city, he at once surrendered himself into the
hands of the Committee, and was duly looked after by the regular acting
members.
* * * * *
EMANUEL T. WHITE.
EMANUEL was about twenty-five years of age, with seven-eighths of white
blood in his veins, medium size, and a very smart and likely-looking
piece of property generally. He had the good fortune to escape from
Edward H. Hubbert, a ship timber merchant of Norfolk, Va. Under
Hubbert's yoke he had served only five years, having been bought by him
from a certain Aldridge Mandrey, who was described as a "very cruel
man," and would "rather fight than eat." "I have licks that will carry
me to my grave, and will be there till the flesh rots off my bones,"
said Emanuel, adding that his master was a "_devil_," though a member of
the Reformed Methodist Church. But his mistress, he said, was a "right
nice little woman, and kept many licks off me." "If you said you were
sick, he would whip it out of you." From Mandrey he once fled, and was
gone two months, but was captured at Williamsburg, Va., and received a
severe flogging, and carried home. Hubbert finally sold Emanuel to a Mr.
Grigway of Norfolk; with Emanuel Mr. G. was pretty well suited, but his
wife was not--he had "too much white blood in him" for her. Grigway and
his wife were members of the Episcopal Church.
In this unhappy condition Emanuel found a conductor of the Underground
Rail Road. A secret passage was secured for him on one of the Richmond
steamers, and thus he escaped from his servitude. The Committee attended
to his wants, and forwarded him on as usual. From Syracuse, where he was
breathing quite freely under the protection of the Rev. J.W. Loguen, he
wrote the following letter:
SYRACUSE, July 29, 1857.
MY DEAR FRIEND, MR. STILL:--I got safe through to Syracuse, and
found the house of our friend, Mr. J.W. Loguen. Many thanks to
you for your kindness to me. I wish to say to you, dear sir,
that I expect my clothes will be sent to Dr. Landa, and I wish,
if you please, get them and send them to the care of Mr. Loguen,
at Syracuse, for me He will be in possession of my whereabouts
and will send them to me. Remember me to Mr. Landa and Miss
Millen Jespan, and much to you and your family.
Truly Yours,
MANUAL T. WHITE.
THE ESCAPE OF A CHILD FOURTEEN MONTHS OLD.
There is found the following brief memorandum on the Records of the
Underground Rail Road Book, dated July, 1857:
"A little child of fourteen months old was conveyed to its mother, who
had been compelled to flee without it nearly nine months ago."
While the circumstances connected with the coming of this slave child
were deeply interesting, no further particulars than the simple notice
above were at that time recorded. Fortunately, however, letters from the
good friends, who plucked this infant from the jaws of Slavery, have
been preserved to throw light on this little one, and to show how
true-hearted sympathizers with the Slave labored amid dangers and
difficulties to save the helpless bondman from oppression. It will be
observed, that both these friends wrote from Washington, D.C., the seat
of Government, where, if Slavery was not seen in its worst aspects, the
Government in its support of Slavery appeared in a most revolting light.
LETTER FROM "J.B."
WASHINGTON, D.C., July 12, 1857.
DEAR SIR:--Some of our citizens, I am told, lately left here for
Philadelphia, three of whom were arrested and brought back.
I beg you will inform me whether two others--(I., whose wife is
in Philadelphia, was one of them), ever reached your city.
To-morrow morning Mrs. Weems, _with her baby_, will start for
Philadelphia and see you probably over night.
Yours Truly,
J.B.
"J.B." was not only a trusty and capable conductor of the Underground
Rail Road in Washington, but was also a practical lawyer, at the same
time. His lawyer-like letter, in view of the critical nature of the
case, contained but few words, and those few naturally enough were
susceptible of more than one construction.
Doubtless those styled "our citizens,"--"three of whom were arrested and
brought back,"--were causing great anxiety to this correspondent, not
knowing how soon he might find himself implicated in the "running off,"
etc. So, while he felt it to be his duty, to still aid the child, he was
determined, if the enemy intercepted his letter, he should not find much
comfort or information. The cause was safe in such careful hands. The
following letters, bearing on the same case, are also from another good
conductor, who was then living in Washington.
LETTERS FROM E.L. STEVENS.
WASHINGTON, D.C., July 8,1857.
MY DEAR SIR:--I write you now to let you know that the children
of E. are yet well, and that Mrs. Arrah Weems will start with
one of them for Philadelphia to-morrow or next day. She will be
with you probably in the day train. She goes for the purpose of
making an effort to redeem her last child, now in Slavery. The
whole amount necessary is raised, except about $300. She will
take her credentials with her, and you can place the most
implicit reliance on her statements. The story in regard to the
Weems' family was published in Frederick Douglass' paper two
years ago. Since then the two middle boys have been redeemed and
there is only one left in Slavery, and he is in Alabama. The
master has agreed to take for him just what he gave, $1100. Mr.
Lewis Tappan has his letter and the money, except the amount
specified. There were about $5000 raised in England to redeem
this family, and they are now all free except this one. And
there never was a more excellent and worthy family than the
Weems' family. I do hope, that Mrs. W. will find friends who can
advance the amount required.
Truly Yours,
E.L. STEVENS.
WASHINGTON, D.C., July 13th, 1857.
MY FRIEND:--Your kind letter in reply to mine about Arrah was
duly received. As she is doubtless with you before this, she
will explain all. I propose that a second journey be made by her
or some one else, in order to take the other. They have been a
great burden to the good folks here and should have been _at
home_ long ere this. Arrah will explain everything. I want,
however, to say a word in her behalf. If there is a person in
the world, that deserves the hearty co-operation of every friend
of humanity, that person is Arrah Weems, who now, after a long
series of self-sacrificing labor to aid others in their struggle
for their God-given rights, solicits a small amount to redeem
the last one of her own children in Slavery. Never have I had my
sympathies so aroused in behalf of any object as in behalf of
this most worthy family. She can tell you what I have done. And
I do hope, that our friends in Philadelphia and New York will
assist her to make up the full amount required for the purchase
of the boy.
After she does what she can in P., will you give her the proper
direction about getting to New York and to Mr. Tappan's? Inform
him of what she has done, &c.
Please write me as soon as you can as to whether she arrived
safely, &c. Give me your opinion, also, as to the proposal about
the other. Had you not better keep the little one in P. till the
other is taken there? Inform me also where E. is, how she is
getting along, &c., who living with, &c.
Yours Truly,
E.L.S.
In this instance, also, as in the case of "J.B.," the care and anxiety
of other souls, besides this child, crying for deliverance, weighed
heavily on the mind of Mr. Stevens, as may be inferred from certain
references in his letters. Mr. Stevens' love of humanity, and impartial
freedom, even in those dark days of Slavery, when it was both unpopular
and unsafe to allow the cries of the bondman to awaken the feeling of
humanity to assist the suffering, was constantly leading him to take
sides with the oppressed, and as he appears in this correspondence, so
it was his wont daily to aid the helpless, who were all around him.
Arrah Weems, who had the care of the child, alluded to so touchingly by
Mr. Stevens, had known, to her heart's sorrow, how intensely painful it
was to a mother's feelings to have her children torn from her by a cruel
master and sold. For Arrah had had a number of children sold, and was at
that very time striving diligently to raise money to redeem the last one
of them. And through such kind-hearted friends as Mr. Stevens, the
peculiar hardships of this interesting family of Weems' were brought to
the knowledge of thousands of philanthropists in this country and
England, and liberal contributions had already been made by friends of
the Slave on both sides of the ocean. It may now be seen, that while
this child had not been a conscious sufferer from the wicked system of
Slavery, it had been the object of very great anxiety and suffering to
several persons, who had individually perilled their own freedom for its
redemption. This child, however, was safely brought to the Vigilance
Committee, in Philadelphia, and was duly forwarded, _via_ friends in New
York, to its mother, in Syracuse, where she had stopped to work and wait
for her little one, left behind at the time she escaped.
* * * * *
ESCAPE OF A YOUNG SLAVE MOTHER.
LEFT HER LITTLE BABY-BOY, LITTLE GIRL AND HUSBAND BEHIND.
She anxiously waits their coming in Syracuse, N.Y. Not until after the
foregoing story headed, the "Escape of a Child," etc., had been put into
the hands of the printer and was in type, was the story of the mother
discovered, although it was among the records preserved. Under changed
names, in many instances, it has been found to be no easy matter to cull
from a great variety of letters, records and advertisements, just when
wanted, all the particulars essential to complete many of these
narratives. The case of the child, alluded to above, is a case in point.
Thus, however, while it is impossible to introduce the mother's story in
its proper place, yet, since it has been found, it is too important and
interesting to be left out. It is here given as follows:
$300 REWARD.--RAN AWAY from the subscriber on Saturday, the 30th
of August, 1856, my SERVANT WOMAN, named EMELINE CHAPMAN, about
25 years of age; quite dark, slender built, speaks short, and
stammers some; with two children, one a female about two and a
half years old; the other a male, seven or eight months old,
bright color. I will give the above reward if they are delivered
to me in Washington.
[Illustration: ]
MRS. EMILY THOMPSON,
s23-TU, Th&st&
Capitol Hill, Washington, D.C.
Emeline Chapman, so particularly described in the "Baltimore Sun" of the
23d of September, 1856, arrived by the regular Underground Rail Road
train from Washington. In order to escape the responsibility attached to
her original name, she adopted the name of Susan Bell. Thus for freedom
she was willing to forego her name, her husband, and even her little
children. It was a serious sacrifice; but she had been threatened with
the auction block, and she well understood what that meant. With regard
to usage, having lived away from her owner, Emeline did not complain of
any very hard times. True, she had been kept at work very constantly,
and her owner had very faithfully received all her hire. Emeline had not
even been allowed enough of her hire to find herself in clothing, or
anything for the support of her two children--for these non-essentials,
her kind mistress allowed her to seek elsewhere, as best she could.
Emeline's husband was named John Henry; her little girl she called
Margaret Ann, and her babe she had named after its father, all with the
brand of Slavery upon them. The love of freedom, in the breast of this
spirited young Slave-wife and mother, did not extinguish the love she
bore to her husband and children, however otherwise her course, in
leaving them, as she did, might appear. For it was just this kind of
heroic and self-sacrificing struggle, that appealed to the hearts of men
and compelled attention. The letters of Biglow and Stevens, relative to
the little child, prove this fact, and additional testimony found in the
appended letter from Rev. J.W. Loguen conclusively confirms the same.
Indeed, who could close his eyes and ears to the plaintive cries of such
a mother? Who could refrain from aiding on to freedom children honored
in such a heroic parent?
SYRACUSE, Oct. 5, 1856.
DEAR FRIEND STILL:--I write to you for Mrs. Susan Bell, who was
at your city some time in September last. She is from Washington
city. She left her dear little children behind (two children).
She is stopping in our city, and wants to hear from her children
very much indeed. She wishes to know if you have heard from Mr.
Biglow, of Washington city. She will remain here until she can
hear from you. She feels very anxious about her children, I will
assure you. I should have written before this, but I have been
from home much of the time since she came to our city. She wants
to know if Mr. Biglow has heard anything about her husband. If
you have not written to Mr. Biglow, she wishes you would. She
sends her love to you and your dear family. She says that you
were all kind to her, and she does not forget it. You will
direct your letter to me, dear brother, and I will see that she
gets it.
Miss F.E. Watkins left our house yesterday for Ithaca, and other
places in that part of the State. Frederick Douglass, Wm. J.
Watkins and others were with us last week; Gerritt Smith with
others. Miss Watkins is doing great good in our part of the
State. We think much indeed of her. She is such a good and
glorious speaker, that we are all charmed with her. We have had
thirty-one fugitives in the last twenty-seven days; but you, no
doubt, have had many more than that. I hope the good Lord may
bless you and spare you long to do good to the hunted and
outraged among our brethren.
Yours truly,
J.W. LOGUEN,
Agent of the Underground Rail Road.
* * * * *
SAMUEL W. JOHNSON.
ARRIVAL FROM THE "DAILY DISPATCH" OFFICE.
"Sam" was doing Slave labor at the office of the Richmond "Daily
Dispatch," as a carrier of that thoroughly pro-slavery sheet. "Sam" had
possessed himself somehow of a knowledge of reading and writing a
little, and for the news of the day he had quite an itching ear. Also
with regard to his freedom he was quite solicitous. Being of an
ambitious turn of mind, he hired his time, for which he paid his master
$175 per annum in regular quarterly payments. Besides paying this
amount, he had to find himself in board, clothing, and pay doctor's
expenses. He had had more than one owner in his life. The last one,
however, he spoke of thus: "His name is James B. Foster, of Richmond, a
very hard man. He owns three more Slaves besides myself." In escaping,
"Sam" was obliged to leave his wife, who was owned by Christian Bourdon.
His attachment to her, judging from his frequent warm expressions of
affection, was very strong. But, as strong as it was, he felt that he
could not consent to remain in slavery any longer. "Sam" had luckily
come across a copy of Uncle Tom's Cabin, and in perusing it, all his
notions with regard to "Masters and Servants," soon underwent an entire
change, and he began to cast his eyes around him to see how he might get
his freedom. One who was thoroughly awake as he was to the idea of being
free, with a fair share of courage, could now and then meet with the
opportunity to escape by the steamers or schooners coming North. Thus
Samuel found the way open and on one of the steamers came to
Philadelphia. On arriving, he was put at once in the charge of the
Committee. While in their hands he seemed filled with astonishment at
his own achievements, and such spontaneous expressions as naturally
flowed from his heart thrilled and amazed his new found friends, and
abundant satisfaction was afforded, that Samuel Washington Johnson would
do no discredit to his fugitive comrades in Canada. So the Committee
gladly aided him on his journey.
After arriving in Canada, Samuel wrote frequently and intelligently. The
subjoined letter to his wife shows how deeply he was attached to her,
and, at the same time, what his views were of Slavery. The member of the
Committee to whom it was sent with the request, that it should be
forwarded to her, did not meet with the opportunity of doing so. A copy
of it was preserved with other Underground Rail Road documents.
LETTER FROM SAMUEL W. JOHNSON TO HIS WIFE.
My Dear Wife I now embrace this golden opportunity of writing a
few Lines to inform you that I am well at present engoying good
health and hope that these few lines may find you well also. My
dearest wife I have Left you and now I am in a foreign land
about fourteen hundred miles from you but though my wife my
thoughts are upon you all the time. My dearest Frances I hope
you will remember me now gust as same as you did when I were
there with you because my mind are with you night and day the
Love that I bear for you in my breast is greater than I thought
it was if I had thought I had so much Love for you I dont think
I ever could Left being I have escape I and has fled into a land
of freedom. I can but stop and look over my past Life and say
what a fool I was for staying in bondage as Long. My dear wife I
dont want you to get married before you send me some letters
because I never shall get married until I see you again. My mind
dont deceive and it appears to me as if I shall see you again at
my time of writing this letter I am desitute of money I have not
got in no business yet but when I do get into business I shall
write you and also remember you. Tell my Mother and Brother and
all enquiring friends that I am now safe in free state. I cant
tell where I am at present but Direct your Letters to Mr.
William Still in Philadelphia and I will get them. Answer this
as soon as you can if you please for if you write the same day
you receive it it will take a fortnight to reach me. No more to
relate at present but still remain your affectionate husband.
Mr. Still please defore this piece out if you please
SAMUEL WASHINGTON JOHNSON.
Whether Samuel ever met with the opportunity of communicating with his
wife, the writer cannot say. But of all the trials which Slaves had to
endure, the separations of husbands and wives were the most difficult to
bear up under. Although feeling keenly the loss of his wife, Samuel's
breast swelled with the thought of freedom, as will be seen from the
letter which he wrote immediately after landing in Canada:
ST. CATHARINE, UPPER CANADA WEST.
MR. WILLIAM STILL:--I am now in safety. I arrived at home safe
on the 11th inst at 12 o'clock M. So I hope that you will now
take it upon yourself to inform me something of that letter I
left at your house that night when I left there and write me
word how you are and how is your wife. I wish you may excuse
this letter for I am so full that I cannot express my mind at
all. I am only got $1.50 and I feel as if I had an independent
fortune but I don't want you to think that I am going to be idle
because I am on free ground and I shall always work though I am
not got nothing to do at present. Direct your letter to the post
office as soon as possible.
SAMUEL W. JOHNSON.
* * * * *
FAMILY FROM BALTIMORE.
STEPHEN AMOS, _alias_ HENRY JOHNSON, HARRIET, _alias_ MARY JANE JOHNSON
(man and wife), and their four children, ANN REBECCA, WM. H., ELIZABETH
and MARY ELLEN. Doubtless, in the eyes of a Slaveholder, a more
"likely-looking" family could not readily be found in Baltimore, than
the one to be now briefly noticed. The mother and her children were
owned by a young slave-holder, who went by the name of William Giddings,
and resided in Prince George's county, Md. Harriet acknowledged, that
she had been treated "tolerably well in earlier days" for one in her
condition; but, as in so many instances in the experience of Slaves,
latterly, times had changed with her and she was compelled to serve
under a new master who oft-times treated her "very severely." On one
occasion, seven years previously, a brother of her owner for a trifling
offence struck and kicked her so brutally, that she was immediately
thrown into a fit of sickness, which lasted "all one summer"--from this
she finally recovered.
On another occasion, about one year previous to her escape, she was
seized by her owner and thrust into prison to be sold. In this instance
the interference of the Uncle of Harriet's master saved her from the
auction block. The young master, was under age, and at the same time
under the guardianship of his Uncle. The young master had early acquired
an ardent taste for fast horses, gambling, etc. Harriet felt, that her
chances for the future in the hands of such a brutal master could not be
other than miserable. Her husband had formerly been owned by John S.
Giddings, who was said to have been a "mild man." He had allowed Stephen
(her husband) to buy himself, and for eighteen months prior to the
flight, he had been what was called a free man. It should also be
further stated in justice to Stephen's master, that he was so disgusted
with the manner in which Stephen's wife was treated, that he went so far
as to counsel Stephen to escape with his wife and children. Here at
least is one instance where a Maryland slave-holder lends his influence
to the Underground Rail Road cause. The counsel was accepted, and the
family started on their perilous flight. And although they necessarily
had manifest trials and difficulties to discourage and beset them, they
battled bravely with all these odds and reached the Vigilance Committee
safely. Harriet was a bright mulatto, with marked features of character,
and well made, with good address and quite intelligent. She was about
twenty-six years of age. The children also were remarkably fine-looking
little creatures, but too young to know the horrors of Slavery. The
Committee at once relieved them of their heavy load of anxiety by
cheering words and administering to their necessities with regard to
food, money, etc. After the family had somewhat recovered from the
fatigue and travel-worn condition in which they arrived, and were
prepared to resume their journey, the Committee gave them the strictest
caution with regard to avoiding slave-hunters, and also in reference to
such points on the road where they would be most in danger of going
astray from a lack of knowledge of the way. Then, with indescribable
feelings of sympathy, free tickets were tendered them, and they having
been conducted to the depot, were sent on their way rejoicing.
* * * * *
ELIJAH HILTON.
FROM RICHMOND.
After many years of hard toiling for the support of others, the yoke
pressed so heavily upon Elijah's shoulders, that he could not endure
Slave life any longer. In the hope of getting rid of his bondage, by
dexterous management and a resolute mind, which most determined and
thoughtful men exercise when undertaking to accomplish great objects, he
set about contriving to gain his freedom. In proof of Elijah's
truthfulness, the advertisement of Mr. R.J. Christians is here offered,
as taken from a Richmond paper, about the time that Elijah passed
through Philadelphia on the Underground Rail Road, in 1857.
RAN AWAY--$500 REWARD.--Left the Tobacco Factory of the
subscriber on the 14th inst., on the pretence of being sick, a
mulatto man, named ELIJAH, the property of Maj. Edward Johnson,
of Chesterfield county. He is about 5 feet 8 or 10 inches high,
spare made, bushy hair, and very genteel appearance; he is
supposed to be making his way North. The above reward will be
paid if delivered at my factory.
[Illustration: ]
Ro. J. CHRISTIANS.
jy 21--ts.
From his infancy up to the hour of his escape, not a breath of free air
had he ever been permitted to breathe. He was first owned by Mrs.
Caroline Johnson, "a stingy widow, the owner of about fifty slaves, and
a member of Dr. Plummer's church." Elijah, at her death, was willed to
her son, Major Johnson, who was in the United States service. Elijah
spoke of him as a "favorable man," but added, "I'd rather be free. I
believe I can treat myself better than he can or anybody else." For the
last nineteen years he had been hired out, sometimes as waiter,
sometimes in a tobacco factory, and for five years in the _Coal Mines_.
At the mines he was treated very brutally, but at Cornelius Hall's
Tobacco factory, the suffering he had to endure seems almost incredible.
The poor fellow, with the scars upon his person and the unmistakable
earnestness of his manner, only needed to be seen and heard to satisfy
the most incredulous of the truth of his story. For refusing to be
flogged, one time at Hall's Factory, the overseer, in a rage, "took up a
hickory club" and laid his head "open on each side." Overpowered and
wounded, he was stripped naked and compelled to receive THREE HUNDRED
LASHES, by which he was literally excoriated from head to foot. For six
months afterwards he was "laid up." Last year he was hired out for "one
hundred and eighty dollars," out of which he "received but five
dollars." This year he brought "one hundred and ninety dollars." Up to
the time he escaped, he had received "two dollars," and the promise of
"more at Christmas." Left brothers and sisters, all ignorant of his way
of escape. The following pass brought away by Elijah speaks for itself,
and will doubtless be interesting to some of our readers who are
ignorant of what used to be Republican usages in the "land of the Free."
RICHMOND, July 3d, 1857.
Permit the Bearer _Elijah_ to pass to and from my FACTORY, to
_Frederick Williams, In the Vallie_, for one month, untill 11
o'clock at night.
By _A.B. Wells_,
R.J. CHRISTIAN.
[PINE APPLE FACTORY.]
As usual, the Vigilance Committee tendered aid to Elijah, and forwarded
him on to Canada, whence he wrote back as follows:
TORONTO, Canada West, July 28. Dear friend in due respect to
your humanity and nobility I now take my pen in hand to inform
you of my health. I am enjoying a reasonable proportion of
health at this time and hope when these few lines come to hand
they may find you and family the same dear Sir I am in Toronto
and are working at my ole branch of business with meny of my
friends. I want you to send those to toronto to Mr Tueharts on
Edward St what I have been talking about is my Clothes I came
from Richmond Va and expect my things to come to you. So when
they come to you then you will send them to Jesse Tuehart Edward
St no 43.
I must close by saying I have no more at present. I still remain
your brother,
ELIJAH HILTON.
* * * * *
SOLOMON BROWN.
ARRIVED PER CITY OF RICHMOND.
This candidate for Canada managed to secure a private berth on the
steamship City of Richmond. He was thus enabled to leave his old
mistress, Mary A. Ely, in Norfolk, the place of her abode, and the field
of his servitude. Solomon was only twenty-two years of age, rather under
the medium size, dark color, and of much natural ability. He viewed
Slavery as a great hardship, and for a length of time had been watching
for an opportunity to free himself. He had been in the habit of hiring
his time of his mistress, for which he paid ten dollars per month. This
amount failed to satisfy the mistress, as she was inclined to sell him
to North Carolina, where Slave stock, at that time, was commanding high
prices. The idea of North Carolina and a new master made Solomon rather
nervous, and he was thereby prompted to escape. On reaching the
Committee he manifested very high appreciation of the attention paid
him, and after duly resting for a day, he was sent on his way rejoicing.
Seven days after leaving Philadelphia, he wrote back from Canada as
follows:
ST. CATHARINES, Feb. 20th, 1854.
MR. STILL--DEAR SIR:--It is with great pleasure that I have to
inform you, that I have arrived safe in a land of freedom.
Thanks to kind friends that helped me here. Thank God that I am
treading on free soil. I expect to go to work to-morrow in a
steam factory.
I would like to have you, if it is not too much trouble, see Mr.
Minhett, the steward on the boat that I came out on, when he
gets to Norfolk, to go to the place where my clothes are, and
bring them to you, and you direct them to the care of Rev. Hiram
Wilson, St. Catharines, Niagara District, Canada West, by
rail-road via Suspension Bridge. You mentioned if I saw Mr.
Foreman. I was to deliver a message--he is not here. I saw two
yesterday in church, from Norfolk, that I had known there. You
will send my name, James Henry, as you knew me by that name;
direct my things to James Henry. My love to your wife and
children.
Yours Respectfully,
SOLOMON BROWN.
* * * * *
WILLIAM HOGG, ALIAS JOHN SMITH.
TRAVELER FROM MARYLAND.
William fled from Lewis Roberts, who followed farming in Baltimore
county, Md. In speaking of him, William gave him the character of being
a "fierce and rough man," who owned nine head of slaves. Two of
William's sisters were held by Roberts, when he left. His excuse for
running away was, "ill-treatment." In traveling North, he walked to
Columbia (in Pennsylvania), and there took the cars for Philadelphia.
The Committee took charge of him, and having given him the usual aid,
sent him hopefully on his way. After safely reaching Canada, the thought
of his wife in a land of bondage, pressed so deeply upon his mind, that
he was prompted to make an effort to rescue her. The following letter,
written on his behalf by the Rev. H. Wilson, indicates his feelings and
wishes with regard to her:
ST. CATHARINES, Canada West, 24th July, 1854.
DEAR FRIEND, WILLIAM STILL:--Your encouraging letter, to John
Smith, was duly received by him, and I am requested to write
again on his behalf. His colored friend in Baltimore county, who
would favor his designs, is Thomas Cook, whom he wishes you to
address, Baltimore post-office, care of Mr. Thomas Spicer.
He has received a letter from Thomas Cook, dated the 6th of
June, but it was a long time reaching him. He wishes you to say
to Cook, that he got his letter, and that he would like to have
him call on his wife and make known to her, that he is in good
health, doing well here, and would like to have her come on as
soon as she can.
As she is a free woman, there will, doubtless, be no difficulty
in her coming right through. He is working in the neighborhood
of St. Catharines, but twelve miles from Niagara Falls. You will
please recollect to address Thomas Cook, in the care of Thomas
Spicer, Baltimore Post-office. Smith's wife is at, or near the
place he came from, and, doubtless, Thomas Cook knows all about
her condition and circumstances. Please write again to John
Smith, in my care, if you please, and request Thomas Cook to do
the same.
Very respectfully yours in the cause of philanthropy.
HIRAM WILSON.
* * * * *
TWO FEMALE PASSENGERS FEOM MARYLAND.
As the way of travel, _via_ the Underground Rail Road, under the most
favorable circumstances, even for the sterner sex, was hard enough to
test the strongest nerves, and to try the faith of the bravest of the
brave, every woman, who won her freedom, by this perilous undertaking,
deserves commemoration. It is, therefore, a pleasure to thus transfer
from the old Record book the names of Ann Johnson and Lavina Woolfley,
who fled from Maryland in 1857. Their lives, however, had not been in
any way very remarkable. Ann was tall, and of a dark chestnut color,
with an intelligent countenance, and about twenty-four years of age. She
had filled various situations as a Slave. Sometimes she was required to
serve in the kitchen, at other times she was required to toil in the
field, with the plow, hoe, and the like. Samuel Harrington, of Cambridge
District, Maryland, was the name of the man for whose benefit Ann
labored during her younger days. She had no hesitation in saying, that
he was a very "ill-natured man;" he however, was a member of the "old
time Methodist Church." In Slave property he had invested only to the
extent of some five or six head. About three years previous to Ann's
escape, one of her brothers fled and went to Canada. This circumstance
so enraged the owner, that he declared he would "sell all" he owned.
Accordingly Ann was soon put on the auction block, and was bought by a
man who went by the name of William Moore. Moore was a married man, who,
with his wife, was addicted to intemperance and carousing. Ann found
that she had simply got "out of the fire into the frying-pan." She was
really at a loss to tell when her lot was the harder, whether under the
"rum drinker," or the old time Methodist. In this state of mind she
decided to leave all and go to Canada, the refuge for the fleeing
bondman. Lavina, Ann's companion, was the wife of James Woolfley. She
and her husband set out together, with six others, and were of the party
of eight who were betrayed into Dover jail, as has already been
described in these pages. After fighting their way out of the jail, they
separated (for prudential reasons). The husband of Lavina, immediately
after the conflict at the jail, passed on to Canada, leaving his wife
under the protection of friends. Since that time several months had
elapsed, but of each other nothing had been known, before she received
information on her arrival at Philadelphia. The Committee was glad to
inform her, that her husband had safely passed on to Canada, and that
she would be aided on also, where they could enjoy freedom in a free
country.
* * * * *
CAPTAIN F. AND THE MAYOR OF NORFOLK.
TWENTY-ONE PASSENGERS SECRETED IN A BOAT. NOVEMBER, 1855.
CAPTAIN F. was certainly no ordinary man. Although he had been living a
sea-faring life for many years, and the marks of this calling were
plainly enough visible in his manners and speech, he was, nevertheless,
unlike the great mass of this class of men, not addicted to intemperance
and profanity. On the contrary, he was a man of thought, and possessed,
in a large measure, those humane traits of character which lead men to
sympathize with suffering humanity wherever met with.
It must be admitted, however, that the first impressions gathered from a
hasty survey of his rough and rugged appearance, his large head, large
mouth, large eyes, and heavy eye-brows, with a natural gift at keeping
concealed the inner-workings of his mind and feelings, were not
calculated to inspire the belief, that he was fitted to be entrusted
with the lives of unprotected females, and helpless children; that he
could take pleasure in risking his own life to rescue them from the hell
of Slavery; that he could deliberately enter the enemy's domain, and
with the faith of a martyr, face the dread slave-holder, with his
Bowie-knives and revolvers--Slave-hunters, and blood-hounds, lynchings,
and penitentiaries, for humanity's sake. But his deeds proved him to be
a true friend of the Slave; whilst his skill, bravery, and success
stamped him as one of the most daring and heroic Captains ever connected
with the Underground Rail Road cause.
At the time he was doing most for humanity in rescuing bondsmen from
Slavery, Slave-laws were actually being the most rigidly executed. To
show mercy, in any sense, to man or woman, who might be caught assisting
a poor Slave to flee from the prison-house, was a matter not to be
thought of in Virginia. This was perfectly well understood by Captain
F.; indeed he did not hesitate to say, that his hazardous operations
might any day result in the "sacrifice" of his life. But on this point
he seemed to give himself no more concern than he would have done to
know which way the wind would blow the next day. He had his own
convictions about dying and the future, and he declared, that he had "no
fear of death," however it might come. Still, he was not disposed to be
reckless or needlessly to imperil his life, or the lives of those he
undertook to aid. Nor was he averse to receiving compensation for his
services. In Richmond, Norfolk, Petersburg, and other places where he
traded, many slaves were fully awake to their condition. The great slave
sales were the agencies that served to awaken a large number. Then the
various mechanical trades were necessarily given to the Slaves, for the
master had no taste for "greasy, northern mechanics." Then, again, the
stores had to be supplied with porters, draymen, etc., from the slave
population. In the hearts of many of the more intelligent amongst the
slaves, the men, as mechanics, etc., the women, as dress-makers,
chamber-maids, etc., notwithstanding all the opposition and hard laws,
the spirit of Freedom was steadily burning. Many of the slaves were half
brothers, and sisters, cousins, nephews, and nieces to their owners, and
of course "blood would tell."
It was only necessary for the fact to be made known to a single reliable
and intelligent slave, that a man with a boat running North had the love
of Freedom for all mankind in his bosom to make that man an object of
the greatest interest. If an angel had appeared amongst them doubtless
his presence would not have inspired greater anxiety and hope than did
the presence of Captain F. The class most anxious to obtain freedom
could generally manage to acquire some means which they would willingly
offer to captains or conductors in the South for such assistance as was
indispensable to their escape. Many of the slaves learned if they could
manage to cross Mason and Dixon's line, even though they might be
utterly destitute and penniless, that they would then receive aid and
protection from the Vigilance Committee. Here it may be well to state
that, whilst the Committee gladly received and aided all who might come
or be brought to them, they never employed agents or captains to go into
the South with a view of enticing or running off slaves. So when
captains operated, they did so with the full understanding that they
alone were responsible for any failures attending their movements.
The way is now clear to present Captain F. with his schooner lying at
the wharf in Norfolk, loading with wheat, and at the same time with
twenty-one fugitives secreted therein. While the boat was thus lying at
her mooring, the rumor was flying all over town that a number of slaves
had escaped, which created a general excitement a degree less, perhaps,
than if the citizens had been visited by an earthquake. The mayor of the
city with a posse of officers with axes and long spears repaired to
Captain F.'s boat. The fearless commander received his Honor very
coolly, and as gracefully as the circumstances would admit. The mayor
gave him to understand who he was, and by what authority he appeared on
the boat, and what he meant to do. "Very well," replied Captain F.,
"here I am and this is my boat, go ahead and search." His Honor with his
deputies looked quickly around, and then an order went forth from the
mayor to "spear the wheat thoroughly." The deputies obeyed the command
with alacrity. But the spears brought neither blood nor groans, and the
sagacious mayor obviously concluded that he was "barking up the wrong
tree." But the mayor was not there for nothing. "Take the axes and go to
work," was the next order; and the axe was used with terrible effect by
one of the deputies. The deck and other parts of the boat were chopped
and split; no greater judgment being exercised when using the axe than
when spearing the wheat; Captain F. all the while wearing an air of
utter indifference or rather of entire composure. Indeed every step they
took proved conclusively that they were wholly ignorant with regard to
boat searching. At this point, with remarkable shrewdness, Captain F.
saw wherein he could still further confuse them by a bold strategical
move. As though about out of patience with the mayor's blunders, the
captain instantly reminded his Honor that he had "stood still long
enough" while his boat was being "damaged, chopped up," &c. "Now if you
want to search," continued he, "give me the axe, and then point out the
spot you want opened and I will open it for you very quick." While
uttering these words he presented, as he was capable of doing, an
indignant and defiant countenance, and intimated that it mattered not
where or when a man died provided he was in the right, and as though he
wished to give particularly strong emphasis to what he was saying, he
raised the axe, and brought it down edge foremost on the deck with
startling effect, at the same time causing the splinters to fly from the
boards. The mayor and his posse seemed, if not dreadfully frightened,
completely confounded, and by the time Captain F. had again brought down
his axe with increased power, demanding where they would have him open,
they looked as though it was time for them to retire, and in a few
minutes after they actually gave up the search and left the boat without
finding a soul. Daniel in the lions' den was not safer than were the
twenty-one passengers secreted on Captain F.'s boat. The law had been
carried out with a vengeance, but did not avail with this skilled
captain. The "five dollars" were paid for being searched, the amount
which was lawfully required of every captain sailing from Virginia. And
the captain steered direct for the City of Brotherly Love. The wind of
heaven favoring the good cause, he arrived safely in due time, and
delivered his precious freight in the vicinity of Philadelphia within
the reach of the Vigilance Committee. The names of the passengers were
as follows:
[Illustration: Mayor and Police of Norfolk on Capt. Fountain's
schooner.]
ALAN TATUM, DANIEL CARR, MICHAEL VAUGHN, THOMAS NIXON, FREDERICK NIXON,
PETER PETTY, NATHANIEL GARDENER, JOHN BROWN, THOMAS FREEMAN, JAMES
FOSTER, GODFREY SCOTT, WILLIS WILSON, NANCY LITTLE, JOHN SMITH, FRANCIS
HAINES, DAVID JOHNSON, PHILLIS GAULT, ALICE JONES, NED WILSON, and SARAH
C. WILSON, and one other, who subsequently passed on, having been
detained on account of sickness. These passengers were most
"likely-looking articles;" a number of them, doubtless, would have
commanded the very highest prices in the Richmond market. Among them
were some good mechanics--one excellent dress-maker, some "prime"
waiters and chambermaids;--men and women with brains, some of them
evincing remarkable intelligence and decided bravery, just the kind of
passengers that gave the greatest satisfaction to the Vigilance
Committee. The interview with these passengers was extremely
interesting. Each one gave his or her experience of Slavery, the escape,
etc., in his or her own way, deeply impressing those who had the
privilege of seeing and hearing them, with the fact of the growing
spirit of Liberty, and the wonderful perception and intelligence
possessed by some of the sons of toil in the South. While all the names
of these passengers were duly entered on the Underground Rail Road
records, the number was too large, and the time they spent with the
attempts to escape were made by Daniel, after being sold to North
Carolina; for this offence, he was on one occasion stripped naked, and
flogged severely. This did not cure him. Prior to his joining Captain
F.'s party, he had fled to the swamps, and dwelt there for three months,
surrounded with wild animals and reptiles, and it was this state of
solitude that he left directly before finding Captain F. Daniel had a
wife in Portsmouth, to whom he succeeded in paying a private visit,
when, to his unspeakable joy, he made the acquaintance of the noble
Captain F., whose big heart was delighted to give him a passage North.
Daniel, after being sold, had been allowed, within the two years, only
one opportunity of visiting his wife; being thus debarred he resolved to
escape. His wife, whose name was Hannah, had three
children--slaves--their names were Sam, Dan, and "baby." The name of the
latter was unknown to him.
MICHAEL VAUGHN. Michael was about thirty-one years of age, with superior
physical proportions, and no lack of common sense. His color was without
paleness--dark and unfading, and his manly appearance was quite
striking. Michael belonged to a lady, whom he described as a "very
disagreeable woman." "For all my life I have belonged to her, but for
the last eight years I have hired my time. I paid my mistress $120 a
year; a part of the time I had to find my board and all my clothing."
This was the direct, and unequivocal testimony that Michael gave of his
slave life, which was the foundation for alleging that his mistress was
a "very disagreeable woman."
Michael left a wife and one child in Slavery; but they were not owned by
his mistress. Before escaping, he felt afraid to lead his companion into
the secret of his contemplated movements, as he felt, that there was no
possible way for him to do anything for her deliverance; on the other
hand, any revelation of the matter might prove too exciting for the poor
soul;--her name was Esther. That he did not lose his affection for her
whom he was obliged to leave so unceremoniously, is shown by the
appended letter:
NEW BEDFORD, August 22d, 1855.
DEAR SIR:--I send you this to inform you that I expect my wife
to come that way. If she should, you will direct her to me. When
I came through your city last Fall, you took my name in your
office, which was then given you, Michael Vaughn; since then my
name is William Brown, No. 130 Kempton street. Please give my
wife and child's name to Dr. Lundy, and tell him to attend to it
for me. Her name is Esther, and the child's name Louisa.
Truly yours,
WILLIAM BROWN.
Michael worked in a foundry. In church fellowship he was connected with
the Methodists--his mistress with the Baptists.
THOMAS NIXON was about nineteen years of age, of a dark hue, and quite
intelligent. He had not much excuse to make for leaving, except, that he
was "tired of staying" with his "owner," as he "feared he might be sold
some day," so he "thought" that he might as well save him the trouble.
Thomas belonged to a Mr. Bockover, a wholesale grocer, No. 12 Brewer
street. Thomas left behind him his mother and three brothers. His father
was sold away when he was an infant, consequently he never saw him.
Thomas was a member of the Methodist Church; his master was of the same
persuasion.
FREDERICK NIXON was about thirty-three years of age, and belonged truly
to the wide-awake class of slaves, as his marked physical and mental
appearance indicated. He had a more urgent excuse for escaping than
Thomas; he declared that he fled because, his owner wanted "to work him
hard without allowing him any chance, and had treated him rough."
Frederick was also one of Mr. Bockover's chattels; he left his wife,
Elizabeth, with four children in bondage. They were living in Eatontown,
North Carolina. It had been almost one year since he had seen them. Had
he remained in Norfolk he had not the slightest prospect of being
reunited to his wife and children, as he had been already separated from
them for about three years. This painful state of affairs only increased
his desire to leave those who were brutal enough to make such havoc in
his domestic relations.
PETER PETTY was about twenty-four years of age, and wore a happy
countenance; he was a person of agreeable manners, and withal pretty
smart. He acknowledged, that he had been owned by Joseph Boukley, Hair
Inspector. Peter did not give Mr. Boukley a very good character,
however; he said, that Mr. B. was "rowdyish in his habits, was deceitful
and sly, and would sell his slaves any time. Hard bondage--something
like the children of Israel," was his simple excuse for fleeing. He
hired his time of his master, for which he was compelled to pay $156 a
year. When he lost time by sickness or rainy weather, he was required to
make up the deficiency, also find his clothing. He left a
wife--Lavinia--and one child, Eliza, both slaves. Peter communicated to
his wife his secret intention to leave, and she acquiesced in his going.
He left his parents also. All his sisters and brothers had been sold.
Peter would have been sold too, but his owner was under the impression,
that he was "too good a Christian" to violate the laws by running away.
Peter's master was quite a devoted Methodist, and was attached to the
same Church with Peter. While on the subject of religion, Peter was
asked about the kind and character of preaching that he had been
accustomed to hear; whereupon he gave the following graphic specimen:
"Servants obey your masters; good servants make good masters; when your
mistress speaks to you don't pout out your mouths; when you want to go
to church ask your mistress and master," etc., etc. Peter declared, that
he had never heard but one preacher speak against slavery, and that "one
was obliged to leave suddenly for the North." He said, that a Quaker
lady spoke in meeting against Slavery one day, which resulted in an
outbreak, and final breaking up of the meeting.
PHILLIS GAULT. Phillis was a widow, about thirty years of age; the blood
of two races flowed in about equal proportions through her veins. Such
was her personal appearance, refinement, manners, and intelligence, that
had the facts of her slave life been unknown, she would have readily
passed for one who had possessed superior advantages. But the facts in
her history proved, that she had been made to feel very keenly the
horrifying effects of Slavery; not in the field, for she had never
worked there; nor as a common drudge, for she had always been required
to fill higher spheres; she was a dress-maker--but not without fear of
the auction block. This dreaded destiny was the motive which constrained
her to escape with the twenty others; secreted in the hold of a vessel
expressly arranged for bringing away slaves. Death had robbed her of her
husband at the time that the fever raged so fearfully in Norfolk. This
sad event deprived her of the hope she had of being purchased by her
husband, as he had intended. She was haunted by the constant thought of
again being sold, as she had once been, and as she had witnessed the
sale of her sister's four children after the death of their mother.
Phillis was, to use her own striking expression in a state of "great
horror;" she felt, that nothing would relieve her but freedom. After
having fully pondered the prospect of her freedom and the only mode
offered by which she could escape, she consented to endure bravely
whatever of suffering and trial might fall to her lot in the
undertaking--and as was the case with thousands of others, she
succeeded. She remained several days in the family of a member of the
Committee in Philadelphia, favorably impressing all who saw her. As she
had formed a very high opinion of Boston, from having heard it so
thoroughly reviled in Norfolk, she desired to go there. The Committee
made no objections, gave her a free ticket, etc. From that time to the
present, she has ever sustained a good Christian character, and as an
industrious, upright, and intelligent woman, she has been and is highly
respected by all who know her. The following letter is characteristic of
her:
BOSTON, March 22, 1858.
MY DEAR SIR--I received your photograph by Mr Cooper and it
afforded me much pleasure to do so i hope that these few lines
may find you and your family well as it leaves me and little
Dicky at present i have no interesting news to tell you more
than there is a great revival of religion through the land i all
most forgoten to thank you for your kindness and our little Dick
he is very wild and goes to school and it is my desire and
prayer for him to grow up a useful man i wish you would try to
gain some information from Norfolk and write me word how the
times are there for i am afraid to write. i wish yoo would see
the Doctor for me and ask him if he could carefully find out any
way that we could steal little Johny for i think to raise nine
or ten hundred dollars for such a child is outraigust. just at
this time i feel as if i would rather steal him than to buy him.
give my kinde regards to the Dr and his family tell Miss Margret
and Mrs Landy that i would like to see them out here this summer
again to have a nice time in Cambridge Miss Walker that spent
the evening with me in Cambridge sens much love to yoo and Mrs.
Landy give my kindes regards to Mrs Still and children and
receive a portion for yoo self. i have no more to say at present
but remain yoor respectfully.
FLARECE P. GAULT.
When you write direct yoo letters Mrs. Flarece P. Gault, No 62
Pinkney St.
* * * * *
ARRIVALS FROM DIFFERENT PLACES.
MATILDA MAHONEY,--DR. J.W. PENNINGTON'S BROTHER AND SONS CAPTURED AND
CARRIED BACK.
While many sympathized with the slave in his chains, and freely wept
over his destiny, or gave money to help buy his freedom, but few could
be found who were willing to take the risk of going into the South, and
standing face to face with Slavery, in order to conduct a panting slave
to freedom. The undertaking was too fearful to think of in most cases.
But there were instances when men and women too, moved by the love of
freedom, would take their lives in their hands, beard the lion in his
den, and nobly rescue the oppressed. Such an instance is found in the
case of Matilda Mahoney, in Baltimore.
The story of Matilda must be very brief, although it is full of
thrilling interest. She was twenty-one years of age in 1854, when she
escaped and came to Philadelphia, a handsome young woman, of a light
complexion, quite refined in her manners, and in short, possessing great
personal attractions. But her situation as a slave was critical, as will
be seen.
Her claimant was Wm. Rigard, of Frederick, Md., who hired her to a Mr.
Reese, in Baltimore; in this situation her duties were general housework
and nursing. With these labors, she was not, however, so much
dissatisfied as she was with other circumstances of a more alarming
nature: her old master was tottering on the verge of the grave, and his
son, a trader in New Orleans. These facts kept Matilda in extreme
anxiety. For two years prior to her escape, the young trader had been
trying to influence his father to let him have her for the Southern
market; but the old man had not consented. Of course the trader knew
quite well, that an "article" of her appearance would command readily a
very high price in the New Orleans market. But Matilda's attractions had
won the heart of a young man in the North, one who had known her in
Baltimore in earlier days, and this lover was willing to make desperate
efforts to rescue her from her perilous situation. Whether or not he had
nerve enough to venture down to Baltimore to accompany his intended away
on the Underground Rail Road, his presence would not have aided in the
case. He had, however, a friend who consented to go to Baltimore on this
desperate mission. The friend was James Jefferson, of Providence, R.I.
With the strategy of a skilled soldier, Mr. Jefferson hurried to the
Monumental City, and almost under the eyes of the slave-holders, and
slave-catchers, despite of pro slavery breastworks, seized his prize and
speeded her away on the Underground Railway, before her owner was made
acquainted with the fact of her intended escape. On Matilda's arrival at
the station in Philadelphia, several other passengers from different
points, happened to come to hand just at that time, and gave great
solicitude and anxiety to the Committee. Among these were a man and his
wife and their four children, (noticed elsewhere), from Maryland.
Likewise an interesting and intelligent young girl who had been almost
miraculously rescued from the prison-house at Norfolk, and in addition
to these, the brother of J.W. Pennington, D.D., with his two sons.
While it was a great gratification to have travelers coming along so
fast, and especially to observe in every countenance, determination,
rare manly and womanly bearing, with remarkable intelligence, it must be
admitted, that the acting committee felt at the same time, a very lively
dread of the slave-hunters, and were on their guard. Arrangements were
made to send the fugitives on by different trains, and in various
directions. Matilda and all the others with the exception of the father
and two sons (relatives of Dr. Pennington) successfully escaped and
reached their longed-for haven in a free land. The Penningtons, however,
although pains had been taken to apprize the Doctor of the good news of
the coming of his kin, whom he had not seen for many, many years, were
captured after being in New York some twenty-four hours. In answer to an
advisory letter from the secretary of the Committee the following from
the Doctor is explicit, relative to his wishes and feelings with regard
to their being sent on to New York.
29 6th AVENUE, NEW YORK, May 24th, 1854.
MY DEAR MR. STILL:--Your kind letter of the 22d inst has come to
hand and I have to thank you for your offices of benevolence to
my bone and my flesh, I have had the pleasure of doing a little
for your brother Peter, but I do not think it an offset. My
burden has been great about these brethren. I hope they have
started on to me. Many thanks, my good friend.
Yours Truly.
J.W.C. PENNINGTON.
This letter only served to intensify the deep interest which had already
been awakened for the safety of all concerned. At the same time also it
made the duty of the Committee clear with regard to forwarding them to
N.Y. Immediately, therefore, the Doctor's brother and sons were
furnished with free tickets and were as carefully cautioned as possible
with regard to slave-hunters, if encountered on the road. In company
with several other Underground Rail Road passengers, under the care of
an intelligent guide, all were sent off in due order, looking quite as
well as the most respectable of their race from any part of the country.
The Committee in New York, with the Doctor, were on the look out of
course; thus without difficulty all arrived safely in the Empire City.
It would seem that the coming of his brother and sons so overpowered the
Doctor that he forgot how imminent their danger was. The meeting and
interview was doubtless very joyous. Few perhaps could realize, even in
imagination, the feelings that filled their hearts, as the Doctor and
his brother reverted to their boyhood, when they were both slaves
together in Maryland; the separation--the escape of the former many
years previous--the contrast, one elevated to the dignity of a Doctor of
Divinity, a scholar and noted clergyman, and as such well known in the
United States, and Great Britain, whilst, at the same time, his brother
and kin were held in chains, compelled to do unrequited labor, to come
and go at the bidding of another. Were not these reflections enough to
incapacitate the Doctor for the time being, for cool thought as to how
he should best guard against the enemy? Indeed, in view of Slavery and
its horrid features, the wonder is, not that more was not done, but that
any thing was done, that the victims were not driven almost out of their
senses. But time rolled on until nearly twenty-four hours had passed,
and while reposing their fatigued and weary limbs in bed, just before
day-break, hyena-like the slave-hunters pounced upon all three of them,
and soon had them hand-cuffed and hurried off to a United States'
Commissioner's office. Armed with the Fugitive Law, and a strong guard
of officers to carry it out, resistance would have been simply useless.
Ere the morning sun arose the sad news was borne by the telegraph wires
to all parts of the country of this awful calamity on the Underground
Rail Road.
Scarcely less painful to the Committee was the news of this accident,
than the news of a disaster, resulting in the loss of several lives, on
the Camden and Amboy Road, would have been to its managers. This was the
first accident that had ever taken place on the road after passengers
had reached the Philadelphia Committee, although, in various instances,
slave-hunters had been within a hair's breadth of their prey.
All that was reported respecting the arrest and return of the Doctor's
kin, so disgraceful to Christianity and civilization, is taken from the
Liberator, as follows:
THREE FUGITIVE SLAVES ARRESTED IN NEW YORK, AND GIVEN UP TO
THEIR OWNERS.
NEW YORK, May 25th.
About three o'clock this morning, three colored men, father and
two sons, known as Jake, Bob, and Stephen Pennington, were
arrested at the instance of David Smith and Jacob Grove, of
Washington Co., Md., who claimed them as their slaves. They were
taken before Commissioner Morton, of the United States Court,
and it was understood that they would be examined at 11 o'clock;
instead of that, however, the case was heard at once, no persons
being present, when the claimnants testified that they were the
owners of said slaves and that they escaped from their service
at Baltimore, on Sunday last.
From what we can gather of the proceedings, the fugitives
acknowledged themselves to be slaves of Smith and Grove. The
commissioner considering the testimony sufficient, ordered their
surrender, and they were accordingly given up to their
claimants, who hurried them off at once, and they are now on
their way to Baltimore. A telegraph despatch has been sent to
Philadelphia, as it is understood an attempt will be made to
rescue the parties, when the cars arrive. There was no
excitement around the commissioner's office, owing to a
misunderstanding as to the time of examination. The men were
traced to this city by the claimants, who made application to
the United States Court, when officers Horton and De Angeles
were deputied by the marshal to effect their arrest, and those
officers, with deputy Marshal Thompson scoured the city, and
finally found them secreted in a house in Broome St. They were
brought before Commissioner Morton this morning. No counsel
appeared for the fugitives. The case being made out, the usual
affidavits of fear of rescue were made, and the warrants
thereupon issued, and the three fugitives were delivered over to
the U.S. Marshal, and hurried off to Maryland. They were a
father and his two sons, father about forty-five and sons
eighteen or nineteen. The evidence shows them to have recently
escaped. The father is the brother of the Rev. Dr. Pennington, a
highly respected colored preacher of this city.
NEW YORK, May 28.
Last evening the church at the corner of Prince and Marion
streets was filled with an intelligent audience of white and
colored people, to hear Dr. Pennington relate the circumstance
connected with the arrest of his brother and nephews. He showed,
that he attempted to afford his brother the assistance of
counsel, but was unable to do so, the officers at the Marshal's
office having deceived him in relation to the time the trial was
to take place before the Commissioners. Hon. E.F. Culver next
addressed the audience, showing, that a great injustice had been
done to the brother of Dr. Pennington, and though he, up to that
time, had advocated peace, he now had the spirit to tear down
the building over the Marshal's head. Intense interest was
manifested during the proceedings, and much sympathy in behalf
of Dr. Pennington.
THE FUGITIVE SLAVES IN BALTIMORE.
The U.S. Marshal, A.T. Hillyer, Esq., received a dispatch this
morning from officers Horton and Dellugelis, at Baltimore,
stating, that they had arrived there with the three slaves,
arrested here yesterday (the Penningtons), the owners
accompanying them. The officers will return to New York, this
evening.--_N.Y. Express_, 27_th_.
NEW YORK, May 30.
The Rev. Dr. Pennington has received a letter from Mr. Grove,
the claimant of his brother, who was recently taken back from
this city, offering to sell him to Dr. Pennington, should he
wish to buy him, and stating, that he would await a reply,
before "selling him to the slave-drivers." Mr. Groce, who
accompanied his "sweet heart," Matilda, in the same train which
conveyed the Penningtons to New York, had reason to apprehend
danger to all the Underground Rail Road passengers, as will
appear from his subjoined letter:
ELMIRA, May 28th.
DEAR LUKE:--I arrived home safe with my precious charge,
and found all well. I have just learned, that the
Penningtons are taken. Had he done as I wished him he
would never have been taken. Last night our tall friend
from Baltimore came, and caused great excitement here by
his information. The lady is perfectly safe now in
Canada. I will write you and Mr. Still as soon as I get
over the excitement. This letter was first intended for
Mr. Gains, but I now send it to you. Please let me hear
their movements.
Yours truly,
C.L. GROCE.
But sadly as this blow was felt by the Vigilance Committee, it did not
cause them to relax their efforts in the least. Indeed it only served to
stir them up to renewed diligence and watchfulness, although for a
length of time afterwards the Committee felt disposed, when sending, to
avoid New York as much as possible, and in lieu thereof, to send _via_
Elmira, where there was a depot under the agency of John W. Jones. Mr.
Jones was a true and prompt friend of the fugitive, and wide-awake with
regard to Slavery and slave-holders, and slave hunters, for he had known
from sad experience in Virginia every trait of character belonging to
these classes.
In the midst of the Doctor's grief, friends of the slave soon raised
money to purchase his brother, about $1,000; but the unfortunate sons
were doomed to the auction block and the far South, where, the writer
has never exactly learned.
"FLEEING GIRL OF FIFTEEN," IN MALE ATTIRE.
PROFESSORS H. AND T. OFFER THEIR SERVICES--CAPTAINS B. ALSO ARE
ENLISTED--SLAVE-TRADER GRASPING TIGHTLY HIS PREY, BUT SHE IS
RESCUED--LONG CONFLICT, BUT GREAT TRIUMPH--ARRIVAL ON THANKSGIVING DAY,
NOV. 25, 1855. It was the business of the Vigilance Committee, as it was
clearly understood by the friends of the Slave, to assist all needy
fugitives, who might in any way manage to reach Philadelphia, but, for
various reasons, not to send agents South to incite slaves to run away,
or to assist them in so doing. Sometimes, however, this rule could not
altogether be conformed to. Cases, in some instances, would appeal so
loudly and forcibly to humanity, civilization, and Christianity, that it
would really seem as if the very stones would cry out, unless something
was done. As an illustration of this point, the story of the young girl,
which is now to be related, will afford the most striking proof. At the
same time it may be seen how much anxiety, care, hazard, delay and
material aid, were required in order to effect the deliverance of some
who were in close places, and difficult of access. It will be necessary
to present a considerable amount of correspondence in this case, to
bring to light the hidden mysteries of this narrative. The first letter,
in explanation, is the following:
LETTER FROM J. BIGELOW, ESQ.
WASHINGTON, D.C., June 27, 1854.
MR. WM. STILL--_Dear Sir_:--I have to thank you for the prompt
answer you had the kindness to give to my note of 22d inst.
Having found a correspondence so quick and easy, and withal so
very flattering, I address you again more fully.
The liberal appropriation for _transportation_ has been made
chiefly on account of a female child of ten or eleven years old,
for whose purchase I have been authorized to offer $700
(refused), and for whose sister I have paid $1,600, and some
$1,000 for their mother, &c.
This child sleeps in the same apartment with its master and
mistress, which adds to the difficulty of removal. She is some
ten or twelve miles from the city, so that really the chief
hazard will be in bringing her safely to town, and in secreting
her until a few days of _storm_ shall have abated. All this, I
think, is now provided for with entire safety.
The child has two cousins in the immediate vicinity; a young man
of some twenty-two years of age, and his sister, of perhaps
seventeen--_both Slaves_, but bright and clear-headed as
anybody. The young man I have seen often--the services of _both_
seem indispensable to the main object suggested; but having once
rendered the service, they cannot, and ought not return to
Slavery. They look for _freedom_ as the reward of what they
shall now do.
Out of the $300, cheerfully offered for the whole enterprise, I
must pay some reasonable sum for transportation to the city and
sustenance while here. It cannot be much; for the balance, I
shall give a draft, which will be _promptly paid_ on their
arrival in New York.
If I have been understood to offer the whole $300, _it shall be
paid_, though I have meant as above stated. Among the various
ways that have been suggested, has been that of taking _all of
them_ into the cars here; that, I think, will be found
impracticable. I find so much vigilance at the depot, that I
would not deem it safe, though, in any kind of carriage they
might leave in safety at any time.
All the rest I leave to the experience and sagacity of the
gentleman who maps out the enterprise.
Now I will thank you to reply to this and let me know that it
reaches you in safety, and is not put in a careless place,
whereby I may be endangered; and state also, whether all my
propositions are understood and acceptable, and whether, (pretty
quickly after I shall inform you that _all things are ready_),
the gentleman will make his appearance?
I live alone. My office and bed-room, &c., are at the corner of
E. and 7th streets, opposite the east end of the General Post
Office, where any one may call upon me.
It would, of course, be imprudent, that this letter, or any
other _written_ particulars, be in his pockets for fear of
accident.
Yours very respectfully,
J. BIGELOW.
While this letter clearly brought to light the situation of things, its
author, however, had scarcely begun to conceive of the numberless
difficulties which stood in the way of success before the work could be
accomplished. The information which Mr. Bigelow's letter contained of
the painful situation of this young girl was submitted to different
parties who could be trusted, with a view of finding a person who might
possess sufficient courage to undertake to bring her away. Amongst those
consulted were two or three captains who had on former occasions done
good service in the cause. One of these captains was known in
Underground Rail-Road circles as the "powder boy."[A] He was willing to
undertake the work, and immediately concluded to make a visit to
Washington, to see how the "land lay." Accordingly in company with
another Underground Rail Road captain, he reported himself one day to
Mr. Bigelow with as much assurance as if he were on an errand for an
office under the government. The impression made on Mr. Bigelow's mind
may be seen from the following letter; it may also be seen that he was
fully alive to the necessity of precautionary measures.
[Footnote A: He had been engaged at different times in carrying powder
in his boat from a powder magazine, and from this circumstance, was
familiarly called the "Powder Boy."]
SECOND LETTER FROM LAWYER BIGELOW.
WASHINGTON, D.C., September 9th, 1855.
MR. WM. STILL, DEAR SIR:--I strongly hope the little matter of
business so long pending and about which I have written you so
many times, will take a move now. I have the promise that the
merchandize shall be delivered in this city to-night. Like so
many other promises, this also may prove a failure, though I
have reason to believe that it will not. I shall, however, know
before I mail this note. In case the goods arrive here I shall
hope to see your long-talked of "Professional gentleman" in
Washington, as soon as possible. He will find me by the enclosed
card, which shall be a satisfactory introduction for him. You
have never given me his name, nor am I anxious to know it. But
on a pleasant visit made last fall to friend Wm. Wright, in
Adams Co., I suppose I accidentally learned it to be a certain
Dr. H----. Well, let him come.
I had an interesting call a week ago from two gentlemen, masters
of vessels, and brothers, one of whom, I understand, you know as
the "powder boy." I had a little light freight for them; but not
finding enough other freight to ballast their craft, they went
down the river looking for wheat, and promising to return soon.
I hope to see them often.
I hope this may find you returned from your northern trip,[A] as
your time proposed was out two or three days ago.
[Footnote A: Mr. Bigelow's correspondent had been on a visit to
the fugitives to Canada.]
I hope if the whole particulars of Jane Johnson's case[B] are
printed, you will send me the copy as proposed.
[Footnote B: Jane Johnson of the Passmore Williamson Slave
Case.]
I forwarded some of her things to Boston a few days ago, and had
I known its importance in court, I could have sent you one or
two witnesses who would prove that her freedom was intended by
her before she left Washington, and that a man was _engaged_
here to go on to Philadelphia the same day with her to give
notice there of her case, though I think he failed to do so. It
was beyond all question her purpose, _before leaving Washington
and provable too_, that if Wheeler should make her a free woman
by taking her to a free state "_to use it rather_."
Tuesday, 11th September. The attempt was made on Sunday to
forward the merchandize, but failed through no fault of any of
the parties that I now know of. It will be repeated soon, and
you shall know the result.
"Whorra for Judge Kane." I feel so indignant at the man, that it
is not easy to write the foregoing sentence, and yet who is
helping our cause like Kane and Douglas, not forgetting
Stringfellow. I hope soon to know that this reaches you in
safety.
It often happens that light freight would be offered to Captain
B., but the owners cannot by possibility _advance_ the amount of
freight. I wish it were possible in some such extreme cases,
that after advancing _all they have_, some public fund should be
found to pay the balance or at least lend it.
[I wish here to caution you against the supposition that I would
do any act, or say a word towards helping servants to escape.
Although I hate slavery so much, I keep my hands clear of any
such wicked or illegal act.]
Yours, very truly,
J.B.
Will you recollect, hereafter, that in any of my future letters,
in which I may use [] whatever words may be within the brackets
are intended to have no signification whatever to you, only to
blind the eyes of the uninitiated. You will find an example at
the close of my letter.
Up to this time the chances seemed favorable of procuring the ready
services of either of the above mentioned captains who visited Lawyer
Bigelow for the removal of the merchandize to Philadelphia, providing
the shipping master could have it in readiness to suit their
convenience. But as these captains had a number of engagements at
Richmond, Petersburg, &c., it was not deemed altogether safe to rely
upon either of them, consequently in order to be prepared in case of an
emergency, the matter was laid before two professional gentlemen who
were each occupying chairs in one of the medical colleges of
Philadelphia. They were known to be true friends of the slave, and had
possessed withal some experience in Underground Rail Road matters.
Either of these professors was willing to undertake the operation,
provided arrangements could be completed in time to be carried out
during the vacation. In this hopeful, although painfully indefinite
position the matter remained for more than a year; but the
correspondence and anxiety increased, and with them disappointments and
difficulties multiplied. The hope of Freedom, however, buoyed up the
heart of the young slave girl during the long months of anxious waiting
and daily expectation for the hour of deliverance to come. Equally true
and faithful also did Mr. Bigelow prove to the last; but at times he had
some painfully dark seasons to encounter, as may be seen from the
subjoined letter:
WASHINGTON, D.C., October 6th, 1855.
MR. STILL, DEAR SIR:--I regret exceedingly to learn by your
favor of 4th instant, that all things are not ready. Although I
cannot speak of any immediate and positive danger. [_Yet it is
well known that the city is full of incendiaries_.]
Perhaps you are aware that any colored citizen is liable at any
hour of day or night without any show of authority to have his
house ransacked by constables, and if others do it and commit
the most outrageous depredations none but white witnesses can
convict them. Such outrages are always common here, and no kind
of property exposed to colored protection only, can be
considered safe. [I don't say that _much liberty_ should not be
given to constables on account of numerous runaways, but it
don't always work for good.] Before advertising they go round
and offer rewards to sharp colored men of perhaps _one or two
hundred dollars_, to betray runaways, and having discovered
their hiding-place, seize them and then cheat their informers
out of the money.
[_Although a law-abiding man_,] I am anxious in this case of
_innocence_ to raise no conflict or suspicion. [_Be sure that
the manumission is full and legal_.] And as I am _powerless_
without your aid, _I pray you_ don't lose a moment in giving me
relief. The idea of waiting yet for weeks seems dreadful; do
reduce it to days if possible, and give me notice of the
_earliest possible time_.
The property is not yet advertised, but will be, [and if we
delay too long, may be sold and lost.]
It was a great misunderstanding, though not your fault, that so
much delay would be necessary. [I repeat again that I must have
the thing done legally, therefore, please get a good lawyer to
draw up the deed of manumission.]
Yours Truly,
J. BIGELOW.
Great was the anxiety felt in Washington. It is certainly not too much
to say, that an equal amount of anxiety existed in Philadelphia
respecting the safety of the merchandise. At this juncture Mr. Bigelow
had come to the conclusion that it was no longer safe to write over his
own name, but that he would do well to henceforth adopt the name of the
renowned Quaker, Wm. Penn, (he was worthy of it) as in the case of the
following letter.
WASHINGTON, D.C., November 10th, 1855.
DEAR SIR:--Doctor T. presented my card last night about half
past eight which I instantly recognized. I, however, soon became
suspicious, and afterwards confounded, to find the doctor using
your name and the well known names of Mr. McK. and Mr. W. and
yet, neither he nor I, could conjecture the object of his visit.
The doctor is agreeable and sensible, and doubtless a
true-hearted man. He seemed to see the whole matter as I did,
and was embarrassed. He had nothing to propose, no information
to give of the "P. Boy," or of any substitute, and seemed to
want no particular information from me concerning my anxieties
and perils, though I stated them to him, but found him as
powerless as myself to give me relief. I had an agreeable
interview with the doctor till after ten, when he left,
intending to take the cars at six, as I suppose he did do, this
morning.
This morning after eight, I got your letter of the 9th, but it
gives me but little enlightenment or satisfaction. You simply
say that the doctor is a _true man_, which I cannot doubt, that
you thought it best we should have an interview, and that you
supposed I would meet the expenses. You informed me also that
the "P. Boy" left for Richmond, on Friday, the 2d, to be gone
_the length of time named in your last_, I must infer that to be
_ten days_ though in your last _you assured me_ that the "P.
Boy" would certainly start for _this place_ (not Richmond) in
two or three days, though the difficulty about freight might
cause delay, and the whole enterprise might not be accomplished
under ten days, &c., &c. That time having elapsed and I having
agreed to an extra fifty dollars to ensure promptness. I have
scarcely left my office since, except for my hasty meals,
awaiting his arrival. You now inform me he has gone to Richmond,
to be gone ten days, which will expire tomorrow, but you do not
say he will return here or to Phila, or where, at the expiration
of that time, and Dr. T. could tell me nothing whatever about
him. Had he been able to tell me that this _best plan_, which I
have so long rested upon, would fail, or was abandoned, I could
then understand it, but he says no such thing, and you say, as
you have twice before said, "ten days more."
Now, my dear sir, after this recapitulation, can you not see
that I have reason for great embarrassment? I have given
assurances, both here and in New York, founded on your
assurances to me, and caused my friends in the latter place
great anxiety, so much that I have had no way to explain my own
letters but by sending your last two to Mr. Tappan.
I cannot doubt, I do not, but that you wish to help me, and the
cause too, for which both of us have made many and large
sacrifices with no hope of reward in this world. If in this case
I have been very urgent since September Dr. T. can give you some
of my reasons, they have not been selfish.
The whole matter is in a nutshell. Can I, in your opinion,
depend on the "P. Boy," and when?
If he promises to come here next trip, will he come, or go to
Richmond? This I think is the best way. Can I depend on it?
Dr. T. promised to write me some explanation and give some
advice, and at first I thought to await his letter, but on
second thought concluded to tell you how I feel, as I have done.
Will you answer my questions with some explicitness, and without
delay?
I forgot to inquire of Dr. T. who is the head of your Vigilance
Committee, whom I may address concerning other and further
operations?
Yours very truly,
WM. PENN.
P.S. I ought to say, that I have no doubt but there were good
reasons for the P. Boy's going to Richmond instead of W.; _but
what can they be_?
Whilst there are a score of other interesting letters, bearing on this
case, the above must suffice, to give at least, an idea of the
perplexities and dangers attending its early history. Having
accomplished this end, a more encouraging and pleasant phase of the
transaction may now be introduced. Here the difficulties, at least very
many of them, vanish, yet in one respect, the danger became most
imminent. The following letter shows that the girl had been successfully
rescued from her master, and that a reward of five hundred dollars had
been offered for her.
WASHINGTON, D.C., October 12, 1855.
MR. WM. STILL:--AS YOU PICK UP ALL THE NEWS THAT IS STIRRING, I
CONTRIBUTE A FEW SCRAPS TO YOUR STOCK, GOING TO SHOW THAT THE
POOR SLAVE-HOLDERS HAVE THEIR TROUBLES AS WELL AS OTHER PEOPLE.
FOUR HEAVY LOSSES ON ONE SMALL SCRAP CUT FROM A SINGLE NUMBER OF
THE "SUN!" HOW VEXATIOUS! HOW PROVOKING! ON THE OTHER HAND,
THINK OF THE POOR, TIMID, BREATHLESS, FLYING CHILD OF FIFTEEN!
FIVE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD! OH, FOR SUCCOR! TO WHOM IN ALL THIS
WIDE LAND OF FREEDOM SHALL SHE FLEE AND FIND SAFETY?
ALAS!--ALAS!--THE LAW POINTS TO NO ONE!
IS SHE STILL RUNNING WITH BLEEDING FEET?[A] OR HIDES SHE IN SOME
COLD CAVE, TO REST AND STARVE? "$500 REWARD." YOURS, FOR THE
WEAK AND THE POOR. PERISH THE REWARD.
[Footnote A: At the time this letter was written, she was then
under Mr. B.'s protection in Washington, and had to be so kept
for six weeks. His question, therefore, "is she still running
with bleeding feet," etc., was simply a precautionary step to
blind any who might perchance investigate the matter.]
J.B.
Having thus succeeded in getting possession of, and secreting this
fleeing child of fifteen, as best they could, in Washington, all
concerned were compelled to "possess their souls in patience," until the
storm had passed. Meanwhile, the "child of fifteen" was christened "Joe
Wright," and dressed in male attire to prepare for traveling as a lad.
As no opportunity had hitherto presented itself, whereby to prepare the
"package" for shipment, from Washington, neither the "powder boy" nor
Dr. T.[B] was prepared to attend to the removal, at this critical
moment. The emergency of the case, however, cried loudly for aid. The
other professional gentleman (Dr. H.), was now appealed to, but his
engagements in the college forbade his absence before about Thanksgiving
day, which was then six weeks off. This fact was communicated to
Washington, and it being the only resource left, the time named was
necessarily acquiesced in. In the interim, "Joe" was to perfect herself
in the art of wearing pantaloons, and all other male rig. Soon the days
and weeks slid by, although at first the time for waiting seemed long,
when, according to promise, Dr. H. was in Washington, with his horse and
buggy prepared for duty. The impressions made by Dr. H., on William
Penn's mind, at his first interview, will doubtless be interesting to
all concerned, as may be seen in the following letter:
[Footnote B: Dr. T. was one of the professional gentlemen alluded to
above, who had expressed a willingness to act as an agent in the
matter.]
WASHINGTON, D.C., November 26, 1855.
MY DEAR SIR:--A recent letter from my friend, probably has led
you to expect this from me. He was delighted to receive yours of
the 23d, stating that the boy was _all right_. He found the
"Prof. gentleman" a _perfect gentleman_; cool, quiet,
thoughtful, and _perfectly competent to execute his
undertaking_. At the first three minutes of their interview, he
felt assured that all would be right. He, and all concerned,
give you and that gentleman sincere thanks for what you have
done. May the blessings of Him, who cares for the poor, be on
your heads.
The especial object of this, is to inform you that there is a
half dozen or so of packages here, _pressing for
transportation_; twice or thrice that number are also pressing,
but less so than the others. Their aggregate means will average,
say, $10 each; besides these, we know of a few, say three or
four, _able and smart_, but utterly destitute, and kept so
purposely by their oppressors. For all these, we feel deeply
interested; $10 each would not be enough for the "powder boy."
Is there any fund from which a pittance could be spared to help
these poor creatures? I don't doubt but that they would honestly
repay a small loan as soon as they could earn it. I know full
well, that if you begin with such cases, there is no boundary at
which you can stop. For years, one half at least, of my friend's
time here has been gratuitously given to cases of distress among
this class. He never expects or desires to do less; he literally
has the _poor always with him_. He knows that it is so with you
also, therefore, he only states the case, being especially
anxious for at least those to whom I have referred.
[Illustration: MARIA WEEMS ESCAPING IN MALE ATTIRE]
I think a small lot of hard coal might always be sold here _from
the vessel_ at a profit. Would not a like lot of Cumberland coal
always sell in Philadelphia?
My friend would be very glad to see the powder boy here again,
and if he brings coal, there are those here, who would try to
help him sell.
Reply to your regular correspondent as usual.
WM. PENN.
By the presence of the Dr., confidence having been reassured that all
would be right, as well as by the "inner light," William Penn
experienced a great sense of relief. Everything having been duly
arranged, the doctor's horse and carriage stood waiting before the White
House (William Penn preferred this place as a starting point, rather
than before his own office door). It being understood that "Joe" was to
act as coachman in passing out of Washington, at this moment he was
called for, and in the most polite and natural manner, with the
fleetness of a young deer, he jumped into the carriage, took the reins
and whip, whilst the doctor and William Penn were cordially shaking
hands and bidding adieu. This done, the order was given to Joe, "drive
on." Joe bravely obeyed. The faithful horse trotted off willingly, and
the doctor sat in his carriage as composed as though he had succeeded in
procuring an honorable and lucrative office from the White House, and
was returning home to tell his wife the good news. The doctor had some
knowledge of the roads, also some acquaintances in Maryland, through
which State he had to travel; therefore, after leaving the suburbs of
Washington, the doctor took the reins in his own hands, as he felt that
he was more experienced as a driver than his young coachman. He was also
mindful of the fact, that, before reaching Pennsylvania, his faithful
beast would need feeding several times, and that they consequently would
be obliged to pass one or two nights at least in Maryland, either at a
tavern or farm-house.
In reflecting upon the matter, it occurred to the doctor, that in
earlier days, he had been quite intimately acquainted with a farmer and
his family (who were slave-holders), in Maryland, and that he would
about reach their house at the end of the first day's journey. He
concluded that he could do no better than to renew his acquaintance with
his old friends on this occasion. After a very successful day's travel,
night came on, and the doctor was safely at the farmer's door with his
carriage and waiter boy; the doctor was readily recognized by the farmer
and his family, who seemed glad to see him; indeed, they made quite a
"fuss" over him. As a matter of strategy, the doctor made quite a "fuss"
over them in return; nevertheless, he did not fail to assume airs of
importance, which were calculated to lead them to think that he had
grown older and wiser than when they knew him in his younger days. In
casually referring to the manner of his traveling, he alluded to the
fact, that he was not very well, and as it had been a considerable
length of time since he had been through that part of the country, he
thought that the drive would do him good, and especially the sight of
old familiar places and people. The farmer and his family felt
themselves exceedingly honored by the visit from the distinguished
doctor, and manifested a marked willingness to spare no pains to render
his night's lodging in every way comfortable.
The Dr. being an educated and intelligent gentleman, well posted on
other questions besides medicine, could freely talk about farming in all
its branches, and "niggers" too, in an emergency, so the evening passed
off pleasantly with the Dr. in the parlor, and "Joe" in the kitchen. The
Dr., however, had given "Joe" precept upon precept, "here a little, and
there a little," as to how he should act in the presence of master white
people, or slave colored people, and thus he was prepared to act his
part with due exactness. Before the evening grew late, the Dr., fearing
some accident, intimated, that he was feeling a "little languid," and
therefore thought that he had better "retire." Furthermore he added,
that he was "liable to vertigo," when not quite well, and for this
reason he must have his boy "Joe" sleep in the room with him. "Simply
give him a bed quilt and he will fare well enough in one corner of the
room," said the Dr. The proposal was readily acceded to, and carried
into effect by the accommodating host. The Dr. was soon in bed, sleeping
soundly, and "Joe," in his new coat and pants, wrapped up in the bed
quilt, in a corner of the room quite comfortably.
The next morning the Dr. arose at as early an hour as was prudent for a
gentleman of his position, and feeling refreshed, partook of a good
breakfast, and was ready, with his boy, "Joe," to prosecute their
journey. Face, eyes, hope, and steps, were set as flint,
Pennsylvania-ward. What time the following day or night they crossed
Mason and Dixon's line is not recorded on the Underground Rail Road
books, but at four o'clock on Thanksgiving Day, the Dr. safely landed
the "fleeing girl of fifteen" at the residence of the writer in
Philadelphia. On delivering up his charge, the Dr. simply remarked to
the writer's wife, "I wish to leave this young lad with you a short
while, and I will call and see further about him." Without further
explanation, he stepped into his carriage and hurried away, evidently
anxious to report himself to his wife, in order to relieve her mind of a
great weight of anxiety on his account. The writer, who happened to be
absent from home when the Dr. called, returned soon afterwards. "The Dr.
has been here" (he was the family physician), "and left this 'young
lad,' and said, that he would call again and see about him," said Mrs.
S. The "young lad" was sitting quite composedly in the dining-room, with
his cap on. The writer turned to him and inquired, "I suppose you are
the person that the Dr. went to Washington after, are you not?" "No,"
said "Joe." "Where are you from then?" was the next question. "From
York, sir." "From York? Why then did the Dr. bring you here?" was the
next query, "the Dr. went expressly to Washington after a young girl,
who was to be brought away dressed up as a boy, and I took you to be the
person." Without replying "the lad" arose and walked out of the house.
The querist, somewhat mystified, followed him, and then when the two
were alone, "the lad" said, "I am the one the Dr. went after." After
congratulating her, the writer asked why she had said, that she was not
from Washington, but from York. She explained, that the Dr. had strictly
charged her not to own to any person, except the writer, that she was
from Washington, but from York. As there were persons present (wife,
hired girl, and a fugitive woman), when the questions were put to her,
she felt that it would be a violation of her pledge to answer in the
affirmative. Before this examination, neither of the individuals present
for a moment entertained the slightest doubt but that she was a "lad,"
so well had she acted her part in every particular. She was dressed in a
new suit, which fitted her quite nicely, and with her unusual amount of
common sense, she appeared to be in no respect lacking. To send off a
prize so rare and remarkable, as she was, without affording some of the
stockholders and managers of the Road the pleasure of seeing her, was
not to be thought of. In addition to the Vigilance Committee, quite a
number of persons were invited to see her, and were greatly astonished.
Indeed it was difficult to realize, that she was not a boy, even after
becoming acquainted with the facts in the case.
The following is an exact account of this case, as taken from the
Underground Rail Road records:
"THANKSGIVING DAY, Nov., 1855.
Arrived, Ann Maria Weems, _alias_ 'Joe Wright,' _alias_ 'Ellen
Capron,' from Washington, through the aid of Dr. H. She is about
fifteen years of age, bright mulatto, well grown, smart and
good-looking. For the last three years, or about that length of
time, she has been owned by Charles M. Price, a negro trader, of
Rockville, Maryland. Mr. P. was given to 'intemperance,' to a
very great extent, and gross 'profanity.' He buys and sells many
slaves in the course of the year. 'His wife is cross and
peevish.' She used to take great pleasure in 'torturing' one
'little slave boy.' He was the son of his master (and was owned
by him); this was the chief cause of the mistress' spite."
Ann Maria had always desired her freedom from childhood, and
although not thirteen, when first advised to escape, she
received the suggestion without hesitation, and ever after that
time waited almost daily, for more than two years, the chance to
flee. Her friends were, of course, to aid her, and make
arrangements for her escape. Her owner, fearing that she might
escape, for a long time compelled her to sleep in the chamber
with "her master and mistress;" indeed she was so kept until
about three weeks before she fled. She left her parents living
in Washington. Three of her brothers had been sold South from
their parents. Her mother had been purchased for $1,000, and one
of her sisters for $1,600 for freedom. Before Ann Maria was
thirteen years of age $700 was offered for her by a friend, who
desired to procure her freedom, but the offer was promptly
refused, as were succeeding ones repeatedly made. The only
chance of procuring her freedom, depended upon getting her away
on the Underground Rail Road. She was neatly attired in male
habiliments, and in that manner came all the way from
Washington. After passing two or three days with her new friends
in Philadelphia, she was sent on (in male attire) to Lewis
Tappan, of New York, who had likewise been deeply interested in
her case from the beginning, and who held himself ready, as was
understood, to cash a draft for three hundred dollars to
compensate the man who might risk his own liberty in bringing
her on from Washington. After having arrived safely in New York,
she found a home and kind friends in the family of the Rev. A.N.
Freeman, and received quite an ovation characteristic of an
Underground Rail Road.
After having received many tokens of esteem and kindness from
the friends of the slave in New York and Brooklyn, she was
carefully forwarded on to Canada, to be educated at the "Buxton
Settlement."
An interesting letter, however, from the mother of Ann Maria, conveying
the intelligence of her late great struggle and anxiety in laboring to
free her last child from Slavery is too important to be omitted, and
hence is inserted in connection with this narrative.
LETTER FROM THE MOTHER.
WASHINGTON, D.C., September 19th, 1857.
WM. STILL, ESQ., Philadelphia, Pa. SIR:--I have just sent for my
son Augustus, in Alabama. I have sent eleven hundred dollars
which pays for his body and some thirty dollars to pay his fare
to Washington. I borrowed one hundred and eighty dollars to make
out the eleven hundred dollars. I was not very successful in
Syracuse. I collected only twelve dollars, and in Rochester only
two dollars. I did not know that the season was so unpropitious.
The wealthy had all gone to the springs. They must have returned
by this time. I hope you will exert yourself and help me get a
part of the money I owe, at least. I am obliged to pay it by the
12th of next month. I was unwell when I returned through
Philadelphia, or I should have called. I had been from home five
weeks.
My son Augustus is the last of the family in Slavery. I feel
rejoiced that he is soon to be free and with me, and of course
feel the greatest solicitude about raising the one hundred and
eighty dollars I have borrowed of a kind friend, or who has
borrowed it for me at bank. I hope and pray you will help me as
far as possible. Tell Mr. Douglass to remember me, and if he
can, to interest his friends for me.
You will recollect that five hundred dollars of our money was
taken to buy the sister of Henry H. Garnett's wife. Had I been
able to command this I should not be necessitated to ask the
favors and indulgences I do.
I am expecting daily the return of Augustus, and may Heaven
grant him a safe deliverance and smile propitiously upon you and
all kind friends who have aided in his return to me.
Be pleased to remember me to friends, and accept yourself the
blessing and prayers of your dear friend,
EARRO WEEMS.
P.S. Direct your letter to E.L. Stevens, in Duff Green's Row,
Capitol Hill, Washington, D.C.
E.W.
That William Penn who worked so faithfully for two years for the
deliverance of Ann Maria may not appear to have been devoting all his
time and sympathy towards this single object it seems expedient that two
or three additional letters, proposing certain grand Underground Rail
Road plans, should have a place here. For this purpose, therefore, the
following letters are subjoined.
LETTERS FROM WILLIAM PENN.
WASHINGTON, D.C., Oct. 3, 1854
DEAR SIR:--I address you to-day chiefly at the suggestion of the
Lady who will hand you my letter, and who is a resident of your
city.
After stating to you, that the case about which I have
previously written, remains just as it was when I wrote
last--full of difficulty--I thought I would call your attention
to another enterprise; it is this: to find a man with a large
heart for doing good to the oppressed, who will come to
Washington to live, and who will _walk out to Penn'a., or a part
of the way there, once or twice a week_. He will find parties
who will _pay him for doing so_. Parties of say, two, three,
five or so, who will pay him _at least_ $5 each, for the
privilege of following him, but _will never speak to him_; but
will keep just in sight of him and obey any sign he may give;
say, he takes off his hat and scratches his head as a sign for
them to go to some barn or wood to rest, &c. No living being
shall be found to say he ever spoke to them. A white man would
be best, and then even parties led out by him could not, if they
would, testify to any _understanding_ or anything else against a
white man. I think he might make a good living at it. Can it not
be done?
If one or two safe stopping-places could be found on the
way--such as a barn or shed, they could walk quite safely all
night and then sleep all day--about two, or _easily_ three
nights would convey them to a place of safety. The traveler
might be a peddler or huckster, with an old horse and cart, and
bring us in eggs and butter if he pleases.
Let him once plan out his route, and he might then take ten or a
dozen at a time, and they are often able and willing to pay $10
a piece.
I have a hard case now on hand; a brother and sister 23 to 25
years old, whose mother lives in your city. They are cruelly
treated; they want to go, they _ought_ to go; but they are
utterly destitute. Can nothing be done for such cases? If you
can think of anything let me know it. I suppose you know me?
WASHINGTON, D.C., April 3, 1856.
DEAR SIR:--I sent you the recent law of Virginia, under which
all vessels are to be searched for fugitives within the waters
of that State.
It was long ago suggested by a sagacious friend, that the
"powder boy" might find a better port in the Chesapeake bay, or
in the Patuxent river to communicate with this vicinity, than by
entering the Potomac river, even were there no such law.
Suppose he opens a trade with some place south-west of
Annapolis, 25 or 30 miles from here, or less. He might carry
wood, oysters, &c., and all his customers from this vicinity
might travel in _that direction_ without any of the suspicions
that might attend their journeyings _towards this city_. In this
way, doubtless, a good business might be carried on without
interruption or competition, and provided the plan was conducted
without affecting the inhabitants along that shore, no suspicion
would arise as to the manner or magnitude of his business
operations. How does this strike you? What does the "powder boy"
think of it?
I heretofore intimated a _pressing necessity_ on the part of
several females--they are variously situated--two have children,
say a couple each; some have none--of the latter, one can raise
$50, another, say 30 or 40 dollars--another who was gazetted
last August (a copy sent you), can raise, through her friends,
20 or 30 dollars, &c., &c. None of these can walk so far or so
fast as scores of _men_ that are constantly leaving. I cannot
shake off my anxiety for these poor creatures. Can you think of
anything for any of these? Address your other correspondent in
answer to this at your leisure.
Yours,
WM. PENN.
P.S.--April 3d. Since writing the above, I have received yours
of 31st. I am rejoiced to hear that business is so successful
and prosperous--may it continue till _the article_ shall cease
to be merchandize.
I spoke in my last letter of the departure of a "few friends." I
have since heard of their good health in Penn'a. Probably you
may have seen them.
In reference to the expedition of which you think you can "hold
out some little encouragement," I will barely remark, that I
shall be glad, if it is undertaken, to have all the notice of
the _time and manner_ that is possible, so as to make ready.
A friend of mine says, anthracite coal will always pay here from
Philadelphia, and thinks a small vessel might run often--that
she never would be searched in the Potomac, unless she went
outside.
You advise caution towards Mr. P. I am precisely of your opinion
about him, that he is a "queer stick," and while I advised him
carefully in reference to his own undertakings, I took no
counsel of him concerning mine.
Yours,
W.P.
WASHINGTON, D.C., April 23d, 1856.
DEAR SIR:--I have to thank you for your last two encouraging
letters of 31st of March and 7th April. I have seen nothing in
the papers to interest you, and having bad health and a press of
other engagements, I have neglected to write you.
Enclosed is a list of persons referred to in my last letter, all
most anxious to travel--all meritorious. In some of these I feel
an especial interest for what they have done to help others in
distress.
I suggest for yours and the "powder boy's" consideration the
following plan: that he shall take in coal for Washington and
come directly here--sell his coal and go to Georgetown for
freight, and _wait_ for it. If any fancy articles are sent on
board, _I understand he has a place_ to put them in, and _if he
has_ I suggest that he lies still, still waiting for freight
till the first anxiety is over. Vessels that have _just left_
are the ones that will be inquired after, and perhaps chased. If
he lays still a day or two all suspicion will be prevented. If
there shall be occasion to refer to any of them hereafter, it
may be by their numbers in the list.
The family--5 to 11--will be missed and inquired after soon and
urgently; 12 and 13 will also be soon missed, but _none of the
others_.
If all this can be done, some little time or notice must be had
to get them all ready. They tell me they can pay the sums marked
to their names. The aggregate is small, but as I told you, they
are poor. Let me hear from you when convenient.
[Illustration: JOHN HENRY HILL]
Truly Yours,
WM. PENN.
1.
A woman, may be 40 years old,
$40.00
2.
A woman, may be 40 years old, with 3 children, say 4, 6, and 8[A]
15.00
3.
A sister of the above, younger
10.00
4.
A very genteel mulatto girl about 22
25.00
5.
A woman, say 45,
These are all one
6.
A daughter, 18,
family, either of
7.
A son, 16,
them leaving
8.
A son, 14,
alone, they think,
50.00
9.
A daughter, 12,
would cause the
10.
A son, say 22,
balance to be sold.
11.
A man, the Uncle, 40,
12.
A very genteel mulatto girl, say 23
25.00
13.
A very genteel mulatto girl, say 24
25.00
* * * * *
FIVE YEARS AND ONE MONTH SECRETED.
JOHN HENRY, HEZEKIAH, AND JAMES HILL.--JOHN MAKES A DESPERATE RESISTANCE
AT THE SLAVE AUCTION AND ESCAPES AFTER BEING SECRETED NINE MONTHS.
HEZEKIAH ESCAPED FROM A TRADER AND WAS SECEETED THIRTEEN MONTHS BEFORE
HIS FINAL DELIVERANCE.--JAMES WAS SECRETED THREE YEARS IN A PLACE OF
GREAT SUFFERING, AND ESCAPED. IN ALL FIVE YEARS AND ONE MONTH.
Many letters from JOHN HENRY show how incessantly his mind ran out
towards the oppressed, and the remarkable intelligence and ability he
displayed with the pen, considering that he had no chance to acquire
book knowledge. After having fled for refuge to Canada and having become
a partaker of impartial freedom under the government of Great Britain,
to many it seemed that the fugitive should be perfectly satisfied. Many
appeared to think that the fugitive, having secured freedom, had but
little occasion for anxiety or care, even for his nearest kin. "Change
your name." "Never tell any one how you escaped." "Never let any one
know where you came from." "Never think of writing back, not even to
your wife; you can do your kin no good, but may do them harm by
writing." "Take care of yourself." "You are free, well, be satisfied
then." "It will do you no good to fret about your wife and children;
that will not get them out of Slavery." Such was the advice often given
to the fugitive. Men who had been slaves themselves, and some who had
aided in the escape of individuals, sometimes urged these sentiments on
men and women whose hearts were almost breaking over the thought that
their dearest and best friends were in chains in the prison-house.
Perhaps it was thoughtlessness on the part of some, and a wish to
inspire due cautiousness on the part of others, that prompted this
advice. Doubtless some did soon forget their friends. They saw no way by
which they could readily communicate with them. Perhaps Slavery had
dealt with them so cruelly, that little hope or aspiration was left in
them.
It was, however, one of the most gratifying facts connected with the
fugitives, the strong love and attachment that they constantly expressed
for their relatives left in the South; the undying faith they had in God
as evinced by their touching appeals on behalf of their fellow-slaves.
But few probably are aware how deeply these feelings were cherished in
the breasts of this people. Forty, fifty, or sixty years, in some
instances elapsed, but this ardent sympathy and love continued warm and
unwavering as ever. Children left to the cruel mercy of slave-holders,
could never be forgotten. Brothers and sisters could not refrain from
weeping over the remembrance of their separation on the auction block:
of having seen innocent children, feeble and defenceless women in the
grasp of a merciless tyrant, pleading, groaning, and crying in vain for
pity. Not to remember those thus bruised and mangled, it would seem
alike unnatural, and impossible. Therefore it is a source of great
satisfaction to be able, in relating these heroic escapes, to present
the evidences of the strong affections of this greatly oppressed race.
JOHN HENRY never forgot those with whom he had been a fellow-sufferer in
Slavery; he was always fully awake to their wrongs, and longed to be
doing something to aid and encourage such as were striving to get their
Freedom. He wrote many letters in behalf of others, as well as for
himself, the tone of which, was always marked by the most zealous
devotion to the slave, a high sense of the value of Freedom, and
unshaken confidence that God was on the side of the oppressed, and a
strong hope, that the day was not far distant, when the slave power
would be "suddenly broken and that without remedy."
Notwithstanding the literary imperfections of these letters, they are
deemed well suited to these pages. Of course, slaves were not allowed
book learning. Virginia even imprisoned white women for teaching free
colored children the alphabet. Who has forgotten the imprisonment of
Mrs. Douglass for this offense? In view of these facts, no apology is
needed on account of Hill's grammar and spelling.
In these letters, may be seen, how much liberty was valued, how the
taste of Freedom moved the pen of the slave; how the thought of
fellow-bondmen, under the heel of the slave-holder, aroused the spirit
of indignation and wrath; how importunately appeals were made for help
from man and from God; how much joy was felt at the arrival of a
fugitive, and the intense sadness experienced over the news of a failure
or capture of a slave. Not only are the feelings of John Henry Hill
represented in these epistles, but the feelings of very many others
amongst the intelligent fugitives all over the country are also
represented to the letter. It is more with a view of doing justice to a
brave, intelligent class, whom the public are ignorant of, than merely
to give special prominence to John and his relatives as individuals,
that these letters are given.
ESCAPE OF JOHN HENRY HILL FROM THE SLAVE AUCTION IN RICHMOND, ON THE
FIRST DAY OF JANUARY, 1853.
JOHN HENRY at that time, was a little turned of twenty-five years of
age, full six feet high, and remarkably well proportioned in every
respect. He was rather of a brown color, with marked intellectual
features. John was by trade, a carpenter, and was considered a competent
workman. The year previous to his escape, he hired his time, for which
he paid his owner $150. This amount John had fully settled up the last
day of the year. As he was a young man of steady habits, a husband and
father, and withal an ardent lover of Liberty; his owner, John Mitchell,
evidently observed these traits in his character, and concluded that he
was a dangerous piece of property to keep; that his worth in money could
be more easily managed than the man. Consequently, his master
unceremoniously, without intimating in any way to John, that he was to
be sold, took him to Richmond, on the first day of January (the great
annual sale day), and directly to the slave-auction. Just as John was
being taken into the building, he was invited to submit to hand-cuffs.
As the thought flashed upon his mind that he was about to be sold on the
auction-block, he grew terribly desperate. "Liberty or death" was the
watchword of that awful moment. In the twinkling of an eye, he turned on
his enemies, with his fist, knife, and feet, so tiger-like, that he
actually put four or five men to flight, his master among the number.
His enemies thus suddenly baffled, John wheeled, and, as if assisted by
an angel, strange as it may appear, was soon out of sight of his
pursuers, and securely hid away. This was the last hour of John Henry's
slave life, but not, however, of his struggles and sufferings for
freedom, for before a final chance to escape presented itself, nine
months elapsed. The mystery as to where, and how he fared, the following
account, in his own words, must explain--
Nine months I was trying to get away. I was secreted for a long
time in a kitchen of a merchant near the corner of Franklyn and
7th streets, at Richmond, where I was well taken care of, by a
lady friend of my mother. When I got Tired of staying in that
place, I wrote myself a pass to pass myself to Petersburg, here
I stopped with a very prominent Colored person, who was a friend
to Freedom stayed here until two white friends told other
friends if I was in the city to tell me to go at once, and stand
not upon the order of going, because they had hard a plot. I
wrot a pass, started for Richmond, Reached Manchester, got off
the Cars walked into Richmond, once more got back into the same
old Den, Stayed here from the 16th of Aug. to 12th Sept. On the
11th of Sept. 8 o'clock P.M. a message came to me that there had
been a State Room taken on the steamer City of Richmond for my
benefit, and I assured the party that it would be occupied if
God be willing. Before 10 o'clock the next morning, on the 12th,
a beautiful Sept. day, I arose early, wrote my pass for Norfolk
left my old Den with a many a good bye, turned out the back way
to 7th St., thence to Main, down Main behind 4 night waich to
old Rockett's and after about 20 minutes of delay I succeed in
Reaching the State Room. My Conductor was very much Excited, but
I felt as Composed as I do at this moment, for I had started
from my Den that morning for Liberty or for Death providing
myself with a Brace of Pistels.
Yours truly
J.H. HILL.
A private berth was procured for him on the steamship City of Richmond,
for the amount of $125, and thus he was brought on safely to
Philadelphia. While in the city, he enjoyed the hospitalities of the
Vigilance Committee, and the greetings of a number of friends, during
the several days of his sojourn. The thought of his wife, and two
children, left in Petersburg, however, naturally caused him much
anxiety. Fortunately, they were free, therefore, he was not without hope
of getting them; moreover, his wife's father (Jack McCraey), was a free
man, well known, and very well to do in the world, and would not be
likely to see his daughter and grandchildren suffer. In this particular,
Hill's lot was of a favorable character, compared with that of most
slaves leaving their wives and children.
FIRST LETTER
ON ARRIVING IN CANADA.
TORONTO, October 4th, 1853.
DEAR SIR:--I take this method of informing you that I am well,
and that I got to this city all safe and sound, though I did not
get here as soon as I expect. I left your city on Saterday and I
was on the way untel the Friday following. I got to New York the
same day that I left Philadelphia, but I had to stay there untel
Monday evening. I left that place at six o'clock. I got to
Albany next morning in time to take the half past six o'clock
train for Rochester, here I stay untel Wensday night. The reason
I stay there so long Mr. Gibbs given me a letter to Mr Morris at
Rochester. I left that place Wensday, but I only got five miles
from that city that night. I got to Lewiston on Thurday
afternoon, but too late for the boat to this city. I left
Lewiston on Friday at one o'clock, got to this city at five. Sir
I found this to be a very handsome city. I like it better than
any city I ever saw. It are not as large as the city that you
live in, but it is very large place much more so than I expect
to find it. I seen the gentleman that you given me letter to. I
think him much of a gentleman. I got into work on Monday. The
man whom I am working for is name Myers; but I expect to go to
work for another man by name of Tinsly, who is a master workman
in this city. He says that he will give me work next week and
everybody advises me to work for Mr. Tinsly as there more surity
in him.
Mr. Still, I have been looking and looking for my friends for
several days, but have not seen nor heard of them. I hope and
trust in the Lord Almighty that all things are well with them.
My dear sir I could feel so much better sattisfied if I could
hear from my wife. Since I reached this city I have talagraphed
to friend Brown to send my thing to me, but I cannot hear a word
from no one at all. I have written to Mr. Brown two or three
times since I left the city. I trust that he has gotten my
wife's letters, that is if she has written. Please direct your
letters to me, near the corner Sarah and Edward street, until I
give you further notice. You will tell friend B. how to direct
his letters, as I forgotten it when I writt to him, and ask him
if he has heard anything from Virginia. Please to let me hear
from him without delay for my very soul is trubled about my
friends whom I expected to of seen here before this hour.
Whatever you do please to write. I shall look for you paper
shortly.
Believe me sir to be your well wisher.
JOHN H. HILL.
SECOND LETTER.
_Expressions of gratitude_--_The Custom House refuses to charge him
duty_--_He is greatly concerned for his wife_
TORONTO, October 30th, 1853.
MY DEAR FRIEND:--I now write to inform you that I have received
my things all safe and sound, and also have shuck hand with the
friend that you send on to this place one of them is stopping
with me. His name is Chas. Stuert, he seemes to be a tolerable
smart fellow. I Rec'd my letters. I have taken this friend to
see Mr. Smith. However will give him a place to board untell he
can get to work. I shall do every thing I can for them all that
I see the gentleman wish you to see his wife and let her know
that he arrived safe, and present his love to her and to all the
friend. Mr. Still, I am under ten thousand obligation to you for
your kindness when shall I ever repay? S. speek very highly of
you. I will state to you what Custom house master said to me. He
ask me when he Presented my efects are these your efects. I
answered yes. He then ask me was I going to settle in Canada. I
told him I was. He then ask me of my case. I told all about it.
He said I am happy to see you and all that will come. He ask me
how much I had to pay for my Paper. I told him half dollar. He
then told me that I should have my money again. He a Rose from
his seat and got my money. So my friend you can see the people
and tell them all this is a land of liberty and believe they
will find friends here. My best love to all.
My friend I must call upon you once more to do more kindness for
me that is to write to my wife as soon as you get this, and tell
her when she gets ready to come she will pack and consign her
things to you. You will give her some instruction, but not to
your expenses but to her own.
When you write direct your letter to Phillip Ubank, Petersburg,
Va. My Box arrived here the 27th.
My dear sir I am in a hurry to take this friend to church, so I
must close by saying I am your humble servant in the cause of
liberty and humanity.
JOHN H. HILL.
THIRD LETTER.
_Canada is highly praised_--_The Vigilance Committee is implored to send
all the Fugitives there_--"_Farmers and Mechanics wanted_"--"_No living
in Canada for Negroes," as argued by_ "_Masters," flatly denied, &c.,
&c., &c._
So I ask you to send the fugitives to Canada. I don't know much
of this Province but I beleaves that there is Rome enough for
the colored and whites of the United States. We wants farmers
mechanic men of all qualification &c., if they are not made we
will make them, if we cannot make the old, we will make our
children.
Now concerning the city toronto this city is Beautiful and
Prosperous Levele city. Great many wooden codages more than what
should be but I am in hopes there will be more of the Brick and
Stonn. But I am not done about your Republicanism. Our masters
have told us that there was no living in Canada for a Negro but
if it may Please your gentlemanship to publish these facts that
we are here able to earn our bread and money enough to make us
comftable. But I say give me freedom, and the United States may
have all her money and her Luxtures, yeas give Liberty or Death.
I'm in America, but not under Such a Government that I cannot
express myself, speak, think or write So as I am able, and if my
master had allowed me to have an education I would make them
American Slave-holders feel me, Yeas I would make them tremble
when I spoke, and when I take my Pen in hand their knees smote
together. My Dear Sir suppose I was an educated man. I could
write you something worth reading, but you know we poor
fugitives whom has just come over from the South are not able to
write much on no subject whatever, but I hope by the aid of my
God I will try to use my midnight lamp, untel I can have some
influence upon the American Slavery. If some one would say to
me, that they would give my wife bread untel I could be Educated
I would stoop my trade this day and take up my books.
But a crisis is approaching when assential requisite to the
American Slaveholders when blood Death or Liberty will be
required at their hands. I think our people have depened too
long and too much on false legislator let us now look for
ourselves. It is true that England however the Englishman is our
best friend but we as men ought not to depened upon her
Remonstrace with the Americans because she loves her commercial
trade as any Nations do. But I must say, while we look up and
acknowledge the Power greatness and honor of old England, and
believe that while we sit beneath the Silken folds of her flag
of Perfect Liberty, we are secure, beyond the reach of the
aggressions of the Blood hounds and free from the despotism that
would wrap around our limbs by the damable Slaveholder. Yet we
would not like spoiled childeren depend upon her, but upon
ourselves and as one means of strengthening ourselves, we should
agitate the emigration to Canada. I here send you a paragraph
which I clipted from the weekly Glob. I hope you will publish so
that Mr. Williamson may know that men are not chattel here but
reather they are men and if he wants his chattle let him come
here after it or his thing. I wants you to let the whole United
States know we are satisfied here because I have seen more
Pleasure since I came here then I saw in the U.S. the 24 years
that I served my master. Come Poor distress men women and come
to Canada where colored men are free. Oh how sweet the word do
sound to me yeas when I contemplate of these things, my very
flesh creaps my heart thrub when I think of my beloved friends
whom I left in that cursid hole. Oh my God what can I do for
them or shall I do for them. Lord help them. Suffer them to be
no longer depressed beneath the Bruat Creation but may they be
looked upon as men made of the Bone and Blood as the
Anglo-Americans. May God in his mercy Give Liberty to all this
world. I must close as it am late hour at night. I Remain your
friend in the cause of Liberty and humanity,
JOHN H. HILL, a fugitive.
If you know any one who would give me an education write and let
me know for I am in want of it very much.
Your with Respect,
J.H.H.
If the sentiments in the above letter do not indicate an uncommon degree
of natural intelligence, a clear perception of the wrongs of Slavery,
and a just appreciation of freedom, where shall we look for the signs of
intellect and manhood?
FOURTH LETTER.
_Longs for his wife--In hearing of the return of a Fugitive from
Philadelphia is made sorrowful--His love of Freedom increases, &c., &c._
TORONTO, November 12th, 1853.
MY DEAR STILL:--Your letter of the 3th came to hand thursday and
also three copes all of which I was glad to Received they have
taken my attention all together Every Time I got them. I also
Rec'd. a letter from my friend Brown. Mr. Brown stated to me
that he had heard from my wife but he did not say what way he
heard. I am looking for my wife every day. Yes I want her to
come then I will be better satisfied. My friend I am a free man
and feeles alright about that matter. I am doing tolrable well
in my line of business, and think I will do better after little.
I hope you all will never stop any of our Brotheran that makes
their Escep from the South but send them on to this Place where
they can be free man and woman. We want them here and not in
your State where they can be taken away at any hour. Nay but let
him come here where he can Enjoy the Rights of a human being and
not to be trodden under the feet of men like themselves. All the
People that comes here does well. Thanks be to God that I came
to this place. I would like very well to see you all but never
do I expect to see you in the United States. I want you all to
come to this land of Liberty where the bondman can be free. Come
one come all come to this place, and I hope my dear friend you
will send on here. I shall do for them as you all done for me
when I came on here however I will do the best I can for them if
they can they shall do if they will do, but some comes here that
can't do well because they make no efford. I hope my friend you
will teach them such lessons as Mrs. Moore Give me before I left
your city. I hope she may live a hundred years longer and enjoy
good health. May God bless her for the good cause which she are
working in. Mr. Still you ask me to remember you to Nelson. I
will do so when I see him, he are on the lake so is Stewart. I
received a letter to-day for Stewart from your city which letter
I will take to him when he comes to the city. He are not stoping
with us at this time. I was very sorry a few days ago when I
heard that a man was taken from your city.
Send them over here, then let him come here and take them away
and I will try to have a finger in the Pie myself. You said that
you had written to my wife ten thousand thanks for what you have
done and what you are willing to do. My friend whenever you hear
from my wife please write to me. Whenever she come to your city
please give instruction how to travel. I wants her to come the
faster way. I wish she was here now. I wish she could get a
ticket through to this place. I have mail a paper for you to
day.
We have had snow but not to last long. Let me hear from you. My
Respect friend Brown. I will write more when I have the
opportunity.
Yours with Respect,
JOHN H. HILL.
P.S. My dear Sir. Last night after I had written the above, and
had gone to bed, I heard a strange voice in the house, Saying to
Mr. Myers to come quickly to one of our colod Brotheran out of
the street. We went and found a man a Carpenter laying on the
side walk woltun in his Blood. Done by some unknown Person as
yet but if they stay on the earth the law will deteck them. It
is said that party of colord people done it, which party was
seen to come out an infame house.
Mr. Myers have been down to see him and Brought the Sad news
that the Poor fellow was dead. Mr. Scott for Henry Scott was the
name, he was a fugitive from Virginia he came here from
Pittsburg Pa. Oh, when I went where he laid what a shock, it
taken my Sleep altogether night. When I got to Sopt his Body was
surrounded by the Policeman. The law has taken the woman in
cusidy. I write and also send you a paper of the case when it
comes out.
J.H. HILL.
FIFTH LETTER.
_He rejoices over the arrival of his wife_--_but at the same time, his
heart is bleeding over a dear friend whom he had promised to help before
he left Slavery_.
TORONTO, December 29th, 1853.
MY DEAR FRIEND:--It affords me a good deel of Pleasure to say
that my wife and the Children have arrived safe in this City.
But my wife had very bad luck. She lost her money and the money
that was belonging to the children, the whole amount was 35
dollars. She had to go to the Niagara falls and Telegraph to me
come after her. She got to the falls on Sat'dy and I went after
her on Monday. We saw each other once again after so long an
Abstance, you may know what sort of metting it was, joyful times
of corst. My wife are well Satisfied here, and she was well
Pleased during her stay in your city. My Trip to the falls cost
Ten Eighty Seven and half. The things that friend Brown Shiped
to me by the Express costed $24-1/4. So you can see fiting out a
house Niagara falls and the cost for bringing my things to this
place, have got me out of money, but for all I am a free man.
The weather are very cold at Present, the snow continue to fall
though not as deep here as it is in Boston. The people haves
their own Amousements, the weather as it is now, they don't care
for the snow nor ice, but they are going from Ten A.M. until
Twelve P.M., the hous that we have open don't take well because
we don't Sell Spirits, which we are trying to avoid if we can.
Mr. Still, I hold in my hand A letter from a friend of South,
who calls me to promise that I made to him before I left. My
dear Sir, this letter have made my heart Bleed, since I Received
it, he also desires of me to remember him to his beloved
Brethren and then to Pray for him and his dear friends who are
in Slavery. I shall Present his letter to the churches of this
city. I forward to your care for Mrs. Moore, a few weeks ago.
Mrs. Hill sends her love to your wife and yourself.
Please to write, I Sincerely hope that our friends from
Petersburg have reached your city before this letter is dated. I
must close by saying, that I Sir, remain humble and obedient
Servant,
J.H.H.
SIXTH LETTER.
_He is now earnestly appealing in behalf of a friend in Slavery, with a
view to procuring aid and assistance from certain parties, by which this
particular friend in bondage might be rescued_.
Toranto, March 8th, 1854.
My Dear Friend Still:--We will once more truble you opon this
great cause of freedom, as we know that you are a man, that are
never fatuged in Such a glorious cause. Sir, what I wish to Say
is this. Mr. Forman has Received a letter from his wife dated
the 29th ult. She States to him that She was Ready at any time,
and that Everything was Right with her, and she hoped that he
would lose no time in sending for her for she was Ready and
awaiting for him. Well friend Still, we learnt that Mr. Minkens
could not bring her the account of her child. We are very sorry
to hear Such News, however, you will please to read this letter
with care, as we have learnt that Minkens Cannot do what we
wishes to be done; we perpose another way. There is a white man
that Sale from Richmond to Boston, that man are very Safe, he
will bring F's wife with her child. So you will do us a favour
will take it upon yourself to transcribe from this letter what
we shall write. I.E. this there is a Colored gen. that workes on
the basin in R---- this man's name is Esue Poster, he can tell
Mrs. forman all about this Saleor. So you can place the letter
in the hands of M. to take to forman's wife, She can read it for
herself. She will find Foster at ladlum's warehouse on the
Basin, and when you write call my name to him and he will trust
it. this foster are a member of the old Baptist Church. When you
have done all you can do let us know what you have done, if you
hears anything of my uncle let me know.
SEVENTH LETTER.
_He laments over his uncle's fate, who was suffering in a dungeon-like
place of concealment daily waiting for the opportunity to escape_.
Toronto, March 18th, 1864.
My Dear Still:--Yours of the 15th Reached on the 11th, found
myself and family very well, and not to delay no time in
replying to you, as there was an article in your letter which
article Roused me very much when I read it; that was you praying
to me to be cautious how I write down South. Be so kind as to
tell me in your next letter whether you have at any time
apprehended any danger in my letters however, in those bond
southward; if there have been, allow me to beg ten thousand
pardon before God and man, for I am not design to throw any
obstacle in the way of those whom I left in South, but to aide
them in every possible way. I have done as you Requested, that
to warn the friends of the dager of writing South. I have told
all you said in yours that Mr. Minkins would be in your city
very soon, and you would see what you could do for me, do you
mean or do speak in reference to my dear uncle. I am hopes that
you will use every ifford to get him from the position in which
he now stand. I know how he feels at this time, for I have felt
the same when I was a runway. I was bereft of all participation
with my family for nearly nine months, and now that poor fellow
are place in same position. Oh God help I pray, what a pitty it
is that I cannot do him no good, but I sincerely hope that you
will not get fatigued at doing good in such cases, nay, I think
other wises of you, however, I Say no more on this subject at
present, but leave it for you to judge.
On the 13th inst. you made Some Remarks concerning friend
Forman's wife, I am Satisfied that you will do all you can for
her Release from Slavery, but as you said you feels for them, so
do I, and Mr. Foreman comes to me very often to know if I have
heard anything from you concerning his wife, they all comes to
for the same.
God Save the Queen. All my letters Southward have passed through
your hands with an exception of one.
JOHN H. HILL.
EIGHTH LETTER.
_Death has snatched away one of his children and he has cause to mourn.
In his grief he recounts his struggles for freedom, and his having to
leave his wife and children. He acknowledges that he had to "work very
hard for comforts," but he declares that he would not "exchange with the
comforts of ten thousand slaves_."
TORONTO Sept 14th 1854
MY DEAR FRIEND STILL:--this are the first oppertunity that I
have had to write you since I Reed your letter of the 20th July,
there have been sickness and Death in my family since your
letter was Reed, our dear little Child have been taken from us
one whom we loved so very Dear, but the almighty God knows what
are best for us all.
Louis Henry Hill, was born in Petersburg Va May 7th 1852. and
Died Toronto August 19th 1854 at five o'clock P.M.
Dear Still I could say much about the times and insidince that
have taken place since the coming of that dear little angle jest
spoken of. it was 12 months and 3 days from the time that I took
departure of my wife and child to proceed to Richmond to awaite
a conveyance up to the day of his death.
it was thursday the 13th that I lift Richmond, it was Saturday
the 15th that I land to my great joy in the city of Phila. then
I put out for Canada. I arrived in this city on Friday the 30th
and to my great satisfaction. I found myself upon Briton's free
land, not only free for the white man bot for all.
this day 12 months I was not out of the reach the slaveholders,
but this 14th day of Sept. I am as Free as your President
Pearce. only I have not been free so long However the 30th of
the month I will have been free only 12 months.
It is true that I have to work very hard for comfort but I would
not exchange with ten thousand slave that are equel with their
masters. I am Happy, Happy.
Give love to Mrs. Still. My wife laments her child's death too
much, wil you be so kind as to see Mr. Brown and ask him to
write to me, and if he have heard from Petersburg Va.
Yours truely
J.H. HILL.
NINTH LETTER.
_He is anxiously waiting for the arrival of friends from the South.
Hints that slaveholders would be very unsafe in Canada, should they be
foolish enough to visit that country for the purpose of enticing slaves
back_.
TORONTO, Jan. 19th 1854.
MY DEAR STILL:--Your letter of the 16th came to hand just in
time for my perpose I perceivs by your statement that the money
have not been to Petersburg at all done just what was right and
I would of sent the money to you at first, but my dear friend I
have called upon you for so many times that I have been ashamed
of myself to call any more So you may perceive by the above
written my obligations to you, you said that you had written on
to Petersburg, you have done Right which I believes is your
general way of doing your business, the money are all right I
only had to pay a 6d on the Ten dollars. this money was given to
by a friend in the city N. york, the friend was from Richmond
Virginia (a white man) the amount was fifteen dollars, I forward
a letter to you yesterday which letter I forgot to date. my
friend I wants to hear from virginia the worst of all things.
you know that we expect some freneds on and we cannot hear any
thing from them which makes us uneasy for fear that they have
attempt to come away and been detected. I have ears open at all
times, listen at all hours expecting to hear from them Please to
see friend Brown and know from him if he has heard anything from
our friends, if he have not. tell him write and inquiare into
the matter why it is that they have not come over, then let me
hear from you all.
We are going to have a grand concert &c I mean the Abolisnous
Socity. I will attend myself and also my wife if the Lord be
willing you will perceive in previous letter that I mension
something concerning Mr Forman's wife if there be any chance
whatever please to proceed, Mr Foreman sends his love to you
Requested you to do all you can to get his wife away from
Slavery.
Our best respects to your wife. You promisted me that you would
write somthing concerning our arrival in Canada but I suppose
you have not had the time as yet, I would be very glad to read
your opinion on that matter
I have notice several articles in the freeman one of the Canada
weaklys concerning the Christiana prisoners respecting Castnor
Hanway and also Mr. Rauffman. if I had one hundred dollars to
day I would give them five each, however I hope that I may be
able to subscribe something for their Relefe. in Regards to the
letters have been written from Canada to the South the letters
was not what they thought them to be and if the slave-holders
know when they are doing well they had better keep their side
for if they comes over this side of the lake I am under the
impression they will not go back with somethin that their mother
boned them with whether thiar slaves written for them or not. I
know some one here that have written his master to come after
him, but not because he expect to go with him home but because
he wants to retaleate upon his persecutor, but I would be sorry
for man that have written for his master expecting to return
with him because the people here would kill them. Sir I cannot
write enough to express myself so I must close by saying I
Remain yours.
JOHN H. HILL.
TENTH LETTER.
_Great joy over an arrival--Twelve months praying for the deliverance of
an Uncle groaning in a hiding-place, while the Slave-hunters are daily
expected--Strong appeals for aid, &c., &c._
TORONTO, January 7th, 1855.
MY DEAR FRIEND:--It is with much pleasure that I take this
opportunity of addressing you with these few lines hoping when
they reeches you they may find yourself and family enjoying good
health as they leaves us at present.
And it is with much happiness that I can say to you that Mrs.
Mercer arrived in this city on yesterday. Mr. Mercer was at my
house late in the evening, and I told him that when he went home
if hear anything from Virginia, that he must let me know as soon
as possible. He told me that if he went home and found any news
there he would come right back and inform me thereof. But little
did he expect to find his dearest there. You may judge what a
meeting there was with them, and may God grant that there may be
some more meetings with our wives and friends. I had been
looking for some one from the old sod for several days, but I
was in good hopes that it would be my poor Uncle. But poor
fellow he are yet groaning under the sufferings of a horrid
sytam, Expecting every day to Receive his Doom. Oh, God, what
shall I do, or what can I do for him? I have prayed for him more
than 12 months, yet he is in that horrid condition. I can never
hear anything Directly from him or any of my people.
Once more I appeal to your Humanity. Will you act for him, as if
you was in slavery yourself, and I sincerely believe that he
will come out of that condition? Mrs. M. have told me that she
given some directions how he could be goten at, but friend
Still, if this conductor should not be successfull this time,
will you mind him of the Poor Slave again. I hope you will as
Mrs. Mercer have told the friend what to do I cannot do more,
therefore I must leve it to the Mercy of God and your Exertion.
The weather have been very mile Ever since the 23rd of Dec. I
have thought considerable about our condition in this country
Seeing that the weather was so very faverable to us. I was
thinking a few days ago, that nature had giving us A country &
adopted all things Sutable.
You will do me the kindness of telling me in your next whether
or not the ten slaves have been Brought out from N.C.
I have not hard from Brown for Nine month he have done some very
Bad letting me alone, for what cause I cannot tell. Give my Best
Respect to Mr. B. when you see him. I wish very much to hear
from himself and family. You will please to let me hear from
you. My wife Joines me in love to yourself and family.
Yours most Respectfully,
JOHN H. HILL.
P.S. Every fugitive Regreated to hear of the Death of Mrs.
Moore. I myself think that there are no other to take her Place.
yours
J.H.H.
ELEVENTH LETTER.
[EXTRACT.]
_Rejoices at hearing of the success of the Underground Rail
Road--Inquires particularly after the "fellow" who "cut off the Patrol's
head in Maryland_."
HAMILTON, August 15th, 1856.
DEAR FRIEND:--I am very glad to hear that the Underground Rail
Road is doing such good business, but tell me in your next
letter if you have seen the heroic fellow that cut off the head
of the Patrol in Maryland. We wants that fellow here, as John
Bull has a great deal of fighting to do, and as there is a
colored Captain in this city, I would seek to have that fellow
Promoted, Provided he became a soldier.
Great respect,
JOHN H. HILL.
P.S.--Please forward the enclosed to Mr. McCray.
TWELFTH LETTER.
[EXTRACT.]
_Believes in praying for the Slave--but thinks "fire and sword" would be
more effective with Slave-holders_.
HAMILTON, Jan. 5th, 1857.
MR. STILL:--Our Pappers contains long details of insurrectionary
movements among the slaves at the South and one paper adds that
a great Nomber of Generals, Captains with other officers had
being arrested. At this day four years ago I left Petersburg for
Richmond to meet the man whom called himself my master, but he
wanted money worser that day than I do this day, he took me to
sell me, he could not have done a better thing for me for I
intended to leave any how by the first convaiance. I hard some
good Prayers put up for the suffers on last Sunday evening in
the Baptist Church. Now friend still I beleve that Prayers
affects great good, but I beleve that the fire and sword would
affect more good in this case. Perhaps this is not your
thoughts, but I must acknowledge this to be my Polacy. The world
are being turned upside down, and I think we might as well take
an active part in it as not. We must have something to do as
other people, and I hope this moment among the Slaves are the
beginning. I wants to see something go on while I live.
Yours truly,
JOHN H. HILL.
THIRTEENTH LETTER.
_Sad tidings from Richmond--Of the arrest of a Captain with Slaves on
board as Underground Rail Road passengers_.
HAMILTON, June 5th, 1858.
DEAR FRIEND STILL:--I have just heard that our friend Capt. B.
have being taken Prisoner in Virginia with slaves on board of
his vessel. I hard this about an hour ago. the Person told me of
this said he read it in the newspaper, if this be so it is
awfull. You will be so kind as to send me some information. Send
me one of the Virginia Papers. Poor fellow if they have got him,
I am sorry, sorry to my heart. I have not heard from my Uncle
for a long time if have heard or do hear anything from him at
any time you will oblige me by writing. I wish you to inquire of
Mr. Anderson's friends (if you know any of them), if they have
heard anything from him since he was in your city. I have
written to him twice since he was here according to his own
directions, but never received an answer. I wants to hear from
my mother very much, but cannot hear one word. You will present
my best regards to the friend. Mrs. Hill is quite sick.
Yours truly,
J.H. HILL.
P.S.--I have not received the Anti-Slavery Standard for several
weeks. Please forward any news relative to the Capt.
J.H.H.
* * * * *
THE ESCAPE OF HEZEKIAH HILL.
(UNCLE OF JOHN HENRY HILL.)
Impelled by the love of freedom Hezekiah resolved that he would work no
longer for nothing; that he would never be sold on the auction block:
that he no longer would obey the bidding of a master, and that he would
die rather than be a slave. This decision, however, had only been
entertained by him a short time prior to his escape. For a number of
years Hezekiah had been laboring under the pleasing thought that he
should succeed in obtaining freedom through purchase, having had an
understanding with his owner with this object in view. At different
times he had paid on account for himself nineteen hundred dollars, six
hundred dollars more than he was to have paid according to the first
agreement. Although so shamefully defrauded in the first instance, he
concluded to bear the disappointment as patiently as possible and get
out of the lion's mouth as best he could.
He continued to work on and save his money until he had actually come
within one hundred dollars of paying two thousand. At this point instead
of getting his free papers, as he firmly believed that he should, to his
surprise one day he saw a notorious trader approaching the shop where he
was at work. The errand of the trader was soon made known. Hezekiah
simply requested time to go back to the other end of the shop to get his
coat, which he seized and ran. He was pursued but not captured. This
occurrence took place in Petersburg, Va., about the first of December,
1854. On the night of the same day of his escape from the trader,
Hezekiah walked to Richmond and was there secreted under a floor by a
friend. He was a tall man, of powerful muscular strength, about thirty
years of age just in the prime of his manhood with enough pluck for two
men.
A heavy reward was offered for him, but the hunters failed to find him
in this hiding-place under the floor. He strongly hoped to get away
soon; on several occasions he made efforts, but only to be disappointed.
At different times at least two captains had consented to afford him a
private passage to Philadelphia, but like the impotent man at the pool,
some one always got ahead of him. Two or three times he even managed to
reach the boat upon the river, but had to return to his horrible place
under the floor. Some were under the impression that he was an
exceedingly unlucky man, and for a time captains feared to bring him.
But his courage sustained him unwaveringly.
Finally at the expiration of thirteen months, a private passage was
procured for him on the steamship Pennsylvania, and with a little slave
boy, seven years of age, (the son of the man who had secreted him)
though placed in a very hard berth, he came safely to Philadelphia,
greatly to the astonishment of the Vigilance Committee, who had waited
for him so long that they had despaired of his ever coming.
The joy that filled Hezekiah's bosom may be imagined but never
described. None but one who had been in similar straits could enter into
his feelings.
He had left his wife Louisa, and two little boys, Henry and Manuel. His
passage cost one hundred dollars.
Hezekiah being a noted character, a number of the true friends were
invited to take him by the hand and to rejoice with him over his noble
struggles and his triumph; needing rest and recruiting, he was made
welcome to stay, at the expense of the committee, as long as he might
feel disposed so to do. He remained several days, and then went on to
Canada rejoicing. After arriving there he returned his acknowledgment
for favors received, &c., in the following letter:
TORONTO Jan 24th 1856.
MR. STILL:--this is to inform you that Myself and little boy,
arrived safely in this city this day the 24th, at ten o'clock
after a very long and pleasant trip. I had a great deal of
attention paid to me while on the way.
I owes a great deel of thanks to yourself and friends. I will
just say hare that when I arrived at New York, I found Mr. Gibbs
sick and could not be attended to there. However, I have arrived
alright.
You will please to give my respects to your friend that writes
in the office with you, and to Mr Smith, also Mr Brown, and the
friends, Mrs Still in particular.
Friend Still you will please to send the enclosed to John Hill
Petersburg I want him to send some things to me you will be so
kind as to send your direction to them, so that the things to
your care. if you do not see a convenient way to send it by
hands, you will please direct your letter to Phillip Ubank
Petersburg.
Yours Respectfully
H HILL.
* * * * *
JAMES--(BROTHER OF JOHN HENRY HILL).
For three years James suffered in a place of concealment, before he
found the way opened to escape. When he resolved on having his freedom
he was much under twenty-one years of age, a brave young man, for three
years, with unfailing spirit, making resistance in the city of Richmond
to the slave Power!
Such heroes in the days of Slavery, did much to make the infernal system
insecure, and to keep alive the spirit of freedom in liberty-loving
hearts the world over, wherever such deeds of noble daring were made
known. But of his heroism, but little can be reported here, from the
fact, that such accounts as were in the possession of the Committee,
were never transferred from the loose slips of paper on which they were
first written, to the regular record book. But an important letter from
the friend with whom he was secreted, written a short while before he
escaped (on a boat), gives some idea of his condition:
RICHMOND, VA., February 16th, 1861.
DEAR BROTHER STILL:--I received a message from brother Julius
anderson, asking me to send the bundle on but I has no way to
send it, I have been waiting and truly hopeing that you would
make some arrangement with some person, and send for the parcel.
I have no way to send it, and I cannot communicate the subject
to a stranger there is a Way by the N.y. line, but they are all
strangers to me, and of course I could not approach them With
this subject for I would be indangered myself greatly. this
business is left to you and to you alone to attend to in
providing the way for me to send on the parcel, if you only make
an arrangement with some person and let me know the said person
and the article which they is to be sent on then I can send the
parcel. unless you do make an arrangement with some person, and
assure them that they will receive the funs for delivering the
parcel this Business cannot be accomplished. it is in your power
to try to make some provision for the article to be sent but it
is not in my power to do so, the bundle has been on my hands now
going on 3 years, and I have suffered a great deal of danger,
and is still suffering the same. I have understood Sir that
there were no difficul about the mone that you had it in your
possession Ready for the bundle whenever it is delivered. But
Sir as I have said I can do nothing now. Sir I ask you please
through sympathy and feelings on my part & his try to provide a
way for the bundle to be sent and relieve me of the danger in
which I am in. you might succeed in making an arrangement with
those on the New york Steamers for they dose such things but
please let me know the man that the arrangement is made
with--please give me an answer by the bearer.
yours truly friend
C.A.
At last, the long, dark night passed away, and this young slave safely
made his way to freedom, and proceeded to Boston, where he now resides.
While the Committee was looked to for aid in the deliverance of this
poor fellow, it was painful to feel that it was not in their power to
answer his prayers--not until after his escape, was it possible so to
do. But his escape to freedom gave them a satisfaction which no words
can well express. At present, John Henry Hill is a justice of the peace
in Petersburg. Hezekiah resides at West Point, and James in Boston,
rejoicing that all men are free in the United States, at last.
* * * * *
FROM VIRGINIA, MARYLAND AND DELAWARE.
ARCHER BARLOW, ALIAS EMIT ROBINS.
This passenger arrived from Norfolk, Va. in 1853. For the last four
years previous to escaping, he had been under the yoke of Dr. George
Wilson. Archer declared that he had been "very badly treated" by the
Doctor, which he urged as his reason for leaving. True, the doctor had
been good enough to allow him to hire his time, for which he required
Archer to pay the moderate sum of $120 per annum. As Archer had been
"sickly" most of the time, during the last year, he complained that
there was "no reduction" in his hire on this account. Upon reflection,
therefore, Archer thought, if he had justice done him, he would be in
possession of this "one hundred and twenty" himself, and all his other
rights, instead of having to toil for another without pay; so he looked
seriously into the matter of master and slave, and pretty soon resolved,
that if others chose to make no effort to get away, for himself he would
never be contented, until he was free. When a slave reached this
decision, he was in a very hopeful state. He was near the Underground
Rail Road, and was sure to find it, sooner or later. At this thoughtful
period, Archer was thirty-one years of age, a man of medium size, and
belonged to the two leading branches of southern humanity, _i.e._, he
_was_ half white and half colored--a dark mulatto. His arrival in
Philadelphia, per one of the Richmond steamers, was greeted with joy by
the Vigilance Committee, who extended to him the usual aid and care, and
forwarded him on to freedom. For a number of years, he has been a
citizen of Boston.
* * * * *
SAMUEL BUSH, ALIAS WILLIAM OBLEBEE.
This "piece of property" fled in the fall of 1853. As a specimen of this
article of commerce, he evinced considerable intelligence. He was a man
of dark color, although not totally free from the admixture of the
"superior" southern blood in his veins; in stature, he was only
ordinary. For leaving, he gave the following reasons: "I found that I
was working for my master, for his advantage, and when I was sick, I had
to pay just as much as if I were well--$7 a month. But my master was
cross, and said that he intended to sell me--to do better by me another
year. Times grew worse and worse, constantly. I thought, as I had heard,
that if I could raise thirty dollars I could come away." He at once saw
the value of money. To his mind it meant liberty from that moment.
Thenceforth he decided to treasure up every dollar he could get hold of
until he could accumulate at least enough to get out of "Old Virginia."
He was a married man, and thought he had a wife and one child, but on
reflection, he found out that they did not actually belong to him, but
to a carpenter, by the name of Bailey. The man whom Samuel was compelled
to call master was named Hoyle.
The Committee's interview with Samuel was quite satisfactory, and they
cheerfully accorded to him brotherly kindness and material aid at the
same time.
* * * * *
JOHN SPENCER AND HIS SON WILLIAM, AND JAMES ALBERT.
These individuals escaped from the eastern shore of Maryland, in the
Spring of 1853, but were led to conclude that they could enjoy the
freedom they had aimed to find, in New Jersey. They procured employment
in the neighborhood of Haddonfield, some six or eight miles from Camden,
New Jersey, and were succeeding, as they thought, very well.
Things went on favorably for about three months, when to their alarm
"slave-hunters were discovered in the neighborhood," and sufficient
evidence was obtained to make it quite plain that, John, William and
James were the identical persons, for whom the hunters were in "hot
pursuit." When brought to the Committee, they were pretty thoroughly
alarmed and felt very anxious to be safely off to Canada. While the
Committee always rendered in such cases immediate protection and aid,
they nevertheless, felt, in view of the imminent dangers existing under
the fugitive slave law, that persons disposed to thus stop by the way,
should be very plainly given to understand, that if they were captured
they would have themselves the most to blame. But the dread of Slavery
was strong in the minds of these fugitives, and they very fully realized
their folly in stopping in New Jersey. The Committee procured their
tickets, helped them to disguise themselves as much as possible, and
admonished them not to stop short of Canada.
* * * * *
HETTY SCOTT ALIAS MARGARET DUNCANS AND DAUGHTER PRISCILLA.
This mother and daughter had been the "chattels personal" of Daniel
Coolby of Harvard, Md. Their lot had been that of ordinary slaves in the
country, on farms, &c. The motive which prompted them to escape was the
fact that their master had "threatened to sell" them. He had a right to
do so; but Hetty was a little squeamish on this point and took great
umbrage at her "kind master." In this "disobedient" state of mind, she
determined, if hard struggling would enable her, to defeat the threats
of Mr. Daniel Coolby, that he should not much longer have the
satisfaction of enjoying the fruit of the toil of herself and offspring.
She at once began to prepare for her journey.
She had three children of her own to bring, besides she was intimately
acquainted with a young man and a young woman, both slaves, to whom she
felt that it would be safe to confide her plans with a view of inviting
them to accompany her. The young couple were ready converts to the
eloquent speech delivered to them by Hetty on Freedom, and were quite
willing to accept her as their leader in the emergency. Up to the hour
of setting out on their lonely and fatiguing journey, arrangements were
being carefully completed, so that there should be no delay of any kind.
At the appointed hour they were all moving northward in good order.
Arriving at Quakertown, Pa., they found friends of the slave, who
welcomed them to their homes and sympathy, gladdening the hearts of all
concerned. For prudential reasons it was deemed desirable to separate
the party, to send some one way and some another. Thus safely, through
the kind offices and aid of the friends at Quakertown, they were duly
forwarded on to the Committee in Philadelphia. Here similar acts of
charity were extended to them, and they were directed on to Canada.
* * * * *
ROBERT FISHER.
THIS PASSENGER AVAILS HIMSELF OF HOLIDAY WEEK, BETWEEN CHRISTMAS AND NEW
YEAR'S, TO MAKE HIS NORTHERN TRIP. Robert was about thirty years of age,
dark color, quite tall, and in talking with him a little while, it was
soon discovered that Slavery had not crushed all the brains out of his
head by a good deal. Nor was he so much attached to his "kind-hearted
master," John Edward Jackson, of Anne Arundel, Md., or his old fiddle,
that he was contented and happy while in bondage. Far from it. The fact
was, that he hated Slavery so decidedly and had such a clear common
sense-like view of the evils and misery of the system, that he declared
he had as a matter of principle refrained from marrying, in order that
he might have no reason to grieve over having added to the woes of
slaves. Nor did he wish to be encumbered, if the opportunity offered to
escape. According to law he was entitled to his freedom at the age of
twenty-five.
But what right had a negro, which white slave-holders were "bound to
respect?" Many who had been willed free, were held just as firmly in
Slavery, as if no will had ever been made. Robert had too much sense to
suppose that he could gain anything by seeking legal redress. This
method, therefore, was considered out of the question. But in the
meantime he was growing very naturally in favor of the Underground Rail
Road. From his experience Robert did not hesitate to say that his master
was "mean," "a very hard man," who would work his servants early and
late, without allowing them food and clothing sufficient to shield them
from the cold and hunger. Robert certainly had unmistakable marks about
him, of having been used roughly. He thought very well of Nathan Harris,
a fellow-servant belonging to the same owner, and he made up his mind,
if Nathan would join him, neither the length of the journey, the
loneliness of night travel, the coldness of the weather, the fear of the
slave-hunter, nor the scantiness of their means should deter him from
making his way to freedom. Nathan listened to the proposal, and was
suddenly converted to freedom, and the two united during Christmas week,
1854, and set out on the Underground Rail Road. It is needless to say
that they had trying difficulties to encounter. These they expected, but
all were overcome, and they reached the Vigilance Committee, in
Philadelphia safely, and were cordially welcomed. During the interview,
a full interchange of thought resulted, the fugitives were well cared
for, and in due time both were forwarded on, free of cost.
* * * * *
HANSEL WAPLES.
This traveler arrived from Millsboro, Indian River, Delaware, where he
was owned by Wm. E. Burton. While Hansel did not really own himself, he
had the reputation of having a wife and six children. In June, some six
months prior to her husband's arrival, Hansel's wife had been allowed by
her mistress to go out on a begging expedition, to raise money to buy
herself; but contrary to the expectation of her mistress she never
returned. Doubtless the mistress looked upon this course as a piece of
the most highhanded stealing. Hansel did not speak of his owner as being
a hard man, but on the contrary he thought that he was about as "good"
as the best that he was acquainted with. While this was true, however,
Hansel had quite good ground for believing that his master was about to
sell him. Dreading this fate he made up his mind to go in pursuit of his
wife to a Free state. Exactly where to look or how to find her he could
not tell.
The Committee advised him to "search in Canada." And in order to enable
him to get on quickly and safely, the Committee aided him with money,
&c., in 1853.
* * * * *
ROSE ANNA TONNELL ALIAS MARIA HYDE.
She fled from Isaac Tonnell of Georgetown, Delaware, in Christmas week,
1853. A young woman with a little boy of seven years of age accompanied
Rose Anna. Further than the simple fact of their having thus safely
arrived, except the expense incurred by the Committee, no other
particulars appear on the records.
* * * * *
MARY ENNIS ALIAS LICIA HEMMIN.
Mary arrived with her two children in the early Spring of 1854.
The mother was a woman of about thirty-three years of age, quite tall,
with a countenance and general appearance well fitted to awaken sympathy
at first sight. Her oldest child was a little girl seven years of age,
named Lydia; the other was named Louisa Caroline, three years of age,
both promising in appearance. They were the so called property of John
Ennis, of Georgetown, Delaware. For their flight they chose the dead of
Winter. After leaving they made their way to West Chester, and there
found friends and security for several weeks, up to the time they
reached Philadelphia. Probably the friends with whom they stopped
thought the weather too inclement for a woman with children dependent on
her support to travel. Long before this mother escaped, thoughts of
liberty filled her heart. She was ever watching for an opportunity, that
would encourage her to hope for safety, when once the attempt should be
made. Until, however, she was convinced that her two children were to be
sold, she could not quite muster courage to set out on the journey. This
threat to sell proved in multitudes of instances, "the last straw on the
camel's back." When nothing else would start them this would. Mary and
her children were the only slaves owned by this Ennis, consequently her
duties were that of "Jack of all trades;" sometimes in the field and
sometimes in the barn, as well as in the kitchen, by which, it is
needless to say, that her life was rendered servile to the last degree.
To bind up the broken heart of such a poor slave mother, and to aid such
tender plants as were these little girls, from such a wretched state of
barbarism as existed in poor little Delaware, was doubly gratifying to
the Committee.
* * * * *
"SAM," "ISAAC," "PERRY," "CHARLES," AND "GREEN."
ONE THOUSAND DOLLARS REWARD.--Ran away on Saturday night, the
20th September, 1856, from the subscriber, living in the ninth
district of Carroll county, Maryland, two Negro Men, SAM and
ISAAC. Sam calls himself Samuel Sims; he is very black; shows
his teeth very much when he laughs; no perceptible marks; he is
5 feet 8 inches high, and about thirty years of age, but has the
appearance of being much older.
[Illustration: ]
Isaac calls himself Isaac Dotson he is about nineteen years of
age, stout made, but rather chunky; broad across his shoulders,
he is about five feet five or six inches high, always appears to
be in a good humor; laughs a good deal, and runs on with a good
deal of foolishness; he is of very light color, almost yellow,
might be called a yellow boy; has no perceptible marks.
They have such a variety of clothing that it is almost useless
to say anything about them. No doubt they will change their
names.
I will give the above reward for them, of one thousand dollars,
or five hundred dollars for either of them, if taken and lodged
in any jail in Maryland, so that I get them again.
Also two of Mr. Dade's, living in the neighborhood, went the
same time; no doubt they are all in company together. THOMAS B.
OWINGS.
s24-6tWit*||
These passengers reached the Philadelphia station, about the 24th of
September, 1856, five days after they escaped from Carroll county. They
were in fine spirits, and had borne the fatigue and privation of travel
bravely. A free and interesting interview took place, between these
passengers and the Committee, eliciting much information, especially
with regard to the workings of the system on the farms, from which they
had the good luck to flee. Each of the party was thoroughly questioned,
about how time had passed with them at home, or rather in the prison
house, what kind of men their masters were, how they fed and clothed, if
they whipped, bought or sold, whether they were members of church, or
not, and many more questions needless to enumerate bearing on the
domestic relation which had existed between themselves and their
masters. These queries they answered in their own way, with
intelligence. Upon the whole, their lot in Slavery had been rather more
favorable than the average run of slaves.
No record was made of any very severe treatment. In fact, the notices
made of them were very brief, and, but for the elaborate way in which
they were described in the "Baltimore Sun," by their owners, their
narratives would hardly be considered of sufficient interest to record.
The heavy rewards, beautiful descriptions, and elegant illustrations in
the "Sun," were very attractive reading. The Vigilance Committee took
the "Sun," for nothing else under the sun but for this special
literature, and for this purpose they always considered the "Sun" a
cheap and reliable paper.
A slave man or woman, running for life, he with a bundle on his back or
she with a babe in her arms, was always a very interesting sight, and
should always be held in remembrance. Likewise the descriptions given by
slave-holders, as a general rule, showed considerable artistic powers
and a most thorough knowledge of the physical outlines of this peculiar
property. Indeed, the art must have been studied attentively for
practical purposes. When the advertisements were received in advance of
arrivals, which was always the case, the descriptions generally were
found so lifelike, that the Committee preferred to take them in
preference to putting themselves to the labor of writing out new ones,
for future reference. This we think, ought not to be complained of by
any who were so unfortunate as to lose wayward servants, as it is but
fair to give credit to all concerned. True, sometimes some of these
beautiful advertisements were open to gentle criticism. The one at the
head of this report, is clearly of this character. For instance, in
describing Isaac, Mr. Thomas B. Owings, represents him as being of a
"very light color," "almost yellow," "might be called a yellow boy." In
the next breath he has no perceptible marks. Now, if he is "very light,"
that is a well-known southern mark, admitted everywhere. A hint to the
wise is sufficient. However, judging from what was seen of Isaac in
Philadelphia, there was more cunning than "foolishness" about him.
Slaves sometimes, when wanting to get away, would make their owners
believe that they were very happy and contented. And, in using this kind
of foolishness, would keep up appearances until an opportunity offered
for an escape. So Isaac might have possessed this sagacity, which
appeared like nonsense to his master. That slave-holders, above all
others, were in the habit of taking special pains to encourage
foolishness, loud laughing, banjo playing, low dancing, etc., in the
place of education, virtue, self-respect and manly carriage,
slave-holders themselves are witnesses.
As Mr. Robert Dade was also a loser, equally with Mr. Thomas B. Owings,
and as his advertisement was of the same liberality and high tone, it
seems but fitting that it should come in just here, to give weight and
completeness to the story. Both Owings and Dade showed a considerable
degree of southern chivalry in the liberality of their rewards.
Doubtless, the large sums thus offered awakened a lively feeling in the
breasts of old slave-hunters. But it is to be supposed that the artful
fugitives safely reached Philadelphia before the hunters got even the
first scent on their track. Up to the present hour, with the owners all
may be profound mystery; if so, it is to be hoped, that they may feel
some interest in the solution of these wonders. The articles so
accurately described must now be permitted to testify in their own
words, as taken from the records.
Green Modock acknowledges that he was owned by William Dorsey, Perry by
Robert Dade, Sam and Isaac by Thomas Owings, all farmers, and all
"tough" and "pretty mean men." Sam and Isaac had other names with them,
but not such a variety of clothing as their master might have supposed.
Sam said he left because his master threatened to sell him to Georgia,
and he believed that he meant so to do, as he had sold all his brothers
and sisters to Georgia some time before he escaped.
But this was not all. Sam declared his master had threatened to shoot
him a short while before he left. This was the last straw on the camel's
back. Sam's heart was in Canada ever after that. In traveling he
resolved that nothing should stop him. Charles offered the same excuse
as did Sam. He had been threatened with the auction-block. He left his
mother free, but four sisters he left in chains. As these men spoke of
their tough owners and bad treatment in Slavery, they expressed their
indignation at the idea that Owings, Dade and Dorsey had dared to rob
them of their God-given rights. They were only ignorant farm hands. As
they drank in the free air, the thought of their wrongs aroused all
their manhood. They were all young men, hale and stout, with strong
resolutions to make Canada their future home. The Committee encouraged
them in this, and aided them for humanity's sake.--Mr. Robert Dade's
advertisement speaks for itself as follows:
RAN AWAY--On Saturday night, 20th inst., from the subscriber,
living near Mount Airy P.O., Carroll county, two Negro men,
PERRY and CHARLES. Perry is quite dark, full face; is about 5
feet 8 or 9 inches high; has a scar on one of his hands, and one
on his legs, caused by a cut from a scythe; 25 years old.
Charles is of a copper color, about 5 feet 9 or 10 inches high;
round shouldered, with small whiskers; has one crooked finger
that he cannot straighten, and a scar on his right leg, caused
by the cut of a scythe; 22 years old. I will give two hundred
and fifty dollars each, if taken in the State and returned to
me, or secured in some jail so that I can get them again, or a
$1,000 for the two, or $500 each, if taken out of the State, and
secured in some jail in this State so that I can get them again.
ROBERT DADE.
[Illustration: ]
s23-3f.
FROM RICHMOND AND NORFOLK, VA.
WILLIAM B. WHITE, SUSAN BROOKS AND WILLIAM HENRY ATKINS.--STOWED AWAY IN
THE STEAMSHIP CITY OF RICHMOND.
But for their hope of liberty, their uncomfortable position could hardly
have been endured by these fugitives. William had been compelled to dig
and delve, to earn bread and butter, clothing and luxuries, houses and
land, education and ease for H.B. Dickinson, of Richmond. William
smarted frequently; but what could he do? Complaint from a slave was a
crime of the deepest dye. So William dug away mutely, but continued to
think, nevertheless. He was a man of about thirty-six years of age, of
dark chestnut color, medium size, and of pleasant manners to say the
least. His owner was a tobacco manufacturer, who held some thirty slaves
in his own right, besides hiring a great many others. William was
regularly employed by day in his master's tobacco factory. He was
likewise employed, as one of the carriers of the Richmond Dispatch; the
time allotted to fill the duties of this office, was however, before
sunrise in the morning. It is but just to state, in favor of his master,
that William was himself the receiver of a part of the pay for this
night work. It was by this means William procured clothing and certain
other necessaries.
From William's report of his master, he was by no means among the worst
of slave-holders in Richmond; he did not himself flog, but the overseer
was allowed to conduct this business, when it was considered necessary.
For a long time William had cherished a strong desire to be free, and
had gone so far on several occasions as to make unsuccessful attempts to
accomplish this end. At last he was only apprised of his opportunity to
carry his wishes into practice a few moments before the hour for the
starting of the Underground Rail Road train.
Being on the watch, he hailed the privilege, and left without looking
back.
True he left his wife and two children, who were free, and a son also
who was owned by Warner Toliver, of Gloucester county, Va. We leave the
reader to decide for himself, whether William did right or wrong, and
who was responsible for the sorrow of both husband and wife caused by
the husband's course. The Committee received him as a true and honest
friend of freedom, and as such aided him.
* * * * *
SUSAN BROOKS.
Susan was also a passenger on the same ship that brought Wm. B. White.
She was from Norfolk. Her toil, body and strength were claimed by Thomas
Eckels, Esq., a man of wealth and likewise a man of intemperance. With
those who regarded Slavery as a "divine institution," intemperance was
scarcely a mote, in the eyes of such. For sixteen years, Susan had been
in the habit of hiring her time, for which she was required to pay five
dollars per month. As she had the reputation of being a good cook and
chambermaid, she was employed steadily, sometimes on boats. This sum may
therefore be considered reasonable.
Owing to the death of her husband, about a year previous to her escape,
she had suffered greatly, so much so, that on two or three occasions,
she had fallen into alarming fits,--a fact by no means agreeable to her
owner, as he feared that the traders on learning her failing health
would underrate her on this account. But Susan was rather thankful for
these signs of weakness, as she was thereby enabled to mature her plans
and thus to elude detection.
Her son having gone on ahead to Canada about six months in advance of
her, she felt that she had strong ties in the goodly land. Every day she
remained in bondage, the cords bound her more tightly, and "weeks seemed
like months, and months like years," so abhorrent had the peculiar
institution become to her in every particular. In this state of mind,
she saw no other way, than by submitting to be secreted, until an
opportunity should offer, via the Underground Rail Road.
So for four months, like a true and earnest woman, she endured a great
"fight of affliction," in this horrible place. But the thought of
freedom enabled her to keep her courage up, until the glad news was
conveyed to her that all things were ready, providing that she could get
safely to the boat, on which she was to be secreted. How she succeeded
in so doing the record book fails to explain.
One of the methods, which used to succeed very well, in skillful and
brave hands, was this: In order to avoid suspicion, the woman intending
to be secreted, approached the boat with a clean ironed shirt on her
arm, bare headed and in her usual working dress, looking good-natured of
course, and as if she were simply conveying the shirt to one of the men
on the boat. The attention of the officer on the watch would not for a
moment be attracted by a custom so common as this. Thus safely on the
boat, the man whose business it was to put this piece of property in the
most safe Underground Rail Road place, if he saw that every thing looked
favorable, would quickly arrange matters without being missed from his
duties. In numerous instances, officers were outwitted in this way.
As to what Susan had seen in the way of hardships, whether in relation
to herself or others, her story was most interesting; but it may here be
passed in order to make room for others. She left one sister, named Mary
Ann Tharagood, who was wanting to come away very much. Susan was a woman
of dark color, round built, medium height, and about forty years of age
when she escaped in 1854.
* * * * *
WILLIAM HENRY ATKINS.
William Henry was also a fellow-passenger on the same boat with William
B. White and Susan Cooke. These might be set down, as first-class
Underground Rail Road travelers.
Henry was a very likely-looking article. He was quite smart, about six
feet high, a dark mulatto, and was owned by a Baptist minister.
For some cause not stated on the books, not long before leaving, Henry
had received a notice from his owner, (the Baptist Minister) that he
might hunt himself a new master as soon as possible. This was a business
that Henry had no relish for. The owner he already had, he concluded bad
enough in all conscience, and it did not occur to him that hunting
another would mend the matter much. So in thinking over the situation,
he was "taken sick." He felt the need of a little time to reflect upon
matters of very weighty moment involving his freedom. So when he was
called upon one day to go to his regular toil, the answer was, "I am
sick, I am not able to budge hardly." The excuse took and Henry attended
faithfully to his "sick business," for the time being, while on the
other hand, the Baptist Minister waited patiently all the while for
William to get well enough for hunting a new master. What had to be
done, needed to be done quickly, before his master's patience was
exhausted. William soon had matters arranged for traveling North. He had
a wife, Eliza, for whom he felt the greatest affection; but as he viewed
matters at that time, he concluded that he could really do more for her
in Canada than he could in Norfolk. He saw no chance, either under the
Baptist minister, or under a new master. His wife was owned by Susan
Langely. When the hour arrived to start, as brave men usually do, Henry,
having counted all the cost, was in his place on the boat with his face
towards Canada.
How he looked at matters on John Bull's side of the house, letters from
Henry will abundantly reveal as follows:
ST. CATHARINES, August 4, 1854.
MY DEAR SIR:--It is with plesure that I now take my pen to
inform you that I am well at present and I hope that these few
lines may find you injoying good health, and will you plese to
be so kind as to send a leter down home for me if you plese to
my wife, the reason that I beg the favor of you I have written
to you several times and never recieve no answer, she don't no
whar I am at I would like her to no, if it is posible elizeran
Actkins, and when you write will you plese to send me all the
news, give my respect to all the fambley and allso to Mr lundey
and his fambley and tell him plese to send me those books if you
plese the first chance you can git. Mrs. Wood sends her love to
Mr. Still answer this as soon as on hand, the boys all send
their love to all, the reason why i sends for a answer write
away i expect to live this and go up west nex mounth not to stay
to git some land, i have no more at present, i remain your
friend.
W.H. ACTKINS.
ST. CATHARINES, C.W., October 5th, 1854.
MR. WILLIAM STILL:--_Dear Friend_:--I take the liberty to
address to you a few lines in behalf of my wife, who is still at
Norfolk, Va. I have heard by my friend Richmond Bohm, who
arrived lately, that she was in the hands of my friend Henry
Lovey (the same who had me in hand at the time I started). I
understood that she was about to make her start this month, and
that she was only waiting for me to send her some means. I would
like for you to communicate the substance of this letter to my
wife, through my friend Henry Lovey, and for her to come on as
soon as she can. I would like to have my wife write to me a few
lines by the first opportunity. She could write to you in
Philadelphia, 31 North Fifth street. I wish to send my love to
you & your family & would like for you to answer this letter
with the least possible delay in the care of Hiram Wilson.
Very respectfully yours,
W.H. ATKINS.
P.S. I would like for my friend Henry Lovey to send my wife
right on to Philadelphia; not to stop for want of means, for I
will forward means on to my friend Wm Still. My love to my
father & mother, my friend Lovey & to all my inquiring friends.
If you cannot find it convenient to write, please forward this
by the Boat. H.W.A.
* * * * *
FOUR ARRIVALS.
CHARLOTTE AND HARRIET ESCAPE IN DEEP MOURNING--MASTER IN THE SAME CAR
HUNTING FOR THEM, SEES THEM, BUT DOES NOT KNOW THEM--WHITE LADY AND
CHILD WITH A COLORED COACHMAN, TRAVELING--AT CHAMBERSBUEG AT A HOTEL,
THE PROPRIETOR DETECTS THEM AS U.G.R.R. PASSENGERS--THREE "LIKELY" YOUNG
MEN FROM BALTIMORE--"FOUR LARGE AND TWO SMALL HAMS"--POLICE OFFICES
IMPARTING INFORMATION AT THE ANTI-SLAVERY OFFICE--U.G.R.R. PASSENGERS
TRAVELING WITH THEIR MASTERS' HORSES AND CARRIAGES--"BREAK
DOWN"--CONFLICT WITH WHITE MEN--SIX PASSENGERS RIDING TWO HORSES, &c.
About the 31st of May, 1856, an exceedingly anxious state of feeling
existed with the active Committee in Philadelphia. In the course of
twenty-four hours four arrivals had come to hand from different
localities. The circumstances connected with the escape of each party,
being so unusual, there was scarcely ground for any other conclusion
than that disaster was imminent, if not impossible to be averted.
It was a day long to be remembered. Aside from the danger, however, a
more encouraging hour had never presented itself in the history of the
Road. The courage, which had so often been shown in the face of great
danger, satisfied the Committee that there were heroes and heroines
among these passengers, fully entitled to the applause of the
liberty-loving citizens of Brotherly Love. The very idea of having to
walk for days and nights in succession, over strange roads, through
by-ways, and valleys, over mountains, and marshes, was fitted to appal
the bravest hearts, especially where women and children were concerned.
Being familiar with such cases, the Committee was delighted beyond
measure to observe how wisely and successfully each of these parties had
managed to overcome these difficulties.
[Illustration: ]
Party No. 1 consisted of Charlotte Giles and Harriet Eglin, owned by
Capt. Wm. Applegarth and John Delahay. Neither of these girls had any
great complaint to make on the score of ill-treatment endured.
So they contrived each to get a suit of mourning, with heavy black
veils, and thus dressed, apparently absorbed with grief, with a friend
to pass them to the Baltimore depot (hard place to pass, except aided by
an individual well known to the R.R. company), they took a direct course
for Philadelphia.
While seated in the car, before leaving Baltimore (where slaves and
masters both belonged), who should enter but the master of one of the
girls! In a very excited manner, he hurriedly approached Charlotte and
Harriet, who were apparently weeping. Peeping under their veils, "What
is your name," exclaimed the excited gentleman. "Mary, sir," sobbed
Charlotte. "What is your name?" (to the other mourner) "Lizzie, sir,"
was the faint reply. On rushed the excited gentleman as if moved by
steam--through the cars, looking for his property; not finding it, he
passed out of the cars, and to the delight of Charlotte and Harriet soon
disappeared. Fair business men would be likely to look at this conduct
on the part of the two girls in the light of a "sharp practice." In
military parlance it might be regarded as excellent strategy. Be this as
it may, the Underground Rail Road passengers arrived safely at the
Philadelphia station and were gladly received.
A brief stay in the city was thought prudent lest the hunters might be
on the pursuit. They were, therefore, retained in safe quarters.
In the meantime, Arrival No. 2 reached the Committee. It consisted of a
colored man, a white woman and a child, ten years old. This case created
no little surprise. Not that quite a number of passengers, fair enough
to pass for white, with just a slight tinge of colored blood in their
veins, even sons and daughters of some of the F.F.V., had not on various
occasions come over the U.G.R.R. But this party was peculiar. An
explanation was sought, which resulted in ascertaining that the party
was from Leesburg, Virginia; that David, the colored man, was about
twenty-seven years of age, intelligent, and was owned, or claimed by
Joshua Pusey. David had no taste for Slavery, indeed, felt that it would
be impossible for him to adapt himself to a life of servitude for the
special benefit of others; he had, already, as he thought, been dealt
with very wrongfully by Pusey, who had deprived him of many years of the
best part of his life, and would continue thus to wrong him, if he did
not make a resolute effort to get away. So after thinking of various
plans, he determined not to run off as a slave with his "budget on his
back," but to "travel as a coachman," under the "protection of a white
lady." In planning this pleasant scheme, David was not blind to the fact
that neither himself nor the "white lady," with whom he proposed to
travel, possessed either horse or carriage.
But his master happened to have a vehicle that would answer for the
occasion. David reasoned that as Joshua, his so called master, had
deprived him of his just dues for so many years, he had a right to
borrow, or take without borrowing, one of Joshua's horses for the
expedition. The plan was submitted to the lady, and was approved, and a
mutual understanding here entered into, that she should hire a carriage,
and take also her little girl with them. The lady was to assume the
proprietorship of the horse, carriage and coachman. In so doing all
dangers would be, in their judgment, averted. The scheme being all ready
for execution, the time for departure was fixed, the carriage hired,
David having secured his master Joshua's horse, and off they started in
the direction of Pennsylvania. White people being so accustomed to
riding, and colored people to driving, the party looked all right. No
one suspected them, that they were aware of, while passing through
Virginia.
[Illustration: ]
On reaching Chambersburg, Pa., in the evening, they drove to a hotel,
the lady alighted, holding by the hand her well dressed and nice-looking
little daughter, bearing herself with as independent an air as if she
had owned twenty such boys as accompanied her as coachman. She did not
hesitate to enter and request accommodations for the night, for herself,
daughter, coachman, and horse. Being politely told that they could be
accommodated, all that was necessary was, that the lady should show off
to the best advantage possible. The same duty also rested with weight
upon the mind of David.
The night passed safely and the morning was ushered in with bright hopes
which were overcast but only for a moment, however. Breakfast having
been ordered and partaken of, to the lady's surprise, just as she was in
the act of paying the bill, the proprietor of the hotel intimated that
he thought that matters "looked a little suspicious," in other words, he
said plainly, that he "believed that it was an Underground Rail Road
movement;" but being an obliging hotel-keeper, he assured her at the
same time, that he "would not betray them." Just here it was with them
as it would have been on any other rail road when things threaten to
come to a stand; they could do nothing more than make their way out of
the peril as best they could. One thing they decided to do immediately,
namely, to "leave the horse and carriage," and try other modes of
travel. They concluded to take the regular passenger cars. In this way
they reached Philadelphia. In Harrisburg, they had sought and received
instructions how to find the Committee in Philadelphia.
What relations had previously existed between David and this lady in
Virginia, the Committee knew not. It looked more like the time spoken of
in Isaiah, where it is said, "And a little child shall lead them," than
any thing that had ever been previously witnessed on the Underground
Rail Road. The Underground Rail Road never practised the proscription
governing other roads, on account of race, color, or previous condition.
All were welcome to its immunities, white or colored, when the object to
be gained favored freedom, or weakened Slavery. As the sole aim apparent
in this case was freedom for the slave the Committee received these
travellers as Underground Rail Road passengers.
Arrival No. 3. Charles H. Ringold, Robert Smith, and John Henry
Richards, all from Baltimore. Their ages ranged from twenty to
twenty-four years. They were in appearance of the class most inviting to
men who were in the business of buying and selling slaves. Charles and
John were owned by James Hodges, and Robert by Wm. H. Normis, living in
Baltimore. This is all that the records contain of them. The exciting
and hurrying times when they were in charge of the Committee probably
forbade the writing out of a more detailed account of them, as was often
the case.
With the above three arrivals on hand, it may be seen how great was the
danger to which all concerned were exposed on account of the bold and
open manner in which these parties had escaped from the land of the
peculiar institution. Notwithstanding, a feeling of very great
gratification existed in view of the success attending the new and
adventurous modes of traveling. Indulging in reflections of this sort,
the writer on going from his dinner that day to the anti-slavery office,
to his surprise found an officer awaiting his coming. Said officer was
of the mayor's police force. Before many moments had been allowed to
pass, in which to conjecture his errand, the officer, evidently burdened
with the importance of his mission, began to state his business
substantially as follows:
"I have just received a telegraphic despatch from a slave-holder living
in Maryland, informing me that six slaves had escaped from him, and that
he had reason to believe that they were on their way to Philadelphia,
and would come in the regular train direct from Harrisburg; furthermore
I am requested to be at the depot on the arrival of the train to arrest
the whole party, for whom a reward of $1300 is offered. Now I am not the
man for this business. I would have nothing to do with the contemptible
work of arresting fugitives. I'd rather help them off. What I am telling
you is confidential. My object in coming to the office is simply to
notify the Vigilance Committee so that they may be on the look-out for
them at the depot this evening and get them out of danger as soon as
possible. This is the way I feel about them; but I shall telegraph back
that I will be on the look-out."
While the officer was giving this information he was listened to most
attentively, and every word he uttered was carefully weighed. An air of
truthfulness, however, was apparent; nevertheless he was a stranger and
there was cause for great cautiousness. During the interview an unopened
telegraphic despatch which had come to hand during the writer's absence,
lay on the desk. Impressed with the belief that it might shed light on
the officer's story, the first opportunity that offered, it was seized,
opened, and it read as follows: (Copied from the original.)
HARRISBURG, May 31st, 1856.
WM. STILL, N. 5th St.:--I have sent via at two o'clock four
large and two small hams.
JOS. C. BUSTILL.
Here there was no room for further doubt, but much need for vigilance.
Although the despatch was not read to the officer, not that his story
was doubted, but purely for prudential reasons, he was nevertheless
given to understand, that it was about the same party, and that they
would be duly looked after. It would hardly have been understood by the
officer, had he been permitted to read it so guardedly was it worded, it
was indeed dead language to all save the initiated. In one particular
especially, relative to the depot where they were expected to arrive,
the officer was in the dark, as his despatch pointed to the regular
train, and of course to the depot at Eleventh and Market streets. The
Underground Rail Road despatch on the contrary pointed to Broad and
Callowhill streets "Via," _i.e._ Reading.
As notified, that evening the "four large and two small hams" arrived,
and turned out to be of the very finest quality, just such as any trader
would have paid the highest market price for. Being mindful of the great
danger of the hour, there was felt to be more occasion just then for
anxiety and watchfulness, than for cheering and hurrahing over the brave
passengers. To provide for them in the usual manner, in view of the
threatening aspect of affairs, could not be thought of. In this critical
hour it devolved upon a member of the Committee, for the safety of all
parties, to find new and separate places of accommodation, especially
for the six known to be pursued. To be stored in other than private
families would not answer. Three or four such were visited at once;
after learning of the danger much sympathy was expressed, but one after
another made excuses and refused. This was painful, for the parties had
plenty of house room, were identified with the oppressed race, and on
public meeting occasions made loud professions of devotion to the cause
of the fugitive, &c. The memory of the hour and circumstances is still
fresh.
Accommodations were finally procured for a number of the fugitives with
a widow woman, (Ann Laws) whose opportunities for succor were far less
than at the places where refusals had been met with. But Mrs. L. was
kind-hearted, and nobly manifested a willingness to do all that she
could for their safety. Of course the Committee felt bound to bear
whatever expense might necessarily be incurred. Here some of the
passengers were kept for several days, strictly private, long enough to
give the slave-hunters full opportunity to tire themselves, and give up
the chase in despair. Some belonging to the former arrivals had also to
be similarly kept for the same reasons. Through careful management all
were succored and cared for. Whilst much interesting information was
obtained from these several arrivals: the incidents connected with their
lives in Slavery, and when escaping were but briefly written out. Of
this fourth arrival, however, the following intelligence will doubtless
be highly gratifying to the friends of freedom, wherever the labors of
the Underground Rail Road may be appreciated. The people round about
Hagerstown, Maryland, may like to know how these "articles" got off so
successfully, the circumstances of their escape having doubtless created
some excitement in that region of the country.
Arrival No. 4. Charles Bird, George Dorsey, Angeline Brown, Albert
Brown, Charles Brown and Jane Scott.
Charles was twenty-four years of age, quite dark, of quick motion, and
ready speech, and in every way appearing as though he could take care of
himself. He had occupied the condition of a farm laborer. This calling
he concluded to forsake, not because he disliked farming, but simply to
get rid of David Clargart, who professed to own him, and compelled him
to work without pay, "for nothing." While Charles spoke favorably of
Clargart as a man, to the extent, at all events, of testifying that he
was not what was called a hard man, nevertheless Charles was so
decidedly opposed to Slavery that he felt compelled to look out for
himself. Serving another man on the no pay principle, at the same time
liable to be flogged, and sold at the pleasure of another, Charles felt
was worse than heathenish viewed in any light whatsoever. He was
prepared therefore, to leave without delay. He had four sisters in the
hands of Clargart, but what could he do for them but leave them to
Providence.
The next on the list was George Dorsey, a comrade of Charles. He was a
young man, of medium size, mixed blood, intelligent, and a brave fellow
as will appear presently.
This party in order to get over the road as expeditiously as possible,
availed themselves of their master's horses and wagon and moved off
civilly and respectably. About nine miles from home on the road, a
couple of white men, finding their carriage broken down approached them,
unceremoniously seized the horses by the reins and were evidently about
to assume authority, supposing that the boys would surrender at once.
But instead of so doing, the boys struck away at them with all their
might, with their large clubs, not even waiting to hear what these
superior individuals wanted. The effect of the clubs brought them
prostrate in the road, in an attitude resembling two men dreaming, (it
was in the night.) The victorious passengers, seeing that the smashed up
carriage could be of no further use to them, quickly conceived the idea
of unhitching and attempting further pursuit on horseback. Each horse
was required to carry three passengers. So up they mounted and off they
galloped with the horses' heads turned directly towards Pennsylvania. No
further difficulty presented itself until after they had traveled some
forty miles. Here the poor horses broke down, and had to be abandoned.
The fugitives were hopeful, but of the difficulties ahead they wot not;
surely no flowery beds of ease awaited them. For one whole week they
were obliged to fare as they could, out in the woods, over the
mountains, &c. How they overcame the trials in this situation we cannot
undertake to describe. Suffice it to say, at the end of the time above
mentioned they managed to reach Harrisburg and found assistance as
already intimated.
[Illustration: ]
George and Angeline, (who was his sister) with her two boys had a
considerable amount of white blood in their veins, and belonged to a
wealthy man by the name of George Schaeffer, who was in the milling
business. They were of one mind in representing him as a hard man. "He
would often threaten to sell, and was very hard to please." George and
Angeline left their mother and ten brothers and sisters.
Jane was a well-grown girl, smart, and not bad-looking, with a fine
brown skin, and was also owned by Schaeffer.
Letters from the enterprising Charlotte and Harriet (arrival No. 1),
brought the gratifying intelligence, that they had found good homes in
Western New York, and valued their freedom highly. Three out of quite a
number of letters received from them from time to time are subjoined.
SENNETT, June, 1856.
MR. WILLIAM STILL:--_Dear Sir_:--I am happy to tell you that
Charlotte Gildes and myself have got along thus far safely. We
have had no trouble and found friends all the way along, for
which we feel very thankful to you and to all our friends on the
road since we left. We reached Mr. Loguen's in Syracuse, on last
Tuesday evening & on Wednesday two gentlemen from this community
called and we went with them to work in their families. What I
wish you would do is to be so kind as to send our clothes to
this place if they should fall into your hands. We hope our
uncle in Baltimore will get the letter Charlotte wrote to him
last Sabbath, while we were at your house, concerning the
clothes. Perhaps the best would be to send them to Syracuse to
the _care of Mr. Loguen_ and he will send them to us. This will
more certainly ensure our getting them. If you hear anything
that would be interesting to Charlotte or me from Baltimore,
please direct a letter to us to this place, to the care of Revd.
Chas. Anderson, Sennett, Cayuga Co., N.Y. Please give my love
and Charlotte's to Mrs. Still and thank her for her kindness to
us while at your house.
Your affectionate friend,
HARRIET EGLIN.
SECOND LETTER.
SENNETT, July 31st, 1856.
MR. WM. STILL:--_My Dear Friend_:--I have just received your
note of 29th inst. and allow me dear sir, to assure you that the
only letter I have written, is the one you received, an answer
to which you sent me. I never wrote to Baltimore, nor did any
person write for me there, and it is with _indescribable grief_,
that I hear what your letter communicates to me, of those who
you say have gotten into difficulty on my account. My Cousin
Charlotte who came with me, got into a good place in this
vicinity, but she could not content herself to stay here but
just _one week_--she then went to Canada--and she is the one who
by writing (if any one), has brought this trouble upon those to
whom you refer in Baltimore.
She has written me two letters from Canada, and by neither of
them can I ascertain _where she lives_--her letters are mailed
at Suspension Bridge, but she does not live there as her letters
show. In the first she does not even sign her name. She has
evidently employed some person to write, who is nearly as
ignorant as herself. If I knew where to find her I would find
out _what_ she has written.
I don't know but she has told where I live, and may yet get me
and my friends here, in trouble too, as she has some in other
places. I don't wish to have you trouble yourself about my
clothes, I am in a place where I can get all the clothes I want
or need. Will you please write me when convenient and tell me
what you hear about those who I fear are suffering as the result
of their kindness to me? May God, in some way, grant them
deliverance. Oh the misery, the sorrow, which this cursed system
of Slavery is constantly bringing upon millions in this land of
boasted freedom!
Can you tell me where Sarah King is, who was at your house when
I was there? She was going to Canada to meet her husband. Give
my love to Mrs. Still & accept the same yourself. Your much
indebted & obliged friend,
HARRIET EGLIN.
The "difficulty" about which Harriet expressed so much regret in the
above letter, had reference to a letter supposed to have been written by
her friend Charlotte to Baltimore, about her clothing. It had been
intercepted, and in this way, a clue was obtained by one of the owners
as to how they escaped, who aided them, etc. On the strength of the
information thus obtained, a well-known colored man, named Adams, was
straightway arrested and put in prison at the instance of one of the
owners, and also a suit was at the same time instituted against the Rail
Road Company for damages--by which steps quite a huge excitement was
created in Baltimore. As to the colored man Adams, the prospect looked
simply hopeless. Many hearts were sad in view of the doom which they
feared would fall upon him for obeying a humane impulse (he had put the
girls on the cars). But with the Rail Road Company it was a different
matter; they had money, power, friends, etc., and could defy the courts.
In the course of a few months, when the suit against Adams and the Rail
Road Company came up, the Rail Road Company proved in court, in defense,
that the prosecutor entered the cars in search of his runaway, and went
and spoke to the two young women in "mourning" the day they escaped,
looking expressly for the identical parties, for which he was seeking
damages before the court, and that he declared to the conductor, on
leaving the cars, that the said "two girls in mourning, were not the
ones he was looking after," or in other words, that "neither" belonged
to him. This positive testimony satisfied the jury, and the Rail Road
Company and poor James Adams escaped by the verdict not guilty. The
owner of the lost property had the costs to pay of course, but whether
he was made a wiser or better man by the operation was never
ascertained.
THIRD LETTER.
SENNETT, October 28th, 1856.
DEAR MR. STILL:--I am happy to tell you that I am well and
happy. I still live with Rev. Mr. Anderson in this place, I am
learning to read and write. I do not like to trouble you too
much, but I would like to know if you have heard anything more
about my friends in Baltimore who got into trouble on our
account. Do be pleased to write me if you can give me any
information about them. I feel bad that they should suffer for
me. I wish all my brethren and sisters in bondage, were as well
off as I am. The girl that came with me is in Canada, near the
Suspension Bridge. I was glad to see Green Murdock, a colored
young man, who stopped at your house about six weeks ago, he
knew my folks at the South. He has got into a good place to work
in this neighborhood. Give my love to Mrs Still, and believe me
your obliged friend,
HARRIET EGLIN.
P.S. I would like to know what became of Johnson,[A] the man
whose foot was smashed by jumping off the cars, he was at your
house when I was there.
[Footnote A: Johnson was an unfortunate young fugitive, who,
while escaping, beheld his master or pursuer in the cars, and
jumped therefrom, crushing his feet shockingly by the bold act.]
H.E.
FROM VIRGINIA, MARYLAND, DELAWARE, NORTH CAROLINA, WASHINGTON, D.C., AND
SOUTH CAROLINA.
JAMES BURRELL, DANIEL WIGGINS, WM. ROBINSON, EDWARD PEADEN, AND WIFE,
ALEX BOGGS, SAMUEL STATER, HARRISON BELL AND DAUGHTER, HARRIET
ANN,DANIEL DAVIS, _alias_ DAVID SMITH, JAMES STEWART, _alias_ WILLIAM
JACKSON, HARRIET HALEY, _alias_ ANN RICHARDSON, BENJ. DUNCANS, _alias_
GEORGE SCOTT, MOSES WINES, SARAH SMITH, _alias_ MILDRETH PAGE, LUCY
GARRETT, _alias_ JULIA WOOD, ELLEN FORMAN, _alias_ ELIZABETH YOUNG, WM.
WOODEN, _alias_ WM. NELSON, JAMES EDWARD HANDY, _alias_ DENNIS CANNON,
JAMES HENRY DELANY _alias_ SMART STANLEY, JAMES HENRY BLACKSON, GEORGE
FREELAND, MILES WHITE, LOUISA CLAYTON, LEWIS SNOWDEN, _alias_ LEWIS
WILLIAMS, WM. JOHNSON, JOHN HALL _alias_ JOHN SIMPSON. In order to keep
this volume within due limits, in the cases to be noticed in this
chapter, it will be impossible to state more than a few of the
interesting particulars that make up these narratives. While some of
these passengers might not have been made in the prison house to drink
of the bitter cup as often as others, and in their flight might not have
been called upon to pass through as severe perils as fell to the lot of
others, nevertheless justice seems to require, that, as far as possible,
all the passengers passing over the Philadelphia Underground Rail Road
shall be noticed.
James Burrell. James was certainly justifiable in making his escape, if
for no other reason than on the score of being nearly related to the
chivalry of the South. He was a mulatto (the son of a white man
evidently), about thirty-two years of age, medium size, and of an
agreeable appearance. He was owned by a maiden lady, who lived at
Williamsburg, but not requiring his services in her own family, she
hired him out by the year to a Mr. John Walker, a manufacturer of
tobacco, for which she received $120 annually. This arrangement was not
satisfactory to James. He could not see why he should be compelled to
wear the yoke like an ox. The more he thought over his condition, the
more unhappy was his lot, until at last he concluded, that he could not
stand Slavery any longer. He had witnessed a great deal of the hardships
of the system of Slavery, and he had quite enough intelligence to
portray the horrors thereof in very vivid colors. It was the
auction-block horror that first prompted him to seek freedom. While
thinking how he would manage to get away safely, his wife and children
were ever present in his mind. He felt as a husband should towards his
"wife Betsy," and likewise loved his "children, Walter and Mary;" but
these belonged to another man, who lived some distance in the country,
where he had permission to see them only once a week. This had its
pleasure, it also had its painful influence. The weekly partings were a
never-failing source of unhappiness. So when James' mind was fully made
up to escape from Slavery, he decided that it would not be best to break
the secret to his poor wife and children, but to get off to Canada, and
afterwards to try and see what he could do for their deliverance. The
hour fixed to leave Virginia arrived, and he started and succeeded in
reaching Philadelphia, and the Committee. On arriving he needed
medicine, clothing, food, and a carriage for his accommodation, all
which were furnished freely by the Committee, and he was duly forwarded
to Canada. From Canada, with his name changed, he wrote as follows:
TORONTO, March 28th, 1854.
SIR, MR. STILL--It does me pleasure to forward you this letter
hopeing when this comes to hand it may find your family well, as
they leaves me at present. I will also say that the friends are
well. Allow me to say to you that I arrived in this place on
Friday last safe and sound, and feeles well under my safe
arrival. Its true that I have not been employed as yet but I
lives hopes to be at work very shortly. I likes this city very
well, and I am in hopes that there a living here for me as much
so as there for any one else. You will be please to write. I am
bording at Mr. Phillip's Centre Street.
I have nothing more at present. Yours most respectfull.
W. BOURAL.
DANIEL WIGGINS, _alias_ DANIEL ROBINSON. Daniel fled from Norfolk, Va.,
where he had been owned by the late Richard Scott. Only a few days
before Daniel escaped, his so-called owner was summoned to his last
account. While ill, just before the close of his career, he often
promised D. his freedom and also promised, if restored, that he would
make amends for the past, by changing his ways of living. His son, who
was very reckless, he would frequently allude to and declared, "that
he," the son, "should not have his 'property.'" These dying sentiments
filled Daniel with great hopes that the day of his enslavement was
nearly at an end. Unfortunately, however, death visited the old master,
ere he had made provision for his slaves. At all events, no will was
found. That he might not fall a prey to the reckless son, he felt, that
he must nerve himself for a desperate struggle to obtain his freedom in
some other way, by traveling on the Underground Rail Road. While he had
always been debarred from book learning, he was, nevertheless, a man of
some intelligence, and by trade was a practical Corker.
He was called upon in this trying hour to leave his wife with three
children, but they were, fortunately, free. Coming to the Committee in
want, they cheerfully aided him, and forwarded him on to Canada. Thence,
immediately on his arrival, he returned the following grateful letter:
NEW BEDFORD, Mass., March 22d, 1854.
DEAR SIR:--I am happy to inform you that I arrived in this place
this morning well and cheerful. I am, sir, to you and others
under more obligations for your kindly protection of me than I
can in any way express at present. May the Lord preserve you
unto eternal life. Remember my respects to Mr. Lundy and family.
Should the boat lay up please let me know.
Yours respectfully,
DAVID ROBINSON.
Please forward to Dr. H. Lundy, after you have gotten through.
With respects, &c.
D.R.
WM. ROBINSON, _alias_ THOS. HARRED. William gave satisfactory evidence,
at first sight, that he was opposed to the unrequited labor system _in
toto_, and even hated still more the flogging practices of the chivalry.
Although he had reached his twenty-eighth year, and was a truly fair
specimen of his race, considering his opportunities, a few days before
William left, the overseer on the plantation attempted to flog him, but
did not succeed. William's manhood was aroused, and he flogged the
overseer soundly, if what he averred was true. The name of William's
owner was John G. Beale, Esq., of Fauquier county, Va. Beale was
considered to be a man of wealth, and had invested in Slave stock to the
number of seventy head. According to William's account of Beale, he was
a "hard man and thought no more of his black people than he did of
dogs." When William entered upon the undertaking of freeing himself from
Beale's barbarism, he had but one dollar and twenty-five cents in his
possession; but he had physical strength and a determined mind, and
being heartily sick of Slavery, he was willing to make the trial, even
at the cost of life. Thus hopeful, he prosecuted his journey with
success through strange regions of country, with but little aid or
encouragement before reaching Philadelphia. This feat, however, was not
performed without getting lost by the way. On arriving, his shoes were
gone, and his feet were severely travel-worn. The Committee rendered
needed aid, etc., and sent William on to Canada to work for himself, and
to be recognized as a subject of Great Britain.
EDWARD PEADEN AND WIFE HARRIET, AND SISTER CELIA. This man and his wife
and wife's sister were a nice-looking trio, but they brought quite a sad
story with them: the sale of their children, six in number. The auction
block had made such sad havoc among them, that no room was left to hope,
that their situation would ever be improved by remaining. Indeed they
had been under a very gloomy cloud for some time previous to leaving,
fearing that the auction block was shortly to be their doom. To escape
this fate, they were constrained to "secrete themselves for one month,"
until an opportunity offered them to secure a passage on a boat coming
to Philadelphia. Edward (the husband), was about forty-four years of
age, of a dark color, well made, full face, pleasant countenance, and
talked fluently. Dr. Price claimed him as his personal property, and
exacted all his hire and labor. For twelve years he had been hired out
for $100 per annum. Harriet, the wife of Edward, belonged to David
Baines, of Norfolk. Her general appearance indicated, that nature had
favored her physically and mentally, although being subjected to the
drudgery of Slave life, with no advantages for development, she was
simply a living testimony to the crushing influence of Slavery--with a
heart never free from the saddened recollection of the auction block, on
which all of her children had been sacrificed, "one by one." Celia, the
sister, also belonged to D. Baines, and was kept hired out--was last in
the service of the Mayor of Norfolk. Of her story nothing of any moment
was recorded. On their arrival in Philadelphia, as usual they were
handed over to the Committee, and their wants were met.
WILLIAM DAVIS. All that the records contain of William is as follows: He
left Emmitsburg, Md., the previous Friday night, where he had been held
by Dr. James Shoul. William is thirty-two years of age, dark color,
rather below medium stature. With regard to his slave life, he declared
that he had been "roughly used." Besides, for some time before escaping,
he felt that his owner was in the "notion of trading" him off. The fear
that this apprehended notion would be carried into execution, was what
prompted him to leave his master.
ALEXANDER BOGGS, alias JOHNSON HENSON. This subject was under the
ownership of a certain John Ernie, who lived about three miles from
Baltimore. Mr. Ernie had only been in possession of the wayward
Alexander three weeks, having purchased him of a trader named Dennit,
for $550. This was not the first time, however, that he had experienced
the trouble of changing masters, in consequence of having been sold.
Previously to his being disposed of by the trader Dennit, he had been
owned by Senator Merrick, who had the misfortune to fail in business, in
consequence whereof, his slaves had all to be sold and Alexander with
the rest, away from his wife, Caroline, and two children, James and
Eliezer.
This was a case that appealed for sympathy and aid, which were
cheerfully rendered by the Committee. Alexander was about fifty years of
age, of dark color. On the Records no account of cruel treatment is
found, other than being sold, &c.
JOHN BROWN, alias JACOB WILLIAMS, arrived from Fredericktown, Md., where
he had been working under the yoke of Joseph Postly. John was a young
man of twenty-nine years of age. Up to the hour of his escape, his lot
had been that of an ordinary slave. Indeed, he had much less to complain
of with reference to usage than most slaves; the only thing in this
respect the records contain, is simply a charge, that his master
threatened to sell him. But this did not seem to have been the motive
which prompted John to take leave of his master. Although untutored, he
had mind enough to comprehend that Postly had no right to oppress him,
and wrong him out of his hire. John concluded that he would not stand
such treatment any longer, and made up his mind to leave for Canada.
After due examination the Committee, finding his story reasonable, gave
him the usual assistance, advice and instruction, and sent him on
Canada-ward.
SAMUEL SLATER, alias PATTERSON SMITH, came from a place called Power
Bridge, Md. He gave a satisfactory account of himself, and was commended
for having wisely left his master, William Martin, to earn his bread by
the sweat of his own brow. Martin had held up the vision of the
auction-block before Sam; this was enough. Sam saw that it was time for
him to be getting out of danger's way without delay, so he presumed, if
others could manage to escape, he could too. And he succeeded. He was a
stout man, about twenty-nine years of age, of dark complexion. No
particular mention of ill treatment is found on the Records.
After arriving in Canada, his heart turned with deep interest and
affection to those left in the prison-house, as the following letter
indicates.
ST. CATHRINES Oct 29th.
MY DEAR FRIEND:--yours of the 15th came to hand and I was glad
to hea from you and your dear family were well and the reason
that I did not write sooner I expected get a letter from my
brother in pennsylvania but I have not received any as yet when
I wrote last I directed my letter to philip scott minister of
the asbury church baltimore and that was the reason that I
thought it strange I did not get an answer but I did not put my
brother name to it I made arrangements before I left home with a
family of smiths that I was to write to and the letter that I
enclose in this I want you to direct it to D Philip scott in his
care for mrs cassey Jackson Duke Jacksons wife and she will give
to Priana smith or Sarah Jane Smith those are the persons I wish
to write to I wish you to write on as quick as you can and let
them know that there is a lady coming on by the name of mrs
Holonsworth and she will call and see you and you will find her
a very interesting and inteligent person one worthy of respect
and esteem and a high reputation I must now bring my letter to a
close no more at present but remain your humble servant
PATTERSON SMITH
In my letters I did not write to my friends how they shall write
to me but in the letter that you write you will please to tell
them how they shall write to me.
HARRISON BELL AND DAUGHTER HARRIET ANN. Father and daughter were
fortunate enough to escape together from Norfolk, Va.
Harrison was just in the prime of life, forty years of age, stout made,
good features, but in height was rather below medium, was a man of more
than ordinary shrewdness, by trade he was a chandler. He alleged that he
had been used hard.
Harriet Ann was a well-grown girl of pleasant appearance, fourteen years
of age. Father and daughter had each different owners, one belonged to
James Snyder, the other to John G. Hodgson.
Harrison had been informed that his children were to be sold; to prevent
this shocking fate, he was prompted to escape. Several months previous
to finding a chance to make a safe flight, he secreted himself with his
children in Norfolk, and so remained up to the day he left, a passage
having been secured for them on one of the boats coming to Philadelphia.
While the records contain no definite account of other children, it is
evident that there were others, but what became of them is not known.
If at the time of their arrival, it had been imagined that the glorious
day of universal freedom was only about eight years off, doubtless much
fuller records would have been made of these struggling Underground Rail
Road passengers. If Harrison's relatives and friends, who suddenly
missed him and his daughter Harriet Ann, in the Spring of 1854, are
still ignorant of his whereabouts, this very brief account of their
arrival in Philadelphia, may be of some satisfaction to all concerned,
not excepting his old master, whom he had served so faithfully.
The Committee finding them in need, had the pleasure of furnishing them
with food, material aid and a carriage, with cheering words and letters
of introduction to friends on the road to Canada.
DANIEL DAVIS, ALIAS DAVID SMITH, ADAM NICHOLSON, ALIAS JOHN WYNKOOP,
REUBEN BOWLES, ALIAS CUNNIGAN, ARRIVED FROM HEDGEVILLE, VA.
Daniel was only about twenty, just at a capital age to make a bold
strike for freedom. The appearance and air of this young aspirant for
liberty indicated that he was not of the material to be held in chains.
He was a man of medium size, well-built, dark color, and intelligent.
Hon. Charles J. Fortner, M.C. was the reputed owner of this young
fugitive, but the honorable gentleman having no use for his services, or
because he may have profited more by hiring him out, Daniel was placed
in the employ of a farmer, by the name of Adam Quigley. It was at this
time he resolved that he would not be a slave any longer. He declared
that Quigley was a "very mean man," one for whom he had no respect
whatever. Indeed he felt that the system of Slavery was an abomination
in any form it might be viewed. While he was yet so young, he had pretty
clear views with regard to Slavery, and remembered with feelings of deep
indignation, how his father had been sold when he himself was a boy,
just as a horse might have been sold; and how his mother was dragging
her chains in Slavery, up to the hour he fled. Thus in company with his
two companions he was prepared for any sacrifice.
Adam'S tale is soon told; all that is on the old record in addition to
his full name, is in the following words: "Adam is dark, rugged and
sensible, and was owned by Alexander Hill, a drunkard, gambler, &c."
Reuben had been hired out to John Sabbard near Hedgeville. Startled at
hearing that he was to be sold, he was led to consider the propriety of
seeking flight via the Underground Rail Road. These three young men were
all fine specimens of farm hands, and possessed more than average common
sense, considering the oppression they had to labor under. They walked
the entire distance from Hedgeville, Va., to Greenville, Pa. There they
took the cars and walked no more. They appeared travel-worn, garments
dirty, and forlorn; but the Committee had them cleanly washed, hair cut
and shaved, change of clothing furnished, &c., which at once made them
look like very different men. Means were appropriated to send them on
free of cost.
JAMES STEWART, _alias_ WM. JACKSON. James had been made acquainted with
the Peculiar Institution in Fauquier county, Va. Being of sound judgment
and firm resolution, he became an enemy to Slavery at a very early age;
so much so, that by the time he was twenty-one he was willing to put
into practice his views of the system by leaving it and going where all
men are free. Very different indeed were these notions, from those held
by his owner, Wm. Rose, who believed in Slavery for the black man. So as
James could neither enjoy his freedom nor express his opinion in
Virginia, he determined, that he had better get a passage on the
Underground Rail Road, and leave the land of Slavery and the obnoxious
sentiments of his master. He, of course, saw formidable difficulties to
be encountered all the way along in escaping, but these, he considered,
would be more easy for him to overcome than it would be for him to learn
the lesson--"Servants, obey your masters." The very idea made James
sick. This, therefore, was the secret of his escape.
HARRIET HALEY, _alias_ ANN RICHARDSON, AND ELIZABETH HALEY, _alias_
SARAH RICHARDSON. These travelers succeeded in escaping from Geo. C.
Davis, of Harford county, Md. In order to carry out their plans, they
took advantage of Whitsuntide, a holiday, and with marked ingenuity and
perseverance, they managed to escape and reach Quakertown Underground
Rail Road Station without obstruction, where protection and assistance
were rendered by the friends of the cause. After abiding there for a
short time, they were forwarded to the Committee in Philadelphia. Their
ages ranged from nineteen to twenty-one, and they were apparently
"servants" of a very superior order. The pleasure it afforded to aid
such young women in escaping from a condition so loathsome as that of
Slavery in Maryland, was unalloyed.
BENJAMIN DUNCANS, _alias_ GEORGE SCOTT. This individual was in bonds
under Thomas Jeffries, who was a firm believer in the doctrine:
"Servants, obey your masters," and, furthermore, while laboring "pretty
hard" to make Benjamin a convert to this idea, he had made Benjamin's
lot anything else than smooth. This treatment on the part of the master
made a wise and resolute man of the Slave. For as he looked earnestly
into the fact, that he was only regarded by his owner in the light of an
ox, or an ass, his manhood rebelled straightway, and the true light of
freedom told him, that he must be willing to labor, and endure suffering
for the great prize, liberty. So, in company with five others, at an
appointed time, he set out for freedom, and succeeded. The others,
alluded to, passed on to Canada direct. Benjamin was induced to stop a
few months in Pennsylvania, during which time he occupied himself in
farming. He looked as if he was well able to do a full day's work at
this occupation. He was about twenty-five years of age, of unmixed
blood, and wore a pleasant countenance.
MOSES WINES. Portsmouth, Va., lost one of her most substantial laborers
in the person of Moses, and Madam Abigail Wheeler, a very "likely
article" of merchandise. "No complaint" as to "ill treatment" was made
by Moses against "Miss Abigail." The truth was, he admitted, that he had
been used in a "mild way." With some degree of pride, he stated that he
"had never been flogged." But, for the "last fifteen years, he had been
favored with the exalted privilege of 'hiring' his time at the
'reasonable' sum of $12 per month." As he stood pledged to have this
amount always ready, "whether sick or well," at the end of the month,
his mistress "never neglected to be in readiness to receive it" to the
last cent. In this way Moses was taught to be exceedingly punctual. Who
would not commend such a mistress for the punctuality, if nothing more?
But as smoothly as matters seemed to be going along, the mischievous
idea crept into Moses' head, that he ought to have some of the money
claimed by his "kind" mistress, and at the same time, the thought would
often forcibly press upon his mind that he might any day be sold. In
addition to this unpleasant prospect, Virginia had just about that time
passed a law "prohibiting Slaves from hiring their time"--also, a number
of "new Police rules with reference to Slaves and free colored people,"
all of which, the "humane Slave-holders" of that "liberal State,"
regarded as highly essential both for the "protection and safety of
Master and Slave." But the stupid-headed Moses was not pleased with
these arrangements. In common with many of the Slaves, he smarted
severely under his heavy oppression, and felt that it was similar to an
old rule, which had been once tried under Pharaoh--namely, when the
children of Israel were required to "make bricks without straw." But
Moses was not a fit subject to submit to be ruled so inhumanly.
Despite the beautiful sermons he had often listened to in favor of
Slavery, and the many wise laws, above alluded to, he could not
reconcile himself to his condition. The laws and preaching were alike as
"sounding brass, and tinkling cymbals" to him. He made up his mind,
therefore, that he must try a free country; that his manhood required
him to make the effort at once, even at the risk of life. Father and
husband, as he was, and loving his wife, Grace, and son, Alphonso,
tenderly as he did, he nevertheless felt himself to be in chains, and
that he could do but little for them by remaining. He conceived that, if
he could succeed in gaining his freedom, he might possibly aid them away
also. With this hope in him, he contrived to secure a private passage on
the steamship City of Richmond, and in this way reached Philadelphia,
but not without suffering fearfully the entire journey through, owing to
the narrowness of the space into which he was obliged to be stowed in
order to get away.
Moses was a man of medium size, quite dark, and gave promise of being
capable of taking care of himself in freedom. He had seen much of the
cruelties of Slavery inflicted upon others in various forms, which he
related in a way to make one shudder; but these incidents were not
recorded in the book at the time.
SARAH SMITH, alias MILDRETH PAGE, and her daughter, nine years of age.
Sarah and her child were held to service by the Rev. A.D. Pollock, a
resident of Wilmington, Del. Until about nine months before she escaped
from the Reverend gentleman, she was owned by Mrs. Elizabeth Lee of
Fauquier Co., Va., who had moved with Sarah to Wilmington. How Mr.
Pollock came by Sarah is not stated on the records; perhaps by marriage;
be that as it may, it was owing to ill treatment from her mistress that
Sarah "took out" with her child. Sarah was a woman of becoming manners,
of a dark brown complexion, and looked as though she might do a fair
share of housework, if treated well. As it required no great effort to
escape from Wilmington, where the watchful Garrett lived, she reached
the Committee in Philadelphia without much difficulty, received
assistance and was sent on her way rejoicing.
LUCY GARRETT, alias JULIA WOOD. John Williams, who was said to be a
"very cruel man," residing on the Western Shore of Va., claimed Lucy as
his chattel personal. Julia, having a lively sense of his meanness stood
much in fear of being sold; having seen her father, three sisters, and
two brothers, disposed of at auction, she was daily on the look-out for
her turn to come next. The good spirit of freedom made the way plain to
her by which an escape could be effected. Being about nineteen years of
age, she felt that she had served in Slavery long enough. She resolved
to start immediately, and did so, and succeeded in reaching
Pennsylvania. Her appearance recommended her so well, that she was
prevailed upon to remain and accept a situation in the family of Joseph
A. Dugdale, so well known in reformatory circles, as an ardent friend of
humanity. While in his family she gave great satisfaction, and was much
esteemed for uprightness and industry. But this place was not Canada,
so, when it was deemed best, she was sent on.
ELLEN FORMAN, alias ELIZABETH YOUNG. Ellen had formerly been owned by
Dr. Thomas, of the Eastern Shore of Maryland, but about one year before
escaping, she was bought by a lady living in Baltimore known by the name
of Mrs. Johnson. Ellen was about thirty years of age, of slender
stature, and of a dark brown complexion. The record makes no mention of
cruel treatment or very hard usage, as a slave. From traveling,
probably, she had contracted a very heavy cold, which threatened her
with consumption. The Committee cheerfully rendered her assistance.
WILLIAM WOODEN, alias WILLIAM NELSON. While Delaware was not far from
freedom, and while Slavery was considered to exist there comparatively
in a mild form, nevertheless, what with the impenetrable ignorance in
which it was the wont of pro-slavery whites to keep the slaves, and the
unwillingness on the part of slave-holders generally to conform to the
spirit of progress going on in the adjacent State of Pennsylvania, it
was wonderful how the slaves saw through the thick darkness thus
prevailing, and how wide-awake they were to escape.
It was from this State, that William Wooden fled. True, William was said
to belong to Judge Wooden, of Georgetown, Del., but, according to the
story of his "chattel," the Judge was not of the class who judged
righteously. He had not only treated William badly, but he had
threatened to sell him. This was the bitter pill which constrained
William to "take out." The threat seemed hard at first, but its effect
was excellent for this young man; it was the cause of his obtaining his
freedom at the age of twenty-three. William was a tall, well-built man,
of dark complexion and promising. No further particulars concerning him
are on the records.
JAMES EDWARD HANDY, _alias_ DANIEL CANON. At Seaford, Delaware, James
was held in bonds under a Slave-holder called Samuel Lewis, who followed
farming. Lewis was not satisfied with working James hard and keeping all
his earnings, but would insolently talk occasionally of handing him
"over to the trader." This "stirred James' blood" and aroused his
courage to the "sticking point." Nothing could induce him to remain. He
had the name of having a wife and four children, but according to the
Laws of Delaware, he only had a nominal right in them. They were
"legally the property of Capt. Martin." Therefore they were all left in
the hands of Capt. Martin. The wife's name was Harriet Delaney, _alias_
Smart Stanley. James Henry Delaney came as a fellow-traveler with James
Edward. He had experienced oppression under Capt. Martin, and as a
witness, was prepared to testify, that Martin "ill-treated his Slaves,
especially with regard to the diet, which was very poor." Nevertheless
James was a stout, heavy-built young man of twenty-six years of age, and
looked as if he might have a great deal of valuable work in him. He was
a single man.
JAMES HENRY BLACKSON. James Henry had only reached twenty-five, when he
came to the "conclusion, that he had served long enough under bondage
for the benefit of Charles Wright." This was about all of the excuse he
seemed to have for escaping. He was a fine specimen of a man, so far as
physical strength and muscular power were concerned. Very little was
recorded of him.
GEORGE FREELAND. It was only by the most indomitable resolution and
perseverance, that Freeland threw off the yoke. Capt. John Pollard of
Petersburg, Va., held George to service. As a Slave-holder, Pollard
belonged to that class, who did not believe in granting favors to
Slaves. On the contrary, he was practically in favor of wringing every
drop of blood from their bodies.
George was a spare-built man, about twenty-five years of age, quite
dark, but had considerable intelligence. He could read and write very
well, but how he acquired these arts is not known. In testifying against
his master, George used very strong language. He declared that Pollard
"thought no more of his servants than if they had been dogs. He was very
mean. He gave nothing to his servants. He has given me only one pair of
shoes the last ten years." After careful inquiry, George learned that he
could get a private passage on the City of Richmond, if he could raise
the passage money. This he could do cheerfully. He raised "sixty
dollars" for the individual who was to "secrete him on the boat." In
leaving the land of Slave auctions, whips and chains, he was obliged to
leave his mother and father and two brothers in Petersburg. Pollard had
been offered $1,500 for George. Doubtless he found, when he discovered
George had gone, that he had "overstood the market." This was what
produced action prompt and decisive on the part of George. So the old
adage, in this case, was verified--"It's an ill wind that blows nobody
any good."
On arriving in Canada, George did not forget to express gratitude to
those who aided him on his road there, as the following note will show:
SINCATHANS, canada west.
Brother Still:--I im brace this opportunity of pening you a few
lines to in form you that I am well at present & in hopes to
find you & family well also I hope that god Will Bless you & and
your family & if I never should meet you in this world I hope to
meet you in glory Remember my love to Brother Brown & tell him
that I am well & hearty tell him to writ Thomas word that I am
well at present you must excuse me I will Rite when I return
from the west.
GEORGE W. FREELAND
Send your Letters in the name of John Anderson.
MILES WHITE. This passenger owed service to Albert Kern, of Elizabeth
City, N.C. At least Kern, through the oppressive laws of that State,
claimed Miles as his personal property. Miles, however, thought
differently, but he was not at liberty to argue the case with Kern; for
on the "side of the oppressor there was strength." So he resolved, that
he would adopt the Underground Rail Road plan. As he was only about
twenty-one years of age, he found it much easier to close his affairs
with North Carolina, than it would have been had he been encumbered with
a family. In fact, the only serious difficulty he had to surmount was to
find a captain with whom he could secure a safe passage North. To his
gratification it was not long before his efforts in this direction were
crowned with success. A vessel was being loaded with shingles, the
captain of which was kind enough to allow Miles to occupy a very secure
hiding-place thereon. In course of time, having suffered to the extent
usual when so closely conveyed, he arrived in Philadelphia, and being
aided, was duly forwarded by the Committee.
JOHN HALL, _alias_ JOHN SIMPSON. John fled from South Carolina. In this
hot-bed of Slavery he labored and suffered up to the age of thirty-two.
For a length of time before he escaped, his burdens were intolerable;
but he could see no way to rid himself of them, except by flight. Nor
was he by any means certain that an effort in this direction would prove
successful. In planning the route which he should take to travel North
he decided, that if success was for him, his best chance would be to
wend his way through North Carolina and Virginia. Not that he hoped to
find friends or helpers in these States. He had heard enough of the
cruelties of Slavery in these regions to convince him, that if he should
be caught, there would be no sympathy or mercy shown. Nevertheless the
irons were piercing him so severely, that he felt constrained to try his
luck, let the consequences be what they might, and so he set out for
freedom or death. Mountains of difficulties, and months of suffering and
privations by land and water, in the woods, and swamps of North Carolina
and Virginia, were before him, as his experience in traveling proved.
But the hope of final victory and his daily sufferings before he
started, kept him from faltering, even when starvation and death seemed
to be staring him in the face. For several months he was living in dens
and caves of the earth.
Ultimately, however, the morning of his ardent hopes dawned. How he
succeeded in finding a captain who was kind enough to afford him a
secret hiding-place on his boat, was not noted on the records. Indeed
the incidents of his story were but briefly written out. Similar cases
of thrilling interest seemed almost incredible, and the Committee were
constrained to doubt the story altogether until other testimony could be
obtained to verify the statement. In this instance, before the Committee
were fully satisfied, they felt it necessary to make inquiry of
trustworthy Charlestonians to ascertain if John were really from
Charleston, and if he were actually owned by the man that he represented
as having owned him, Dr. Philip Mazyck, by name; and furthermore, to
learn if the master was really of the brutal character given him. The
testimony of thoroughly reliable persons, who were acquainted with
master and slave, so far as this man's bondage in Charleston was
concerned, fully corroborated his statement, and the Committee could not
but credit his story; indeed they were convinced, that he had been one
of the greatest of sufferers and the chief of heroes. Nevertheless his
story was not written out, and can only be hinted at. Perhaps more time
was consumed in its investigation and in listening to a recital of his
sufferings than could well be spared; perhaps it was thought, as was
often the case, unless full justice could be given him, the story would
be spoiled; or perhaps the appalling nature of his sufferings rendered
the pen powerless, and made the heart too sick for the task. Whether it
was so or not in this case, it was not unfrequently so in other
instances, as is well remembered. It will be necessary, in the
subsequent pages of this work, to omit the narratives of a great many
who, unfortunately, were but briefly noted on the books at the time of
their arrival. In the eyes of some, this may prove disappointing,
especially in instances where these pages are turned to with the hope of
gaining a clue to certain lost ones. As all, however, cannot be
mentioned, and as the general reader will look for incidents and facts
which will most fittingly bring out the chief characteristics in the
career and escape of bondmen, the reasonableness of this course must be
obvious to all.
* * * * *
CHARLES GILBERT.
FLEEING FROM DAVIS A NEGRO TRADER, SECRETED UNDER A HOTEL, UP A TREE,
UNDER A FLOOR, IN A THICKET, ON A STEAMER. In 1854 Charles was owned in
the city of Richmond by Benjamin Davis, a notorious negro trader.
Charles was quite a "likely-looking article," not too black or too
white, but rather of a nice "ginger-bread color." Davis was of opinion
that this "article" must bring him a tip-top price. For two or three
months the trader advertised Charles for sale in the papers, but for
some reason or other Charles did not command the high price demanded.
While Davis was thus daily trying to sell Charles, Charles was
contemplating how he might escape. Being uncommonly shrewd he learned
something about a captain of a schooner from Boston, and determined to
approach him with regard to securing a passage. The captain manifested a
disposition to accommodate him for the sum of ten dollars, provided
Charles could manage to get to Old Point Comfort, there to embark. The
Point was about one hundred and sixty miles distant from Richmond.
A man of ordinary nerve would have declined this condition
unhesitatingly. On the other hand it was not Charles' intention to let
any offer slide; indeed he felt that he must make an effort, if he
failed. He could not see how his lot could be made more miserable by
attempting to flee. In full view of all the consequences he ventured to
take the hazardous step, and to his great satisfaction he reached Old
Point Comfort safely. In that locality he was well known, unfortunately
too well known, for he had been raised partly there, and, at the same
time, many of his relatives and acquaintances were still living there.
These facts were evidently well known to the trader, who unquestionably
had snares set in order to entrap Charles should he seek shelter among
his relatives, a reasonable supposition. Charles had scarcely reached
his old home before he was apprised of the fact that the hunters and
watch dogs of Slavery were eagerly watching for him. Even his nearest
relatives, through fear of consequences had to hide their faces as it
were from him. None dare offer him a night's lodging, scarcely a cup of
water, lest such an act might be discovered by the hunters, whose
fiendish hearts would have found pleasure in meting out the most dire
punishments to those guilty of thus violating the laws of Slavery. The
prospect, if not utterly hopeless, was decidedly discouraging. The way
to Boston was entirely closed. A "reward of $200" was advertised for his
capture. For the first week after arriving at Old Point he entrusted
himself to a young friend by the name of E.S. The fear of the pursuers
drove him from his hiding-place at the expiration of the week. Thence he
sought shelter neither with kinfolks, Christians, nor infidels, but in
this hour of his calamity he made up his mind that he would try living
under a large hotel for a while. Having watched his opportunity, he
managed to reach Higee hotel, a very large house without a cellar,
erected on pillars three or four feet above the ground. One place alone,
near the cistern, presented some chance for a hiding-place, sufficient
to satisfy him quite well under the circumstances. This dark and gloomy
spot he at once willingly occupied rather than return to Slavery. In
this refuge he remained four weeks. Of course he could not live without
food; but to communicate with man or woman would inevitably subject him
to danger. Charles' experience in the neighborhood of his old home left
no ground for him to hope that he would be likely to find friendly aid
anywhere under the shadow of Slavery. In consequence of these fears he
received his food from the "slop tub," securing this diet in the
darkness of night after all was still and quiet around the hotel. To use
his own language, the meals thus obtained were often "sweet" to his
taste.
One evening, however, he was not a little alarmed by the approach of an
Irish boy who came under the hotel to hunt chickens. While prowling
around in the darkness he appeared to be making his way unconsciously to
the very spot where Charles was reposing. How to meet the danger was to
Charles' mind at first very puzzling, there was no time now to plan. As
quick as thought he feigned the bark of a savage dog accompanied with a
furious growl and snarl which he was confident would frighten the boy
half out of his senses, and cause him to depart quickly from his private
apartment. The trick succeeded admirably, and the emergency was
satisfactorily met, so far as the boy was concerned, but the boy's
father hearing the attack of the dog, swore that he would kill him.
Charles was a silent listener to the threat, and he saw that he could no
longer remain in safety in his present quarter. So that night he took
his departure for Bay Shore; here he decided to pass a day in the woods,
but the privacy of this place was not altogether satisfactory to
Charles' mind; but where to find a more secure retreat he could
not,--dared not venture to ascertain that day. It occurred to him,
however, that he would be much safer up a tree than hid in the bushes
and undergrowth. He therefore climbed up a large acorn tree and there
passed an entire day in deep meditation. No gleam of hope appeared, yet
he would not suffer himself to think of returning to bondage. In this
dilemma he remembered a poor washer-woman named Isabella, a slave who
had charge of a wash-house. With her he resolved to seek succor. Leaving
the woods he proceeded to the wash-house and was kindly received by
Isabella, but what to do with him or how to afford him any protection
she could see no way whatever. The schooling which Charles had been
receiving a number of weeks in connection with the most fearful
looking-for of the threatened wrath of the trader made it much easier
for him than for her to see how he could be provided for. A room and
comforts he was not accustomed to. Of course he could not expect such
comforts now. Like many another escaping from the relentless tyrant,
Charles could contrive methods which to his venturesome mind would
afford hope, however desperate they might appear to others. He thought
that he might be safe under the floor. To Isabella the idea was new, but
her sympathies were strongly with Charles, and she readily consented to
accommodate him under the floor of the wash-house. Isabella and a friend
of Charles, by the name of John Thomas, were the only persons who were
cognizant of this arrangement. The kindness of these friends, manifested
by their willingness to do anything in their power to add to the comfort
of Charles, was proof to him that his efforts and sufferings had not
been altogether in vain. He remained under the floor two weeks,
accessible to kind voices and friendly ministrations. At the end of this
time his repose was again sorely disturbed by reports from without that
suspicion had been awakened towards the wash-house. How this happened
neither Charles nor his friends could conjecture. But the arrival of six
officers whom he could hear talking very plainly in the house, whose
errand was actually to search for him, convinced him that he had never
for a single moment been in greater danger. The officers not only
searched the house, but they offered his friend John Thomas $25 if he
would only put them on Charles' track. John professed to know nothing;
Isabella was equally ignorant. Discouraged with their efforts on this
occasion, the officers gave up the hunt and left the house. Charles,
however, had had enough of the floor accommodations. He left that night
and returned to his old quarters under the hotel. Here he stayed one
week, at the expiration of which time the need of fresh air was so
imperative, that he resolved to go out at night to Allen's cottage and
spend a day in the woods. He had knowledge of a place where the
undergrowth and bushes were almost impenetrable. To rest and refresh
himself in this thicket he felt would be a great comfort to him. Without
serious difficulty he reached the thicket, and while pondering over the
all-absorbing matter as to how he should ever manage to make his escape,
an old man approached. Now while Charles had no reason to think that he
was sought by the old intruder, his very near approach admonished him
that it would neither be safe nor agreeable to allow him to come nearer.
Charles remembering that his trick of playing the dog, when previously
in danger under the hotel, had served a good end, thought that it would
work well in the thicket. So he again tried his power at growling and
barking hideously for a moment or two, which at once caused the man to
turn his course. Charles could hear him distinctly retreating, and at
the same time cursing the dog. The owner of the place had the reputation
of keeping "bad dogs," so the old man poured out a dreadful threat
against "Stephens' dogs," and was soon out of the reach of the one in
the thicket.
[Illustration: ]
Notwithstanding his success in frightening off the old man, CHARLES felt
that the thicket was by no means a safe place for him. He concluded to
make another change. This time he sought a marsh; two hours' stay there
was sufficient to satisfy him, that that too was no place to tarry in,
even for a single night. He, therefore, left immediately. A third time,
he returned to the hotel, where he remained only two days. His appeals
had at last reached the heart of his mother--she could no longer bear to
see him struggling, and suffering, and not render him aid, whatever the
consequences might be. If she at first feared to lend him a helping
hand, she now resolutely worked with a view of saving money to succor
him. Here the prospect began to brighten.
A passage was secured for him on a steamer bound for Philadelphia. One
more day, and night must elapse, ere he could be received on board. The
joyful anticipations which now filled his breast left no room for fear;
indeed, he could scarcely contain himself; he was drunk with joy. In
this state of mind he concluded that nothing would afford him more
pleasure before leaving, than to spend his last hours at the wash house,
"under the floor." To this place he went with no fear of hunters before
his eyes. Charles had scarcely been three hours in this place, however,
before three officers came in search of him. Two of them talked with
Isabella, asked her about her "boarders," etc.; in the meanwhile, one of
them uninvited, made his way up stairs. It so happened, that Charles was
in this very portion of the house. His case now seemed more hopeless
than ever. The officer up stairs was separated from him simply by a thin
curtain. Women's garments hung all around. Instead of fainting or
surrendering, in the twinkling of an eye, Charles' inventive intellect,
led him to enrobe himself in female attire. Here, to use his own
language, a "thousand thoughts" rushed into his mind in a minute. The
next instant he was going down stairs in the presence of the officers,
his old calico dress, bonnet and rig, attracting no further attention
than simply to elicit the following simple questions: "Whose gal are
you?" "Mr. Cockling's, sir." "What is your name?" "Delie, sir." "Go on
then!" said one of the officers, and on Charles went to avail himself of
the passage on the steamer which his mother had procured for him for the
sum of thirty dollars.
In due time, he succeeded in getting on the steamer, but he soon
learned, that her course was not direct to Philadelphia, but that some
stay would be made in Norfolk, Va. Although disappointed, yet this being
a step in the right direction, he made up his mind to be patient. He was
delayed in Norfolk four weeks. From the time Charles first escaped, his
owner (Davis the negro trader), had kept a standing reward of $550
advertised for his recovery. This showed that Davis was willing to risk
heavy expenses for Charles as well as gave evidence that he believed him
still secreted either about Richmond, Petersburg, or Old Point Comfort.
In this belief he was not far from being correct, for Charles spent most
of his time in either of these three places, from the day of his escape
until the day that he finally embarked. At last, the long looked-for
hour arrived to start for Philadelphia.
He was to leave his mother, with no hope of ever seeing her again, but
she had purchased herself and was called free. Her name was Margaret
Johnson. Three brothers likewise were ever in his thoughts, (in chains),
"Henry," "Bill," and "Sam," (half brothers). But after all the hope of
freedom outweighed every other consideration, and he was prepared to
give up all for liberty. To die rather than remain a slave was his
resolve.
Charles arrived per steamer, from Norfolk, on the 11th day of November,
1854. The Richmond papers bear witness to the fact, that Benjamin Davis
advertised Charles Gilbert, for mouths prior to this date, as has been
stated in this narrative. As to the correctness of the story, all that
the writer has to say is, that he took it down from the lips of Charles,
hurriedly, directly after his arrival, with no thought of magnifying a
single incident. On the contrary, much that was of interest in the story
had to be omitted. Instead of being overdrawn, not half of the
particulars were recorded. Had the idea then been entertained, that the
narrative of this young slave-warrior was to be brought to light in the
manner and time that it now is, a far more thrilling account of his
adventures might have been written. Other colored men who knew both
Davis and Charles, as well as one man ordinarily knows another, rejoiced
at seeing Charles in Philadelphia, and they listened with perfect faith
to his story. So marvellous were the incidents of his escape, that his
sufferings in Slavery, previous to his heroic struggles to throw off the
yoke, were among the facts omitted from the records. While this may be
regretted it is, nevertheless, gratifying on the whole to have so good
an account of him as was preserved. It is needless to say, that the
Committee took especial pleasure in aiding him, and listening to so
remarkable a story narrated so intelligently by one who had been a
slave.
* * * * *
LIBERTY OR DEATH.
JIM BOW-LEGS, _alias_ BILL PAUL.
In 1855 a traveler arrived with the above name, who, on examination, was
found to possess very extraordinary characteristics. As a hero and
adventurer some passages of his history were most remarkable. His
schooling had been such as could only be gathered on plantations under
brutal overseers;--or while fleeing,--or in swamps,--in prisons,--or on
the auction-block, etc.; in which condition he was often found.
Nevertheless in these circumstances his mind got well stored with
vigorous thoughts--neither books nor friendly advisers being at his
command. Yet his native intelligence as it regarded human nature, was
extraordinary. His resolution and perseverance never faltered. In all
respects he was a remarkable man. He was a young man, weighing about one
hundred and eighty pounds, of uncommon muscular strength. He was born in
the State of Georgia, Oglethorpe county, and was owned by Dr. Thomas
Stephens, of Lexington. On reaching the Vigilance Committee in
Philadelphia, his story was told many times over to one and another.
Hour after hour was occupied by friends in listening to the simple
narrative of his struggles for freedom. A very full account of "Jim,"
was forwarded in a letter to M.A. Shadd, the then Editress of the
"Provincial Freeman." Said account has been carefully preserved, and is
here annexed as it appeared in the columns of the above named paper:
"I must now pass to a third adventurer. The one to whom I
allude, is a young man of twenty-six years of age, by the name
of 'Jim,' who fled from near Charleston, S.C. Taking all the
facts and circumstances into consideration respecting the
courageous career of this successful adventurer for freedom, his
case is by far more interesting than any I have yet referred to.
Indeed, for the good of the cause, and the honor of one who
gained his liberty by periling his life so frequently:--shot
several times,--making six unsuccessful attempts to escape from
the far South,--numberless times chased by
bloodhounds,--captured, imprisoned and sold repeatedly,--living
for months in the woods, swamps and caves, subsisting mainly on
parched corn and berries, &c., &c., his narrative ought, by all
means, to be published, though I doubt very much whether many
could be found who could persuade themselves to believe
one-tenth part of this marvellous story.
Though this poor Fugitive was utterly ignorant of letters, his
natural good sense and keen perception qualified him to arrest
the attention and interest the heart in a most remarkable
degree.
His master finding him not available, on account of his
absconding propensities, would gladly have offered him for sale.
He was once taken to Florida, for that purpose; but, generally,
traders being wide awake, on inspecting him, would almost
invariably pronounce him a 'd----n rascal,' because he would
never fail to eye them sternly, as they inspected him. The
obedient and submissive slave is always recognized by hanging
his head and looking on the ground, when looked at by a
slave-holder. This lesson Jim had never learned, hence he was
not to be trusted.
His head and chest, and indeed his entire structure, as solid as
a rock, indicated that he was physically no ordinary man; and
not being under the influence of the spirit of "non-resistance,"
he had occasionally been found to be a rather formidable
customer.
His father was a full-blooded Indian, brother to the noted
Indian Chief, Billy Bowlegs; his mother was quite black and of
unmixed blood.
For five or six years, the greater part of Jim's time was
occupied in trying to escape, and in being in prison for sale,
to punish him for running away.
His mechanical genius was excellent, so were his geographical
abilities. He could make shoes or do carpenter's work very
handily, though he had never had the chance to learn. As to
traveling by night or day, he was always road-ready and having
an uncommon memory, could give exceedingly good accounts of what
he saw, etc.
When he entered a swamp, and had occasion to take a nap he took
care first to decide upon the posture he must take, so that if
come upon unexpectedly by the hounds and slave-hunters, he might
know in an instant which way to steer to defeat them. He always
carried a liquid, which he had prepared, to prevent hounds from
scenting him, which he said had never failed. As soon as the
hounds came to the place where he had rubbed his legs and feet
with said liquid, they could follow him no further, but howled
and turned immediately.
Quite a large number of the friends of the slave saw this
noble-hearted fugitive, and would sit long and listen with the
most undivided attention to his narrative--none doubting for a
moment, I think, the entire truthfulness of his story. Strange
as his story was, there was so much natural simplicity in his
manner and countenance, one could not refrain from believing
him."
* * * * *
SALT-WATER FUGITIVE.
This was an exceptional case, as this passenger did not reach the
Vigilance Committee of Philadelphia, yet to exclude him on this account,
would be doing an injustice to history.
The facts in his case were incontestably established in the Philadelphia
Register in April, 1854, from which the following thrilling account is
taken:
The steamship, Keystone State, which arrived at this port on
Saturday morning, had just entered Delaware Bay, when a man was
discovered secreted outside of the vessel and under the guards.
When brought from his hiding-place, he was found to be a
Fugitive Slave, who had secreted himself there before the vessel
left Savannah on Wednesday, and had remained in that place from
the time of starting!
His position was such, that the water swept over and around him
almost constantly. He had some bread in his pocket, which he had
intended for subsistence until he could reach a land of liberty.
It was saturated with sea-water and dissolved to a pulp.
When our readers remember the high winds of Friday, and the
sudden change to cold during that night, and the fact that the
fugitive had remained in that situation for three days and
nights, we think it will be conceded that he fully earned his
liberty, and that the "institution," which was so intolerable
that he was willing to run the risk of almost certain death to
escape from it had no very great attractions for him. But the
poor man was doomed to disappointment. The captain ordered the
vessel to put into Newcastle, where, the fugitive, hardly able
to stand, was taken on shore and incarcerated, and where he now
awaits the order of his owner in Savannah. The following
additional particulars are from the same paper of the 21st.
The Keystone State case.--Our article yesterday morning brought
us several letters of inquiry and offers of contributions to aid
in the purchase from his master of the unfortunate inmate of
Newcastle jail. In answer to the former, we would say, that the
steamer Keystone State, left Savannah, at 9 A.M., last
Wednesday. It was about the same hour next morning that the men
engaged in heaving lead, heard a voice from under the guards
imploring help. A rope was procured, and the man relieved from
his dangerous and suffering situation. He was well cared for
immediately; a suit of dry clothes was furnished him, and he was
given his share of the contents of the boat pantry. On arriving
at Newcastle, the captain had him placed in jail, for the
purpose, as we are informed, of taking him back to Savannah.
To those who have offered contributions so liberally, we answer,
that the prospect is, that only a small amount will be
needed--enough to fee a lawyer to sue out a writ of habeas
corpus. The salt water fugitive claims to be a free man, and a
native of Philadelphia. He gives his name as Edward Davis, and
says that he formerly lived at No. 5 Steel's court, that he was
a pupil in Bird's school, on Sixth St. above Lombard, and that
he has a sister living at Mr. Diamond's, a distiller, on South
St. We are not informed why he was in Georgia, from which he
took such an extraordinary means to effect his escape. If the
above assertion be true, we apprehend little trouble in
restoring the man to his former home. The claim of the captain
to take him back to Savannah, will not be listened to for a
moment by any court. The only claim the owners of the "Keystone
State" or the captain can have on salt water Davis, is for half
passenger fare; he came half the way as a fish. A gentleman who
came from Wilmington yesterday, assures us that the case is in
good hands at Newcastle.
FULL PARTICULARS OF THE ABDUCTION, ENSLAVING AND ESCAPE OF DAVIS.
ATTEMPT TO SEDUCE HIM TO SLAVERY AGAIN.
The case of the colored man Davis, who made such a bold stroke
to regain his liberty, by periling his life on board the steamer
Keystone State, has excited very general attention. He has given
a detailed account of his abduction and sale as a slave in the
State of Maryland and Georgia, and some of his adventures up to
the time of reaching Delaware. His own story is substantially as
follows:
He left Philadelphia on the 15th of September, 1851, and went to
Harrisburg, intending to go to Hollidaysburg; took a canal boat
for Havre de Grace, where he arrived next day. There he hired on
board the schooner Thomas and Edward (oyster boat), of
Baltimore. Went from Havre de Grace to St. Michael's, for
oysters, thence to Baltimore, and thence to Havre de Grace
again.
He then hired to a Mr. Sullivan, who kept a grocery store, to do
jobs. While there, a constable, named Smith, took him before a
magistrate named Graham, who fined him fifteen or twenty dollars
for violating the law in relation to free negroes coming into
the State. This fine he was not able to pay, and Smith took him
to Bell Air prison. Sheriff Gaw wrote to Mr. Maitland in
Philadelphia, to whom he referred, and received an answer that
Mr. Maitland was dead and none of the family knew him. He
remained in that prison nearly two months. He then had a trial
in court before a Judge Grier (most unfortunate name), who
sentenced him to be sold to pay his fine and expenses, amounting
to fifty dollars.
After a few days and _without being offered at public sale_, he
was taken out of jail at two o'clock in the morning and carried
to Campbell's slave pen, in Baltimore, where he remained several
months. While there, he was employed to cook for some fifty or
sixty slaves, being told that he was working out his fine and
jail fees. After being there about six months, he was taken out
of prison, handcuffed by one Winters, who took him and two or
three others to Washington and thence to Charleston, S.C. Here
Winters left them, and they were taken by steamboat to Savannah.
While on board the boat, he learned that himself and the other
two had been sold to Mr. William Dean, of Macon, where he stayed
two days, and was taken from that place to the East Valley
Railroad.
Subsequently he was sent to work on the Possum Tail Railroad.
Here he was worked so hard, that in one month he lost his
health. The other two men taken on with him, failed before he
did. He was then sent to Macon, and thence to the cotton
plantation again.
During the time he worked on the railroad he had allowed him for
food, one peck of corn meal, four pounds of bacon, and one quart
of molasses per week. He cooked it himself at night, for the
next day's use. He worked at packing cotton for four or five
months, and in the middle of November, 1852, was sent back to
the railroad, where he was again set to wheeling.
He worked at "task work" two months, being obliged to wheel
_sixteen_ square yards per day. At the end of two months he
broke down again, and was sick. They tried one month to cure
him, but did not succeed. In July, 1853, he was taken to an
infirmary in Macon. Dr. Nottinghan and Dr. Harris, of that
institution, both stated that his was the worst case of the kind
they ever had. He remained at the infirmary two months and
partially recovered. He told the story of his wrongs to these
physicians, who tried to buy him. One of his legs was drawn up
so that he could not walk well, and they offered four hundred
dollars for him, which his master refused. The doctors wanted
him to attend their patients, (mostly slaves). While in Georgia
he was frequently asked where he came from, being found more
intelligent than the common run of slaves.
On the 12th of March he ran away from Macon and went to
Savannah. There he hid in a stable until Tuesday afternoon at
six o'clock, when he secreted himself on board the Keystone
State. At 9 o'clock the next morning the Keystone State left
with Davis secreted, as we have before stated. With his
imprisonment in Newcastle, after being pronounced free, our
readers are already familiar. We subjoin the documents on which
he was discharged from his imprisonment in Newcastle, and his
subsequent re-committal on the oath of Capt. Hardie.
COPY OF FIRST ORDER OF COMMITMENT.
New Castle county, ss., State of Delaware.--To Wm. R. Lynam,
Sheriff of said county. ---- Davis (Negro) is delivered to your
custody for further examination and hearing for traveling
without a pass, and supposed to be held a Slave to some person
in the State of Georgia.
[Seal]. Witness the hand and seal of John Bradford, one of the
Justices of the Peace for the county of Newcastle, the 17th day
of March, 1854.
JOHN BRADFORD, J.P.
COPY OF DISCHARGE.
To Wm. R. Lynam, Sheriff of Newcastle county: You will discharge
---- Davis from your custody, satisfactory proof having been
made before me that he is a free man. JOHN BRADFORD, J.P.
Witnesses--Joanna Diamond, John H. Brady, Martha C. Maguire.
COPY OF ORDER OF RE-COMMITMENT.
New Castle county, ss., the State of Delaware to Wm. R. Lynam,
and to the Sheriff or keeper of the Common Jail of said county,
Whereas ---- Davis hath this day been brought before me, the
subscriber, one of the Justices of the Peace, in and for the
said county, charged upon the oath of Robert Hardie with being a
runaway slave, and also as a suspicious person, traveling
without a pass, these are therefore to command you, the said Wm.
R. Lynam, forthwith to convey and deliver into the custody of
the said Sheriff, or keeper of the said jail, the body of the
said Davis, and you the said Sheriff or receiver of the body of
the said Davis into your custody in the said jail, and him there
safely keep until he be thence delivered by due course of the
law.
Given under my hand and seal at New Castle this 21st day of
March, A.D., 1854.
JOHN BRADFORD, J.P.
On the fourth of April, the Marshal of Macon called at the jail in
Newcastle, and demanded him as a fugitive slave, but the Sheriff refused
to give him up until a fair hearing could be had according to the laws
of the State of Delaware. The Marshal has returned to Georgia, and will
probably bring the claimant on the next trip of the Keystone State. The
authorities of Delaware manifest no disposition to deliver up a man
whose freedom has been so clearly proved; but every effort will be made
to reduce him again to slavery by the man who claims him, in which, it
seems, he has the hearty co-operation of Capt. Hardie. A trial will be
had before U.S. Commissioner Guthrie, and we have every reason to
suppose it will be a fair one. The friends of right and justice should
remember that such a trial will be attended with considerable expense,
and that the imprisoned man has been too long deprived of his liberty to
have money to pay for his own defence.
* * * * *
SAMUEL GREEN ALIAS WESLEY KINNARD, AUGUST 28th, 1854.
TEN YEARS IN THE PENITENTIARY FOR HAVING A COPY OF UNCLE TOM'S CABIN.
The passenger answering to the above name, left Indian Creek, Chester
Co., Md., where he had been held to service or labor, by Dr. James Muse.
One week had elapsed from the time he set out until his arrival in
Philadelphia. Although he had never enjoyed school privileges of any
kind, yet he was not devoid of intelligence. He had profited by his
daily experience as a slave, and withal, had managed to learn to read
and write a little, despite law and usage to the contrary. Sam was about
twenty-five years of age and by trade, a blacksmith. Before running
away, his general character for sobriety, industry, and religion, had
evidently been considered good, but in coveting his freedom and running
away to obtain it, he had sunk far below the utmost limit of forgiveness
or mercy in the estimation of the slave-holders of Indian Creek.
During his intercourse with the Vigilance Committee, while rejoicing
over his triumphant flight, he gave, with no appearance of excitement,
but calmly, and in a common-sense like manner, a brief description of
his master, which was entered on the record book substantially as
follows: "Dr. James Muse is thought by the servants to be the worst man
in Maryland, inflicting whipping and all manner of cruelties upon the
servants."
While Sam gave reasons for this sweeping charge, which left no room for
doubt, on the part of the Committee, of his sincerity and good judgment,
it was not deemed necessary to make a note of more of the doctor's
character than seemed actually needed, in order to show why "Sam" had
taken passage on the Underground Rail Road. For several years, "Sam" was
hired out by the doctor at blacksmithing; in this situation, daily
wearing the yoke of unrequited labor, through the kindness of Harriet
Tubman (sometimes called "Moses"), the light of the Underground Rail
Road and Canada suddenly illuminated his mind. It was new to him, but he
was quite too intelligent and liberty-loving, not to heed the valuable
information which this sister of humanity imparted. Thenceforth he was
in love with Canada, and likewise a decided admirer of the U.R. Road.
Harriet was herself, a shrewd and fearless agent, and well understood
the entire route from that part of the country to Canada. The spring
previous, she had paid a visit to the very neighborhood in which "Sam"
lived, expressly to lead her own brothers out of "Egypt." She succeeded.
To "Sam" this was cheering and glorious news, and he made up his mind,
that before a great while, Indian Creek should have one less slave and
that Canada should have one more citizen. Faithfully did he watch an
opportunity to carry out his resolution. In due time a good Providence
opened the way, and to "Sam's" satisfaction he reached Philadelphia,
having encountered no peculiar difficulties. The Committee, perceiving
that he was smart, active, and promising, encouraged his undertaking,
and having given him friendly advice, aided him in the usual manner.
Letters of introduction were given him, and he was duly forwarded on his
way. He had left his father, mother, and one sister behind. Samuel and
Catharine were the names of his parents. Thus far, his escape would seem
not to affect his parents, nor was it apparent that there was any other
cause why the owner should revenge himself upon them.
The father was an old local preacher in the Methodist Church--much
esteemed as an inoffensive, industrious man; earning his bread by the
sweat of his brow, and contriving to move along in the narrow road
allotted colored people bond or free, without exciting a spirit of ill
will in the pro-slavery power of his community. But the rancor awakened
in the breast of slave-holders in consequence of the high-handed step
the son had taken, brought the father under suspicion and hate. Under
the circumstances, the eye of Slavery could do nothing more than watch
for an occasion to pounce upon him. It was not long before the desired
opportunity presented itself. Moved by parental affection, the old man
concluded to pay a visit to his boy, to see how he was faring in a
distant land, and among strangers. This resolution he quietly carried
into effect. He found his son in Canada, doing well; industrious; a man
of sobriety, and following his father's footsteps religiously. That the
old man's heart was delighted with what his eyes saw and his ears heard
in Canada, none can doubt. But in the simplicity of his imagination, he
never dreamed that this visit was to be made the means of his
destruction. During the best portion of his days he had faithfully worn
the badge of Slavery, had afterwards purchased his freedom, and thus
become a free man. He innocently conceived the idea that he was doing no
harm in availing himself not only of his God-given rights, but of the
rights that he had also purchased by the hard toil of his own hands. But
the enemy was lurking in ambush for him--thirsting for his blood. To his
utter consternation, not long after his return from his visit to his son
"a party of gentlemen from the New Market district, went at night to
Green's house and made search, whereupon was found a copy of Uncle Tom's
Cabin, etc." This was enough--the hour had come, wherein to wreak
vengeance upon poor Green. The course pursued and the result, may be
seen in the following statement taken from the Cambridge (Md.),
"Democrat," of April 29th, 1857, and communicated by the writer to the
"Provincial Freeman."
SAM GREEN.
The case of the State against Sam Green (free negro) indicted
for having in his possession, papers, pamphlets and pictorial
representations, having a tendency to create discontent, etc.,
among the people of color in the State, was tried before the
court on Friday last.
This case was of the utmost importance, and has created in the
public mind a great deal of interest--it being the first case of
the kind ever having occurred in our country.
It appeared, in evidence, that this Green has a son in Canada,
to whom Green made a visit last summer. Since his return to this
county, suspicion has fastened upon him, as giving aid and
assisting slaves who have since absconded and reached Canada,
and several weeks ago, a party of gentlemen from New Market
district, went at night, to Green's house and made search,
whereupon was found a volume of "Uncle Tom's Cabin," a map of
Canada, several schedules of routes to the North, and a letter
from his son in Canada, detailing the pleasant trip he had, the
number of friends he met with on the way, with plenty to eat,
drink, etc., and concludes with a request to his father, that he
shall tell certain other slaves, naming them, to come on, which
slaves, it is well known, did leave shortly afterwards, and have
reached Canada. The case was argued with great ability, the
counsel on both sides displaying a great deal of ingenuity,
learning and eloquence. The first indictment was for the having
in possession the letter, map and route schedules.
Notwithstanding the mass of evidence given, to show the
prisoner's guilt, in unlawfully having in his possession these
documents, and the nine-tenths of the community in which he
lived, believed that he had a hand in the running away of
slaves, it was the opinion of the court, that the law under
which he was indicted, was not applicable to the case, and that
he must, accordingly, render a verdict of not guilty.
He was immediately arraigned upon another indictment, for having
in possession "Uncle Tom's Cabin," and tried; in this case the
court has not yet rendered a verdict, but holds it under _curia_
till after the Somerset county court. It is to be hoped, the
court will find the evidence in this case sufficient to bring it
within the scope of the law under which the prisoner is indicted
(that of 1842, chap. 272), and that the prisoner may meet his
due reward--be that what it may.
That there is something required to be done by our Legislators,
for the protection of slave property, is evident from the
variety of constructions put upon the statute in this case, and
we trust, that at the next meeting of the Legislature there will
be such amendments, as to make the law on this subject,
perfectly clear and comprehensible to the understanding of every
one.
In the language of the assistant counsel for the State, "Slavery
must be protected or it must be abolished."
From the same sheet, of May 20th, the terrible doom of Samuel Green, is
announced in the following words:
In the case of the State against Sam Green, (free negro) who was
tried at the April term of the Circuit Court of this county, for
having in his possession abolition pamphlets, among which was
"Uncle Tom's Cabin," has been found guilty by the court, and
sentenced to the penitentiary for the term of ten years--until
the 14th of May, 1867.
The son, a refugee in Canada, hearing the distressing news of his
father's sad fate in the hands of the relentless "gentlemen," often
wrote to know if there was any prospect of his deliverance. The
subjoined letter is a fair sample of his correspondence:
SALFORD, 22,1857.
Dear Sir I take my pen in hand to Request a faver of you if you
can by any means without duin InJestus to your self or your
Bisness to grant it as I Bleve you to be a man that would
Sympathize in such a ones Condition as my self I Reseved a
letter that Stats to me that my Fater has ben Betraed in the act
of helping sum frend to Canada and the law has Convicted and
Sentanced him to the Stats prison for 10 yeares his White Frands
ofered 2 thousen Dollers to Redem him but they would not short
three thousen. I am in Canada and it is a Dificult thing to get
a letter to any of my Frands in Maryland so as to get prop per
infermation abot it--if you can by any means get any in
telligence from Baltimore City a bot this Event Plese do so and
Rit word and all so all the inform mation that you think prop
per as Regards the Evant and the best mathod to Redeme him and
so Plese Rite soon as you can You will oblige your sir Frand and
Drect your letter to Salford P. office C.W.
SAMUEL GREEN.
In this dark hour the friends of the Slave could do but little more than
sympathize with this heart-stricken son and grey-headed father. The aged
follower of the Rejected and Crucified had like Him to bear the
"reproach of many," and make his bed with the wicked in the
Penitentiary. Doubtless there were a few friends in his neighborhood who
sympathized with him, but they were powerless to aid the old man. But
thanks to a kind Providence, the great deliverance brought about during
the Rebellion by which so many captives were freed, also unlocked Samuel
Green's prison-doors and he was allowed to go free.
After his liberation from the Penitentiary, we had from his own lips
narrations of his years of suffering--of the bitter cup, that he was
compelled to drink, and of his being sustained by the Almighty Arm--but
no notes were taken at the time, consequently we have nothing more to
add concerning him, save quite a faithful likeness.
[Illustration: ]
* * * * *
AN IRISH GIRL'S DEVOTION TO FREEDOM.
IN LOVE WITH A SLAVE--GETS HIM OFF TO CANADA--FOLLOWS HIM--MARRIAGE, &C.
Having dwelt on the sad narratives of Samuel Green and his son in the
preceding chapter, it is quite a relief to be able to introduce a
traveler whose story contains incidents less painful to contemplate.
From the record book the following brief account is taken:
"April 27, 1855. John Hall arrived safely from Richmond, Va., per
schooner, (Captain B). One hundred dollars were paid for his passage."
In Richmond he was owned by James Dunlap, a merchant. John had been sold
several times, in consequence of which, he had possessed very good
opportunities of experiencing the effect of change of owners. Then, too,
the personal examination made before sale, and the gratification
afforded his master when he (John), brought a good price--left no very
pleasing impressions on his mind.
By one of his owners, named Burke, John alleged that he had been
"cruelly used." When quite young, both he and his sister, together with
their mother, were sold by Burke. From that time he had seen neither
mother nor sister--they were sold separately. For three or four years
the desire to seek liberty had been fondly cherished, and nothing but
the want of a favorable opportunity had deterred him from carrying out
his designs. He considered himself much "imposed upon" by his master,
particularly as he was allowed "no choice about living" as he "desired."
This was indeed ill-treatment as John viewed the matter. John may have
wanted too much. He was about thirty-five years of age, light
complexion--tall--rather handsome-looking, intelligent, and of good
manners. But notwithstanding these prepossessing features, John's owner
valued him at only $1,000. If he had been a few shades darker and only
about half as intelligent as he was, he would have been worth at least
$500 more. The idea of having had a white father, in many instances,
depreciated the pecuniary value of male slaves, if not of the other sex.
John emphatically was one of this injured class; he evidently had blood
in his veins which decidedly warred against submitting to the yoke. In
addition to the influence which such rebellious blood exerted over him,
together with a considerable amount of intelligence, he was also under
the influence and advice of a daughter of old Ireland. She was heart and
soul with John in all his plans which looked Canada-ward. This it was
that "sent him away."
It is very certain, that this Irish girl was not annoyed by the kinks in
John's hair. Nor was she overly fastidious about the small percentage of
colored blood visible in John's complexion. It was, however, a strange
occurrence and very hard to understand. Not a stone was left unturned
until John was safely on the Underground Rail Road. Doubtless she helped
to earn the money which was paid for his passage. And when he was safe
off, it is not too much to say, that John was not a whit more delighted
than was his intended Irish lassie, Mary Weaver. John had no sooner
reached Canada than Mary's heart was there too. Circumstances, however,
required that she should remain in Richmond a number of months for the
purpose of winding up some of her affairs. As soon as the way opened for
her, she followed him. It was quite manifest, that she had not let a
single opportunity slide, but seized the first chance and arrived partly
by means of the Underground Rail Road and partly by the regular train.
Many difficulties were surmounted before and after leaving Richmond, by
which they earned their merited success. From Canada, where they
anticipated entering upon the matrimonial career with mutual
satisfaction, it seemed to afford them great pleasure to write back
frequently, expressing their heartfelt gratitude for assistance, and
their happiness in the prospect of being united under the favorable
auspices of freedom! At least two or three of these letters, bearing on
particular phases of their escape, etc., are too valuable not to be
published in this connection:
FIRST LETTER.
HAMILTON, March 25th, 1856.
Mr. Still:--Sir and Friend--I take the liberty of addressing you
with these few lines hoping that you will attend to what I shall
request of you.
I have written to Virginia and have not received an answer yet.
I want to know if you can get any one of your city to go to
Richmond for me. If you can, I will pay the expense of the
whole. The person that I want the messenger to see is a white
girl. I expect you know who I allude to, it is the girl that
sent me away. If you can get any one to go, you will please
write right away and tell me the cost, &c. I will forward the
money and a letter. Please use your endeavors.
Yours Respectfuliy,
JOHN HALL.
Direct yours to Mr. Hill.
SECOND LETTER.
HAMILTON, Sept. 15th, 1856.
To Mr. Still, Dear Sir:--I take this opportunity of addressing
these few lines to you hoping to find you in good health I am
happy to inform you that Miss Weaver arrived here on Tuesday
last, and I can assure you it was indeed a happy day. As for
your part that you done I will not attempt to tell you how
thankful I am, but I hope that you can imagine what my feelings
are to you. I cannot find words sufficient to express my
gratitude to you, I think the wedding will take place on Tuesday
next, I have seen some of the bread from your house, and she
says it is the best bread she has had since she has been in
America. Sometimes she has impudence enough to tell me she would
rather be where you are in Philadelphia than to be here with me.
I hope this will be no admiration to you for no honest hearted
person ever saw you that would not desire to be where you are,
No flattery, but candidly speaking, you are worthy all the
praise of any person who has ever been with you, I am now like a
deserted Christian, but yet I have asked so much, and all has
been done yet I must ask again, My love to Mrs. Still. Dear Mr.
Still I now ask you please to exercise all your influence to get
this young man Willis Johnson from Richmond for me It is the
young man that Miss Weaver told you about, he is in Richmond I
think he is at the corner of Fushien Street, & Grace in a house
of one Mr. Rutherford, there is several Rutherford in the
neighborhood, there is a church call'd the third Baptist Church,
on the R.H. side going up Grace street, directly opposite the
Baptist church at the corner, is Mrs. Meads Old School at one
corner, and Mr. Rutherfords is at the other corner. He can be
found out by seeing Fountain Tombs who belongs to Mr. Rutherford
and if you should not see him, there is James Turner who lives
at the Governors, Please to see Captain Bayliss and tell him to
take these directions and go to John Hill, in Petersburgh, and
he may find him. Tell Captain Bayliss that if he ever did me a
friendly thing in his life which he did do one friendly act, if
he will take this on himself, and if money should be lacking I
will forward any money that he may require, I hope you will
sympathize with the poor young fellow, and tell the captain to
do all in his power to get him and the costs shall be paid. He
lies now between death or victory, for I know the man he belongs
to would just as soon kill him as not, if he catches him, I here
enclose to you a letter for Mr. Wm. C. Mayo, and please to send
it as directed. In this letter I have asked him to send a box to
you for me, which you will please pay the fare of the express
upon it, when you get it please to let me know, and I will send
you the money to pay the expenses of the carriage clear through.
Please to let Mr. Mayo know how to direct a box to you, and the
best way to send it from Richmond to Philadelphia. You will
greatly oblige me by so doing. In this letter I have enclosed a
trifle for postage which you will please to keep on account of
my letters I hope you wont think hard of me but I simply send it
because I know you have done enough, and are now doing more,
without imposing in the matter I have done it a great many more
of our people who you have done so much fore. No more from your
humble and oldest servant.
JOHN HALL, Norton's Hotel, Hamilton.
THIRD LETTER.
MONDAY, Sept. 29, 56.
Sir:--I take this opportunity of informing you that we are in
excellent health, and hope you are the same, I wrote a letter to
you about 2 weeks ago and have not yet had an answer to it I
wish to inform you that the wedding took place on Tuesday last,
and Mrs. Hall now sends her best love to you, I enclose a letter
which I wish you to forward to Mr. Mayo, you will see in his
letter what I have said to him and I wish you would furnish him
with such directions as it requires for him to send them things
to you. I have told him not to pay for them but to send them to
you so when you get them write me word what the cost of them
are, and I will send you the money for them. Mary desires you to
give her love to Mrs. Still. If any letters come for me please
to send to me at Nortons Hotel, Please to let me know if you had
a letter from me about 12 days ago. You will please Direct the
enclosed to Mr. W.C. Mayo, Richmond, Va. Let me know if you have
heard anything of Willis Johnson Mr. & Mrs. Hill send their kind
love to you, they are all well, no more at present from your
affect.,
JOHN HALL
Nortons Hotel.
FOURTH LETTER.
HAMILTON, December 23d, 1856.
DEAR SIR:--I am happy to inform you that we are both enjoying
good health and hope you are the same. I have been expecting a
letter from you for some time but I suppose your business has
prevented you from writing. I suppose you have not heard from
any of my friends at Richmond. I have been longing to hear some
news from that part, you may think "Out of sight and out of
mind," but I can assure you, no matter how far I may be, or in
what distant land, I shall never forget you, if I can never
reach you by letters you may be sure I shall always think of
you. I have found a great many friends in my life, but I must
say you are the best one I ever met with, except one, you must
know who that is, 'tis one who if I did not consider a friend, I
could not consider any other person a friend, and that is Mrs.
Hall. Please to let me know if the navigation between New York &
Richmond is closed. Please to let me know whether it would be
convenient to you to go to New York if it is please let me know
what is the expense. Tell Mrs Still that my wife would be very
happy to receive a letter from her at some moment when she is at
leisure, for I know from what little I have seen of domestic
affairs it keeps her pretty well employed, And I know she has
not much time to write but if it were but two lines, she would
be happy to receive it from her, my reason for wanting you to go
to New York, there is a young man named Richard Myers and I
should like for you to see him. He goes on board the Orono to
Richmond and is a particular friend of mine and by seeing him I
could get my clothes from Richmond, I expect to be out of employ
in a few days, as the hotel is about to close on the 1st January
and I hope you will write to me soon I want you to send me word
how you and all the family are and all the news you can, you
must excuse my short letter, as it is now near one o'clock and I
must attend to business, but I have not written half what I
intended to, as time is short, hoping to hear from you soon I
remain yours sincerely,
JOHN HALL.
Mr. and Mrs. Hill desire their best respects to you and Mrs.
Still.
It cannot be denied that this is a most extraordinary occurrence. In
some respects it is without a parallel. It was, however, no uncommon
thing for white men (slave-holders) in the South to have colored wives
and children whom, they did not hesitate to live with and acknowledge by
their actions, with their means, and in their wills as the rightful
heirs of their substance. Probably there is not a state in the Union
where such relations have not existed. Seeing such usages, Mary might
have reasoned that she had as good a right to marry the one she loved
most as anybody else, particularly as she was in a "free country."
* * * * *
"SAM" NIXON ALIAS DR. THOMAS BAYNE.
THE ESCAPE OF A DENTIST ON THE U.G.R.R.--HE IS TAKEN FOR AN
IMPOSTOR--ELECTED A MEMBER OF CITY COUNCIL IN NEW BEDFORD--STUDYING
MEDICINE, ETC. But few could be found among the Underground Rail Road
passengers who had a stronger repugnance to the unrequited labor system,
or the recognized terms of "master and slave," than Dr. Thomas Bayne.
Nor were many to be found who were more fearless and independent in
uttering their sentiments. His place of bondage was in the city of
Norfolk, Va., where he was held to service by Dr. C.F. Martin, a dentist
of some celebrity. While with Dr. Martin, "Sam" learned dentistry in all
its branches, and was often required by his master, the doctor, to
fulfil professional engagements, both at home and at a distance, when it
did not suit his pleasure or convenience to appear in person. In the
mechanical department, especially, "Sam" was called upon to execute the
most difficult tasks. This was not the testimony of "Sam" alone; various
individuals who were with him in Norfolk, but had moved to Philadelphia,
and were living there at the time of his arrival, being invited to see
this distinguished professional piece of property, gave evidence which
fully corroborated his. The master's professional practice, according to
"Sam's" calculation, was worth $3,000 per annum. Full $1,000 of this
amount in the opinion of "Sam" was the result of his own fettered hands.
Not only was "Sam" serviceable to the doctor in the mechanical and
practical branches of his profession, but as a sort of ready reckoner
and an apt penman, he was obviously considered by the doctor, a valuable
"article." He would frequently have "Sam" at his books instead of a
book-keeper. Of course, "Sam" had never received, from Dr. M., an hour's
schooling in his life, but having perceptive faculties naturally very
large, combined with much self-esteem, he could hardly help learning
readily. Had his master's design to keep him in ignorance been ever so
great, he would have found it a labor beyond his power. But there is no
reason to suppose that Dr. Martin was opposed to Sam's learning to read
and write. We are pleased to note that no charges of ill-treatment are
found recorded against Dr. M. in the narrative of "Sam."
True, it appears that he had been sold several times in his younger
days, and had consequently been made to feel keenly, the smarts of
Slavery, but nothing of this kind was charged against Dr. M., so that he
may be set down as a pretty fair man, for aught that is known to the
contrary, with the exception of depriving "Sam" of the just reward of
his labor, which, according to St. James, is pronounced a "fraud." The
doctor did not keep "Sam" so closely confined to dentistry and
book-keeping that he had no time to attend occasionally to outside
duties. It appears that he was quite active and successful as an
Underground Rail Road agent, and rendered important aid in various
directions. Indeed, Sam had good reason to suspect that the
slave-holders were watching him, and that if he remained, he would most
likely find himself in "hot water up to his eyes." Wisdom dictated that
he should "pull up stakes" and depart while the way was open. He knew
the captains who were then in the habit of taking similar passengers,
but he had some fears that they might not be able to pursue the business
much longer. In contemplating the change which he was about to make,
"Sam" felt it necessary to keep his movements strictly private. Not even
was he at liberty to break his mind to his wife and child, fearing that
it would do them no good, and might prove his utter failure. His wife's
name was Edna and his daughter was called Elizabeth; both were slaves
and owned by E.P. Tabb, Esq., a hardware merchant of Norfolk.
No mention is made on the books, of ill-treatment, in connection with
his wife's servitude; it may therefore be inferred, that her situation
was not remarkably hard. It must not be supposed that "Sam" was not
truly attached to his wife. He gave abundant proof of true matrimonial
devotion, notwithstanding the secrecy of his arrangements for flight.
Being naturally hopeful, he concluded that he could better succeed in
securing his wife after obtaining freedom himself, than in undertaking
the task beforehand.
The captain had two or three other Underground Rail Road male passengers
to bring with him, besides "Sam," for whom, arrangements had been
previously made--no more could be brought that trip. At the appointed
time, the passengers were at the disposal of the captain of the schooner
which was to bring them out of Slavery into freedom. Fully aware of the
dangerous consequences should he be detected, the captain, faithful to
his promise, secreted them in the usual manner, and set sail northward.
Instead of landing his passengers in Philadelphia, as was his intention,
for some reason or other (the schooner may have been disabled), he
landed them on the New Jersey coast, not a great distance from Cape
Island. He directed them how to reach Philadelphia. Sam knew of friends
in the city, and straightway used his ready pen to make known the
distress of himself and partners in tribulation. In making their way in
the direction of their destined haven, they reached Salem, New Jersey,
where they were discovered to be strangers and fugitives, and were
directed to Abigail Goodwin, a Quaker lady, an abolitionist, long noted
for her devotion to the cause of freedom, and one of the most liberal
and faithful friends of the Vigilance Committee of Philadelphia.
This friend's opportunities of witnessing fresh arrivals had been rare,
and perhaps she had never before come in contact with a "chattel" so
smart as "Sam." Consequently she was much embarrassed when she heard his
story, especially when he talked of his experience as a "Dentist." She
was inclined to suspect that he was a "shrewd impostor" that needed
"watching" instead of aiding. But her humanity forbade a hasty decision
on this point. She was soon persuaded to render him some assistance,
notwithstanding her apprehensions. While tarrying a day or two in Salem,
"Sam's" letter was received in Philadelphia. Friend Goodwin was written
to in the meantime, by a member of the Committee, directly with a view
of making inquires concerning the stray fugitives, and at the same time
to inform her as to how they happened to be coming in the direction
found by her. While the mind of the friend was much relieved by the
letter she received, she was still in some doubt, as will be seen by the
appended extract from a letter on the subject:
LETTER FROM A. GOODWIN.
SALEM, 3 mo., 25, '55.
DEAR FRIEND:--Thine of the 22d came to hand yesterday noon.
I do not believe that any of them are the ones thee wrote about,
who wanted Dr. Lundy to come for them, and promised they would
pay his expenses. They had no money, the minister said, but were
pretty well off for clothes. I gave him all I had and more, but
it seemed very little for four travelers--only a dollar for
each--but they will meet with friends and helpers on the way. He
said they expected to go away to-morrow. I am afraid, it's so
cold, and one of them had a sore foot, they will not get
away--it's dangerous staying here. There has been a slave-hunter
here lately, I was told yesterday, in search of a woman; he
tracked her to our Alms-house--she had lately been confined and
was not able to go--he will come back for her and his
infant--and will not wait long I expect. I want much to get her
away first--and if one had a C.C. Torney here no doubt it would
be done; but she will be well guarded. How much I wish the poor
thing could be secreted in some safe place till she is able to
travel Northward; but where that could be it's not easy to see.
I presume the Carolina freed people have arrived ere now. I hope
they will meet many friends, and be well provided for. Mary
Davis will be then paid--her cousins have sent her twenty-four
dollars, as it was not wanted for the purchase money--it was to
be kept for them when they arrive. I am glad thee did keep the
ten for the fugitives.
Samuel Nixon is now here, just come--a smart young man--they
will be after him soon. I advise him to hurry on to Canada; he
will leave here to-morrow, but don't say that he will go
straight to the city. I would send this by him if he did. I am
afraid he will loiter about and be taken--do make them go on
fast--he has left. I could not hear much he said--some who did
don't like him at all--think him an impostor--a great brag--said
he was a dentist ten years. He was asked where he came from, but
would not tell till he looked at the letter that lay on the
table and that he had just brought back. I don't feel much
confidence in him--don't believe he is the one thee alluded to.
He was asked his name--he looked at the letter to find it out.
Says nobody can make a better set of teeth than he can. He said
they will go on to-morrow in the stage--he took down the number
and street of the Anti-slavery office--you will be on your guard
against imposition--he kept the letter thee sent from Norfolk. I
had then no doubt of him, and had no objection to it. I now
rather regret it. I would send it to thee if I had it, but
perhaps it is of no importance.
He wanted the names taken down of nine more who expected to get
off soon and might come here. He told us to send them to him,
but did not seem to know where he was going to. He was well
dressed in fine broad-cloth coat and overcoat, and has a very
active tongue in his head.
But I have said enough--don't want to prejudice thee against
him, but only be on thy guard, and do not let him deceive thee,
as I fear he has some of us here.
With kind regards,
A. GOODWIN.
In due time Samuel and his companions reached Philadelphia, where a
cordial welcome awaited them. The confusion and difficulties into which
they had fallen, by having to travel an indirect route, were fully
explained, and to the hearty merriment of the Committee and strangers,
the dilemma of their good Quaker friend Goodwin at Salem was alluded to.
After a sojourn of a day or two in Philadelphia, Samuel and his
companions left for New Bedford. Canada was named to them as the safest
place for all Refugees; but it was in vain to attempt to convince "Sam"
that Canada or any other place on this Continent, was quite equal to New
Bedford. His heart was there, and there he was resolved to go--and there
he did go too, bearing with him his resolute mind, determined, if
possible, to work his way up to an honorable position at his old trade,
Dentistry, and that too for his own benefit.
Aided by the Committee, the journey was made safely to the desired
haven, where many old friends from Norfolk were found. Here our hero was
known by the name of Dr. Thomas Bayne--he was no longer "Sam." In a
short time the Dr. commenced his profession in an humble way, while, at
the same time, he deeply interested himself in his own improvement, as
well as the improvement of others, especially those who had escaped from
Slavery as he himself had. Then, too, as colored men were voters and,
therefore, eligible to office in New Bedford, the Doctor's naturally
ambitious and intelligent, turn of mind led him to take an interest in
politics, and before he was a citizen of New Bedford four years, he was
duly elected a member of the City Council. He was also an outspoken
advocate of the cause of temperance, and was likewise a ready speaker at
Anti-slavery meetings held by his race. Some idea of his abilities, and
the interest he took in the Underground Rail Road, education, etc., may
be gathered from the appended letters:
NEW BEDFORD, June 23d, 1855.
W. Still:--Sir--I write you this to inform you that I has
received my things and that you need not say any thing to Bagnul
about them--I see by the Paper that the under ground Rail Road
is in operation. Since 2 weeks a go when Saless Party was
betrayed by that Capt whom we in mass. are so anxious to Learn
his name--There was others started last Saturday night--They are
all my old friends and we are waiting their arrival, we hope you
will look out for them they may come by way of Salem, N.J. if
they be not overtaken. They are from Norfolk--Times are very
hard in Canada 2 of our old friends has left Canada and come to
Bedford for a living. Every thing are so high and wages so low
They cannot make a living (owing to the War) others are Expected
shortly--let me hear from Sales and his Party. Get the Name of
the Capt. that betrayed him let me know if Mrs. Goodwin of Salem
are at the same place yet--John Austin are with us. C. Lightfoot
is well and remembers you and family. My business increases more
since I has got an office. Send me a Norfolk Paper or any other
to read when convenient.
Let me hear from those People as soon as possible. They consist
of woman and child 2 or 3 men belonging to Marsh Bottimore, L.
Slosser and Herman & Co--and Turner--all of Norfolk, Va.
Truly yours,
THOS. BAYNE.
Direct to Box No. 516, New Bedford, Mass. Don't direct my
letters to my office. Direct them to my Box 516. My office is
66-1/2 William St. The same street the Post office is near the
city market.
The Doctor, feeling his educational deficiency in the enlightened city
of New Bedford, did just what every uncultivated man should, devoted
himself assiduously to study, and even applied himself to abstruse and
hard subjects, medicine, etc., as the following letters will show:
NEW BEDFORD, Jan., 1860.
No. 22, Cheapside, opposite City Hall.
My Dear Friend:--Yours of the 3d inst. reached me safely in the
midst of my misfortune. I suppose you have learned that my
office and other buildings burned down during the recent fire.
My loss is $550, insured $350.
I would have written you before, but I have been to R.I. for
some time and soon after I returned before I examined the books,
the fire took place, and this accounts for my delay. In regard
to the books I am under many obligations to you and all others
for so great a piece of kindness, and shall ever feel indebted
to you for the same. I shall esteem them very highly for two
reasons, first, The way in which they come, that is through and
by your Vigilance as a colored man helping a colored man to get
such knowledge as will give the lie to our enemies.
Secondly--their contents being just the thing I needed at this
time. My indebtedness to you and all concerned for me in this
direction is inexpressible. There are some books the Doctor says
I must have, such as the Medical Dictionary, Physician's
Dictionary, and a work on Anatomy. These I will have to get, but
any work that may be of use to a student of anatomy or medicine
will be thankfully received. You shall hear from me again soon.
Truly Yours,
THOS. BAYNE.
NEW BEDFORD, March 18th, 1861.
Mr. Wm. Still:--Dear Sir--Dr. Powell called to see me and
informed me that you had a medical lexicon (Dictionary) for me.
If you have such a book for me, it will be very thankfully
received, and any other book that pertains to the medical or
dental profession. I am quite limited in means as yet and in
want of books to prosecute my studies. The books I need most at
present is such as treat on midwifery, anatomy, &c. But any book
or books in either of the above mentioned cases will be of use
to me. You can send them by Express, or by any friend that may
chance to come this way, but by Express will be the safest way
to send them. Times are quite dull. This leaves me well and hope
it may find you and family the same. My regards to your wife and
all others.
Yours, &c.,
THOMAS BAYNE,
22 Cheapside, opposite City Hall.
Thus the doctor continued to labor and improve his mind until the war
removed the hideous institution of Slavery from the nation; but as soon
as the way opened for his return to his old home, New Bedford no longer
had sufficient attractions to retain him. With all her faults he
conceived that "Old Virginia" offered decided inducements for his
return. Accordingly he went directly to Norfolk, whence he escaped. Of
course every thing was in the utmost confusion and disorder when he
returned, save where the military held sway. So as soon as the time drew
near for reorganizing, elections, &c., the doctor was found to be an
aspirant for a seat in Congress, and in "running" for it, was found to
be a very difficult candidate to beat. Indeed in the first reports of
the election his name was amongst the elected; but subsequent counts
proved him to be among the defeated by only a very slight majority.
At the time of the doctor's escape, in 1855, he was thirty-one years of
age, a man of medium size, and about as purely colored, as could readily
be found, with a full share of self-esteem and pluck.
* * * * *
SUNDRY ARRIVALS
FROM LOUDON CO., VA., NORFOLK, BALTIMORE, MD., PETERSBURG, VA., &C.,
ABOUT THE MONTH OF JUNE, 1855.
Arrival 1st. David Bennett and family.
Arrival 2d. Henry Washington, alias Anthony Hanly, and Henry Stewart.
Arrival 3d. William Nelson and wife, William Thomas, Louisa Bell, and
Elias Jasper.
Arrival 4th. Maria Joiner.
Arrival 5th. Richard Green and his brother George.
Arrival 6th. Henry Cromwell.
Arrival 7th. Henry Bohm.
Arrival 8th. Ralph Whiting, James H. Forman, Anthony Atkinson,
Arthur Jones, Isaiah Nixon, Joseph Harris, John Morris, Henry Hodges.
Arrival 9th. Robert Jones and wife.
The first arrival to be here noticed consisted of David Bennett, and his
wife Martha, with their two children, a little boy named George, and a
nameless babe one month old. This family journeyed from Loudon county,
Va. David, the husband, had been in bonds under Captain James Taylor.
Martha, the wife, and her two children were owned by George Carter.
Martha's master was represented as a very barbarous and cruel man to the
slaves. He made a common practice of flogging females when stripped
naked. This was the emphatic testimony of Martha. Martha declared that
she had been so stripped, and flogged by him after her marriage. The
story of this interesting young mother, who was about twenty-seven years
of age, was painful to the ear, particularly as the earnestness and
intelligence of this poor, bruised, and mangled soul bore such strong
evidence to the truthfulness of her statements. During the painful
interview the mind would involuntarily picture this demon, only as the
representative of thousands in the South using the same relentless sway
over men and women; and this fleeing victim and her little ones, before
escaping, only as sharers of a common lot with many other mothers and
children, whose backs were daily subjected to the lash. If on such an
occasion it was hard to find fitting words of sympathy, or adequate
expressions of indignation, the pleasure of being permitted to give aid
and comfort to such was in part a compensation and a relief. David, the
husband of this woman, was about thirty-two years of age. No further
notice was made of him.
Arrival No. 2 consisted of Henry Washington, alias Anthony Hanly, and
Henry Stewart. Henry left Norfolk and a "very mild master," known by the
name of "Seth March," out of sheer disgust for the patriarchal
institution. Directly after speaking of his master in such flattering
terms he qualified the "mild," &c. by adding that he was excessively
close in money matters. In proof of this assertion, Henry declared, that
out of his hire he was only allowed $1.50 per week to pay his board,
clothe himself, and defray all other expenses; leaving no room whatever
for him to provide for his wife. It was, therefore, a never-failing
source of unhappiness to be thus debarred, and it was wholly on this
account that he "took out," as he did, and at the time that he did. His
wife's name was "Sally." She too was a slave, but "had not been treated
roughly."
For fifty long years Henry had been in the grasp of this merciless
system--constrained to toil for the happiness of others, to make them
comfortable, rich, indolent, and tyrannical. To say that he was like a
bird out of a cage, conveys in no sense whatever the slightest idea of
his delight in escaping from the prison house. And yet, his pleasure was
sadly marred by the reflection that his bosom companion was still in
bondage in the gloomy prison-house. Henry was a man of dark color, well
made, and of a reflective turn of mind. On arriving in Canada, he
manifested his gratitude through Rev. H. Wilson, as follows--
ST. CATHARINES, Aug. 20th, 1855.
DEAR BR. STILL:--I am requested by Henry Washington to inform
you that he got through safe, and is here in good business. He
returns to you his sincere thanks for your attention to him on
his way. I had the pleasure of receiving seven fugitives last
week. Send them on, and may God speed them in the flight. I
would like to have a miracle-working power, that I could give
wings to them all so that they could come faster than by
Railroads either underground or above.
Yours truly,
HIRAM WILSON.
While he was thus hopefully succeeding in Canada, separated from his
companion by many hundreds of miles, death came and liberated her from
the yoke, as the subjoined letter indicates--
ST. CATHARINES, C.W. Nov. 12, 1855.
MR. WILLIAM STILL:--_Dear Sir_:--I have received a letter from
Joseph G. Selden a friend in Norfolk, Va., informing me of the
death of my wife, who deceased since I saw you here; he also
informs me that my clothing will be forwarded to you by Jupiter
White, who now has it in his charge. You will therefore do me a
great favor, if you will be so good as to forward them to me at
this place St. Catharines, C.W.
The accompanying letter is the one received from Mr. Selden
which I send you, that you may see that it is all right. You
will please give my respects to Mrs. Still and family. Most
respectfully yours,
HENRY WASHINGTON.
Henry Stewart, who accompanied the above mentioned traveler to Canada,
had fled a short while before from Plymouth, North Carolina. James
Monroe Woodhouse, a farmer, claimed Stewart as his property, and "hired
him out" for $180 per annum. As a master, Woodhouse was considered to be
of the "moderate" type, according to Stewart's judgment. But respecting
money matters (when his slaves wanted a trifle), "he was very hard. He
did not flog, but would not give a slave a cent of money upon any
consideration."
It was by procuring a pass to Norfolk, that Henry managed to escape.
Although a father and a husband, having a wife (Martha) and two children
(Mary Ann and Susan Jane), he felt that his lot as a slave utterly
debarred him from discharging his duty to them; that he could exercise
no rights or privileges whatever, save as he might obtain permission
from his master. In the matter of separation, even although the ties of
husband and wife, parents and children were most closely knit, his
reason dictated that he would be justified in freeing himself if
possible; indeed, he could not endure the pressure of Slavery any
longer. Although only twenty-three years of age, the burdens that he had
been called upon to bear, made his naturally intelligent mind chafe to
an unusual degree, especially when reflecting upon a continued life of
Slavery. When the time decided upon for his flight arrived, he said
nothing to his wife on the subject, but secured his pass and took his
departure for Norfolk. On arriving there, he sought out an Underground
Rail Road captain, and arranged with him to bring him to Philadelphia.
Whether the sorrow-stricken wife ever afterwards heard of her husband,
or the father of his two little children, the writer is unable to say.
It is possible that this narrative may reveal to the mother and her
offspring (if they are still living), the first ray of light concerning
the missing one. Indeed it is not unreasonable to suppose, that
thousands of anxious wives, husbands and children, who have been
scattered in every direction by Slavery, will never be able to learn as
much of their lost ones as is contained in this brief account of Henry
Stewart.
Arrival No. 3, brought William Nelson, his wife, Susan, and son, William
Thomas, together with Louisa Bell, and Elias Jasper. These travelers
availed themselves of the schooner of Captain B. who allowed them to
embark at Norfolk, despite the search laws of Virginia. It hardly need
be said, however, that it was no trifling matter in those days, to evade
the law. Captains and captives, in order to succeed, found that it
required more than ordinary intelligence and courage, shrewdness and
determination, and at the same time, a very ardent appreciation of
liberty, without which, there could be no success. The simple
announcement then, that a party of this number had arrived from Norfolk,
or Richmond, or Petersburg, gave the Committee unusual satisfaction. It
made them quite sure that there was pluck and brain somewhere.
These individuals, in a particularly marked degree, possessed the
qualities that greatly encouraged the efforts of the Committee. William
Nelson, was a man of a dark chestnut color, medium size, with more than
an ordinary degree of what might be termed "mother wit." Apparently,
William possessed well settled convictions, touching the questions of
morals and religion, despite the overflowing tide of corruption and
spurious religious teachings consequent on the existing pro-slavery
usages all around him. He was a member of the Methodist Church, under
the charge of the Rev. Mr. Jones. For twenty years, William had served
in the capacity of a "packer" under Messrs. Turner and White, who held a
deed for William as their legal property. While he declared that he had
been very "tightly worked" he nevertheless admitted that he had been
dealt with in a mild manner in some respects.
For his board and clothing, William had been allowed $1.50 per week.
Truly a small sum for a hard-working man with a family--yet this was far
more than many slaves received from their masters. In view of receiving
this small pittance, he had toiled hard--doing over-work in order to
make "buckle and strap meet." Once he had been sold on the
auction-block. A sister of his had also shared the same fate. While
seriously contemplating his life as a slave, he was soon led to the
conclusion that it was his duty to bend his entire energies towards
freeing himself and his family if possible. The idea of not being able
to properly provide for his family rendered him quite unhappy; he
therefore resolved to seek a passage North, via the Underground Rail
Road. To any captain who would aid him in the matter, he resolved to
offer a large reward, and determined that the amount should only be
limited by his inability to increase it. Finally, after much anxious
preparation, agreement was entered into with Captain B., on behalf of
himself, wife, child, and Louisa Bell, which was mutually satisfactory
to all concerned, and afforded great hope to William. In due time the
agreement was carried into effect, and all arrived safely and were
delivered into the hands of the Committee in Philadelphia. The fare of
the four cost $240, and William was only too grateful to think, that a
Captain could be found who would risk his own liberty in thus aiding a
slave to freedom.
The Committee gladly gave them aid and succor, and agreed with William
that the Captain deserved all that he received for their deliverance.
The arrival of William, wife, and child in Canada was duly announced by
the agent at St. Catharines, Rev. H. Wilson, as follows:
ST. CATHARINES, C.W., June 28th, 1855.
MR. WM. STILL:--_My Dear Friend_:--I am happy to announce the
safe arrival of Thomas Russell with his wife and child. They
have just arrived. I am much pleased with their appearance. I
shall do what I can for their comfort and encouragement. They
stopt at Elmira from Monday night till this morning, hoping that
Lucy Bell would come up and join them at that place. They are
very anxious to hear from her, as they have failed of meeting
with her on the way or finding her here in advance of them. They
wish to hear from you as soon as you can write, and would like
to know if you have forwarded Lucy on, and if so, what route you
sent her. They send their kind respects to you and your family
and many thanks for your kindness to them.
They wish you to inquire after Lucy if any harm has befallen her
after her leaving Philadelphia. Please write promptly in my
care.
Yours truly in the love of freedom,
HIRAM WILSON.
The man who came to us as Wm. Nelson, is now known only as "Thomas
Russell." It may here be remarked, that, owing to the general custom of
changing names, as here instanced, it is found difficult to tell to whom
the letters severally refer. Where the old and new names were both
carefully entered on the book there is no difficulty, of course, but it
was not always thus.
Susan Bell, the wife of William, was about thirty years of age, of a
dark color, rather above medium size, well-made, good-looking, and
intelligent--quite equal to her husband, and appeared to have his
affections undividedly. She was owned by Thomas Baltimore, with whom she
had lived for the last seven years. She stated that during a part of her
life she had been treated in a "mild manner." She had no complaint to
make until after the marriage of her master. Under the new wife and
mistress, Susan found a very marked change for the worse. She fared
badly enough then. The mistress, on every trifling occasion for
complaint, was disposed to hold the auction-block up to Susan, and would
likewise influence her husband to do the same. From the fact, that four
of Susan's sisters had been sold away to "parts unknown," she was not
prepared to relish these almost daily threats from her irritable
mistress, so she became as anxious for a trip on the Underground Rail
Road as was her husband.
About one hundred miles away in the country, her father, mother, three
brothers, and one sister were living; but she felt that she could not
remain a slave on their account. Susan's owner had already fixed a price
on her and her child, twenty-two months old, which was one thousand
dollars. From this fate she was saved only by her firm resolution to
seek her freedom.
Louisa Bell was also of Wm. Nelson's party, and a fair specimen of a
nice-looking, wide awake woman; of a chestnut color, twenty-eight years
of age. She was the wife of a free man, but the slave of L. Stasson, a
confectioner. The almost constant ringing in her ears of the
auction-block, made her most miserable, especially as she had once
suffered terribly by being sold, and had likewise seen her mother, and
five sisters placed in the same unhappy situation, the thought of which
never ceased to be most painful. In reflecting upon the course which she
was about to pursue in order to free herself from the prison-house, she
felt more keenly than ever for her little children, and readily imagined
how sadly she would mourn while thinking of them hundreds of miles
distant, growing up only to be slaves. And particularly would her
thoughts dwell upon her boy, six years of age; full old enough to feel
deeply the loss of his mother, but without hope of ever seeing her
again.
Heart-breaking as were these reflections, she resolved to leave Robert
and Mary in the hands of God, and escape, if possible from her terrible
thraldom. Her plan was submitted to her husband; he acquiesced fully and
promised to follow her as soon as an opportunity might present itself.
Although the ordeal that she was called upon to pass through was of the
most trying nature she bravely endured the journey through to Canada. On
her arrival there the Rev. H. Wilson wrote on behalf of herself, and the
cause as follows:
ST. CATHERINES, C.W. July 6th, 1855.
DEAR BR. STILL:--I have just received your letters touching
U.G.R.R. operations. All is right. Jasper and Mrs. Bell got here
on Saturday last, and I think I dropt you a line announcing the
fact. I write again thus soon because two more by name of Smith,
John and Wm., have arrived the present week and were anxious to
have me inform you that they are safely landed and free in this
refuge land. They wish me to communicate their kind regards to
you and others who have aided them. They have found employment
and are likely to do well. The 5 of last week have gone over to
Toronto. I gave them letters to a friend there after furnishing
them as well as I could with such clothing as they required. I
am afraid that I am burdening you too much with postage, but
can't help doing so unless I fail to write at all, as my means
are not half equal to the expenses to which I am subject.
Faithfully and truly yours,
HIRAM WILSON.
Elias Jasper, who was also a fellow-passenger with Wm. Nelson and Co.,
was noticed thus on the Underground Rail Road: Age thirty-two years,
color dark, features good, and gifted both with his tongue and hands. He
had worked more or less at the following trades: Rope-making,
carpentering, engineering, and photographing. It was in this latter
calling that he was engaged when the Underground Rail Road movement
first arrested his attention, and so continued until his departure.
For several years he had been accustomed to hire his time, for which he
had been required to pay $10 per month. In acquiring the above trades he
had been at no expense to his master, as he had learned them solely by
his own perseverance, endowed as he was with a considerable share of
genius. Occasionally he paid for lessons, the money being earned by his
over-work. His master, Bayham, was a "retired gentleman."
Elias had been sold once, and had suffered in various other ways,
particularly from being flogged. He left his wife, Mary, but no child.
Of his intention to leave Elias saw not how to impart to his wife, lest
she should in some way let the "cat out of the bag." She was owned by a
Miss Portlock, and had been treated "tolerably well," having had the
privilege of hiring her time. She had $55 to pay for this favor, which
amount she raised by washing, etc. Elias was a member of the Methodist
Church, as were all of his comrades, and well did they remember the
oft-repeated lesson, "Servants obey your masters," etc. They soon
understood this kind of preaching after breathing free air. The market
value of Elias was placed at $1200.
Arrival, No. 4. Maria Joiner. Captain F. arrived, from Norfolk, with the
above named passenger, the way not being open to risk any other on that
occasion. This seemed rather slow business with this voyager, for he was
usually accustomed to bringing more than one. However, as this arrival
was only one day later than the preceding one noticed, and came from the
same place, the Committee concluded, that they had much reason for
rejoicing nevertheless. As in the case of a great number among the
oppressed of the South, when simply looking at Maria, no visible marks
of ill usage in any way were discernible. Indeed, as she then appeared
at the age of thirty-three, a fine, fresh, and healthy-looking mulatto
woman, nine out of every ten would have been impressed with the idea,
that she had never been subjected to hard treatment; in other words,
that she had derived her full share of advantages from the "Patriarchal
Institution." The appearance of just such persons in Southern cities had
often led Northerners, when traveling in those parts, to regard the lot
of slaves as quite comfortable. But the story of Maria, told in an
earnest and intelligent manner, was at once calculated to dissipate the
idea of a "comfortable" existence in a state of bondage. She frankly
admitted, however, that prior to the death of her old master, she was
favorably treated, compared with many others; but, unfortunately, after
his death, she had fallen into the hands of one of the old man's
daughters, from whom, she declared, that she had received continued
abuse, especially when said daughter was under the influence of liquor.
At such times she was very violent. Being spirited, Maria could not
consent to suffer on as a slave in this manner. Consequently she began
to cogitate how she might escape from her mistress (Catharine Gordon),
and reach a free State. None other than the usual trying and hazardous
ways could be devised--which was either to be stowed away in the hold of
a schooner, or concealed amongst the rubbish of a steamer, where, for
the time being, the extreme suffering was sure to tax every nerve even
of the most valiant-hearted men. The daily darkening prospects
constrained her to decide, that she was willing to suffer, not only in
adopting this mode of travel, but on the other hand, that she had better
be dead than remain under so cruel a woman as her mistress. Maria's
husband and sister (no other relatives are noticed), were naturally
formidable barriers in the way of her escape. Notwithstanding her
attachment to them, she fully made up her mind to be free. Immediately
she took the first prerequisite step, which was to repair to a place of
concealment with a friend in the city, and there, like the man at the
pool, wait until her turn came to be conveyed thence to a free State. In
this place she was obliged to wait eight long months, enduring daily
suffering in various ways, especially during the winter season. But,
with martyr-like faith, she endured to the end, and was eventually saved
from the hell of Slavery. Maria was appraised at $800.
Arrival No. 5. Richard Green, alias Wm. Smith, and his brother George.
These young brothers fled from George Chambers of Baltimore. The elder
brother was twenty-five, the younger twenty-three. Both were tall and
well made and of a chestnut color, and possessed a good degree of
natural ability. When desiring to visit their parents, their request was
positively refused by their owner. Taking offence at this step, both
mutually resolved to run away at the earliest opportunity. Thus in
accordance with well premeditated plans, they set out and unobstructedly
arrived in Philadelphia. At first it was simply very pleasant to take
them by the hand and welcome them; then to listen for a few moments to
their intelligent narration of how they escaped, the motives that
prompted them, etc. But further inquiries soon brought out incidents of
the most thrilling and touching nature--not with regard to hardships
which they had personally experienced, but in relation to outrages which
had been perpetrated upon their mother. Such simple facts as were then
written are substantially as follows: Nearly thirty years prior to the
escape of Richard and his brother their mother was in very bad health,
so much so that physicians regarded her incurable. Her owner was
evidently fully impressed with the belief that instead of being
profitable to him, she might be an expense, which he could not possibly
obviate, while he retained her as a slave. Now there was a way to get
out of this dilemma. He could emancipate her and throw the
responsibility of her support upon, herself. Accordingly he drew up
papers, called for his wife's mother to witness them, then formally put
them into the hands of the invalid slave woman (Dinah), assuring her at
the same time, that she was free--being fully released as set forth in
her papers. "Take notice I have no more claim on you nor you on me from
this time." Marvellous liberality! After working the life out of a
woman, in order that he should not have her to bury, he becomes hastily
in favor of freedom. He is, however, justified by the laws of Maryland.
Complaint, therefore, would simply amount to nothing. In the nature of
the case Dinah was now free, but she was not wholly alone in the world.
She had a husband, named Jacob Green, who was owned by Nathan Childs for
a term of years only, at the expiration of which time he was to be free.
All lived then in Talbot county, Md. At the appointed time Jacob's
bondage ended, and he concluded that he might succeed better by moving
to Baltimore. Indeed the health of his wife was so miserable that
nothing in his old home seemed to offer any inducement in the way of a
livelihood. So off they moved to Baltimore. After a time, under careful
and kind treatment, the faithful Jacob was greatly encouraged by
perceiving that the health of his companion was gradually
improving--signs indicated, that she might yet become a well woman. The
hopes of husband and wife, in this particular, were, in the lapse of
time, fully realized. Dinah was as well as ever, and became the mother
of another child--a little boy. Everything seemed to be going on
happily, and they had no apparent reason to suspect any troubles other
than such as might naturally have to be encountered in a state of
poverty and toil.
The unfettered boy was healthy, and made rapid advance in a few years.
That any one should ever claim him was never for a moment feared.
The old master, however, becoming tired of country life, had also moved
to Baltimore. How, they knew not, but he had heard of the existence of
this boy.
That he might satisfy himself on this point, he one day very slyly
approached the house with George. No sooner was the old man within the
enclosures than he asked Dinah, "Whose child is that?" pointing to the
boy. "Ask Jacob," was the reply of the mother. The question was then put
to Jacob, the father of the boy. "I did not think that you would ask
such a question, or that you would request anything like that," Jacob
remarked, naturally somewhat nervous, but he added, "I have the
privilege of having any one I please in my house." "Where is he from?"
again demanded the master. The father repeated, "I have a right to
have," etc., "I am my own man," etc. "I have found out whose he is," the
hunter said. "I am going presently to take him home with me." At this
juncture he seized the little fellow, at the same time calling out,
"Dinah, put his clothes on." By this time the father too had seized hold
of the child. Mustering courage, the father said, "Take notice that you
are not in the country, pulling and hauling people about." "I will have
him or I will leave my heart's blood in the house," was the savage
declaration of the master. In his rage he threatened to shoot the
father. In the midst of the excitement George called in two officers to
settle the trouble. "What are you doing here?" said the officers to the
slave-holder. "I am after my property--this boy," he exclaimed. "Have
you ever seen it before?" they inquired. "No," said the slave-holder.
"Then how do you know that he belongs to you?" inquired the officers. "I
believe he is mine," replied the slave-holder.
All the parties concerned were then taken by the officers before an
Alderman. The father owned the child but the mother denied it. The
Alderman then decided that the child should be given to the father.
The slave-holder having thus failed, was unwilling, nevertheless, to
relinquish his grasp. Whereupon he at once claimed the mother. Of course
he was under the necessity of resorting to the Courts in order to
establish his claim. Fortunately the mother had securely preserved the
paper given her by her master so many years before, releasing her.
Notwithstanding this the suit was pending nearly a year before the case
was decided. Everything was so clear the mother finally gained the suit.
This decision was rendered only about two months prior to the escape of
Richard and George.
Arrival No. 6. Henry Cromwell. This passenger fled from Baltimore
county, Md. The man that he escaped from was a farmer by the name of
William Roberts, who also owned seven other young slaves. Of his
treatment of his slaves nothing was recorded.
Henry was about six feet high, quite black, visage thin, age
twenty-five. He left neither wife, parents, brothers nor sisters to
grieve after him. In making his way North he walked of nights from his
home to Harrisburg, Pa., and there availed himself of a passage on a
freight car coming to Philadelphia.
Arrival No. 7. Henry Bohm. Henry came from near Norfolk, Va. He was
about twenty-five years of age, and a fair specimen of a stout man,
possessed of more than ordinary physical strength. As to whom he fled
from, how he had been treated, or how he reached Philadelphia, the
record book is silent. Why this is the case cannot now be accounted for,
unless the hurry of getting him off forbade sufficient delay to note
down more of the particulars.
Arrival No. 8. Ralph Whiting, James H. Forman, Anthony Atkinson, Arthur
Jones, Isaiah Nixon, Joseph Harris, John Morris, and Henry Hodges. A
numerous party like this had the appearance of business. They were all
young and hopeful, and belonged to the more intelligent and promising of
their race. They were capable of giving the best of reasons for the
endeavors they were making to escape to a free country.
They imparted to the Committee much information respecting their several
situations, together with the characters of their masters in relation to
domestic matters, and the customs and usages under which they had been
severally held to service--all of which was listened to with deep
interest. But it was not an easy matter, after having been thus
entertained, to write out the narratives of eight such persons. Hundreds
of pages would hardly have contained a brief account of the most
interesting portion of their histories. It was deemed sufficient to
enter their names and their forsaken homes, etc., as follows:
"Ralph was twenty-six years of age, five feet ten inches high, dark,
well made, intelligent, and a member of the Methodist Church. He was
claimed by Geo. W. Kemp, Esq., cashier of the Exchange Bank of Norfolk,
Va. Ralph gave Mr. Kemp the credit of being a 'moderate man' to his
slaves. Ralph was compelled to leave his wife, Lydia, and two children,
Anna Eliza, and Cornelius."
"James was twenty-three years of age, dark mulatto, nearly six feet
high, and of prepossessing appearance. He fled from James Saunders, Esq.
Nothing, save the desire to be free, prompted James to leave his old
situation and master. His parents and two sisters he was obliged to
leave in Norfolk."
Two brief letters from James, one concerning his "sweet-heart," whom he
left in Norfolk, the other giving an account of her arrival in Canada
and marriage thereafter will, doubtless, be read with interest. They are
here given as follows:
NIAGARA FALLS, June 5th, 1856. MR. STILL:--Sir--I take my pen in
hand to write you theas few lines to let you know that I am well
at present and hope theas few lines may find you the same. Sir
my object in writing to you is that I expect a young Lady by the
name of Miss Mariah Moore, from Norfolk, Virginia. She will
leave Norfolk on the 13th of this month in the Steamship
Virginia for Philadelphia you will oblige me very much by seeing
her safely on the train of cars that leaves Philadelphia for the
Suspension Bridge Niagara Falls pleas to tell the Lady to
telegraph to me what time she will leave Philadelphia so i may
know what time to meet her at the Suspension Bridge my Brother
Isaac Porman send his love also his family to you and your
family they are all well at present pleas to give my respects to
Mr. Harry Londay, also Miss Margaret Cunigan, no more at
present.
I remain your friend,
JAMES H. FORMAN.
When you telegraph to me direct to the International Hotel,
Niagara Falls, N.Y.
NIAGARA FALLS, July 24th, 1856.
DEAR SIR:--I take this opportunity of writing these few lines to
you hoping that they may find you enjoying good health as these
few lines leave me at present. I thank you for your kindness.
Miss Moore arrived here on the 30th of June and I was down to
the cars to receive her. I thought I would have written to you
before, but I thought I would wait till I got married. I got
married on the 22d of July in the English Church Canada about 11
o'clock my wife sends all her love to you and your wife and all
enquiring friends please to kiss your two children for her and
she says she is done crying and I am glad to hear she enjoyed
herself so well in Philadelphia give my respects to Miss
Margaret Cuningham and I am glad to hear her sister arrived my
father sends his respects to you no more at present but remain
your friend,
JAMES H. FORMAN.
Direct your letter to the International Hotel, Niagara Falls.
Anthony was thirty-six years of age, and by blood, was quite as nearly
related to the Anglo-Saxon as the Anglo-African. He was nevertheless,
physically a fine specimen of a man. He was about six feet high, and
bore evidence of having picked up a considerable amount of intelligence
considering his opportunities. He had been sold three times. Anthony was
decidedly opposed to having to pass through this ordeal a fourth time,
therefore, the more he meditated over his condition, the more determined
he became to seek out an Underground Rail Road agent, and make his way
to Canada.
Concluding that Josiah Wells, who claimed him, had received a thousand
times too much of his labor already, Anthony was in a fit state of mind
to make a resolute effort to gain his freedom. He had a wife, but no
children. His father, one sister, and two brothers were all dear to him,
but all being slaves "one could not help the other," Anthony reasoned,
and wisely too. So, at the command of the captain, he was ready to bear
his part of the suffering consequent upon being concealed in the hold of
a vessel, where but little air could penetrate.
Arthur was forty-one years of age, six feet high--chestnut color, well
made, and possessed good native faculties needing cultivation. He
escaped from a farmer, by the name of John Jones, who was classed, as to
natural temperament, amongst "moderate slave-holders."
"I wanted my liberty," said Arthur promptly and emphatically, and he
declared that was the cause of his escape. He left his mother, two
sisters, and three brothers in Slavery.
Isaiah was about twenty-two, small of stature, but smart, and of a
substantially black complexion. He had been subjected to very hard
treatment under Samuel Simmons who claimed him, and on this account he
was first prompted to leave. His mother and three brothers he left in
bondage.
Joseph was twenty-three years of age, and was, in every way,
"likely-looking." According to the laws of Slavery, he was the property
of David Morris, who was entitled to be ranked amongst the more
compassionate slave-holders of the South. Yet, Joseph was not satisfied,
deprived of his freedom. He had not known hardships as many had, but it
was not in him notwithstanding, to be contented as a slave. In leaving,
he had to "tear himself away" from his parents, three brothers, and two
sisters.
Henry escaped from S. Simmons of Plymouth, North Carolina, and was a
fellow-servant with Isaiah. Simmons was particularly distinguished for
his tyrannical rule and treatment of his slaves--so Henry and Isaiah had
the good sense to withdraw from under his yoke, very young in life;
Henry being twenty-three.
John was about twenty-one years of age, five feet eight inches high,
dark color, and well-grown for his years. Before embarking, he had
endured seven months of hard suffering from being secreted, waiting for
an opportunity to escape. It was to keep his master from selling him,
that he was thus induced to secrete himself. After he had remained away
some months, he resolved to suffer on until his friends could manage to
procure him a passage on the Underground Rail Road. With this determined
spirit he did not wait in vain.
Arrival No. 9. Robert Jones and wife:--In the majority of cases, in
order to effect the escape of either, sad separations between husbands
and wives were unavoidable. Fortunately, it was not so in this case. In
journeying from the house of bondage, Robert and his wife were united
both in sympathies and in struggles. Robert had experienced "hard times"
just in what way, however, was not recorded; his wife had been
differently treated, not being under the same taskmaster as her husband.
At the time of their arrival all that was recorded of their bondage is
as follows--
August 2d, 1855, Robert Jones and wife, arrived from Petersburg, Va.
Robert is about thirty-five, chestnut color, medium size, of good
manners, intelligent, had been owned by Thomas N. Lee, "a very hard
man." Robert left because he "wanted his liberty--always had from a
boy." Eliza, his wife, is about forty years of age, chestnut color,
nice-looking, and well-dressed. She belonged to Eliza H. Richie, who was
called a "moderate woman" towards her slaves. Notwithstanding the
limited space occupied in noting them on the record book, the Committee
regarded them as being among the most worthy and brave travelers passing
over the Underground Rail Road, and felt well satisfied that such
specimens of humanity would do credit in Canada, not only to themselves,
but to their race.
Robert had succeeded in learning to read and write tolerably well, and
had thought much over the condition and wrongs of the race, and seemed
to be eager to be where he could do something to lift his
fellow-sufferers up to a higher plane of liberty and manhood. After an
interview with Robert and his wife, in every way so agreeable, they were
forwarded on in the usual manner, to Canada. While enjoying the sweets
of freedom in Canada, he was not the man to keep his light under a
bushel. He seemed to have a high appreciation of the potency of the pen,
and a decidedly clear idea that colored men needed to lay hold of many
enterprises with resolution, in order to prove themselves qualified to
rise equally with other branches of the human family. Some of his
letters, embracing his views, plans and suggestions, were so encouraging
and sensible, that the Committee was in the habit of showing them to
friendly persons, and indeed, extracts of some of his letters were
deemed of sufficient importance to publish. One alone, taken from many
letters received from him, must here suffice to illustrate his
intelligence and efforts as a fugitive and citizen in Canada.
Hamilton, C.W., August 9th, 1856.
MR. WM. STILL;--_Dear Friend_:--I take this opportunity of
writing you these few lines to inform you of my health, which is
good at present, &c. * * * *
I was talking to you about going to Liberia, when I saw you
last, and did intend to start this fall, but I since looked at
the condition of the colored people in Canada. I thought I would
try to do something for their elevation as a nation, to place
them in the proper position to stand where they ought to stand.
In order to do this, I have undertaken to get up a military
company amongst them. They laughed at me to undertake such a
thing; but I did not relax my energies. I went and had an
interview with Major J.T. Gilepon, told him what my object was,
he encouraged me to go on, saying that he would do all he could
for the accomplishment of my object. He referred to _Sir Allan
McNab, &c._ * * * * I took with me Mr. J.H. Hill to see him--he
told me that it should be done, and required us to write a
petition to the _Governor General_, which has been done. * * * *
The company is already organized. Mr. Howard was elected
Captain; J.H. Hill, 1st Lieutenant; Hezekiah Hill, Ensign;
Robert Jones, 1st Sergeant. The company's name is, Queen
Victoria's Rifle Guards. You may, by this, see what I have been
doing since I have been in Canada. When we receive our
appointments by the Government. I will send by express, my
daguerreotype in uniform.
My respects, &c. &c., Robert Jones.
* * * * *
HEAVY REWARD.
Two Thousand Six Hundred Dollars Reward--Ran away from the
subscriber, on Saturday night, November 15th, 1856, Josiah and
William Bailey, and Peter Pennington. Joe is about 5 feet 10
inches in height, of a chestnut color, bald head, with a
remarkable scar on one of his cheeks, not positive on which it
is, but think it is on the left, under the eye, has intelligent
countenance, active, and well-made. He is about 28 years old.
Bill is of a darker color, about 5 feet 8 inches in height,
stammers a little when confused, well-made, and older than Joe,
well dressed, but may have pulled kearsey on over their other
clothes. Peter is smaller than either the others, about 25 years
of age, dark chestnut color, 5 feet 7 or 8 inches high.
[Illustration: ]
A reward of fifteen hundred dollars will be given to any person
who will apprehend the said Joe Bailey, and lodge him safely in
the jail at Easton, Talbot Co., Md., and $300 for Bill and $800
for Peter.
W.R. Hughlett
John C. Henry,
T. Wright.
When this arrival made its appearance, it was at first sight quite
evident that one of the company was a man of more than ordinary parts,
both physically and mentally. Likewise, taking them individually, their
appearance and bearing tended largely to strengthen the idea that the
spirit of freedom was rapidly gaining ground in the minds of the slaves,
despite the efforts of the slave-holders to keep them in darkness. In
company with the three men, for whom the above large reward was offered,
came a woman by the name of Eliza Nokey.
As soon as the opportunity presented itself, the Active Committee
feeling an unusual desire to hear their story, began the investigation
by inquiring as to the cause of their escape, etc., which brought simple
and homely but earnest answers from each. These answers afforded the
best possible means of seeing Slavery in its natural, practical
workings--of obtaining such testimony and representations of the vile
system, as the most eloquent orator or able pen might labor in vain to
make clear and convincing, although this arrival had obviously been
owned by men of high standing. The fugitives themselves innocently
stated that one of the masters, who was in the habit of flogging adult
females, was a "moderate man." Josiah Bailey was the leader of this
party, and he appeared well-qualified for this position. He was about
twenty-nine years of age, and in no particular physically, did he seem
to be deficient. He was likewise civil and polite in his manners, and a
man of good common sense. He was held and oppressed by William H.
Hughlett, a farmer and dealer in ship timber, who had besides invested
in slaves to the number of forty head. In his habits he was generally
taken for a "moderate" and "fair" man, "though he was in the habit of
flogging the slaves--females as well as males," after they had arrived
at the age of maturity. This was not considered strange or cruel in
Maryland. Josiah was the "foreman" on the place, and was entrusted with
the management of hauling the ship-timber, and through harvesting and
busy seasons was required to lead in the fields. He was regarded as one
of the most valuable hands in that part of the country, being valued at
$2,000. Three weeks before he escaped, Joe was "stripped naked," and
"flogged" very cruelly by his master, simply because he had a dispute
with one of the fellow-servants, who had stolen, as Joe alleged, seven
dollars of his hard earnings. This flogging, produced in Joe's mind, an
unswerving determination to leave Slavery or die: to try his luck on the
Underground Rail Road at all hazards. The very name of Slavery, made the
fire fairly burn in his bones. Although a married man, having a wife and
three children (owned by Hughlett), he was not prepared to let his
affection for them keep him in chains--so Anna Maria, his wife, and his
children Ellen, Anna Maria, and Isabella, were shortly widowed and
orphaned by the slave lash.
William Bailey was owned by John C. Henry, a large slave-holder, and a
very "hard" one, if what William alleged of him was true. His story
certainly had every appearance of truthfulness. A recent brutal flogging
had "stiffened his back-bone," and furnished him with his excuse for not
being willing to continue in Maryland, working his strength away to
enrich his master, or the man who claimed to be such. The memorable
flogging, however, which caused him to seek flight on the Underground
Rail Road, was not administered by his master or on his master's
plantation. He was hired out, and it was in this situation that he was
so barbarously treated. Yet he considered his master more in fault than
the man to whom he was hired, but redress there was none, save to
escape.
The hour for forwarding the party by the Committee, came too soon to
allow time for the writing of any account of Peter Pennington and Eliza
Nokey. Suffice it to say, that in struggling through their journey,
their spirits never flagged; they had determined not to stop short of
Canada. They truly had a very high appreciation of freedom, but a very
poor opinion of Maryland.
* * * * *
SLAVE TRADER HALL IS FOILED.
ROBERT McCOY _alias_ WILLIAM DONAR.
In October, 1854, the Committee received per steamer, directly from
Norfolk, Va., Robert McCoy and Elizabeth Saunders. Robert had constantly
been in the clutches of the negro-trader Hall, for the last sixteen
years, previous to his leaving, being owned by him. He had, therefore,
possessed very favorable opportunities for varied observation and
experience relative to the trader's conduct in his nefarious business,
as well as for witnessing the effects of the auction-block upon all
ages--rending asunder the dearest ties, despite the piteous wails of
childhood or womanhood, parental or conjugal relations. But no attempt
will be made to chronicle the deeds of this dealer in human flesh. Those
stories fresh from the lips of one who had just escaped, were painful in
the extreme, but in the very nature of things some of the statements are
too revolting to be published. In lieu of this fact, except the above
allusions to the trader's business, this sketch will only refer to
Robert's condition as a slave, and finally as a traveler on the
Underground Rail Road.
Robert was a man of medium size, dark mulatto, of more than ordinary
intelligence. His duties had been confined to the house, and not to the
slave pen. As a general thing, he had managed, doubtless through much
shrewdness, to avoid very severe outrages from the trader. On the whole,
he had fared "about as well" as the generality of slaves.
Yet, in order to free himself from his "miserable" life, he was willing,
as he declared, to suffer almost any sacrifice. Indeed, his conduct
proved the sincerity of this declaration, as he had actually been
concealed five months in a place in the city, where he could not
possibly avoid daily suffering of the most trying kind. His resolve to
be free was all this while maturing. The trader had threatened to sell
Robert, and to prevent it Robert (thus) "took out." Successfully did he
elude the keen scent and grasp of the hunters, who made diligent efforts
to recapture him. Although a young man--only about twenty-eight years of
age, his health was by no means good. His system had evidently been
considerably shattered by Slavery, and symptoms of consumption, together
with chronic rheumatism, were making rapid headway against the physical
man. Under his various ills, he declared, as did many others from the
land of bondage, that his faith in God afforded him comfort and hope. He
was obliged to leave his wife, Eliza, in bonds, not knowing whether they
should ever meet again on earth, but he was somewhat hopeful that the
way would open for her escape also.
After reaching Philadelphia, where his arrival had long been anticipated
by the Vigilance Committee, his immediate wants were met, and in due
order he was forwarded to New Bedford, where, he was led to feel, he
would be happy in freedom.
Scarcely had he been in New Bedford one month, before his prayers and
hopes were realized with regard to the deliverance of his wife. On
hearing of the good news of her coming he wrote as follows--
NEW BEDFORD, Nov. 3, 1859.
DEAR SIR:--i embrace this opertunity to inform you that i
received your letter with pleasure, i am enjoying good health
and hope that these few lines will find you enjoying the same
blessing. i rejoise to hear from you i feel very much indetted
to you for not writing before but i have been so bissy that is
the cause, i rejoise to heare of the arrival of my wife, and
hope she is not sick from the roling of the sea and if she is
not, pleas to send her on here Monday with a six baral warlian
and a rifall to gard her up to my residance i thank you kindly
for the good that you have don for me. Give my respects to Mrs.
Still, tell her i want to see her very bad and you also i would
come but i am afraid yet to venture, i received your letter the
second, but about the first of spring i hope to pay you a visit
or next summer. i am getting something to do every day. i will
write on her arrivall and tell you more. Mr. R. White sends his
love to you and your famerly and says that he is very much
indetted to you for his not writing and all so he desires to
know wheather his cloths has arived yet or not, and if they are
please to express them on to him or if at preasant by Mrs.
Donar. Not any more at preasent. i remain your affectionate
brother,
WILLIAM DONAR.
By the same arrival, and similarly secreted, Elizabeth Frances, alias
Ellen Saunders, had the good luck to reach Philadelphia. She was a
single young woman, about twenty-two, with as pleasant a countenance as
one would wish to see. Her manners were equally agreeable. Perhaps her
joy over her achieved victory added somewhat to her personal appearance.
She had, however, belonged to the more favored class of slaves. She had
neither been over-worked nor badly abused. Elizabeth was the property of
a lady a few shades lighter than herself, (Elizabeth was a mulatto) by
the name of Sarah Shephard, of Norfolk. In order the more effectually to
profit by Elizabeth's labor, the mistress resorted to the plan of hiring
her out for a given sum per month. Against this usage Elizabeth urged no
complaint. Indeed the only very serious charge she brought was to the
effect, that her mistress sold her mother away from her far South, when
she was a child only ten years old. She had also sold a brother and
sister to a foreign southern market. The reflections consequent upon the
course that her mistress had thus pursued, awakened Elizabeth to much
study relative to freedom, and by the time that she had reached
womanhood she had very decided convictions touching her duty with regard
to escaping. Thus growing to hate slavery in every way and manner, she
was prepared to make a desperate effort to be free. Having saved
thirty-five dollars by rigid economy, she was willing to give every cent
of it (although it was all she possessed), to be aided from Norfolk to
Philadelphia. After reaching the city, having suffered severely while
coming, she was invited to remain until somewhat recruited. In the
healthy air of freedom she was soon fully restored, and ready to take
her departure for New Bedford, which place she reached without
difficulty and was cordially welcomed. The following letter, expressive
of her obligations for aid received, was forwarded soon after her
arrival in New Bedford:
NEW BEDFORD, Mass., October 16th, 1854.
MR. STILL:--Dear Sir--I now take my pen in my hand to inform you
of my health which is good at present all except a cold I have
got but I hope when these few lines reach you you may be
enjoying good health. I arrived in New Bedford Thursday morning
safely and what little I have seen of the city I like it very
much my friends were very glad to see me. I found my sister very
well. Give my love to Mrs. Still and also your dear little
children. I am now out at service. I do not think of going to
Canada now. I think I shall remain in this city this winter.
Please tell Mrs. Still I have not met any person who has treated
me any kinder than she did since I left. I consider you both to
have been true friends to me. I hope you will think me the same
to you. I feel very thankful to you indeed. It might been
supposed, out of sight out of mind, but it is not so. I never
forget my friends. Give my love to Florence. If you come to this
city I would be very happy to see you. Kiss your dear little
children for me. Please to answer this as soon as possible, so
that I may know you received this. No more at present. I still
remain your friend,
ELLEN SAUNDERS.
ELIZA MCCOY--the wife of Robert McCoy, whose narrative has just been
given--and who was left to wait in hope when her husband escaped--soon
followed him to freedom. It is a source of great satisfaction to be able
to present her narrative in so close proximity to her husband's. He
arrived about the first of October--she about the first of November,
following. From her lips testimony of much weight and interest was
listened to by several friends relative to her sufferings as a slave--on
the auction-block, and in a place of concealment seven months, waiting
and praying for an opportunity to escape. But it was thought sufficient
to record merely a very brief outline of her active slave life, which
consisted of the following noticeable features.
Eliza had been owned by Andrew Sigany, of Norfolk--age about
thirty-eight--mulatto, and a woman whose appearance would readily
command attention and respect anywhere outside of the barbarism of
Slavery. She stated that her experience as a sufferer in cruel hands had
been very trying, and that in fretting under hardships, she had "always
wanted to be free." Her language was unmistakable on this point. Neither
mistress nor servant was satisfied with each other; the mistress was so
"queer" and "hard to please," that Eliza became heartily sick of trying
to please her--an angel would have failed with such a woman. So, while
matters were getting no better, but, on the contrary, were growing worse
and worse, Eliza thought she would seek a more pleasant atmosphere in
the North. In fact she felt that it would afford her no little relief to
allow her place to be occupied by another. When she went into close
quarters of concealment, she fully understood what was meant and all the
liabilities thereto. She had pluck enough to endure unto the end without
murmuring. The martyrs in olden times who dwelt in "dens and caves of
the earth," could hardly have fared worse than some of these way-worn
travelers.
After the rest, needed by one who had suffered so severely until her
arrival in Philadelphia, she was forwarded to her anxiously waiting
husband in New Bedford, where she was gladly received.
From the frequent arrivals from Virginia, especially in steamers, it may
be thought that no very stringent laws or regulations existed by which
offenders, who might aid the Underground Rail Road, could be severely
punished--that the slave-holders were lenient, indifferent and unguarded
as to how this property took wings and escaped. In order to enlighten
the reader with regard to this subject, it seems necessary, in this
connection, to publish at least one of the many statutes from the slave
laws of the South bearing directly on the aid and escape of slaves by
vessels. The following enactment is given as passed by the Legislature
of Virginia in 1856:
THE PROTECTION OF SLAVE PROPERTY IN VIRGINIA.
A BILL PROVIDING ADDITIONAL PROTECTION FOR THE SLAVE PROPERTY OF
CITIZENS OF THIS COMMONWEALTH.
(1.) Be it enacted, by the General Assembly, that it shall not
be lawful for any vessel, of any size or description, whatever,
owned in whole, or in part, by any citizen or resident of
another State, and about to sail or steam for any port or place
in this State, for any port or place north of and beyond the
capes of Virginia, to depart from the waters of this
commonwealth, until said vessel has undergone the inspection
hereinafter provided for in this act, and received a certificate
to that effect. If any such vessel shall depart from the State
without such certificate of inspection, the captain or owner
thereof, shall forfeit and pay the sum of five hundred dollars,
to be recovered by any person who will sue for the same, in any
court of record in this State, in the name of the Governor of
the Commonwealth. Pending said suit, the vessel of said captain
or owner shall not leave the State until bond be given by the
captain or owner, or other person for him, payable to the
Governor, with two or three sureties satisfactory to the court,
in the penalty of one thousand dollars, for the payment of the
forfeit or fine, together with the cost and expenses incurred in
enforcing the same; and in default of such bond, the vessel
shall be held liable. Provided that nothing contained in this
section, shall apply to vessels belonging to the United States
Government, or vessels, American or foreign, bound direct to any
foreign country other than the British American Provinces.
(2.) The pilots licensed under the laws of Virginia, and while
attached to a vessel regularly employed as a pilot boat, are
hereby constituted inspectors to execute this act, so far as the
same may be applicable to the Chesapeake Bay, and the waters
tributary thereto, within the jurisdiction of this State,
together with such other inspectors as may be appointed by
virtue of this act.
(3.) The branch or license issued to a pilot according to the
provisions of the 92d chapter of Code, shall be sufficient
evidence that he is authorized and empowered to act as inspector
as aforesaid.
(4.) It shall be the duty of the inspector, or other person
authorized to act under this law, to examine and search all
vessels hereinbefore described, to see that no slave or person
held to service or labor in this State, or person charged with
the commission of any crime within the State, shall be concealed
on board said vessel. Such inspection shall be made within
twelve hours of the time of departure of such vessel from the
waters of Virginia, and may be made in any bay, river, creek, or
other water-course of the State, provided, however, that
steamers plying as regular packets, between ports in Virginia
and those north of, and outside of the capes of Virginia, shall
be inspected at the port of departure nearest Old Point Comfort.
(5.) A vessel so inspected and getting under way, with intent to
leave the waters of the State, if she returns to an anchorage
above Back River Point, or within Old Point Comfort, shall be
again inspected and charged as if an original case. If such
vessel be driven back by stress of weather to seek a harbor, she
shall be exempt from payment of a second fee, unless she holds
intercourse with the shore.
(6.) If, after searching the vessel, the inspector see no just
cause to detain her, he shall give to the captain a certificate
to that effect. If, however, upon such inspection, or in any
other manner, any slave or person held to service or labor, or
any person charged with any crime, be found on board of any
vessel whatever, for the purpose aforesaid, or said vessel be
detected in the act of leaving this commonwealth with any such
slave or person on board, or otherwise violating the provisions
of this act, he shall attach said vessel, and arrest all persons
on board, to be delivered up to the sergeant or sheriff of the
nearest port in this commonwealth, to be dealt with according to
law.
(7.) If any inspector or other officer be opposed, or shall have
reason to suspect that he will be opposed or obstructed in the
discharge of any duty required of him under this act, he shall
have power to summon and command the force of any county or
corporation to aid him in the discharge of such duty, and every
person who shall resist, obstruct, or refuse to aid any
inspector or other officer in the discharge of such duty, shall
be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and, upon conviction thereof,
shall be fined and imprisoned as in other cases of misdemeanor.
(8.) For every inspection of a vessel under this law, the
inspector, or other officer shall be entitled to demand and
receive the sum of five dollars; for the payment of which such
vessel shall be liable, and the inspector or other officer may
seize and hold her until the same is paid, together with all
charges incurred in taking care of the vessel, as well as in
enforcing the payment of the same. Provided, that steam packets
trading regularly between the waters of Virginia and ports north
of and beyond the capes of Virginia, shall pay not more than
five dollars for each inspection under the provisions of this
act; provided, however, that for every inspection of a vessel
engaged in the coal trade, the inspector shall not receive a
greater sum than two dollars.
(9.) Any inspector or other person apprehending a slave in the
act of escaping from the state, on board a vessel trading to or
belonging to a non-slave-holding state, or who shall give
information that will lead to the recovery of any slave, as
aforesaid, shall be entitled to a reward of One Hundred Dollars,
to be paid by the owner of such slave, or by the fiduciary
having charge of the estate to which such slave belongs; and if
the vessel be forfeited under the provisions of this act, he
shall be entitled to one-half of the proceeds arising from the
sale of the vessel; and if the same amounts to one hundred
dollars, he shall not receive from the owner the above reward of
one hundred dollars.
(10.) An inspector permitting a slave to escape for the want of
proper exertion, or by neglect in the discharge of his duty,
shall be fined One Hundred Dollars; or if for like causes he
permit a vessel, which the law requires him to inspect, to leave
the state without inspection, he shall be fined not less than
twenty, nor more than fifty dollars, to be recovered by warrant
by any person who will proceed against him.
(11.) No pilot acting under the authority of the laws of the
state, shall pilot out of the jurisdiction of this state any
such vessel as is described in this act, which has not obtained
and exhibited to him the certificate of inspection hereby
required; and if any pilot shall so offend, he shall forfeit and
pay not less than twenty, or more than fifty dollars, to be
recovered in the mode prescribed in the next preceding section
of this act.
(12.) The courts of the several counties or corporations
situated on the Chesapeake Bay, or its tributaries, by an order
entered on record, may appoint one or more inspectors, at such
place or places within their respective districts as they may
deem necessary, to prevent the escape or for the recapture of
slaves attempting to escape beyond the limits of the state, and
to search or otherwise examine all vessels trading to such
counties or corporations. The expenses in such cases to be
provided for by a levy on negroes now taxed by law; but no
inspection by county or corporation officers thus appointed,
shall supersede the inspection of such vessels by pilots and
other inspectors, as specially provided for in this act.
(13.) It shall be lawful for the county court of any county,
upon the application of five or more slave-holders, residents of
the counties where the application is made, by an order of
record, to designate one or more police stations in their
respective counties, and a captain and three or more other
persons as a police patrol on each station, for the recapture of
fugitive slaves; which patrol shall be in service at such times,
and such stations as the court shall direct by their order
aforesaid; and the said court shall allow a reasonable
compensation, to be paid to the members of such patrol; and for
that purpose, the said court may from time to time direct a levy
on negroes now taxed by law, at such rate per capita as the
court may think sufficient, to be collected and accounted for by
the sheriff as other county levies, and to be called, "The
fugitive slave tax." The owner of each fugitive slave in the act
of escaping beyond the limits of the commonwealth, to a
non-slave-holding state, and captured by the patrol aforesaid,
shall pay for each slave over fifteen, and under forty-five
years old, a reward of One Hundred dollars; for each slave over
five, and under fifteen years old, the sum of sixty dollars; and
for all others, the sum of forty dollars. Which reward shall be
divided equally among the members of the patrol retaking the
slave and actually on duty at the time; and to secure the
payment of said reward, the said patrol may retain possession
and use of the slave until the reward is paid or secured to
them.
(14.) The executive of this State may appoint one or more
inspectors for the Rappahannock and Potomac rivers, if he shall
deem it expedient, for the due execution of this act. The
inspectors so appointed to perform the same duties, and to be
invested with the same powers in their respective districts, and
receive the same fees, as pilots acting as inspectors in other
parts of the State. A vessel subject to inspection under this
law, departing from any of the above-named counties or rivers on
her voyage to sea, shall be exempted from the payment of a fee
for a second inspection by another officer, if provided with a
certificate from the proper inspecting officer of that district;
but if, after proceeding on her voyage, she returns to the port
or place of departure, or enters any other port, river, or
roadstead in the State, the said vessel shall be again
inspected, and pay a fee of five dollars, as if she had
undergone no previous examination and received no previous
certificate.
If driven by stress of weather to seek a harbor, and she has no
intercourse with the shore, then, and in that case, no second
fee shall be paid by said vessel.
(15.) For the better execution of the provisions of this act, in
regard to the inspection, of vessels, the executive is hereby
authorized and directed to appoint a chief inspector, to reside
at Norfolk, whose duty it shall be, to direct and superintend
the police, agents, or inspectors above referred to. He shall
keep a record of all vessels engaged in the piloting business,
together with a list of such persons as may be employed as
pilots and inspectors under this law. The owner or owners of
each boat shall make a monthly report to him, of all vessels
inspected by persons attached to said pilot boats, the names of
such vessels, the owner or owners thereof, and the places where
owned or licensed, and where trading to or from, and the
business in which they are engaged, together with a list of
their crews. Any inspector failing to make his report to the
chief inspector, shall pay a fine of twenty dollars for each
such failure, which fine shall be recovered by warrant, before a
justice of the county or corporation. The chief inspector may
direct the time and station for the cruise of each pilot boat,
and perform such other duty as the Governor may designate, not
inconsistent with the other provisions of this act. He shall
make a quarterly return to the executive of all the transactions
of his department, reporting to him any failure or refusal on
the part of inspectors to discharge the duty assigned to them,
and the Governor, for sufficient cause, may suspend or remove
from office any delinquent inspector. The chief inspector shall
receive as his compensation, ten per cent, on all the fees and
fines received by the inspectors acting under his authority, and
may be removed at the pleasure of the executive.
(16.) All fees and forfeitures imposed by this act, and not
otherwise specially provided for, shall go one half to the
informer, and the other be paid into the treasury of the State,
to constitute a fund, to be called the "fugitive slave fund,"
and to be used for the payment of rewards awarded by the
Governor, for the apprehension of runaway slaves, and to pay
other expenses incident to the execution of this law, together
with such other purposes as may hereafter be determined on by
the General Assembly.
(17.) This act shall be in force from its passage.
* * * * *
ESCAPING IN A CHEST.
$150 REWARD. Ran away from the subscriber, on Sunday night, 27th
inst., my NEGRO GIRL, Lear Green, about 18 years of age, black
complexion, round-featured, good-looking and ordinary size; she
had on and with her when she left, a tan-colored silk bonnet, a
dark plaid silk dress, a light mouslin delaine, also one watered
silk cape and one tan colored cape. I have reason to be
confident that she was persuaded off by a negro man named Wm.
Adams, black, quick spoken, 5 feet 10 inches high, a large scar
on one side of his face, running down in a ridge by the corner
of his mouth, about 4 inches long, barber by trade, but works
mostly about taverns, opening oysters, &c. He has been missing
about a week; he had been heard to say he was going to marry the
above girl and ship to New York, where it is said his mother
resides. The above reward will be paid if said girl is taken out
of the State of Maryland and delivered to me; or fifty dollars
if taken in the State of Maryland.
[Illustration: ]
JAMES NOBLE,
m26-3t.
No. 153 Broadway, Baltimore.
Lear Green, so particularly advertised in the "Baltimore Sun" by "James
Noble," won for herself a strong claim to a high place among the heroic
women of the nineteenth century. In regard to description and age the
advertisement is tolerably accurate, although her master might have
added, that her countenance was one of peculiar modesty and grace.
Instead of being "black," she was of a "dark-brown color." Of her
bondage she made the following statement: She was owned by "James Noble,
a Butter Dealer" of Baltimore. He fell heir to Lear by the will of his
wife's mother, Mrs. Rachel Howard, by whom she had previously been
owned. Lear was but a mere child when she came into the hands of Noble's
family. She, therefore, remembered but little of her old mistress. Her
young mistress, however, had made a lasting impression upon her mind;
for she was very exacting and oppressive in regard to the tasks she was
daily in the habit of laying upon Lear's shoulders, with no disposition
whatever to allow her any liberties. At least Lear was never indulged in
this respect. In this situation a young man by the name of William Adams
proposed marriage to her. This offer she was inclined to accept, but
disliked the idea of being encumbered with the chains of slavery and the
duties of a family at the same time.
After a full consultation with her mother and also her intended upon the
matter, she decided that she must be free in order to fill the station
of a wife and mother. For a time dangers and difficulties in the way of
escape seemed utterly to set at defiance all hope of success. Whilst
every pulse was beating strong for liberty, only one chance seemed to be
left, the trial of which required as much courage as it would to endure
the cutting off the right arm or plucking out the right eye. An old
chest of substantial make, such as sailors commonly use, was procured. A
quilt, a pillow, and a few articles of raiment, with a small quantity of
food and a bottle of water were put in it, and Lear placed therein;
strong ropes were fastened around the chest and she was safely stowed
amongst the ordinary freight on one of the Erricson line of steamers.
Her intended's mother, who was a free woman, agreed to come as a
passenger on the same boat. How could she refuse? The prescribed rules
of the Company assigned colored passengers to the deck. In this instance
it was exactly where this guardian and mother desired to be--as near the
chest as possible. Once or twice, during the silent watches of the
night, she was drawn irresistibly to the chest, and could not refrain
from venturing to untie the rope and raise the lid a little, to see if
the poor child still lived, and at the same time to give her a breath of
fresh air. Without uttering a whisper, that frightful moment, this
office was successfully performed. That the silent prayers of this
oppressed young woman, together with her faithful protector's, were
momentarily ascending to the ear of the good God above, there can be no
question. Nor is it to be doubted for a moment but that some ministering
angel aided the mother to unfasten the rope, and at the same time nerved
the heart of poor Lear to endure the trying ordeal of her perilous
situation. She declared that she had no fear.
After she had passed eighteen hours in the chest, the steamer arrived at
the wharf in Philadelphia, and in due time the living freight was
brought off the boat, and at first was delivered at a house in Barley
street, occupied by particular friends of the mother. Subsequently chest
and freight were removed to the residence of the writer, in whose family
she remained several days under the protection and care of the Vigilance
Committee.
[Illustration: ]
Such hungering and thirsting for liberty, as was evinced by Lear Green,
made the efforts of the most ardent friends, who were in the habit of
aiding fugitives, seem feeble in the extreme. Of all the heroes in
Canada, or out of it, who have purchased their liberty by downright
bravery, through perils the most hazardous, none deserve more praise
than Lear Green.
She remained for a time in this family, and was then forwarded to
Elmira. In this place she was married to William Adams, who has been
previously alluded to. They never went to Canada, but took up their
permanent abode in Elmira. The brief space of about three years only was
allotted her in which to enjoy freedom, as death came and terminated her
career. About the time of this sad occurrence, her mother-in-law died in
this city. The impressions made by both mother and daughter can never be
effaced. The chest in which Lear escaped has been preserved by the
writer as a rare trophy, and her photograph taken, while in the chest,
is an excellent likeness of her and, at the same time, a fitting
memorial.
* * * * *
ISAAC WILLIAMS, HENRY BANKS, AND KIT NICKLESS.
MONTHS IN A CAVE,--SHOT BY SLAVE-HUNTERS.
Rarely were three travelers from the house of bondage received at the
Philadelphia station whose narratives were more interesting than those
of the above-named individuals. Before escaping they had encountered
difficulties of the most trying nature. No better material for dramatic
effect could be found than might have been gathered from the incidents
of their lives and travels. But all that we can venture to introduce
here is the brief account recorded at the time of their sojourn at the
Philadelphia station when on their way to Canada in 1854. The three
journeyed together. They had been slaves together in the same
neighborhood. Two of them had shared the same den and cave in the woods,
and had been shot, captured, and confined in the same prison; had broken
out of prison and again escaped; consequently their hearts were
thoroughly cemented in the hope of reaching freedom together.
Isaac was a stout-made young man, about twenty-six years of age,
possessing a good degree of physical and mental ability. Indeed his
intelligence forbade his submission to the requirements of Slavery,
rendered him unhappy and led him to seek his freedom. He owed services
to D. Fitchhugh up to within a short time before he escaped. Against
Fitchhugh he made grave charges, said that he was a "hard, bad man." It
is but fair to add that Isaac was similarly regarded by his master, so
both were dissatisfied with each other. But the master had the advantage
of Isaac, he could sell him. Isaac, however, could turn the table on his
master, by running off. But the master moved quickly and sold Isaac to
Dr. James, a negro trader. The trader designed making a good speculation
out of his investment: Isaac determined that he should be disappointed;
indeed that he should lose every dollar that he paid for him. So while
the doctor was planning where and how he could get the best price for
him, Isaac was planning how and where he might safely get beyond his
reach. The time for planning and acting with Isaac was, however,
exceedingly short. He was daily expecting to be called upon to take his
departure for the South. In this situation he made known his condition
to a friend of his who was in a precisely similar situation; had lately
been sold just as Isaac had to the same trader James. So no argument was
needed to convince his friend and fellow-servant that if they meant to
be free they would have to set off immediately.
That night Henry Banks and Isaac Williams started for the woods
together, preferring to live among reptiles and wild animals, rather
than be any longer at the disposal of Dr. James. For two weeks they
successfully escaped their pursuers. The woods, however, were being
hunted in every direction, and one day the pursuers came upon them, shot
them both, and carried them to King George's Co. jail. The jail being an
old building had weak places in it; but the prisoners concluded to make
no attempt to break out while suffering badly from their wounds. So they
remained one month in confinement. All the while their brave spirits
under suffering grew more and more daring. Again they decided to strike
for freedom, but where to go, save to the woods, they had not the
slightest idea. Of course they had heard, as most slaves had, of cave
life, and pretty well understood all the measures which had to be
resorted to for security when entering upon so hazardous an undertaking.
They concluded, however, that they could not make their condition any
worse, let circumstances be what they might in this respect. Having
discovered how they could break jail, they were not long in
accomplishing their purpose, and were out and off to the woods again.
This time they went far into the forest, and there they dug a cave, and
with great pains had every thing so completely arranged as to conceal
the spot entirely. In this den they stayed three months. Now and then
they would manage to secure a pig. A friend also would occasionally
serve them with a meal. Their sufferings at best were fearful; but great
as they were, the thought of returning to Slavery never occurred to
them, and the longer they stayed in the woods, the greater was their
determination to be free. In the belief that their owner had about given
them up they resolved to take the North Star for a pilot, and try in
this way to reach free land.
Kit, an old friend in time of need, having proved true to them in their
cave, was consulted. He fully appreciated their heroism, and determined
that he would join them in the undertaking, as he was badly treated by
his master, who was called General Washington, a common farmer, hard
drinker, and brutal fighter, which Kit's poor back fully evinced by the
marks it bore. Of course Isaac and Henry were only too willing to have
him accompany them.
In leaving their respective homes they broke kindred ties of the
tenderest nature. Isaac had a wife, Eliza, and three children, Isaac,
Estella, and Ellen, all owned by Fitchhugh. Henry was only nineteen,
single, but left parents, brothers, and sisters, all owned by different
slave-holders. Kit had a wife, Matilda, and three children, Sarah Ann,
Jane Frances, and Ellen, slaves.
* * * * *
SEPTEMBER 28, 1856.
ARRIVAL OF FIVE FROM THE EASTERN SHORE OF MARYLAND.
CYRUS MITCHELL, _alias_ JOHN STEEL; JOSHUA HANDY, _alias_ HAMBLETON
HAMBY; CHARLES DULTON, _alias_ WILLIAM ROBINSON; EPHRAIM HUDSON, _alias_
JOHN SPRY; FRANCIS MOLOCK, _alias_ THOMAS JACKSON; all in "good order"
and full of hope.
The following letter from the fearless friend of the slave, Thomas
Garrett, is a specimen of his manner of dispatching Underground Rail
Road business. He used Uncle Sam's mail, and his own name, with as much
freedom as though he had been President of the Pennsylvania Central Rail
Road, instead of only a conductor and stock-holder on the Underground
Rail Road.
9 mo. 26th, 1856.
RESPECTED FRIEND:--WILLIAM STILL, I send on to thy care this
evening by Rail Road, 5 able-bodied men, on their way North;
receive them as the Good Samaritan of old and oblige thy friend,
THOMAS GARRETT.
The "able-bodied men" duly arrived, and were thus recorded on the
Underground Rail Road books as trophies of the success of the friends of
humanity.
Cyrus is twenty-six years of age, stout, and unmistakably dark, and was
owned by James K. Lewis, a store-keeper, and a "hard master." He kept
slaves for the express purpose of hiring them out, and it seemed to
afford him as much pleasure to receive the hard-earned dollars of his
bondmen as if he had labored for them with his own hands. "It mattered
not, how mean a man might be," if he would pay the largest price, he was
the man whom the store-keeper preferred to hire to. This always caused
Cyrus to dislike him. Latterly he had been talking of moving into the
State of Virginia. Cyrus disliked this talk exceedingly, but he "said
nothing to the white people" touching the matter. However, he was not
long in deciding that such a move would be of no advantage to him;
indeed, he had an idea if all was true that he had heard about that
place, he would be still more miserable there, than he had ever been
under his present owner. At once, he decided that he would move towards
Canada, and that he would be fixed in his new home before his master got
off to Virginia, unless he moved sooner than Cyrus expected him to do.
Those nearest of kin, to whom he felt most tenderly allied, and from
whom he felt that it would be hard to part, were his father and mother.
He, however, decided that he should have to leave them. Freedom, he
felt, was even worth the giving up of parents.
Believing that company was desirable, he took occasion to submit his
plan to certain friends, who were at once pleased with the idea of a
trip on the Underground Rail Road, to Canada, etc; and all agreed to
join him. At first, they traveled on foot; of their subsequent travel,
mention has already been made in friend Garrett's epistle.
Joshua is about twenty-seven years of age, quite stout, brown color, and
would pass for an intelligent farm hand. He was satisfied never to wear
the yoke again that some one else might reap the benefit of his toil.
His master, Isaac Harris, he denounced as a "drunkard." His chief excuse
for escaping, was because Harris had "sold" his "only brother." He was
obliged to leave his father and mother in the hands of his master.
Charles is twenty-two years of age, also stout, and well-made, and
apparently possessed all the qualifications for doing a good day's work
on a farm. He was held to service by Mrs. Mary Hurley. Charles gave no
glowing account of happiness and comfort under the rule of the female
sex, indeed, he was positive in saying that he had "been used rough."
During the present year, he was sold for $1200.
Ephraim is twenty-two years of age, stout and athletic, one who appears
in every way fitted for manual labor or anything else that he might be
privileged to learn. John Campbell Henry, was the name of the man whom
he had been taught to address as master, and for whose benefit he had
been compelled to labor up to the day he "took out." In considering what
he had been in Maryland and how he had been treated all his life, he
alleged that John Campbell Henry was a "bad man." Not only had Ephraim
been treated badly by his master but he had been hired out to a man no
better than his master, if as good. Ephraim left his mother and six
brothers and sisters.
Francis is twenty-one, an able-bodied "article," of dark color, and was
owned by James A. Waddell. All that he could say of his owner, was, that
he was a "hard master," from whom he was very glad to escape.
* * * * *
SUNDRY ARRIVALS, ABOUT AUGUST 1ST, 1855.
Arrival 1st. Frances Hilliard.
Arrival 2d. Louisa Harding, alias Rebecca Hall.
Arrival 3d. John Mackintosh.
Arrival 4th. Maria Jane Houston.
Arrival 5th. Miles Hoopes.
Arrival 6th. Samuel Miles, alias Robert King.
Arrival 7th. James Henson, alias David Caldwell.
Arrival 8th. Laura Lewis.
Arrival 9th. Elizabeth Banks.
Arrival 10th. Simon Hill.
Arrival 11th. Anthony and Albert Brown.
Arrival 12th. George Williams and Charles Holladay.
Arrival 13th. William Govan.
While none in this catalogue belonged to the class whose daring
adventures rendered their narratives marvellous, nevertheless they
represented a very large number of those who were continually on the
alert to get rid of their captivity. And in all their efforts in this
direction they manifested a marked willingness to encounter perils
either by land or water, by day or by night, to obtain their God-given
rights. Doubtless, even among these names, will be found those who have
been supposed to be lost, and mysteries will be disclosed which have
puzzled scores of relatives longing and looking many years in vain to
ascertain the whereabouts of this or that companion, brother, sister, or
friend. So, if impelled by no other consideration than the hope of
consoling this class of anxious inquirers, this is a sufficient
justification for not omitting them entirely, notwithstanding the risk
of seeming to render these pages monotonous.
Arrival No. 1. First on this record was a young mulatto woman,
twenty-nine years of age--orange color, who could read and write very
well, and was unusually intelligent and withal quite handsome. She was
known by the name of Frances Hilliard, and escaped from Richmond, Va.,
where she was owned by Beverly Blair. The owner hired her out to a man
by the name of Green, from whom he received seventy dollars per annum.
Green allowed her to hire herself for the same amount, with the
understanding that Frances should find all her own clothes, board
herself and find her own house to live in. Her husband, who was also a
slave, had fled nearly one year previous, leaving her widowed, of
course. Notwithstanding the above mentioned conditions, under which she
had the privilege of living, Frances said that she "had been used well."
She had been sold four times in her life. In the first instance the
failure of her master was given as the reason of her sale. Subsequently
she was purchased and sold by different traders, who designed to
speculate upon her as a "fancy article." They would dress her very
elegantly, in order to show her off to the best advantage possible, but
it appears that she had too much regard for her husband and her honor,
to consent to fill the positions which had been basely assigned her by
her owners.
Frances assisted her husband to escape from his owner--Taits--and was
never contented until she succeeded in following him to Canada. In
escaping, she left her mother, Sarah Corbin, and her sister, Maria. On
reaching the Vigilance Committee she learned all about her husband. She
was conveyed from Richmond secreted on a steamer under the care of one
of the colored hands on the boat. From here she was forwarded to Canada
at the expense of the Committee. Arriving in Toronto, and not finding
her hopes fully realized, with regard to meeting her husband, she wrote
back the following letter:
TORONTO, CANADA, U.C., October 15th, 1855.
MY DEAR MR. STILL:--Sir--I take the opportunity of writing you a
few lines to inform you of my health. I am very well at present,
and hope that when these few lines reach you they may find you
enjoying the same blessing. Give my love to Mrs. Still and all
the children, and also to Mr. Swan, and tell him that he must
give you the money that he has, and you will please send it to
me, as I have received a letter from my husband saying that I
must come on to him as soon as I get the money from him. I
cannot go to him until I get the money that Mr. Swan has in
hand. Please tell Mr. Caustle that the clothes he spoke of my
mother did not know anything about them. I left them with Hinson
Brown and he promised to give them to Mr. Smith. Tell him to ask
Mr. Smith to get them from Mr. Brown for me, and when I get
settled I will send him word and he can send them to me. The
letters that were sent to me I received them all. I wish you
would send me word if Mr. Smith is on the boat yet--if he is
please write me word in your next letter. Please send me the
money as soon as you possibly can, for I am very anxious to see
my husband. I send to you for I think you will do what you can
for me. No more at present, but remain Yours truly,
FRANCES HILLIARD.
Send me word if Mr. Caustle had given Mr. Smith the money that
he promised to give him.
For one who had to steal the art of reading and writing, her letter
bears studying.
Arrival No. 2. Louisa Harding, alias Rebecca Hall. Louisa was a mulatto
girl, seventeen years of age. She reported herself from Baltimore, where
she had been owned by lawyer Magill. It might be said that she also
possessed great personal attractions as an "article" of much value in
the eye of a trader. All the near kin whom she named as having left
behind, consisted of a mother and a brother.
Arrival No. 3. John Mackintosh. John's history is short. He represented
himself as having arrived from Darien, Georgia, where he had seen "hard
times." Age, forty-four. This is all that was recorded of John, except
the expenses met by the Committee.
Arrival No. 4. Maria Jane Houston. The little State of Delaware lost in
the person of Maria, one of her nicest-looking bond-maids. She had just
arrived at the age of twenty-one, and felt that she had already been
sufficiently wronged. She was a tall, dark, young woman, from the
neighborhood of Cantwell's Bridge. Although she had no horrible tales of
suffering to relate, the Committee regarded her as well worthy of aid.
Arrival No. 5. Miles Hooper. This subject came from North Carolina; he
was owned by George Montigue, who lived at Federal Mills, was a decided
opponent to the no-pay system, to flogging, and selling likewise. In
fact nothing that was auxiliary to Slavery was relished by him.
Consequently he concluded to leave the place altogether. At the time
that Miles took this stand he was twenty-three years of age, a
dark-complexioned man, rather under the medium height, physically, but a
full-grown man mentally. "My owner was a hard man," said Miles, in
speaking of his characteristics. His parents, brothers, and sisters were
living, at least he had reason to believe so, although they were widely
scattered.
Arrival No. 6. Samuel Miles, alias Robert King. Samuel was a
representative of Revel's Neck, Somerset Co., Md. His master he regarded
as a "very fractious man, hard to please." The cause of the trouble or
unpleasantness, which resulted in Samuel's Underground adventure, was
traceable to his master's refusal to allow him to visit his wife. Not
only was Samuel denied this privilege, but he was equally denied all
privileges. His master probably thought that Sam had no mind, nor any
need of a wife. Whether this was really so or not, Sam was shrewd enough
to "leave his old master with the bag to hold," which was sensible.
Thirty-one years of Samuel's life were passed in Slavery, ere he
escaped. The remainder of his days he felt bound to have the benefit of
himself. In leaving home he had to part with his wife and one child,
Sarah and little Henry, who were fortunately free.
On arriving in Canada Samuel wrote back for his wife, &c., as follows:
ST. CATHARINES, C.W., Aug. 20th, 1855.
To MR. WM. STILL, DEAR FRIEND:--It gives me pleasure to inform
you that I have had the good fortune to reach this northern
Canaan. I got here yesterday and am in good health and happy in
the enjoyment of Freedom, but am very anxious to have my wife
and child here with me.
I wish you to write to her immediately on receiving this and let
her know where I am you will recollect her name Sarah Miles at
Baltimore on the corner of Hamburg and Eutaw streets. Please
encourage her in making a start and give her the necessary
directions how to come. She will please to make the time as
short as possible in getting through to Canada. Say to my wife
that I wish her to write immediately to the friends that I told
her to address as soon as she hears from me. Inform her that I
now stop in St. Catharines near the Niagara Falls that I am not
yet in business but expect to get into business very soon--That
I am in the enjoyment of good health and hoping that this
communication may find my affectionate wife the same. That I
have been highly favored with friends throughout my journey I
wish my wife to write to me as soon as she can and let me know
how soon I may expect to see her on this side of the Niagara
River. My wife had better call on Dr. Perkins and perhaps he
will let her have the money he had in charge for me but that I
failed of receiving when I left Baltimore. Please direct the
letter for my wife to Mr. George Lister, in Hill street between
Howard and Sharp. My compliments to all enquiring friends.
Very respectfully yours,
SAMUEL MILES.
P.S. Please send the thread along as a token and my wife will
understand that all is right. S.M.
Arrival No. 7. James Henson, alias David Caldwell. James fled from Cecil
Co., Md. He claimed that he was entitled to his freedom according to law
at the age of twenty-eight, but had been unjustly deprived of it. Having
waited in vain for his free papers for four years, he suspected that he
was to be dealt with in a manner similar to many others, who had been
willed free or who had bought their time, and had been shamefully
cheated out of their freedom. So in his judgment he felt that his only
hope lay in making his escape on the Underground Rail Road. He had no
faith whatever in the man who held him in bondage, Jacob Johnson, but no
other charges of ill treatment, &c., have been found against said
Johnson on the books, save those alluded to above.
James was thirty-two years of age, stout and well proportioned, with
more than average intelligence and resolution. He left a wife and child,
both free.
Arrival No. 8. Laura Lewis. Laura arrived from Louisville, Kentucky. She
had been owned by a widow woman named Lewis, but as lately as the
previous March her mistress died, leaving her slaves and other property
to be divided among her heirs. As this would necessitate a sale of the
slaves, Laura determined not to be on hand when the selling day came, so
she took time by the forelock and left. Her appearance indicated that
she had been among the more favored class of slaves. She was about
twenty-five years of age, quite stout, of mixed blood, and intelligent,
having traveled considerably with her mistress. She had been North in
this capacity. She left her mother, one brother, and one sister in
Louisville.
Arrival No. 9. Elizabeth Banks, from near Easton, Maryland. Her lot had
been that of an ordinary slave. Of her slave-life nothing of interest
was recorded. She had escaped from her owner two and a half years prior
to coming into the hands of the Committee, and had been living in
Pennsylvania pretty securely as she had supposed, but she had been
awakened to a sense of her danger by well grounded reports that she was
pursued by her claimant, and would be likely to be captured if she
tarried short of Canada. With such facts staring her in the face she was
sent to the Committee for counsel and protection, and by them she was
forwarded on in the usual way. She was about twenty-five years of age,
of a dark, and spare structure.
Arrival No. 10. Simon Hill. This fugitive had escaped from Virginia. The
usual examination was made, and needed help given him by the Committee
who felt satisfied that he was a poor brother who had been shamefully
wronged, and that he richly deserved sympathy. He was aided and directed
Canada-ward. He was a very humble-looking specimen of the peculiar
institution, about twenty-five years of age, medium size, and of a dark
hue.
Arrival No. 11. Anthony and Albert Brown (brothers), Jones Anderson and
Isaiah.
This party escaped from Tanner's Creek, Norfolk, Virginia, where they
had been owned by John and Henry Holland, oystermen. As slaves they
alleged that they had been subjected to very brutal treatment from their
profane and ill-natured owners. Not relishing this treatment, Albert and
Anthony came to the conclusion that they understood boating well enough
to escape by water. They accordingly selected one of their master's
small oyster-boats, which was pretty-well rigged with sails, and off
they started for a Northern Shore. They proceeded on a part of their
voyage merely by guess work, but landed safely, however, about
twenty-five miles north of Baltimore, though, by no means, on free soil.
They had no knowledge of the danger that they were then in, but they
were persevering, and still determined to make their way North, and
thus, at last, success attended their efforts. Their struggles and
exertions having been attended with more of the romantic and tragical
elements than had characterized the undertakings of any of the other
late passengers, the Committee felt inclined to make a fuller notice of
them on the book, yet failed to do them justice in this respect.
The elder brother was twenty-nine, the younger twenty-seven. Both were
mentally above the average run of slaves. They left wives in Norfolk,
named Alexenia and Ellen. While Anthony and Albert, in seeking their
freedom, were forced to sever their connections with their companions,
they did not forget them in Canada.
How great was their delight in freedom, and tender their regard for
their wives, and the deep interest they felt for their brethren and
friends generally, may be seen from a perusal of the following letters
from them:
HAMELTON, March 7th 1856.
MR. WM. STILL--_Sir_--I now take the opportunity of writing you
a few lins hoping to find yourself and famly well as thes lines
leves me at present, myself and brother, Anthony & Albert
brown's respects. We have spent quite agreeable winter, we ware
emploied in the new hotel, name Anglo american, wheare we
wintered and don very well, we also met with our too frends ho
came from home with us, Jonas anderson and Izeas, now we are all
safe in hamilton, I wish to cale you to youre prommos, if
convenient to write to Norfolk, Va, for me, and let my wife mary
Elen Brown, no where I am, and my brothers wife Elickzener
Brown, as we have never heard a word from them since we left,
tel them that we found our homes and situation in canady much
better than we expected, tel them not to think hard of us, we
was boun to flee from the rath to come, tel them we live in the
hopes of meting them once more this side of the grave, tel them
if we never more see them, we hope to meet them in the kingdom
of heaven in pece, tel them to remember my love to my cherch and
brethren, tel them I find there is the same prayer-hearing God
heare as there is in old Va; tel them to remember our love to
all the enquiring frends, I have written sevrel times but have
never reseived no answer, I find a gret meny of my old
accuiantens from Va, heare we are no ways lonesom, Mr. Still, I
have written to you once before, but reseve no answer. Pleas let
us hear from you by any means. Nothing more at present, but
remane youre frends,
ANTHONY & ALBERT BROWN.
HAMILTON June 26th, 1856,
MR. WM. STILL:--_kine Sir_:--I am happy to say to you that I
have jus reseved my letter dated 5 of the present month, but
previeously had bin in form las night by Mr. J.H. Hall, he had
jus reseved a letter from you stating that my wife was with you,
oh my I was so glad it case me to shed tears.
Mr. Still, I cannot return you the thanks for the care of my
wife, for I am so Glad that I don't now what to say, you will
pleas start her for canaday. I am yet in hamilton, C.W., at the
city hotel, my brother and Joseph anderson is at the angle
american hotel, they send there respects to you and family my
self also, and a greater part to my wife. I came by the way of
syracruse remember me to Mrs. logins, tel her to writ back to my
brothers wife if she is living and tel her to com on tel her to
send Joseph Andersons love to his mother.
i now send her 10 Dollers and would send more but being out of
employment some of winter it pulls me back, you will be so kine
as to forward her on to me, and if life las I will satisfie you
at some time, before long. Give my respects and brothers to Mr.
John Dennes, tel him Mr. Hills famly is wel and send there love
to them, I now bring my letter to a close, And am youre most
humble Servant,
ANTHONY BROWN.
P.S. I had given out the notion of ever seeing my wife again, so
I have not been attending the office, but am truly sorry I did
not, you mention in yours of Mr. Henry lewey, he has left this
city for Boston about 2 weeks ago, we have not herd from him
yet.
A. BROWN.
Arrival No. 12. George Williams and Charles Holladay. These two
travelers were about the same age. They were not, however, from the same
neighborhood--they happened to meet each other as they were traveling
the road. George fled from St. Louis, Charles from Baltimore. George
"owed service" to Isaac Hill, a planter; he found no special fault with
his master's treatment of him; but with Mrs. Hill, touching this point,
he was thoroughly dissatisfied. She had treated him "cruelly," and it
was for this reason that he was moved to seek his freedom.
Charles, being a Baltimorean, had not far to travel, but had pretty
sharp hunters to elude.
His claimant, F. Smith, however, had only a term of years claim upon
him, which was within about two years of being out. This contract for
the term of years, Charles felt was made without consulting him,
therefore he resolved to break it without consulting his master. He also
declined to have anything to do with the Baltimore and Wilmington R.R.
Co., considering it a prescriptive institution, not worthy of his
confidence. He started on a fast walk, keeping his eyes wide open,
looking out for slave-hunters on his right and left. In this way, like
many others, he reached the Committee safely and was freely aided,
thenceforth traveling in a first class Underground Rail Road car, till
he reached his journey's end.
Arrival No. 13. William Govan. Availing himself of a passage on the
schooner of Captain B., William left Petersburg, where he had been owned
by "Mark Davis, Esq., a retired gentleman," rather, a retired negro
trader.
William was about thirty-three years of age, and was of a bright orange
color. Nothing but an ardent love of liberty prompted him to escape. He
was quite smart, and a clever-looking man, worth at least $1,000.
* * * * *
DEEP FURROWS ON THE BACK.
THOMAS MADDEN.
Of all the passengers who had hitherto arrived with bruised and mangled
bodies received at the hands of slave-holders, none brought a back so
shamefully lacerated by the lash as Thomas Madden. Not a single spot had
been exempted from the excoriating cow-hide. A most bloody picture did
the broad back and shoulders of Thomas present to the eye as he bared
his wounds for inspection. While it was sad to think, that millions of
men, women, and children throughout the South were liable to just such
brutal outrages as Thomas had received, it was a satisfaction to think,
that this outrage had made a freeman of him.
He was only twenty-two years of age, but that punishment convinced him
that he was fully old enough to leave such a master as E. Ray, who had
almost murdered him. But for this treatment, Thomas might have remained
in some degree contented in Slavery. He was expected to look after the
fires in the house on Sunday mornings. In a single instance desiring to
be absent, perhaps for his own pleasure, two boys offered to be his
substitute. The services of the boys were accepted, and this gave
offence to the master. This Thomas declared was the head and front of
his offending. His simple narration of the circumstances of his slave
life was listened to by the Committee with deep interest and a painful
sense of the situation of slaves under the despotism of such men as Ray.
After being cared for by the Committee he was sent on to Canada. When
there he wrote back to let the Committee know how he was faring, the
narrow escape he had on the way, and likewise to convey the fact, that
one named "Rachel," left behind, shared a large place in his affections.
The subjoined letter is the only correspondence of his preserved:
STANFORD, June 1st, 1855, Niagara districk.
DEAR SIR:--I set down to inform you that I take the liberty to
rite for a frend to inform you that he is injoying good health
and hopes that this will finde you the same he got to this
cuntry very well except that in Albany he was vary neig taking
back to his oald home but escaped and when he came to the
suspention bridg he was so glad that he run for freadums shore
and when he arived it was the last of October and must look for
sum wourk for the winter he choped wood until Feruary times are
good but money is scarce he thinks a great deal of the girl he
left behind him he thinks that there is non like her here non so
hansom as his Rachel right and let him hear from you as soon as
convaniant no more at presant but remain yours,
ALBERT METTER.
"PETE MATTHEWS," ALIAS SAMUEL SPARROWS.
"I MIGHT AS WELL BE IN THE PENITENTIARY, &C."
Up to the age of thirty-five "Pete" had worn the yoke steadily, if not
patiently under William S. Matthews, of Oak Hall, near Temperanceville,
in the State of Virginia. Pete said that his "master was not a hard
man," but the man to whom he "was hired, George Matthews, was a very
cruel man." "I might as well be in the penitentiary as in his hands,"
was his declaration.
One day, a short while before Pete "took out," an ox broke into the
truck patch, and helped himself to choice delicacies, to the full extent
of his capacious stomach, making sad havoc with the vegetables
generally. Peter's attention being directed to the ox, he turned him
out, and gave him what he considered proper chastisement, according to
the mischief he had done. At this liberty taken by Pete, the master
became furious. "He got his gun and threatened to shoot him," "Open your
mouth if you dare, and I will pat the whole load into you," said the
enraged master. "He took out a large dirk-knife, and attempted to stab
me, but I kept out of his way," said Pete. Nevertheless the violence of
the master did not abate until he had beaten Pete over the head and body
till he was weary, inflicting severe injuries. A great change was at
once wrought in Pete's mind. He was now ready to adopt any plan that
might hold out the least encouragement to escape. Having capital to the
amount of four dollars only, he felt that he could not do much towards
employing a conductor, but he had a good pair of legs, and a heart stout
enough to whip two or three slave-catchers, with the help of a pistol.
Happening to know a man who had a pistol for sale, he went to him and
told him that he wished to purchase it. For one dollar the pistol became
Pete's property. He had but three dollars left, but he was determined to
make that amount answer his purposes under the circumstances. The last
cruel beating maddened him almost to desperation, especially when he
remembered how he had been compelled to work hard night and day, under
Matthews. Then, too, Peter had a wife, whom his master prevented him
from visiting; this was not among the least offences with which Pete
charged his master. Fully bent on leaving, the following Sunday was
fixed by him on which to commence his journey.
The time arrived and Pete bade farewell to Slavery, resolved to follow
the North Star, with his pistol in hand ready for action. After
traveling about two hundred miles from home he unexpectedly had an
opportunity of using his pistol. To his astonishment he suddenly came
face to face with a former master, whom he had not seen for a long time.
Pete desired no friendly intercourse with him whatever; but he perceived
that his old master recognized him and was bent upon stopping him. Pete
held on to his pistol, but moved as fast as his wearied limbs would
allow him, in an opposite direction. As he was running, Pete cautiously,
cast his eye over his shoulder, to see what had become of his old
master, when to his amazement, he found that a regular chase was being
made after him. Need of redoubling his pace was quite obvious. In this
hour of peril, Pete's legs saved him.
After this signal leg-victory, Pete had more confidence in his
"understandings," than he had in his old pistol, although he held on to
it until he reached Philadelphia, where he left it in the possession of
the Secretary of the Committee. Considering it worth saving simply as a
relic of the Underground Rail Road, it was carefully laid aside. Pete
was now christened Samuel Sparrows. Mr. Sparrows had the rust of Slavery
washed off as clean as possible and the Committee furnishing him with
clean clothes, a ticket, and letters of introduction, started him on
Canada-ward, looking quite respectable. And doubtless he felt even more
so than he looked; free air had a powerful effect on such passengers as
Samuel Sparrows.
The unpleasantness which grew out of the mischief done by the ox on
George Matthews' farm took place the first of October, 1855. Pete may be
described as a man of unmixed blood, well-made, and intelligent.
* * * * *
"MOSES" ARRIVES WITH SIX PASSENGERS.
"NOT ALLOWED TO SEEK A MASTER;"--"VERY DEVILISH;"--FATHER "LEAVES TWO
LITTLE SONS;"--"USED HARD;"--"FEARED FALLING INTO THE HANDS OF YOUNG
HEIRS," ETC. JOHN CHASE, ALIAS DANIEL FLOYD; BENJAMIN ROSS, ALIAS JAMES
STEWART; HENRY ROSS, ALIAS LEVIN STEWART; PETER JACKSON, ALIAS STAUNCH
TILGHMAN; JANE KANE, ALIAS CATHARINE KANE, AND ROBERT ROSS.
The coming of these passengers was heralded by Thomas Garrett as
follows:
THOMAS GARRETT'S LETTER.
WILMINGTON, 12 mo. 29th, 1854.
ESTEEMED FRIEND, J. MILLER MCKIM:--We made arrangements last
night, and sent away Harriet Tubman, with six men and one woman
to Allen Agnew's, to be forwarded across the country to the
city. Harriet, and one of the men had worn their shoes off their
feet, and I gave them two dollars to help fit them out, and
directed a carriage to be hired at my expense, to take them out,
but do not yet know the expense. I now have two more from the
lowest county in Maryland, on the Peninsula, upwards of one
hundred miles. I will try to get one of our trusty colored men
to take them to-morrow morning to the Anti-slavery office. You
can then pass them on.
THOMAS GARRETT.
HARRIET TUBMAN had been their "Moses," but not in the sense that Andrew
Johnson was the "Moses of the colored people." She had faithfully gone
down into Egypt, and had delivered these six bondmen by her own heroism.
Harriet was a woman of no pretensions, indeed, a more ordinary specimen
of humanity could hardly be found among the most unfortunate-looking
farm hands of the South. Yet, in point of courage, shrewdness and
disinterested exertions to rescue her fellow-men, by making personal
visits to Maryland among the slaves, she was without her equal.
Her success was wonderful. Time and again she made successful visits to
Maryland on the Underground Rail Road, and would be absent for weeks, at
a time, running daily risks while making preparations for herself and
passengers. Great fears were entertained for her safety, but she seemed
wholly devoid of personal fear. The idea of being captured by
slave-hunters or slave-holders, seemed never to enter her mind. She was
apparently proof against all adversaries. While she thus manifested such
utter personal indifference, she was much more watchful with regard to
those she was piloting. Half of her time, she had the appearance of one
asleep, and would actually sit down by the road-side and go fast asleep
when on her errands of mercy through the South, yet, she would not
suffer one of her party to whimper once, about "giving out and going
back," however wearied they might be from hard travel day and night. She
had a very short and pointed rule or law of her own, which implied death
to any who talked of giving out and going back. Thus, in an emergency
she would give all to understand that "times were very critical and
therefore no foolishness would be indulged in on the road." That several
who were rather weak-kneed and faint-hearted were greatly invigorated by
Harriet's blunt and positive manner and threat of extreme measures,
there could be no doubt.
After having once enlisted, "they had to go through or die." Of course
Harriet was supreme, and her followers generally had full faith in her,
and would back up any word she might utter. So when she said to them
that "a live runaway could do great harm by going back, but that a dead
one could tell no secrets," she was sure to have obedience. Therefore,
none had to die as traitors on the "middle passage." It is obvious
enough, however, that her success in going into Maryland as she did, was
attributable to her adventurous spirit and utter disregard of
consequences. Her like it is probable was never known before or since.
On examining the six passengers who came by this arrival they were thus
recorded:
December 29th, 1854--John is twenty years of age, chestnut color, of
spare build and smart. He fled from a farmer, by the name of John
Campbell Henry, who resided at Cambridge, Dorchester Co., Maryland. On
being interrogated relative to the character of his master, John gave no
very amiable account of him. He testified that he was a "hard man" and
that he "owned about one hundred and forty slaves and sometimes he would
sell," etc. John was one of the slaves who were "hired out." He "desired
to have the privilege of hunting his own master." His desire was not
granted. Instead of meekly submitting, John felt wronged, and made this
his reason for running away. This looked pretty spirited on the part of
one so young as John. The Committee's respect for him was not a little
increased, when they heard him express himself.
Benjamin was twenty-eight years of age, chestnut color, medium size, and
shrewd. He was the so-called property of Eliza Ann Brodins, who lived
near Buckstown, in Maryland. Ben did not hesitate to say, in unqualified
terms, that his mistress was "very devilish." He considered his charges,
proved by the fact that three slaves (himself one of them) were required
to work hard and fare meagerly, to support his mistress' family in
idleness and luxury. The Committee paid due attention to his ex parte
statement, and was obliged to conclude that his argument, clothed in
common and homely language, was forcible, if not eloquent, and that he
was well worthy of aid. Benjamin left his parents besides one sister,
Mary Ann Williamson, who wanted to come away on the Underground Rail
Road.
Henry left his wife, Harriet Ann, to be known in future by the name of
"Sophia Brown." He was a fellow-servant of Ben's, and one of the
supports of Eliza A. Brodins.
Henry was only twenty-two, but had quite an insight into matters and
things going on among slaves and slave-holders generally, in country
life. He was the father of two small children, whom he had to leave
behind.
Peter was owned by George Wenthrop, a farmer, living near Cambridge, Md.
In answer to the question, how he had been used, he said "hard." Not a
pleasant thought did he entertain respecting his master, save that he
was no longer to demand the sweat of Peter's brow. Peter left parents,
who were free; he was born before they were emancipated, consequently,
he was retained in bondage.
Jane, aged twenty-two, instead of regretting that she had unadvisedly
left a kind mistress and indulgent master, who had afforded her
necessary comforts, affirmed that her master, "Rash Jones, was the worst
man in the country." The Committee were at first disposed to doubt her
sweeping statement, but when they heard particularly how she had been
treated, they thought Catharine had good ground for all that she said.
Personal abuse and hard usage, were the common lot of poor slave girls.
Robert was thirty-five years of age, of a chestnut color, and well made.
His report was similar to that of many others. He had been provided with
plenty of hard drudgery--hewing of wood and drawing of water, and had
hardly been treated as well as a gentleman would treat a dumb brute. His
feelings, therefore, on leaving his old master and home, were those of
an individual who had been unjustly in prison for a dozen years and had
at last regained his liberty.
The civilization, religion, and customs under which Robert and his
companions had been raised, were, he thought, "very wicked." Although
these travelers were all of the field-hand order, they were,
nevertheless, very promising, and they anticipated better days in
Canada. Good advice was proffered them on the subject of temperance,
industry, education, etc. Clothing, food and money were also given them
to meet their wants, and they were sent on their way rejoicing.
ESCAPED FROM "A WORTHLESS SOT."
JOHN ATKINSON.
John was a prisoner of hope under James Ray, of Portsmouth, Va., whom he
declared to be "a worthless sot." This character was fully set forth,
but the description is too disgusting for record. John was a dark
mulatto, thirty-one years of age, well-formed and intelligent. For some
years before escaping he had been in the habit of hiring his time for
$120 per annum. Daily toiling to support his drunken and brutal master,
was a hardship that John felt keenly, but was compelled to submit to up
to the day of his escape.
A part of John's life he had suffered many abuses from his oppressor,
and only a short while before freeing himself, the auction-block was
held up before his troubled mind. This caused him to take the first
daring step towards Canada,--to leave his wife, Mary, without bidding
her good-bye, or saying a word to her as to his intention of fleeing.
John came as a private passenger on one of the Richmond steamers, and
was indebted to the steward of the boat for his accommodations. Having
been received by the Committee, he was cared for and sent on his journey
Canada-ward. There he was happy, found employment and wanted for nothing
but his wife and clothing left in Virginia. On these two points he wrote
several times with considerable feeling.
Some slaves who hired their time in addition to the payment of their
monthly hire, purchased nice clothes for themselves, which they usually
valued highly, so much so, that after escaping they would not be
contented until they had tried every possible scheme to secure them.
They would write back continually, either to their friends in the North
or South, hoping thus to procure them.
Not unfrequently the persons who rendered them assistance in the South,
would be entrusted with all their effects, with the understanding, that
such valuables would be forwarded to a friend or to the Committee at the
earliest opportunity. The Committee strongly protested against fugitives
writing back to the South (through the mails) on account of the
liability of getting parties into danger, as all such letters were
liable to be intercepted in order to the discovery of the names of such
as aided the Underground Rail Road. To render needless this writing to
the South the Committee often submitted to be taxed with demands to
rescue clothing as well as wives, etc., belonging to such as had been
already aided.
The following letters are fair samples of a large number which came to
the Committee touching the matter of clothing, etc.:
ST. CATHARINES, Sept. 4th.
DEAR SIR:--I now embrace this favorable opportunity of writing
you a few lines to inform you that I am quite well and arrived
here safe, and I hope that these few lines may find you and your
family the same. I hope you will intercede for my clothes and as
soon as they come please to send them to me, and if you have not
time, get Dr. Lundy to look out for them, and when they come be
very careful in sending them. I wish you would copy off this
letter and give it to the Steward, and tell him to give it to
Henry Lewy and tell him to give it to my wife. Brother sends his
love to you and all the family and he is overjoyed at seeing me
arrive safe, he can hardly contain himself; also he wants to see
his wife very much, and says when she comes he hopes you will
send her on as soon as possible. Jerry Williams' love, together
with all of us. I had a message for Mr. Lundy, but I forgot it
when I was there. No more at present, but remain your ever
grateful and sincere friend,
JOHN ATKINSON.
ST. CATHARINES, C.W., Oct. 5th, 1854.
MR. WM. STILL:--Dear Sir--I have learned of my friend, Richmond
Bohm, that my clothes were in Philadelphia. Will you have the
kindness to see Dr. Lundy and if he has my clothes in charge, or
knows about them, for him to send them on to me immediately, as
I am in great need of them. I would like to have them put in a
small box, and the overcoat I left at your house to be put in
the box with them, to be sent to the care of my friend, Hiram
Wilson. On receipt of this letter, I desire you to write a few
lines to my wife, Mary Atkins, in the care of my friend, Henry
Lowey, stating that I am well and hearty and hoping that she is
the same. Please tell her to remember my love to her mother and
her cousin, Emelin, and her husband, and Thomas Hunter; also to
my father and mother. Please request her to write to me
immediately, for her to be of good courage, that I love her
better than ever. I would like her to come on as soon as she
can, but for her to write and let me know when she is going to
start.
Affectionately Yours,
JOHN ATKINS.
W.H. ATKINSON, Fugitive, Oct., 1854.
* * * * *
WILLIAM BUTCHER, ALIAS WILLIAM T. MITCHELL.
"HE WAS ABUSEFUL."
This passenger reported himself from Massey's Cross-Roads, near
Georgetown, Maryland. William gave as his reason for being found
destitute, and under the necessity of asking aid, that a man by the name
of William Boyer, who followed farming, had deprived him of his hard
earnings, and also claimed him as his property; and withal that he had
abused him for years, and recently had "threatened to sell" him. This
threat made his yoke too intolerable to be borne.
He here began to think and plan for the future as he had never done
before. Fortunately he was possessed with more than an average amount of
mother wit, and he soon comprehended the requirements of the Underground
Rail Road. He saw exactly that he must have resolution and
self-dependence, very decided, in order to gain the victory over Boyer.
In his hour of trial his wife, Phillis, and child, John Wesley, who were
free, caused him much anxiety; but his reason taught him that it was his
duty to throw off the yoke at all hazards, and he acted accordingly. Of
course he left behind his wife and child. The interview which the
Committee held with William was quite satisfactory, and he was duly
aided and regularly despatched by the name of William T. Mitchell. He
was about twenty-eight years of age, of medium size, and of quite a dark
hue.
"WHITE ENOUGH TO PASS."
John Wesley Gibson represented himself to be not only the slave, but
also the son of William Y. Day, of Taylor's Mount, Maryland. The
faintest shade of colored blood was hardly discernible in this
passenger. He relied wholly on his father's white blood to secure him
freedom. Having resolved to serve no longer as a slave, he concluded to
"hold up his head and put on airs." He reached Baltimore safely without
being discovered or suspected of being on the Underground Rail Road, as
far as he was aware of. Here he tried for the first time to pass for
white; the attempt proved a success beyond his expectation. Indeed he
could but wonder how it was that he had never before hit upon such an
expedient to rid himself of his unhappy lot. Although a man of only
twenty-eight years of age, he was foreman of his master's farm, but he
was not particularly favored in any way on this account. His master and
father endeavored to hold the reins very tightly upon him. Not even
allowing him the privilege of visiting around on neighboring
plantations. Perhaps the master thought the family likeness was rather
too discernible. John believed that on this account all privileges were
denied him, and he resolved to escape. His mother, Harriet, and sister,
Frances, were named as near kin whom he had left behind. John was quite
smart, and looked none the worse for having so much of his master's
blood in his veins. The master was alone to blame for John's escape, as
he passed on his (the master's) color.
[Illustration: ]
ESCAPING WITH MASTER'S CARRIAGES AND HORSES.
HARRIET SHEPHARD, AND HER FIVE CHILDREN, WITH FIVE OTHER PASSENGERS.
One morning about the first of November, in 1855, the sleepy,
slave-holding neighborhood of Chestertown, Maryland, was doubtless
deeply excited on learning that eleven head of slaves, four head of
horses, and two carriages were missing. It is but reasonable to suppose
that the first report must have produced a shock, scarcely less stunning
than an earthquake. Abolitionists, emissaries, and incendiaries were
farther below par than ever. It may be supposed that cursings and
threatenings were breathed out by a deeply agitated community for days
in succession.
Harriet Shephard, the mother of five children, for whom she felt of
course a mother's love, could not bear the thought of having her
offspring compelled to wear the miserable yoke of Slavery, as she had
been compelled to do. By her own personal experience, Harriet could very
well judge what their fate would be when reaching man and womanhood. She
declared that she had never received "kind treatment." It was not on
this account, however, that she was prompted to escape. She was actuated
by a more disinterested motive than this. She was chiefly induced to
make the bold effort to save her children from having to drag the chains
of Slavery as she herself had done.
Anna Maria, Edwin, Eliza Jane, Mary Ann, and John Henry were the names
of the children for whom she was willing to make any sacrifice. They
were young; and unable to walk, and she was penniless, and unable to
hire a conveyance, even if she had known any one who would have been
willing to risk the law in taking them a night's journey. So there was
no hope in these directions. Her rude intellect being considered, she
was entitled to a great deal of credit for seizing the horses and
carriages belonging to her master, as she did it for the liberation of
her children.
Knowing others at the same time, who were wanting to visit Canada, she
consulted with five of this class, males and females, and they mutually
decided to travel together.
It is not likely that they knew much about the roads, nevertheless they
reached Wilmington, Delaware, pretty direct, and ventured up into the
heart of the town in carriages, looking as innocent as if they were
going to meeting to hear an old-fashioned Southern sermon--"Servants,
obey your masters." Of course, the distinguished travelers were
immediately reported to the noted Thomas Garrett, who was accustomed to
transact the affairs of the Underground Rail Road in a cool masterly
way. But, on this occasion, there was but little time for deliberation,
but much need of haste to meet the emergency. He at once decided, that
they must immediately be separated from the horses and carriages, and
got out of Wilmington as quickly as possible. With the courage and
skill, so characteristic of Garrett, the fugitives, under escort, were
soon on their way to Kennett Square (a hot-bed of abolitionists and
stock-holders of the Underground Rail Road), which place they reached
safely. It so happened, that they reached Long Wood meeting-house in the
evening, at which place a fair circle had convened. Being invited, they
stayed awhile in the meeting, then, after remaining all night with one
of the Kennett friends, they were brought to Downingtown early in the
morning and thence, by daylight, within a short distance of Kimberton,
and found succor with friend Lewis, at the old headquarters of the
fugitives.
[A letter may be found from Miss G.A. Lewis, on page thirty-nine,
throwing much light on this arrival]. After receiving friendly aid and
advice while there, they were forwarded to the Committee in
Philadelphia. Here further aid was afforded them, and as danger was
quite obvious, they were completely divided and disguised, so that the
Committee felt that they might safely be sent on to Canada in one of the
regular trains considered most private.
Considering the condition of the slave mother and her children and
friends, all concerned rejoiced, that they had had the courage to use
their master's horses and vehicles as they did.
EIGHT AND A HALF MONTHS SECRETED.
WASHINGTON SOMLOR, ALIAS JAMES MOORE.
But few could tell of having been eye-witnesses to outrages more
revolting and disgraceful than Washington Somlor. He arrived per steamer
Pennsylvania (secreted), directly from Norfolk, Virginia, in 1855. He
was thirty-two years of age--a man of medium size and quite intelligent.
A merchant by the name of Smith owned Washington.
Eight and a half months before escaping, Washington had been secreted in
order to shun both master and auction-block. Smith believed in selling,
flogging, cobbing, paddling, and all other kinds of torture, by which he
could inflict punishment in order to make the slaves feel his power. He
thus tyrannized over about twenty-five head.
Being naturally passionate, when in a brutal mood, he made his slaves
suffer unmercifully. Said Washington, "On one occasion, about two months
before I was secreted, he had five of the slaves (some of them women)
tied across a barrel, lashed with the cow-hide and then cobbed--this was
a common practice."
Such treatment was so inhuman and so incredible, that the Committee
hesitated at first to give credence to the statement, and only yielded
when facts and evidences were given which seemed incontestible.
The first effort to come away was made on the steamship City of
Richmond. Within sixty miles of Philadelphia, in consequence of the ice
obstruction in the river, the steamer had to go back. How sad Washington
felt at thus having his hopes broken to pieces may be imagined but
cannot be described. Great as was his danger, when the steamer returned
to Norfolk, he was safely gotten off the boat and under the eye of
officers walked away. Again he was secreted in his old doleful quarters,
where he waited patiently for the Spring. It came. Again the opportunity
for another trial was presented, and it was seized unhesitatingly. This
time, his tried faith was rewarded with success. He came through safely
to the Committee's satisfaction as well as his own. The recital of his
sufferings and experience had a very inspiring effect on those who had
the pleasure of seeing Wash. in Philadelphia.
Although closely secreted in Norfolk, he had, through friends, some
little communication with the outside world. Among other items of
information which came to his ears, was a report that his master was
being pressed by his creditors, and had all his slaves advertised for
sale. An item still more sad also reached his ear, to the effect that
his wife had been sold away to North Carolina, and thus separated from
her child, two years old. The child was given as a present to a niece of
the master. While this is only a meagre portion of his interesting
story, it was considered at the time sufficient to identify him should
the occasion ever require it. We content ourselves, therefore, simply
with giving what was recorded on the book. Wash. spent a short while in
Philadelphia in order to recruit, after which, he went on North, where
colored men were free.
* * * * *
ARTHUR FOWLER, ALIAS BENJAMIN JOHNSON.
Arthur came from Spring Hill, Maryland. Edward Fowler held Arthur in
fetters and usurped authority over him as his lord and master. Arthur
saw certain signs connected with his master's family which presaged to
him that the day was not far distant, when somebody would have to be
sold to raise money to pamper the appetites of some of the superior
members of the patriarchal institution. Among these provocations were
indulgence in a great deal of extravagance, and the growing up of a
number of young masters and mistresses. Arthur would often look at the
heirs, and the very thought of their coming into possession, would make
him tremble. Nothing so affected Arthur's mind so much in moving him to
make a bold stroke for freedom as these heirs.
Under his old master, the usage had been bad enough, but he feared that
it would be a great deal worse under the sons and daughters. He
therefore wisely concluded to avoid the impending danger by availing
himself of the Underground Rail Road. After completing such arrangements
as he deemed necessary, he started, making his way along pretty
successfully, with the exception of a severe encounter with Jack Frost,
by which his feet were badly bitten. He was not discouraged, however,
but was joyful over his victory and hopeful in view of his prospects in
Canada. Arthur was about thirty years of age, medium size, and of a dark
color. The Committee afforded him needed assistance, and sent him off.
* * * * *
SUNDRY ARRIVALS.
About the 1st of June, 1855, the following arrivals were noted in the
record book:
EMORY ROBERTS, _alias_ WILLIAM KEMP, Talbot Co., Maryland; DANIEL PAYNE,
Richmond, Virginia; HARRIET MAYO, JOHN JUDAH, and RICHARD BRADLEY,
Petersburg and Richmond; JAMES CRUMMILL, SAMUEL JONES, TOLBERT JONES,
and HENRY HOWARD, Haverford Co., Maryland; LEWIS CHILDS, Richmond,
DANIEL BENNETT, _alias_ HENRY WASHINGTON, and wife (MARTHA,) and two
children (GEORGE and a nameless babe).
The road at this time, was doing a fair business, in a quiet way.
Passengers were managing to come, without having to suffer in any very
violent manner, as many had been called upon to do in making similar
efforts. The success attending some of these passengers was partly
attributable to the intelligence of individuals, who, for years, had
been planning and making preparations to effect the end in view.
Besides, the favorableness of the weather tended also to make travel
more pleasant than in colder seasons of the year.
While matters were thus favorable, the long stories of individual
suffering and of practices and customs among young and old masters and
mistresses, were listened to attentively, although the short summer
nights hardly afforded sufficient opportunity for writing out details.
Emory arrived safely from Talbot county. As a slave, he had served
Edward Lloyd. He gave his master the character of treating his slaves
with great severity. The "lash" was freely used "on women as well as
men, old and young." In this kind of property Lloyd had invested to the
extent of "about five hundred head," so Emory thought. Food and clothing
for this large number were dealt out very stintedly, and daily suffering
was the common lot of slaves under Lloyd.
Emory was induced to leave, to avoid a terrible flogging, which had been
promised him for the coming Monday. He was a married man, but exercised
no greater control over his wife than over himself. She was hired on a
neighboring plantation; the way did not seem open for her to accompany
him, so he had to leave her behind. His mother, brothers, and sisters
had to be left also. The ties of kindred usually strong in the breasts
of slaves, were hard for Emory to break, but, by a firm resolution, that
he would not stay on Lloyd's plantation to endure the impending
flogging, he was nerved to surmount every obstacle in the way of
carrying his intention into execution. He came to the Committee hungry
and in want of clothing, and was aided in the usual way.
Daniel Payne. This traveler was a man who might be said to be full of
years, infirm, and well-nigh used up under a Virginia task-master. But
within the old man's breast a spark was burning for freedom, and he was
desirous of reaching free land, on which to lay his body when life's
toil ended. So the Committee sympathized with him, aided him and sent
him on to Canada. He was owned by a man named M.W. Morris, of Richmond,
whence he fled.
Harriet Mayo, John Judah, and Richard Bradley were the next who brought
joy and victory with them.
Harriet was a tall, well-made, intelligent young woman, twenty-two years
of age. She spoke with feelings of much bitterness against her master,
James Cuthbert, saying that he was a "very hard man," at the same time,
adding that his "wife was still worse." Harriet "had been sold once."
She admitted however, having been treated kindly a part of her life. In
escaping, she had to leave her "poor old mother" with no hope of ever
seeing her again; likewise she regretted having to leave three brothers,
who kindly aided her to escape. But having her heart bent on freedom,
she resolved that nothing should deter her from putting forth efforts to
get out of Slavery.
John was a mulatto, of genteel address, well clothed, and looked as if
he had been "well fed." Miss Eliza Lambert had the honor of owning John,
and was gracious enough to allow him to hire his time for one hundred
and ten dollars per annum. After this sum was punctually paid, John
could do what he pleased with any surplus earnings. Now, as he was fond
of nice clothing, he was careful to earn a balance sufficient to gratify
this love. By similar means, many slaves were seen in southern cities
elegantly dressed, and, strangers and travelers from the North gave all
the credit to "indulgent masters," not knowing the facts in the case.
John accused his mistress of being hard in money matters, not caring how
the servants fared, so she got "plenty of money out of them." For
himself, however, he admitted that he had never experienced as great
abuses as many had. He was fortunate in being wedded to a free wife, who
was privy to all his plans and schemes looking forth to freedom, and
fully acquiesced in the arrangement of matters, promising to come on
after he should reach Canada. This promise was carried out in due time,
and they were joyfully re-united under the protection of the British
Lion.
Richard was about twenty-seven. For years the hope of freedom had
occupied his thoughts, and many had been the longing desires to see the
way open by which he could safely get rid of oppression. He was
sufficiently intelligent to look at Slavery in all its bearings, and to
smart keenly under even ordinarily mild treatment. Therefore, he was
very happy in the realization of his hopes. In the recital of matters
touching his slave life, he alluded to his master, Samuel Ball, as a
"very hard man," utterly unwilling to allow his servants any chance
whatever. For reasons which he considered judicious, he kept the matter
of his contemplated escape wholly private, not even revealing it to his
wife. Probably he felt that she would not be willing to give him up, not
even for freedom, as long as she could not go too. Her name was Emily,
and she belonged to William Bolden. How she felt when she learned of her
husband's escape is for the imagination to picture. These three
interesting passengers were brought away snugly secreted in Captain B's.
schooner.
JAMES CRUMMILL, SAMUAL and TOLBERT JONES and HENRY HOWARD.
This party united to throw off the yoke in Haverford county, Md.
James, Samuel and Tolbert had been owned by William Hutchins. They
agreed in giving Hutchins the character of being a notorious
"frolicker," and a "very hard master." Under him, matters were growing
"worse and worse." Before the old master's death times were much better.
Henry did not live under the same authority that his three companions
were subjected to, but belonged to Philip Garrison. The continual threat
to sell harassed Henry so much, that he saw no chance of peace or
happiness in the future. So one day the master laid the "last straw on
the camel's back," and not another day would Henry stay. Many times it
required a pretty heavy pressure to start off a number of young men, but
in this instance they seemed unwilling to wait to be worn out under the
yoke and violent treatment, or to become encumbered with wives and
children before leaving. All were single, with the exception of James,
whose wife was free, and named Charlotte; she understood about his going
to Canada, and, of course, was true to him.
These young men had of course been reared under circumstances altogether
unfavorable to mental development. Nevertheless they had fervent
aspirations to strike for freedom.
Lewis Giles belonged, in the prison-house of bondage, in the city of
Richmond, and owed service to a Mr. Lewis Hill, who made it a business
to keep slaves expressly to hire out, just as a man keeps a livery
stable. Lewis was not satisfied with this arrangement; he could see no
fair play in it. In fact, he was utterly at variance with the entire
system of Slavery, and, a long time before he left, had plans laid with
a view of escaping. Through one of the Underground Rail Road Agents the
glad tidings were borne to him that a passage might be procured on a
schooner for twenty-five dollars. Lewis at once availed himself of this
offer, and made his arrangements accordingly. He, however, made no
mention of this contemplated movement to his wife, Louisa; and, to her
astonishment, he was soon among the missing. Lewis was a fine-looking
"article," six feet high, well proportioned, and of a dark chestnut
color, worth probably $1200, in the Richmond market. Touching his slave
life, he said that he had been treated "pretty well," except that he
"had been sold several times." Intellectually he was above the average
run of slaves. He left on the twenty-third of April, and arrived about
the second of June, having, in the meantime, encountered difficulties
and discouragements of various kinds. His safe arrival, therefore, was
attended with unusual rejoicing.
Daniel Bennett and his wife and children were the next in order. A woman
poorly clad with a babe just one month old in her arms, and a little boy
at her side, who could scarcely toddle, together with a husband who had
never dared under penalty of the laws to protect her or her little ones,
presented a most painfully touching picture. It was easy enough to see,
that they had been crushed. The husband had been owned by Captain James
Taylor--the wife and children by George Carter.
The young mother gave Carter a very bad character, affirming, that it
was a "common practice with him to flog the slaves, stripped entirely
naked"--that she had herself been so flogged, since she had been a
married woman. How the husband was treated, the record book is silent.
He was about thirty-two--the wife about twenty-seven. Especial pains
were taken to provide aid and sympathy to this family in their
destitution, fleeing under such peculiarly trying circumstances and from
such loathsome brutality. They were from Aldie P.O., London County,
Virginia, and passed through the hands of the Committee about the 11th
of June. What has been their fate since is not known.
* * * * *
SUNDRY ARRIVALS ABOUT JANUARY FIRST, 1855.
VERENEA MERCER.
The steamship Pennsylvania, on one of her regular trips from Richmond,
brought one passenger, of whom the Captain had no knowledge; no
permission had been asked of any officer of the boat. Nevertheless,
Verenea Mercer managed, by the most extraordinary strategy, to secrete
herself on the steamer, and thus succeeded in reaching Philadelphia. She
was following her husband, who escaped about nine months before her.
Verenea was about forty-one years of age, of a dark chestnut color,
prepossessing in manners, intelligent and refined. She belonged to the
slave population of Richmond, and was owned by Thomas W. Quales.
According to her testimony, she had not received severe treatment during
the eight and a half years that she had been in his hands. Previous to
his becoming the owner of Verenea, it might have been otherwise,
although nothing is recorded in proof of this inference, except that she
had the misfortune to lose her first husband by a sale. Of course she
was left a widow, in which state she remained nine years, at the
expiration of which period, she married a man by the name of James
Mercer, whose narrative may be found on p. 54.
How James got off, and where he went, Verenea knew quite well;
consequently, in planning to reach him, she resorted to the same means
by which he achieved success. The Committee rendered her the usual aid,
and sent her on direct to her husband in Canada. Without difficulty of
any kind she reached there safely, and found James with arms wide open
to embrace her. Frequent tidings reached the Committee, that they were
getting along quite well in Toronto.
On the same day (January 1st), PETER DERRICKSON and CHARLES PURNELL
arrived from Berlin, Worcester county, Maryland. Both were able-bodied
young men, twenty-four and twenty-six years of age, just the kind that a
trader, or an experienced slave-holder in the farming business, would be
most likely to select for doing full days' work in the field, or for
bringing high prices in the market.
Peter toiled and toiled, with twenty others, on John Derrickson's farm.
And although Derrickson was said to be a "mild master," Peter decidedly
objected to working for him for nothing. He thought over his situation a
great deal, and finally came to the conclusion, that he must get from
under the yoke, if possible, before entering another New Year. His
friend Charles he felt could be confided in, therefore he made up his
mind, that he would broach the question of Canada and the Underground
Rail Road to him. Charles was equally ready and willing to enter into
any practical arrangements by which he could get rid of his no-pay
task-master, and be landed safely in Canada. After taking into account
the dangers likely to attend such a struggle, they concluded that they
would risk all and try their luck, as many had done before them.
"What made you leave, Charles?" said a member of the Committee.
"I left because I wanted my time and money for myself."
No one could gainsay such a plain common-sense answer as that. The fact,
that he had to leave his parents, three brothers, and five sisters, all
in slavery, brought sad reflections.
LLOYD HACKET, alias Perry Watkins and WILLIAM HENRY JOHNSON, alias John
Wesley.
No weather was too cold for travel, nor way too rough, when the slave
was made to feel by his heartless master, that he was going to sell him
or starve him to death.
Lloyd had toiled on until he had reached fifty-five, before he came to
the conclusion, that he could endure the treatment of his master, John
Griffin, no longer, simply because "he was not good to feed and clothe,"
and was a "great fighter." Moreover, he would "never suffer his slaves
to stop work on account of bad weather." Not only was his master cruel
in these particulars, but he was equally cruel with regard to selling.
Georgia was continually held up to the slaves with a view of producing a
wholesome fear, but in this instance, as in many similar ones, it only
awakened desires to seek flight via the Underground Rail Road.
Lloyd, convinced by experience, that matters with him would be no
better, but worse and worse, resolved that he would start with the
opening of the New Year to see if he could not find a better country
than the one that he was then in.
He consulted William, who, although a young man of only twenty-four
years of age, had the hate of slavery exceedingly strong in his heart,
and was at once willing to accompany Lloyd--ready to face cold weather
and start on a long walk if freedom could be thus purchased, and his
master, John Hall, thus defeated. So Lloyd took a heroic leave of his
wife, Mary Ann, and their little boy, one brother, one sister, and two
nieces, and at once set out with William, like pilgrims and strangers
seeking a better country--where they would not have to go "hungry" and
be "worked hard in all weather," threatened with the auction-block, and
brutally flogged if they merely seemed unwilling to endure a yoke too
grievous to be borne. Both these travelers were mulattoes, and but for
the crushing influences that they had lived under would have made smart
men--as it was they showed plainly, that they were men of shrewd sense.
Inadvertently at the time of their arrival, the names of the State and
place whence they fled were not entered on the book.
In traveling they suffered severely from hunger and the long distance
they had to walk, but having succeeded victoriously they were prepared
to rejoice all the more.
DAVID EDWARDS. John J. Slater, coachmaker of Petersburg, Virginia, if he
is still living, and should see these items, may solve what may have
been for years a great mystery to him--namely, that David, his
man-servant, was enjoying himself in Philadelphia about the first week
in January, 1855, receiving free accommodations and obtaining letters of
introduction to friends in Canada. Furthermore, that David alleged that
he was induced to escape because he (the coachmaker) was a very hard
man, who took every dollar of his earnings, from which he would dole out
to him only one dollar a week for board, etc., a sum less than David
could manage to get along with.
David was thirty years of age, black, weighed one hundred and forty-five
pounds, and was worth one thousand dollars. He left his wife behind.
BEVERLY GOOD and GEORGE WALKER, alias Austin Valentine. These passengers
came from Petersburg, per steamship Pennsylvania. Richard Perry was
lording it over Beverly, who was a young man of twenty-four years of
age, dark, medium size, and possessed of a quick intellect--just the man
that an Underground Rail Road agent in the South could approach with
assurance with questions such as these--"What do you think of Slavery?"
"Did you ever hear of the Underground Rail Road?" "How would you like to
be free?" "Would you be willing to go to Canada if you could get off
safely," etc., etc.
Such questions at once kindled into a flame the sparks of freedom lying
dormant in the heart. Although uttered in a whisper, they had a wondrous
ring about them, and a wide-awake bondman instantly grasped their
meaning. Beverly was of this class; he needed no arguments to prove that
he was daily robbed of his rights--that Slavery was merciless and
freedom the God-given right of all mankind. Of him, therefore, there was
no fear that he would betray his trust or flinch too soon when cramped
up in his hiding-place on the steamer.
His comrade, George, was likewise of the same mettle, and was aided in
the same way. George, however, had more age on his side, being about
forty-three. He was about six feet high, with marked physical and mental
abilities, but Slavery had had its heel upon his neck. And who could
then have risen?
Eliza Jones held the deed for George, and by her he was hired as foreman
in a tobacco factory, in which position his duties were
onerous--especially to one with a heavy, bleeding heart, throbbing daily
for freedom, while, at the same time, mournfully brooding over past
wrongs. Of these wrongs one incident must suffice. He had been married
twice, and had been the father of six children by his first wife; at the
command of his owner the wedded relations were abruptly broken, and he
was obliged to seek another wife. In entering this story on the book at
the time of the arrival, the concluding words were written thus: "This
story is thrilling, but time will not allow its being penned."
Although safely under the protection of the British Lion, George's heart
was in Virginia, where his wife was retained. As he could not return for
her deliverance, he was wise enough to resort to the pen, hoping in this
way to effect his grand object, as the following letter will show:
TORONTO, January 25th, 1855.
DEAR FRIEND STILL:--George Walker, of Petersburg, Va., is now in
my office, and requests me to write a letter to you, and request
you to write to his wife, after or according to the instructions
he gave to his friend, John Brown, in your city, with whom he
says you are acquainted. You will understand, of course, his
reason for wanting the letter wrote and posted at Philadelphia.
You will please attend to it and address a letter to him
(Walker) in my care. He and Beverly Good, his comrade, tender
much love to you. Send them on; we are prepared for them. Yours
in great haste, J.B. SMITH.
P.S.--Be sure and follow the directions given to Brown.
ADAM BROOKS, alias William Smith. Hardtown, Montgomery county, Maryland,
lost a rather promising "article of merchandise," in the person of Adam.
The particulars of his going are on this wise: John Phillips, his
so-called master, believed in selling, and practiced accordinglv, to the
extent at least of selling Adam's mother, brother, and sister only two
years before his escape.
If Adam had known nothing else against Phillips, this was enough in all
conscience to have awakened his deadly hate; but, added to this,
Phillips was imprudent in his habit of threatening to "sell," etc. This
kept the old wound in Adam's heart continually bleeding and forced him
to the conclusion, that his master was not only a hard man, as a driver
on the farm, but that at heart he was actually a bad man. Furthermore,
that it was his duty to break his fetters and seek his freedom in
Canada.
In thus looking at his situation, his mind was worked up to fever heat,
and he resolved that, let the consequences be what they might, go he
must. In this promising state of mind he started, at an appointed time,
for Pennsylvania, and, sure enough, he succeeded. Having the appearance
of a desirable working-hand, a Pennsylvania farmer prevailed on him to
stop for a time. It was not long before the folly of this halt was
plainly discernible, as his master had evidently got wind of his
whereabouts, and was pretty hot in pursuit. Word reached Adam, however,
barely in time for him to make his escape through the aid of friends.
In coming into the hands of the Committee he needed no persuading to go
to Canada; he was occupied with two interesting problems, to go back or
to go forward. But he set his face hopefully towards Canada, and had no
thought of stopping short thereof. In stature, he was small; color,
black; countenance, pleasant, and intellect, medium. As to his fitness
for making a good citizen in Canada the Committee had no doubt.
SARAH A. DUNAGAN. Having no one to care for her, and, having been
threatened with the auction-block, Sarah mustered pluck and started out
in search of a new home among strangers beyond the borders of slave
territory. According to her story, she "was born free" in the State of
Delaware, but had been "bound out" to a man by the name of George
Churchman, living in Wilmington. Here she averred, that she "had been
flogged repeatedly," and had been otherwise ill-treated, while no one
interfered to take her part. Consequently she concluded, that although
she was born free, she would not be likely to be benefited thereby
unless she made her escape on the Underground Rail Road. This idea of
freedom continued to agitate Sarah's mind until she decided to leave
forthwith. She was a young mulatto woman, single, and told her story of
hardships and of the dread of being sold, in a manner to elicit much
sympathy. She had a mother living in New Castle, named Ann Eliza
Kingslow. It was no uncommon thing for free-born persons in slave States
to lose their birth-right in a manner similar to that by which Sarah
feared that she had lost hers.
"Arrived JOSEPH HALL, JR., son of Joseph Hall, of Norfolk, Virginia."
This is all that is recorded of this passenger, yet it is possible that
this item of news may lead to the recognition of Joseph, should he still
happen to be of the large multitude of fugitives scattered over the land
amongst the living.
ISAAC D. DAVIS. In fleeing from bondage, in Maryland, Davis was induced
to stop, as many others were, in Pennsylvania. Not comprehending the
Fugitive Slave Law he fancied that he would be safe so long as he kept
matters private concerning his origin. But in this particular he labored
under a complete delusion--when he least dreamed of danger the
slave-catchers were scenting him close. Of their approach, however, he
was fortunate enough to be notified in time to place himself in the
hands of the Committee, who soon held out Canada to him, as the only
sure refuge for him, and all others similarly situated. His fears of
being carried back opened his eyes, and understanding, so that he could
readily see the force of this argument, and accepting the proffered aid
of the Committee was sent on his way rejoicing. He had been away from
his master eighteen months, and in the meanwhile had married a wife in
Pennsylvania. What became of them after this flight the book contains no
record.
JACOB MATTHIAS BOYER left at about the age of twenty. He had no idea of
working in the condition of a slave, but if he had not been threatened
with the auction-block, he might have remained much longer than he did.
He had been owned by Richard Carman, cashier of one of the Annapolis
banks, and who had recently died. Jacob fled from Annapolis. Very little
record was made of either master or slave. Probably no incidents were
related of sufficient importance, still the Committee felt pleased to
receive one so young. Indeed, it always afforded the Committee especial
satisfaction to see children, young people, and females escaping from
the prison-house. Jacob was of a dark hue, a little below medium
stature.
ZECHARIAH MEAD, alias John Williams. This traveler had been in the house
of bondage in Maryland, doing service for Charles C. Owens, to whom he
belonged. According to Zechariah's statement, his mistress had been very
unfortunate with her slave property, having lost fifteen head out of
twenty in a similar manner to that by which she lost Zechariah. Thus she
had been considerably reduced in circumstances. But Zechariah had no
compassion on her whatever, but insisted that she was a hard mistress.
Doubtless Zechariah was prompted to flee by the "bad" example of others
who had succeeded in making good their escape, before he had made up his
mind to leave. He was not yet quite twenty-one, but was wide-awake, and
it appeared from his conversation, that he had done some close thinking
before he started for freedom. He left his father, mother, and three
brothers, all slaves except his father.
* * * * *
SLAVE-HOLDER IN MARYLAND WITH THREE COLORED WIVES.
JAMES GRIFFIN ALIAS THOMAS BROWN.
James was a tiller of the soil under the yoke of Joshua Hitch, who lived
on a farm about seventeen miles from Baltimore. James spoke rather
favorably of him; indeed, it was through a direct act of kindness on the
part of his master that he procured the opportunity to make good his
escape. It appeared from his story, that his master's affairs had become
particularly embarrassed, and the Sheriff was making frequent visits to
his house. This sign was interpreted to mean that James, if not others,
would have to be sold before long. The master was much puzzled to decide
which way to turn. He owned but three other adult slaves besides James,
and they were females. One of them was his chief housekeeper, and with
them all his social relations were of such a nature as to lead James and
others to think and say that they "were all his wives." Or to use
James's own language, "he had three slave women; two were sisters, and
he lived with them all as his wives; two of them he was very fond of,"
and desired to keep them from being sold if possible. The third, he
concluded he could not save, she would have to be sold. In this dilemma,
he was good enough to allow James a few days' holiday, for the purpose
of finding him a good master. Expressing his satisfaction and
gratification, James, armed with full authority from his master to
select a choice specimen, started for Baltimore.
On reaching Baltimore, however, James carefully steered clear of all
slave-holders, and shrewdly turned his attention to the matter of
getting an Underground Rail Road ticket for Canada. After making as much
inquiry as he felt was safe, he came to the conclusion to walk of nights
for a long distance. He examined his feet and legs, found that they were
in good order, and his faith and hope strong enough to remove a
mountain. Besides several days still remained in which he was permitted
to look for a new master, and these he decided could be profitably spent
in making his way towards Canada. So off he started, at no doubt a very
diligent pace, for at the end of the first night's journey, he had made
much headway, but at the expense of his feet.
His faith was stronger than ever. So he rested next day in the woods,
concealed, of course, and the next evening started with fresh courage
and renewed perseverance. Finally, he reached Columbia, Pennsylvania,
and there he had the happiness to learn, that the mountain which at
first had tried his faith so severely, was removed, and friendly hands
were reached out and a more speedy and comfortable mode of travel
advised. He was directed to the Vigilance Committee in Philadelphia,
from whom he received friendly aid, and all necessary information
respecting Canada and how to get there.
James was thirty-one years of age, rather a fine-looking man, of a
chestnut color, and quite intelligent. He had been a married man, but
for two years before his escape, he had been a widower--that is, his
wife had been sold away from him to North Carolina, and in that space of
time he had received only three letters from her; he had given up all
hope of ever seeing her again. He had two little boys living in
Baltimore, whom he was obliged to leave. Their names were Edward and
William. What became of them afterwards was never known at the
Philadelphia station.
James's master was a man of about fifty years of age--who had never been
lawfully married, yet had a number of children on his place who were of
great concern to him in the midst of other pressing embarrassments. Of
course, the Committee never learned how matters were settled after James
left, but, in all probability, his wives, Nancy and Mary (sisters), and
Lizzie, with all the children, had to be sold.
* * * * *
CAPTAIN F. ARRIVES WITH NINE PASSENGERS.
NAMES OF PASSENGERS.
PETER HEINES, Eatontown, North Carolina; MATTHEW BODAMS, Plymouth, North
Carolina; JAMES MORRIS, South End, North Carolina; CHARLES THOMPSON,
CHARITY THOMPSON, NATHANIEL BOWSER, and THOMAS COOPER, Portsmouth,
Virginia; GEORGE ANDERSON, Elkton, Maryland.
Their arrival was announced by Thomas Garrett as follows:
WILMINGTON, 7th mo., 19th, 1856.
RESPECTED FRIEND, WILLIAM STILL:--I now have the pleasure of
consigning to thy care four able-bodied human beings from North
Carolina, and five from Virginia, one of which is a girl twelve
or thirteen years of age, the rest all men. After thee has seen
and conversed with them, thee can determine what is best to be
done with them. I am assured they are such as can take good care
of themselves. Elijah Pennypacker, some time since, informed me
he could find employment in his neighborhood for two or three
good hands. I should think that those from Carolina would be
about as safe in that neighborhood as any place this side of
Canada. Wishing our friends a safe trip, I remain thy sincere
friend,
THOS. GARRETT.
After conferring with Harry Craige, we have concluded to send
five or six of them tonight in the cars, and the balance, if
those go safe, to-morrow night, or in the steam-boat on Second
day morning, directed to the Anti-Slavery office.
There was much rejoicing over these select passengers, and very much
interesting information was elicited from them.
Peter was only twenty-one years of age, composed of equal parts of
Anglo-Saxon and Anglo-African blood--rather a model-looking "article,"
with a fair share of intelligence. As a slave, he had fared pretty
well--he had neither been abused nor stinted of food or clothing, as
many others had been. His duties had been to attend upon his master (and
reputed father), Elias Heines, Esq., a lawyer by profession in North
Carolina.
No charges whatever appear to have been made against Mr. Heines,
according to the record book; but Peter seemed filled with great delight
at the prospects ahead, as well as with the success that had attended
his efforts thus far in striking for freedom.
James was twenty-seven years of age. His experience had been quite
different from that of Peter's. The heel of a woman, by the name of Mrs.
Ann McCourt, had been on James's neck, and she had caused him to suffer
severely. As James recounted his grievances, while under the rule, he by
no means gave her a very flattering character, but, on the contrary, he
plainly stated, that she was a "desperate woman"--that he had "never
known any good of her," and that he was moved to escape to get rid of
her. In other words she had threatened to sell him; this well nigh
produced frenzy in James's mind, for too well did he remember, that he
had already been sold three times, and in different stages of his
bondage had been treated quite cruelly. In the change of masters he was
positive in saying, that he had not found a good one, and, besides, he
entertained the belief that such personages were very rare.
Those of the Committee who listened to James were not a little amazed at
his fluency, intelligence and earnestness, and acknowledged that he
dealt unusually telling blows against the Patriarchal Institution.
Matthew was twenty-three years of age, very stout--no fool--a man of
decided resolution, and of the very best black complexion produced in
the South. Matthew had a very serious bill of complaints against Samuel
Simmons, who professed to own him (Matthew), both body and mind, while
in this world at least. Among these complaints was the charge of
ill-treatment. Nevertheless Matthew's joy and pleasure were matchless
over his Underground Rail Road triumph, and the prospect of being so
soon out of the land and reach of Slavery, and in a land where he could
enjoy his freedom as others enjoyed theirs. Indeed the entire band
evinced similar feelings. Matthew left a brother in Martin county.
Further sketches of this interesting company were not entered on the
book at the time, perhaps on account of the great press of Underground
Rail Road business which engaged the attention of the acting Committee.
However, they were all duly cared for, and counselled to go to Canada,
where their rights would be protected by a strong and powerful
government, and they could enjoy all the rights of citizenship in common
with "all the world and the rest of mankind." And especially were they
advised to get education; to act as men, and remember those still in
bonds as bound with them, and that they must not forget to write back,
after their arrival in Canada, to inform their friends in Philadelphia
of their prospects, and what they thought of the "goodly land." Thus,
with the usual Underground Rail Road passports, they were again started
Canada-ward. Without difficulty of any kind they duly reached Canada,
and a portion of them wrote back as follows:
"TORONTO, C.W., Aug. 17th, 1856.
MR, STILL:--Dear Sir--These few lines may find you as they leave
us, we are well at present and arrived safe in Toronto. Give our
respects to Mrs. S.---- and daughter. Toronto is a very
extensive place. We have plenty of pork, beef and mutton. There
are five market houses and many churches. Female wages is 62-1/2
cents per day, men's wages is $1 and york shilling. We are now
boarding at Mr. George Blunt's, on Centre street, two doors from
Elm, back of Lawyer's Hall, and when you write to us, direct
your letter to the care of Mr. George Blunt, &c. (Signed), James
Monroe, Peter Heines, Henry James Morris, and Matthew Bodame."
This intelligence was very gratifying, and most assuredly added to the
pleasurable contemplation of having the privilege of holding out a
helping hand to the fleeing bondman. From James Morris, one of this
company, however, letters of a painful nature were received, touching
his wife in bonds, setting forth her "awful" situation and appealing to
the Committee to use their best endeavors to rescue her, with her child,
from Slavery. One of these letters, so full of touching sentiments of
affection and appeal on behalf of his wife, is as follows:
TORONTO, Canada West, upper, 18th day of the 9th mo., 1856.
MR. WILLIAM STILL:--Dear Sir--I hope these lines may find you
and your family as they leave me give my respects to little
Caroline and her mother.
Dear Sir, I have received two letters from my wife since I saw
you, and the second was awful. I am sorry to say she says she
has been treated awful since I left, and she told the lady she
thought she was left free and she told her she was as much slave
as ever she was that the state was not to be settled until her
death and it would be a meracle if she and her child got it then
and that her master left a great many relations and she diden no
what they would do. Mr. Still dear sir I am very sorry to hear
my wife and child are slaves if you please dear sir inform me
what to do for my dear wife and child. She said she has been
threatened to be put in jail three times since I left also she
tells me that she is washing for the captain of a vesel that use
to run to Petersburg but now he runs to Baltimore and he has
promas to take her to Delaware or New York for 50 dollars and
she had not the money, she sent to me and I sent her all I had
which was 5 dollars dear sir can you inform me what to do with a
case of this kind the captains name is Thomas.
My wife is name lucy an morris my child is name lot, if you
please dear sir answer me as soon as you can posable.
HENRY JAMES MORRIS, Toronto C.W.
Henry James Morris in care of Wm. George Blunt, Centre st., 2
doors from Elam.
This sad letter made a mournful impression, as it was not easy to see
how her deliverance was to be effected. One feature, however, about this
epistle afforded much satisfaction, namely, to know, that James did not
forget his poor wife and child, who were in the prison-house. Many
months after this first letter came to hand, Mrs. Dr. Willis, one of the
first ladies in Toronto, wrote on his behalf as follows:
TORONTO, 15th June, Monday morning, 1857.
To MR. STILL, DEAR SIR:--I write you this letter for a
respectable young man (his name is James Morris), he passed
through your hands July of last year (1856), and has just had a
letter from his wife, whom he left behind in Virginia, that she
and her child are likely to be sold. He is very anxious about
this and wishful that she could get away by some vessel or
otherwise. His wife's name is Lucy Morris; the child's name is
Lot Morris; the lady's name she lives with is a Mrs. Hine (I
hope I spell her name right, Hine), at the corner of Duke street
and Washington street, in Norfolk city, Virginia. She is hired
out to this rich old widow lady. James Morris wishes me to write
you--he has saved forty dollars, and will send it to you
whenever it is required, to bring her on to Toronto, Canada
West. It is in the bank ready upon call. Will you please, sir,
direct your letter in reply to this, to a Mrs. Ringgold, Centre
street, two doors from Elam street, Toronto, Canada West, as I
will be out of town. I write this instead of Mr. Thomas Henning,
who is just about leaving for England. Hoping you will reply
soon, I remain, sir,
Respectfully yours,
AGNES WILLIS.
Whether James ever succeeded in recovering his wife and child, is not
known to the writer. Many similarly situated were wont to appeal again
and again, until growing entirely hopeless, they would conclude to
marry.
Here it may be remarked, with reference to marrying, that of the great
number of fugitives in Canada, the male sex was largely in preponderance
over the female, and many of them were single young men. This class
found themselves very acceptable to Irish girls, and frequently legal
alliances were the result. And it is more than likely, that there are
white women in Canada to-day, who are married to some poor slave woman's
fugitive husband.
Verily, the romantic and tragic phases of the Underground Rail Road are
without number, if not past finding out.
Scarcely had the above-mentioned nine left the Philadelphia depot, ere
the following way-worn travelers came to hand:
PERRY SHEPHARD, and ISAAC REED, Eastern Shore, Maryland; GEORGE
SPERRYMAN, _alias_ THOMAS JOHNSON, Richmond; VALENTINE SPIRES, near
Petersburg; DANIEL GREEN, _alias_ GEORGE TAYLOR, Leesburg, Virginia;
JAMES JOHNSON, _alias_ WILLIAM GILBERT and wife HARRIET, Prince George's
county, Maryland; HENRY COOPER, and WILLIAM ISRAEL SMITH, Middletown,
Delaware; ANNA DORSEY, Maryland.
Although starting from widely separated localities without the slightest
communication with each other in the South, each separate passenger
earnestly bent on freedom, had endured suffering, hunger, and perils, by
land and water, sustained by the hope of ultimate freedom.
PERRY SHEPHARD and ISAAC REED reported themselves as having fled from
the Eastern Shore of Maryland; that they had there been held to service
or Slavery by Sarah Ann Burgess, and Benjamin Franklin Houston, from
whom they fled. No incidents of slave life or travel were recorded, save
that Perry left his wife Milky Ann, and two children, Nancy and Rebecca
(free). Also Isaac left his wife, Hester Ann Louisa, and the following
named children: Philip Henry, Harriet Ann and Jane Elizabeth.
GEORGE SPERRYMAN'S lot was cast amongst the oppressed in the city of
Richmond, Va. Of the common ills of slave life, George could speak from
experience; but little of his story, however, was recorded at the time.
He had reached the Committee through the regular channel--was adjudged
worthy of aid and encouragement, and they gave it to him freely.
Nickless Templeman was the loser in this instance; how he bore the
misfortune the Committee was not apprised. Without question, the
property was delighted with getting rid of the owner.
VALENTINE SPIRES came a fellow-passenger with George, having "took out"
the previous Christmas, from a place called Dunwoody, near Petersburg.
He was held to service in that place by Dr. Jesse Squires. Under his
oppressive rules and demands, Valentine had been convinced that there
could be no peace, consequently he turned his attention to one
idea--freedom and the Underground Rail Road, and with this faith, worked
his way through to the Committee, and was received, and aided of course.
DAVID GREEN, fled from Warrington, near Leesburg. Elliott Curlett so
alarmed David by threatening to sell him, that the idea of liberty
immediately took possession in David's mind. David had suffered many
hardships at the hands of his master, but when the auction-block was
held up to him, that was the worst cut of all. He became a thinker right
away. Although he had a wife and one child in Slavery, he decided to
flee for his freedom at all hazards, and accordingly he carried out his
firm resolution.
JAMES JOHNSON. This "article" was doing unrequited labor as the slave of
Thomas Wallace, in Prince George county, Maryland. He was a stout and
rugged-looking man, of thirty-five years of age. On escaping, he was
fortunate enough to bring his wife, Harriet with him. She was ten years
younger than himself, and had been owned by William T. Wood, by whom she
said that she had "been well treated." But of late, this Wood had taken
to liquor, and she felt in danger of being sold. She knew that rum
ruined the best of slave-holders, so she was admonished to get out of
danger as soon as possible.
CHARLES HENRY COOPER and WILLIAM ISRAEL SMITH. These passengers were
representatives of the peculiar Institution of Middletown, Delaware.
Charles was owned by Catharine Mendine, and William by John P. Cather.
According to their confession, Charles and William it seemed had been
thinking a good deal over the idea of "working for nothing," of being
daily driven to support others, while they were rendered miserable
thereby. So they made up their minds to try the Underground Rail Road,
"hit or miss." This resolution was made and carried into effect (on the
part of Charles at least), at the cost of leaving a mother, three
brothers, and three sisters in Slavery, without hope of ever seeing them
again. The ages of Charles and William were respectively twenty-two and
twenty-one. Both stout and well-made young men, with intellects well
qualified to make the wilderness of Canada bud and blossom as the rose,
and thitherward they were dispatched.
ANNA DORSET became tired of Slavery in Maryland, where she reported that
she had been held to service by a slave-holder, known by the name of Eli
Molesworth. The record is silent as to how she was treated. As a slave,
she had been brought up a seamstress, and was quite intelligent. Age
twenty-two, mulatto.
* * * * *
OWEN AND OTHO TAYLOR'S FLIGHT WITH HORSES, ETC.
THREE BROTHERS, TWO OF THEM WITH WIVES AND CHILDREN.
About the latter part of March, 1856, Owen Taylor and his wife, Mary
Ann, and their little son, Edward, together with a brother and his wife
and two children, and a third brother, Benjamin, arrived from near Clear
Springs, nine miles from Hagerstown, Maryland. They all left their home,
or rather escaped from the prison-house, on Easter Sunday, and came
_via_ Harrisburg, where they were assisted and directed to the Vigilance
Committee in Philadelphia. A more interesting party had not reached the
Committee for a long time.
The three brothers were intelligent, and heroic, and, in the resolve to
obtain freedom, not only for themselves, but for their wives and
children desperately in earnest. They had counted well the cost of this
struggle for liberty, and had fully made up their minds that if
interfered with by slave-catchers, somebody would have to bite the dust.
That they had pledged themselves never to surrender alive, was obvious.
Their travel-worn appearance, their attachment for each other, the joy
that the tokens of friendship afforded them, the description they gave
of incidents on the road, made an impression not soon to be effaced.
In the presence of a group like this Sumner's great and eloquent speech
on the Barbarism of Slavery, seemed almost cold and dead,--the mute
appeals of these little ones in their mother's arms--the unlettered
language of these young mothers, striving to save their offspring from
the doom of Slavery--the resolute and manly bearing of these brothers
expressed in words full of love of liberty, and of the determination to
resist Slavery to the death, in defence of their wives and
children--this was Sumner's speech enacted before our eyes.
Owen was about thirty-one years of age, but had experienced a deal of
trouble. He had been married twice, and both wives were believed to be
living. The first one, with their little child, had been sold in the
Baltimore market, about three years before, the mother was sent to
Louisiana, the child to South Carolina. Father, mother, and child,
parted with no hope of ever seeing each other again in this world. After
Owen's wife was sent South, he sent her his likeness and a dress; the
latter was received, and she was greatly delighted with it, but he never
heard of her having received his likeness. He likewise wrote to her, but
he was not sure that she received his letters. Finally, he came to the
conclusion that as she was forever dead to him, he would do well to
marry again. Accordingly he took to himself another partner, the one who
now accompanied him on the Underground Rail Road.
Omitting other interesting incidents, a reference to his handiwork will
suffice to show the ability of Owen. Owen was a born mechanic, and his
master practically tested his skill in various ways; sometimes in the
blacksmith shop--at other times as a wheelwright--again at making
brushes and brooms, and at leisure times he would try his hand in all
these crafts. This Jack-of-all-trades was, of course, very valuable to
his master. Indeed his place was hard to fill.
Henry Fiery, a farmer, "about sixty-four years of age, a stout, crusty
old fellow," was the owner of Owen and his two brothers. Besides slaves,
the old man was in possession of a wife, whose name was Martha, and
seven children, who were pretty well grown up. One of the sons owned
Owen's wife and two children. Owen declared, that they had been worked
hard, while few privileges had been allowed them. Clothing of the
poorest texture was only sparingly furnished. Nothing like Sunday
raiment was ever given them; for these comforts they were compelled to
do over-work of nights. For a long time the idea of escape had been
uppermost in the minds of this party. The first of January, past, was
the time "solemnly" fixed upon to "took out," but for some reason or
other (not found on the record book), their strategical minds did not
see the way altogether clear, and they deferred starting until Easter
Sunday.
On that memorable evening, the men boldly harnessed two of Mr. Fiery's
steeds and placing their wives and children in the carriage, started off
_via_ Hagerstown, in a direct line for Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, at a
rate that allowed no grass to grow under the horses' feet. In this
manner they made good time, reached Chambersburg safely, and ventured up
to a hotel where they put up their horses. Here they bade their faithful
beasts good-bye and "took out" for Harrisburg by another mode of travel,
the cars. On their arrival they naturally fell into the hands of the
Committee, who hurried them off to Philadelphia, apprising the Committee
there of their approach by a dispatch sent ahead. Probably they had
scarcely reached Philadelphia ere the Fierys were in hot haste after
them, as far as Harrisburg, if not farther.
It hardly need be hinted, that the community in which the Fierys lived
was deeply agitated for days after, as indeed it was along the entire
route to Chambersburg, in consequence of this bold and successful
movement. The horses were easily captured at the hotel, where they were
left, but, of course, they were mute as to what had become of their
drivers. The furious Fierys probably got wind of the fact, that they had
made their way to Harrisburg. At any rate they made very diligent search
at this point. While here prosecuting his hunting operations, Fiery
managed to open communication with at least one member of the Harrisburg
Committee, to whom his grievances were made known, but derived little
satisfaction.
After the experience of a few weeks, the pursuers came to the
conclusion, that there was no likelihood of recovering them through
these agencies, or through the Fugitive Slave Law. In their despair,
therefore, they resorted to another "dodge." All at once they became
"sort-o'-friendly"--indeed more than half disposed to emancipate. The
member of the Committee in Harrisburg had, it is probable, frequently
left room for their great delusion, if he did not even go so far as to
feed their hopes with plausible suggestions, that some assistance might
be afforded by which an amicable settlement might be made between
masters and slaves.
The following extract, from the Committee's letter, relative to this
matter, is open to this inference, and may serve to throw some light on
the subject:
HARRISBURG, April 28, '56.
Friend Still:--Your last came to hand in due season, and I am
happy to hear of the safe arrival of those gents.
I have before me the Power of Attorney of Mr. John S. Fiery, son
of Mr. Henry Fiery, of Washington county, Md., the owner of
those three men, two women and three children, who arrived in
your town on the 24th or 25th of March. He graciously
condescends to liberate the oldest in a year, and the remainder
in proportional time, if they will come back; or to sell them
their time for $1300. He is sick of the job, and is ready to
make any conditions. Now, if you personally can get word to them
and get them to send him a letter, in my charge, informing him
of their whereabouts and prospects, I think it will be the best
answer I can make him. He will return here in a week or two, to
know what can be done. He offers $500 to see them.
Or if you can send me word where they are, I will endeavor to
write to them for his special satisfaction; or if you cannot do
either, send me your latest information, for I intend to make
him spend a few more dollars, and if possible get a little
sicker of this bad job. Do try and send him a few bitter pills
for his weak nerves and disturbed mind.
Yours in great haste,
Jos. C. Bustill.
A subsequent letter from Mr. Bustill contains, besides other interesting
Underground Rail Road matter, an item relative to the feeling of
disappointment experienced by Mr. Fiery on learning that his property
was in Canada.
HARRISBURG, May 26, '56.
Friend Still:--I embrace the opportunity presented by the visit
of our friend, John F. Williams, to drop you a few lines in
relation to our future operations.
The Lightning Train was put on the Road on last Monday, and as
the traveling season has commenced and this is the Southern
route for Niagara Falls, I have concluded not to send by way of
Auburn, except in cases of great danger; but hereafter we will
use the Lightning Train, which leaves here at 1-1/2 and arrives
in your city at 5 o'clock in the morning, and I will telegraph
about 5-1/2 o'clock in the afternoon, so it may reach you before
you close. These four are the only ones that have come since my
last. The woman has been here some time waiting for her child
and her beau, which she expects here about the first of June. If
possible, please keep a knowledge of her whereabouts, to enable
me to inform him if he comes.
_I have nothing more to send you, except that John Fiery has
visited us again and much to his chagrin received the
information of their being in Canada_.
Yours as ever,
Jos. C. Bustill.
Whilst the Fierys were working like beavers to re-enslave these
brave fugitives, the latter were daily drinking in more and more
of the spirit of freedom and were busy with schemes for the
deliverance of other near kin left behind under the galling
yoke.
Several very interesting letters were received from Otho Taylor,
relative to a raid he designed making expressly to effect the
escape of his family. The two subjoined must suffice, (others,
much longer, cannot now be produced, they have probably been
loaned and not returned.)
APRIL 15th, 1857.
SIR--We arrived here safely. Mr. Syrus and his lady is
well situated. They have a place for the year round 15
dollars per month. We are all well and hope that you are
all the same. Now I wish to know whether you would
please to send me some money to go after those people.
Send it here if you please.
Yours truly,
OTHO TAYLOR.
WILLIAM STILL.
ST. CATHARINES, Jan. 26, 1857.
MR. WM. STILL:--Dear Sir--I write at this time in behalf of Otho
Taylor. He is very anxious to go and get his family at Clear
Spring, Washington county, Md. He would like to know if the
Society there would furnish him the means to go after them from
Philadelphia, that you will be running no risk in doing this. If
the Society can do this, he would not be absent from P. more
than three days.
He is so anxious to get his family from slavery that he is
willing to do almost anything to get them to Canada. You may
possibly recollect him--he was at your place last August. I
think he can be trusted. If you can do something for him, he has
the means to take him to your place.
Please let me know immediately if you can do this.
Respectfully yours,
M.A.H. WILSON.
Such appeals came very frequently from Canada, causing much sadness, as
but little encouragement could be held out to such projects. In the
first place, the danger attendant upon such expeditions was so fearful,
and in the second place, our funds were so inadequate for this kind of
work, that, in most cases, such appeals had to be refused. Of course,
there were those whose continual coming, like the poor widow in the
Gospel, could not be denied.
* * * * *
HEAVY REWARD.
THREE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD.--Ran away from the subscriber,
residing near Bladensburg, Prince George's county, Maryland, on
Saturday night, the 22d of March, 1856, my negro man, Tom
Matthews, aged about 25 years, about 5 feet 9 or 10 inches high,
dark copper color, full suit of bushy hair, broad face, with
high cheek bones, broad and square shoulders, stands and walks
very erect, though quite a sluggard in action, except in a
dance, at which he is hard to beat. He wore away a black coat
and brown pantaloons. I will give the above reward if taken and
brought home, or secured in jail, so that I get him.
[Illustration: ]
E.A. JONES, near Bladensburg, Md.
As Mr. Jones may be unaware which way his man Tom traveled, this item
may inform him that his name was entered on the Underground Rail Road
book April 4th, 1856, at which date he appeared to be in good health and
full of hope for a safe sojourn in Canada. He was destitute, of course,
just as anybody else would have been, if robbers had stripped him of
every dollar of his earnings; but he felt pretty sure, that he could
take care of himself in her Majesty's dominion.
The Committee, encouraged by his efforts, reached him a helping hand and
sent him on to swell the goodly number in the promised land--Canada.
On the same day that Tom arrived, the Committee had the pleasure of
taking JAMES JONES by the hand. He was owned by Dr. William Stewart, of
King George's Court House, Maryland. He was not, however, in the service
of his master at the time of his escape but was hired out in Alexandria.
For some reason, not noticed in the book, James became dissatisfied,
changed his name to Henry Rider, got an Underground Rail Road pass and
left the Dr. and his other associations in Maryland. He was one of the
well-cared for "articles," and was of very near kin to the white people,
at least a half-brother (mulatto, of course). He was thirty-two years of
age, medium size, hard-featured and raw-boned, but "no marks about him."
James looked as if he had had pretty good health, still the Committee
thought that he would have much better in Canada. After hearing a full
description of that country and of the great number of fugitives there
from Maryland and other parts of the South, "Jim" felt that that was
just the place he wanted to find, and was soon off with a free ticket, a
letter of introduction, etc.
* * * * *
CAPTAIN F. ARRIVES WITH FOURTEEN "PRIME ARTICLES" ON BOARD.
Thomas Garrett announced this in the following letter:
WILMINGTON, 3d mo., 23d, 1856.
DEAR FRIEND, WILLIAM STILL:--Captain Fountain has arrived all
safe, with the human cargo thee was inquiring for, a few days
since. I had men waiting till 12 o'clock till the Captain
arrived at his berth, ready to receive them; last night they
then learned, that he had landed them at the Rocks, near the old
Swedes church, in the care of our efficient Pilot, who is in the
employ of my friend, John Hillis, and he has them now in charge.
As soon as my breakfast is over, I will see Hillis and determine
what is best to be done in their case. My own opinion is, we had
better send them to Hook and there put them in the cars to-night
and send a pilot to take them to thy house. As Marcus Hook is in
Pennsylvania, the agent of the cars runs no risk of the fine of
five hundred dollars our State imposes for assisting one of
God's poor out of the State by steamboat or cars.
As ever thy friend,
THOS. GAREETT.
NAMES OF THE "ARTICLES."
Rebecca Jones, and her three daughters, Sarah Frances, Mary, and
Rebecca; Isaiah Robinson, Arthur Spence, Caroline Taylor, and her two
daughters, Nancy, and Mary; Daniel Robinson; Thomas Page; Benjamin
Dickinson; David Cole and wife.
From the tenor of Thomas Garrett's letter, the Committee was prepared
for a joyful reception, knowing that Captain F. was not in the habit of
doing things by the halves--that he was not in the habit of bringing
numbskulls; indeed he brought none but the bravest and most intelligent.
Yet notwithstanding our knowledge of his practice in this respect, when
he arrived we were surprised beyond measure. The women outnumbered the
men. The two young mothers, with their interesting, hearty and
fine-looking children representing in blood the two races about
equally--presented a very impressive spectacle.
The men had the appearance of being active, smart, and well disposed,
much above the generality of slaves; but, compared with those of the
opposite sex, their claims for sympathy were very faint indeed. No one
could possibly avoid the conclusion, that these mothers, with their
handsome daughters, were valued on the Ledger of their owners at
enormously high prices; that lustful traders and sensualists had already
gloated over the thought of buying them in a few short years. Probably
not one of those beautiful girls would have brought less than fifteen
hundred or two thousand dollars at the age of fifteen. It was therefore
a great satisfaction to think, that their mothers, who knew full well to
what a fate such slave girls were destined, had labored so heroically to
snatch them out of this danger ere the critical hour arrived.
Rebecca Jones was about twenty-eight years of age; mulatto,
good-looking, considerably above medium size, very intelligent, and a
true-born heroine.
The following reward, offered by the notorious negro-trader, Hall,
proved that Rebecca and her children were not to be allowed to go free,
if slave-hunters could be induced by a heavy pecuniary consideration to
recapture them:
$300 REWARD is offered for the apprehension of negro woman,
REBECCA JONES and her three children, and man ISAIAH, belonging
to W.W. Davidson, who have disappeared since the 20th inst. The
above reward will be paid for the apprehension and delivery of
the said Negroes to my Jail, by the attorney in fact of the
owner, or the sum of $250 for the man alone, or $150 for the
woman and three children alone.
[Illustration: ]
WM. W. HALL, for the Attorney, feb. 1.
Years before her escape, her mistress died in England; and as Rebecca
had always understood, long before this event, that all the slaves were
to be freed at the death of her mistress, she was not prepared to
believe any other report. It turned out, however, as in thousands of
other instances, that no will could be found, and, of course, the
administrators retained the slave property, regardless of any verbal
expressions respecting freeing, etc. Rebecca closely watched the course
of the administrators, and in the meanwhile firmly resolved, that
neither she nor her children should ever serve another master. Rather
than submit, she declared that she would take the lives of her children
and then her own. Notwithstanding her bold and decided stand, the report
went out that she was to be sold, and that all the slaves were still to
be held in bondage. Rebecca's sympathizers and friends advised her, as
they thought for the best, to get a friend or gentleman to purchase her
for herself. To this she replied: "Not three cents would I give, nor do
I want any of my friends to buy me, not if they could get me for three
cents. It would be of no use," she contended, "as she was fully bent on
dying, rather than remain a slave." The slave-holders evidently
understood her, and were in no hurry about bringing her case to an
issue--they rather gave her time to become calm. But Rebecca was
inflexible.
Six years before her arrival, her husband had escaped, in company with
the noted fugitive, "Shadrach." For a time after he fled, she frequently
received letters from him, but for a long while he had ceased to write,
and of late she had heard nothing from him.
In escaping stowed away in the boat, she suffered terribly, but
faithfully endured to the end, and was only too happy when the agony was
over. After resting and getting thoroughly refreshed in Philadelphia,
she, with others, was forwarded to Boston, for her heart was there.
Several letters were received from her, respecting her prospects, etc.,
from which it appears that she had gained some knowledge of her husband,
although not of a satisfactory nature. At any rate she decided that she
could not receive him back again. The following letter has reference to
her prospects, going to California, her husband, etc.:
PARKER HOUSE, School street, Boston, Oct. 18th, '56.
MY DEAR SIR:--I can hardly express the pleasure I feel at the
receipt of your kind letter; but allow me to thank you for the
same.
And now I will tell you my reasons for going to California. Mrs.
Tarrol, a cousin of my husband, has sent for me. She says I can
do much better there than in Boston. And as I have my children's
welfare to look to, I have concluded to go. Of course I shall be
just as likely to hear from home _there_ as _here_. Please tell
Mr. Bagnale I shall expect one letter from him before I leave
here.
I should like to hear from my brothers and sisters once more,
and let me hear every particular. You never can know how anxious
I am to hear from them; do please impress this upon their minds.
I have written two letters to Dr. Lundy and never received an
answer. I heard Mrs. Lundy was dead, and thought that might
possibly be the reason he had not replied to me. Please tell the
Doctor I should take it as a great favor if he would write me a
few lines.
I suppose you think I am going to live with my husband again.
Let me assure you 'tis no such thing. My mind is as firm as
ever. And believe me, in going away from Boston, I am going away
from him, for I have heard he is living somewhere near. He has
been making inquiries about me, but that can make no difference
in my feelings to him. I hope that yourself, wife and family are
all quite well. Please remember me to them all. Do me the favor
to give my love to all inquiring friends. I should be most happy
to have any letters of introduction you may think me worthy of,
and I trust I shall ever remain
Yours faithfully,
REBECCA JONES.
P.S.--I do not know if I shall go this Fall, or in the Spring.
It will depend upon the letter I receive from California, but
whichever it may be, I shall be happy to hear from you very
soon.
Isaiah, who was a fellow-servant with Rebecca, and was included in the
reward offered by Hall for Rebecca, etc., was a young man about
twenty-three years of age, a mulatto, intelligent and of prepossessing
manners. A purely ardent thirst for liberty prompted him to flee;
although he declared that he had been treated very badly, and had even
suffered severely from being shamefully "beaten." He had, however, been
permitted to hire his time by the year, for which one hundred and twenty
dollars were regularly demanded by his owner. Young as he was, he was a
married man, with a wife and two children, to whom he was devoted. He
had besides two brothers and two sisters for whom he felt a warm degree
of brotherly affection; yet when the hour arrived for him to accept a
chance for freedom at the apparent sacrifice of these dearest ties of
kindred, he was found heroic enough for this painful ordeal, and to give
up all for freedom.
Caroline Taylor, and her two little children, were also from Norfolk,
and came by boat. Upon the whole, they were not less interesting than
Rebecca Jones and her three little girls. Although Caroline was not in
her person half so stately, nor gave such promise of heroism as
Rebecca--for Caroline was rather small of stature--yet she was more
refined, and quite as intelligent as Rebecca, and represented
considerably more of the Anglo-Saxon blood. She was a mulatto, and her
children were almost fair enough to pass for white--probably they were
quadroons, hardly any one would have suspected that they had only one
quarter of colored blood in their veins. For ten years Caroline had been
in the habit of hiring her time at the rate of seventy-five dollars per
year, with the exception of the last year, when her hire was raised to
eighty-four dollars. So anxious was she to have her older girl (eleven
years old) at home with her, that she also hired her time by the year,
for which she was compelled to pay twenty-four dollars. As her younger
child was not sufficiently grown to hire out for pay, she was permitted
to have it at home with her on the conditions that she would feed,
clothe and take good care of it, permitting no expense whatever to fall
upon the master.
Judging from the appearance and manners of the children, their mother
had, doubtless, been most faithful to them, for more handsome,
well-behaved, intelligent and pleasing children could not easily be
selected from either race or any station of life. The younger, Mary by
name, nine years of age, attracted very great attention, by the deep
interest she manifested in a poor fugitive (whom she had never seen
before), at the Philadelphia station, confined to the bed and suffering
excruciating pain from wounds he had received whilst escaping. Hours and
hours together, during the two or three days of their sojourn, she spent
of her own accord, by his bed-side, manifesting almost womanly sympathy
in the most devoted and tender manner. She thus, doubtless,
unconsciously imparted to the sufferer a great deal of comfort. Very
many affecting incidents had come under the observation of the acting
Committee, under various circumstances, but never before had they
witnessed a sight more interesting, a scene more touching.
Caroline and her children were owned by Peter March, Esq., late of
Norfolk, but at that time, he was living in New York, and was carrying
on the iron business. He came into possession of them through his wife,
who was the daughter of Caroline's former master, and almost the only
heir left, in consequence of the terrible fever of the previous summer.
Caroline was living under the daily fear of being sold; this, together
with the task of supporting herself and two children, made her burden
very grievous. Not a great while before her escape, her New York master
had been on to Norfolk, expressly with a view of selling her, and asked
two thousand dollars for her. This, however, he failed to get, and was
still awaiting an offer.
These ill omens aroused Caroline to think more seriously over the
condition of herself and children than she had ever done before, and in
this state of mind she came to the conclusion, that she would strive to
save herself and children by flight on the Underground Rail Road. She
knew full well, that it was no faint-hearted struggle that was required
of her, so she had nerved herself with the old martyr spirit to risk her
all on her faith in God and Freedom, and was ready to take the
consequences if she fell back into the hands of the enemy. This noble
decision was the crowning act in the undertakings of thousands similarly
situated. Through this faith she gained the liberty of herself and her
children. Quite a number of the friends of the slave saw these
interesting fugitives, and wept, and rejoiced with them.
Col. A. Cammings, in those days Publisher of the "Evening Bulletin," for
the first time, witnessed an Underground Rail Road arrival. Some time
previous, in conversation with Mr. J.M. McKim, the Colonel had expressed
views not altogether favorable to the Underground Rail Road; indeed he
was rather inclined to apologize for slavery, if not to defend the
Fugitive Slave Law. While endeavoring somewhat tenaciously to maintain
his ground, Mr. McKim opposed to him not only the now well established
Anti-Slavery doctrines, but also offered as testimony Underground Rail
Road facts--the results of personal knowledge from daily proofs of the
heroic struggles, marvellous faith, and intense earnestness of the
fugitives.
In all probability the Colonel did not feel prepared to deny wholly Mr.
McKim's statement, yet, he desired to see "some" for himself. "Well,"
said Mr. McK., "you shall see some." So when this arrival came to hand,
true to his promise, Mr. McK. called on the Colonel and invited him to
accompany him to the Underground Rail Road station. He assured the
Colonel that he did not want any money from him, but simply wanted to
convince him of his error in the recent argument that they had held on
the subject. Accordingly the Colonel accompanied him, and found that
twenty-two passengers had been on hand within the past twenty-four
hours, and at least sixteen or seventeen were then in his presence. It
is needless to say, that such a sight admitted of no contradiction--no
argument--no doubt. The facts were too self-evident. The Colonel could
say but little, so complete was his amazement; but he voluntarily
attested the thoroughness of his conversion by pulling out of his pocket
and handing to Mr. McK. a twenty dollar gold piece to aid the passengers
on to freedom.
In these hours of rest and joyful anticipation the necessities of both
large and small were administered to according to their needs, before
forwarding them still further. The time and attention required for so
many left but little opportunity, however, for the Secretary to write
their narratives. He had only evening leisure for the work. Ten or
twelve of that party had to be sent off without having their stories
recorded. Daniel Robertson was one of this number; his name is simply
entered on the roll, and, but for letters received from him, after he
passed on North, no further knowledge would have been obtained. In
Petersburg, whence he escaped, he left his wife, for whose deliverance
he felt bound to do everything that lay in his power, as the subjoined
letters will attest:
HAVANA, August 11, 1856, Schuylkill Co., N.Y.
MR. WM. STILL--Dear Sir:--I came from Virginia in March, and was
at your office the last of March. My object in writing you, is
to inquire what I can do, or what can be done to help my wife to
escape from the same bondage that I was in. You will know by
your books that I was from Petersburg, Va., and that is where my
wife now is. I have received two or three letters from a lady in
that place, and the last one says, that my wife's mistress is
dead, and that she expects to be sold. I am very anxious to do
what I can for her before it is too late, and beg of you to
devise some means to get her away. Capt. the man that brought me
away, knows the colored agent at Petersburg, and knows he will
do all he can to forward my wife. The Capt. promised, that when
I could raise one hundred dollars for him that he would deliver
her in Philadelphia. Tell him that I can now raise the money,
and will forward it to you at any day that he thinks that he can
bring her. Please see the Captain and find when he will
undertake it, and then let me know when to forward the money to
you. I am at work for the Hon. Charles Cook, and can send the
money any day. My wife's name is Harriet Robertson, and the
agent at Petersburg knows her.
Please direct your answer, with all necessary directions, to N.
Coryell, of this village, and he will see that all is right.
Very respectfully,
DANIEL ROBERTSON.
HAVANA, Aug. 18, 1856.
MR. WM. STILL--Dear Sir:--Yours of the 18th, for D. Robertson,
was duly received. In behalf of Daniel, I thank you kindly for
the interest you manifest in him. The letters that have gone
from him to his friends in Virginia, have been written by me,
and sent in such a manner as we thought would best ensure
safety. Yet I am well aware of the risk of writing, and have
restrained him as far as possible, and the last one I wrote was
to be the last, till an effort was made to reclaim his wife.
Daniel is a faithful, likely man, and is well liked by all who
know him. He is industrious and prudent, and is bending his
whole energies toward the reclaiming his wife. He can forward to
you the one hundred dollars at any day that it may be wanted,
and if you can do anything to forward his interests it will be
very gratefully received as an additional favor on your part. He
asks for no money, but your kindly efforts, which he regards
more highly than money.
Very respectfully, N. CORYELL.
The letters that have been written for him were dated "Niagara
Falls, Canada West," and his friends think he is there--none of
them know to the contrary--it is important that they never do
know. N.C.
HAVANA, Sept. 29, 1856.
MR. WM. STILL--Dear Sir:--I enclose herewith a draft on New
York, payable to your order, for $100, to be paid on the
delivery at Philadelphia of Daniel Robertson's wife.
You can readily see that it has been necessary for Daniel to
work almost night and day to have laid up so large an amount of
money, since the first of April, as this one hundred dollars.
Daniel is industrious and prudent, and saves all of his
earnings, above his most absolute wants. If the Captain is not
successful in getting Daniel's wife, you, of course, will return
the draft, without charge, as you said. I hope success will
attend him, for Daniel deserves to be rewarded, if ever man did.
Yours, &c.
N. CORYELL.
HAVANA, Jan. 2, 1857.
DEAR SIR:--Your favor containing draft on N. York, for Daniel
Robertson, came to hand on the 31st ult. Daniel begs to tender
his acknowledgments for your kind interest manifested in his
behalf, and says he hopes you will leave no measure untried
which has any appearance of success, and that the money shall be
forthcoming at a moment's notice. Daniel thinks that since
Christmas, the chances for his wife's deliverance are fewer than
before, for at that time he fears she was disposed of and
possibly went South.
The paper sent me, with your well-written article, was received,
and on reading it to Daniel, he knew some of the parties
mentioned in it--he was much pleased to hear it read. Daniel
spent New Year's in Elmira, about 18 miles from this place, and
there he met two whom he was well acquainted with.
Yours, &c.,
N. CORYELL.
WM. STILL, Esq., Phila.
Such devotion to freedom, such untiring labor, such appeals as these
letters contained awakened deep interest in the breasts of Daniel's new
friends, which spoke volumes in favor of the Slave and against
slave-holders. But, alas, nothing could be done to relieve the sorrowing
mind of poor Daniel for the deliverance of his wife in chains. The
Committee sympathized deeply with him, but could do no more. What other
events followed, in Daniel's life as a fugitive, were never made known
to the Committee.
Arthur Spence also deserves a notice. He was from North Carolina, about
twenty-four years of age, and of pleasing appearance, and was heart and
soul in sympathy with the cause of the Underground Rail Road. In North
Carolina he declared that he had been heavily oppressed by being
compelled to pay $175 per annum for his hire. In order to get rid of
this heavy load, by shrewd management he gained access to the
kind-hearted Captain and procured an Underground Rail Road ticket. In
leaving bondage, he was obliged to leave his mother, two brothers and
one sister. He appeared to be composed of just the kind of material for
making a good British subject.
Ben Dickinson. Ben was also a slave in North Carolina--located at
Eatontown, being the property of "Miss Ann Blunt, who was very hard." In
slave property Miss Blunt was interested to the number of about "ninety
head." She was much in the habit of hiring out servants, and in thus
disposing of her slaves Ben thought she was a great deal more concerned
in getting good prices for herself than good places for them. Indeed he
declared that "she did not care how mean the place was, if she could
only get her price." For three years Ben had Canada and the Underground
Rail Road in view, having been "badly treated." At last the long-looked
for time arrived, and he conferred neither with master nor mistress, but
"picked himself up" and "took out." Age twenty-eight, medium size, quite
dark, a good carpenter, and generally intelligent. Left two sisters,
etc.
Of this heroic and promising party we can only mention, in conclusion,
one more passenger, namely:
Tom Page. At the time of his arrival, his name only was enrolled on the
book. Yet he was not a passenger soon to be forgotten--he was but a mere
boy, probably eighteen years of age; but a more apt, ready-witted,
active, intelligent and self-reliant fellow is not often seen.
Judging from his smartness, under slavery, with no chances, it was easy
to imagine how creditably he might with a white boy's chances have
climbed the hill of art and science. Obviously he had intellect enough,
if properly cultivated, to fill any station within the ordinary reach of
intelligent American citizens. He could read and write remarkably well
for a slave, and well did he understand his advantages in this
particular; indeed if slave-holders had only been aware of the growing
tendency of Tom's mind, they would have rejoiced at hearing of his
departure for Canada; he was a most dangerous piece of property to be
growing up amongst slaves.
After leaving the Committee and going North his uncaged mind felt the
need of more education, and at the same time he was eager to make money,
and do something in life. As he had no one to depend on, parents and
relatives being left behind in Norfolk, he felt that he must rely upon
himself, young as he was. He first took up his abode in Boston, or New
Bedford, where most of the party with whom he escaped went, and where he
had an aunt, and perhaps some other distant kin. There he worked and was
a live young man indeed--among the foremost in ideas and notions about
freedom, etc., as many letters from him bore evidence. After spending a
year or more in Massachusetts, he had a desire to see how the fugitives
were doing in Upper and Lower Canada, and if any better chances existed
in these parts for men of his stamp.
Some of his letters, from different places, gave proof of real thought
and close observation, but they were not generally saved, probably were
loaned to be read by friendly eyes. Nevertheless the two subjoined will,
in a measure, suffice to give some idea of his intelligence, etc.
BOSTON, Mass., Feb. 25th, 1857.
WILLIAM STILL, Esq.:--Dear Sir--I have not heard from you for
some time. I take this opportunity of writing you a few lines to
let you and all know that I am well at present and thank God for
it. Dear Sir, I hear that the under ground railroad was in
operation. I am glad to hear that. Give my best respects to your
family and also to Dr. L., Mr. Warrick, Mr. Camp and familys, to
Mr. Fisher, Mr. Taylor to all Friends names too numerous to
mention. Please to let me know when the road arrived with
another cargo. I want to come to see you all before long, if
nothing happens and life lasts. Mrs. Gault requested me to learn
of you if you ask Mr. Bagnal if he will see father and what he
says about the children. Please to answer as soon as possible.
No more at present from a friend,
THOMAS F. PAGE.
NIAGARA FALLS, N.Y., Oct. 6th, '58.
DEAR SIR:--I received your kind letter and I was very glad to
hear from you and your family. This leaves me well, and I hope
when this comes to hand it may find you the same. I have seen a
large number of your U.G.R.R. friends in my travels through the
Eastern as well as the Western States. Well there are a good
many from my own city who I know--some I talk to on private
matters and some I wont. Well around here there are so
many--Tom, Dick and Harry--that you do not know who your friend
is. So it don't hurt any one to be careful. Well, somehow or
another, I do not like Canada, or the Provinces. I have been to
St. John, N.B., Lower Province, or Lower Canada, also St.
Catharines, C.W., and all around the Canada side, and I do not
like it at all. The people seem to be so queer--though I suppose
if I had of went to Canada when I first came North to live, I
might like it by this time. I was home when Aunt had her
Ambro-type taken for you. She often speaks of your kindness to
her. There are a number of your friends wishes you well. My
little brother is going to school in Boston. The lady, Mrs.
Hillard, that my Aunt lives with, thinks a good deal of him. He
is very smart and I think, if he lives, he may be of some
account. Do you ever see my old friend, Capt. Fountain? Please
to give my love to him, and tell him to come to Boston, as there
are a number of his friends that would like to see him. My best
respects to all friends. I must now bring my short epistle to a
close, by saying I remain your friend truly,
THOMAS F. PAGE.
While a portion of the party, on hand with him, came as passengers with
Capt. P., another portion was brought by Capt. B., both parties arriving
within twelve hours of each other; and both had likewise been frozen up
on the route for weeks with their respective live freight on board.
The sufferings for food, which they were called upon to endure, were
beyond description. They happened to have plenty of salt fat pork, and
perhaps beans, Indian meal and some potatoes for standing dishes; the
more delicate necessaries did not probably last longer than the first or
second week of their ice-bondage.
Without a doubt, one of these Captains left Norfolk about the twentieth
of January, but did not reach Philadelphia till about the twentieth of
March, having been frozen up, of course, during the greater part of that
time. Men, women and children were alike sharers in the common struggle
for freedom--were alike an hungered, in prison, naked, and sick, but it
was a fearful thing in those days for even women and children to whisper
their sad lamentations in the city of Philadelphia, except to those
friendly to the Underground Rail Road.
Doubtless, if these mothers, with their children and partners in
tribulation, could have been seen as they arrived direct from the boats,
many hearts would have melted, and many tears would have found their way
down many cheeks. But at that time cotton was acknowledged to be
King--the Fugitive Slave Law was supreme, and the notorious decision of
Judge Taney, that "black men had no rights which white men were bound to
respect," echoed the prejudices of the masses too clearly to have made
it safe to reveal the fact of their arrival, or even the heart-rending
condition of these Fugitives.
Nevertheless, they were not turned away empty, though at a peril they
were fed, aided, and comforted, and sent away well clothed. Indeed, so
bountifully were the women and children supplied, that as they were
being conveyed to the Camden and Amboy station, they looked more like a
pleasuring party than like fugitives. Some of the good friends of the
slave sent clothing, and likewise cheered them with their presence.
[Before the close of this volume, such friends and sympathizers will be
more particularly noticed in an appropriate place.]
* * * * *
SUNDRY ARRIVALS--LATTER PART OF DECEMBER, 1855, AND BEGINNING OF
JANUARY, 1856.
JOSEPH CORNISH, Dorchester Co., Md.; LEWIS FRANCIS, _alias_ LEWIS
JOHNSON, Harford Co., Md.; ALEXANDER MUNSON, Chestertown, Md.; SAMUEL
and ANN SCOTT, Cecil Cross-Roads, Md.; WM. HENRY LAMINSON, Del.; ISAAC
STOUT, _alias_ GEORGE WASHINGTON, CAROLINE GRAVES, Md.; HENRY and ELIZA
WASHINGTON, Alexandria, Va.; HENRY CHAMBERS, JOHN CHAMBERS, SAMUEL FALL,
and THOMAS ANDERSON, Md.
Joseph Cornish was about forty years of age when he escaped. The heavy
bonds of Slavery made him miserable. He was a man of much natural
ability, quite dark, well-made, and said that he had been "worked very
hard." According to his statement, he had been an "acceptable preacher
in the African Methodist Church," and was also "respected by the
respectable white and colored people in his neighborhood." He would not
have escaped but for fear of being sold, as he had a wife and five
children to whom he was very much attached, but had to leave them
behind. Fortunately they were free.
Of his ministry and connection with the Church, he spoke with feelings
of apparent solemnity, evidently under the impression that the little
flock he left would be without a shepherd. Of his master, Captain Samuel
Le Count, of the U.S. Navy, he had not one good word to speak; at least
nothing of the kind is found on the Record Book; but, on the contrary,
he declared that "he was very hard on his servants, allowing them no
chance whatever to make a little ready money for themselves." So in
turning his face towards the Underground Rail Road, and his back against
slavery, he felt that he was doing God service.
The Committee regarded him as a remarkable man, and was much impressed
with his story, and felt it to be a privilege and a pleasure to aid him.
Lewis Francis was a man of medium size, twenty-seven years of age,
good-looking and intelligent. He stated that he belonged to Mrs.
Delinas, of Abingdon, Harford Co., Md., but that he had been hired out
from a boy to a barber in Baltimore. For his hire his mistress received
eight dollars per month.
To encourage Lewis, his kind-hearted mistress allowed him out of his own
wages the sum of two dollars and fifty cents per annum! His clothing he
got as best he could, but nothing did she allow him for that purpose.
Even with this arrangement she had been dissatisfied of late years, and
thought she was not getting enough out of Lewis; she, therefore, talked
strongly of selling him. This threat was very annoying to Lewis, so much
so, that he made up his mind that he would one day let her see, that so
far as he was concerned, it was easier to talk of selling than it would
be to carry out her threat.
With this growing desire for freedom he gained what little light he
could on the subject of traveling, Canada, etc., and at a given time off
he started on his journey and found his way to the Committee, who
imparted substantial aid as usual.
Alexander Munson, alias Samuel Garrett. This candidate for Canada was
only eighteen years of age; a well-grown lad, however, and had the one
idea that "all men were born free" pretty deeply rooted in his mind. He
was quite smart, and of a chestnut color. By the will of his original
owner, the slaves were all entitled to their freedom, but it appeared,
from Alexander's story, that the executor of the estate did not regard
this freedom clause in the will. He had already sold some of the slaves,
and others--he among them--were expecting to be sold before coming into
possession of their freedom. Two of them had been sold to Alabama,
therefore, with these evil warnings, young Alexander resolved to strike
out at once for Canada, despite Maryland slave-holders. With this bold
and manly spirit he succeeded, of course.
Anna Scott and husband, Samuel Scott. This couple escaped from Cecil
Cross-Roads, Md. The wife, in this instance, evidently took the lead,
and acted the more manly part in striking for freedom; therefore, our
notice of this arrival will chiefly relate to her..
Anna was owned by a widow, named Mrs. Ann Elizabeth Lushy, who resided
on a farm of her own. Fifteen slaves, with other stock, were kept on the
place. She was accustomed to rule with severity, being governed by a
"high temper," and in nowise disposed to allow her slaves to enjoy even
ordinary privileges, and besides, would occasionally sell to the
Southern market. She was calculated to render slave life very unhappy.
Anna portrayed her mistress's treatment of the slaves with much
earnestness, especially when referring to the sale of her own brother
and sister. Upon the whole, the mistress was so hateful to Anna, that
she resolved not to live in the house with her. During several years
prior to her escape, Anna had been hired out, where she had been treated
a little more decently than her mistress was wont to do; on this account
she was less willing to put up with any subsequent abuse from her
mistress.
To escape was the only remedy, so she made up her mind, that she would
leave at all hazards. She gave her husband to understand, that she had
resolved to seek a home in Canada. Fortunately, he was free, but slavery
had many ways of putting the yoke on the colored man, even though he
might be free; it was bound to keep him in ignorance, and at the same
time miserably abject, so that he would scarcely dare to look up in the
presence of white people.
Sam, apparently, was one of the number who had been greatly wronged in
this particular. He had less spirit than his wife, who had been directly
goaded to desperation. He agreed, however, to stand by her in her
struggles while fleeing, and did so, for which he deserves credit. It
must be admitted, that it required some considerable nerve for a free
man even to join his wife in an effort of this character. In setting
out, Anna had to leave her father (Jacob Trusty), seven sisters and two
brothers. The names of the sisters were as follows: Emeline, Susan Ann,
Delilah, Mary Eliza, Rosetta, Effie Ellender and Elizabeth; the
brothers--Emson and Perry. For the commencement of their journey they
availed themselves of the Christmas holidays, but had to suffer from the
cold weather they encountered. Yet they got along tolerably well, and
were much cheered by the attention and aid they received from the
Committee.
William Henry Laminson came from near Newcastle, Delaware. He was smart
enough to take advantage of the opportunity to escape at the age of
twenty-one. As he had given the matter his fullest attention for a long
time, he was prepared to make rapid progress when he did start, and as
he had no great distance to travel it is not unlikely, that while his
master was one night sleeping soundly, this young piece of property
(worth at least $1,000 in the market), was crossing Mason and Dixon's
Line, and steering directly for Canada. Francis Harkins was the name of
the master. William did not give him a very bad character.
George Washington Gooseberry, alias Isaac Stout, also took advantage of
the holidays to separate from his old master, Anthony Rybold, a farmer
living near Newcastle, Delaware. Nothing but the desire to be free moved
George to escape. He was a young man about twenty-three years of age, of
a pure black color, in stature, medium size, and well-made. Nothing
remarkable is noted in the book in any way connected with his life or
escape.
Caroline Graves. Caroline was of the bond class belonging to the State
of Maryland. Having reached the age of forty without being content, and
seeing no bright prospect in the future, she made up her mind to break
away from the bonds of Slavery and seek a more congenial atmosphere
among strangers in Canada. She had had the privilege of trying two
masters in her life-time; the first she admitted was "kind" to her, but
the latter was "cruel." After arriving in Canada, she wrote back as
follows:
TORONTO, Jan. 22, 1856.
DEAR SIR:--WILLIAM STILL--I have found my company they arrived
here on monday eving I found them on tusday evening. Please to
be so kind as to send them boxes we are here without close to
ware we have some white frendes is goin to pay for them at this
end of the road. The reason that we send this note we are afraid
the outher one woudent go strait because it wasent derected
wright. Please to send them by the express then thay wont be
lost. Please to derect these boxes for Carline Graives in the
car of mrs. Brittion. Please to send the bil of the boxes on
with them. Mrs. Brittion, Lousig street near young street.
George Graham and wife, Jane, alias Henry Washington and Eliza. The cold
weather of January was preferred, in this instance, for traveling.
Indeed matters were so disagreeable with them that they could not tarry
in their then quarters any longer. George was twenty-four years of age,
quite smart, pleasant countenance, and of dark complexion.
He had experienced "rough usage" all the way along through life, not
unfrequently from severe floggings. Twice, within the last year, he had
been sold. In order to prevent a renewal of these inflictions he
resorted to the Underground Rail Road with his wife, to whom he had only
been married six months.
In one sense, they appeared to be in a sad condition, it being the dead
of winter, but their condition in Alexandria, under a brutal master and
mistress which both had the misfortune to have, was much sadder. To give
all their due, however, George's wife acknowledged, that she had been
"well treated under her old mistress," but through a change, she had
fallen into the hands of a "new one," by whom her life had been rendered
most "miserable;" so much so, that she was willing to do almost anything
to get rid of her, and was, therefore, driven to join her husband in
running away.
Henry Chambers, John Chambers, Samuel Fall, and Jonathan Fisher. This
party represented the more promising-looking field-hand slave population
of Maryland. Henry and John were brothers, twenty-four and twenty-six
years of age, stout made, chestnut color, good-looking, but in height
not quite medium. Henry "owed service or labor," to a fellow-man by the
name of William Rybold, a farmer living near Sassafras Neck, Md. Henry
evidently felt, that he did master Rybold no injustice in testifying
that he knew no good of him, although he had labored under him like a
beast of burden all his days. He had been "clothed meanly," and "poorly
fed." He also alleged, that his mistress was worse than his master, as
she would "think nothing of knocking and beating the slave women for
nothing." John was owned by Thomas Murphy. From that day to this, Thomas
may have been troubling his brain to know why his man John treated him
so shabbily as to leave him in the manner that he did. Jack had a good
reason for his course, nevertheless. In his corn field-phrase he
declared, that his master Murphy would not give you half clothes, and
besides he was a "hard man," who kept Jack working out on hire.
Therefore, feeling his wrongs keenly, Jack decided, with his other
friends, to run off and be free.
Sam, another comrade, was also owned by William Rybold. Sam had just
arrived at his maturity (twenty-one), when he was invited to join in the
plot to escape. At first, it might be thought strange, why one so young
should seek to escape. A few brief words from Sam soon explained the
mystery. It was this: his master, as he said, had been in the habit of
tying him up by the hands and flogging him unmercifully; besides, in the
allowance of food and clothing, he always "stinted the slaves yet worked
them very hard." Sam's chances for education had been very unfavorable,
but he had mind enough to know that liberty was worth struggling for. He
was willing to make the trial with the other boys. He was of a dark
chestnut color, and of medium size.
Jonathan belonged to A. Rybold, and was only nineteen years of age. All
that need be said in relation to his testimony, is, that it agreed with
his colleague's and fellow-servant's, Samuel. Before starting on their
journey, they felt the need of new names, and in putting their wits
together, they soon fixed this matter by deciding to pass in future by
the following names: James and David Green, John Henry, and Jonathan
Fisher.
In the brief sketches given in this chapter, some lost ones, seeking
information of relatives, may find comfort, even if the general reader
should fail to be interested.
PART OF THE ARRIVALS IN DECEMBER, 1855.
THOMAS JERVIS GOOSEBERRY and WILLIAM THOMAS FREEMAN, _alias_ EZEKIEL
CHAMBERS; HENRY HOOPER; JACOB HALL, _alias_ HENRY THOMAS, and wife,
HENRIETTA and child; Two men from near Chestertown, Md.; FENTON JONES;
MARY CURTIS; WILLIAM BROWN; CHARLES HENRY BROWN; OLIVER PURNELL and
ISAAC FIDGET.
Thomas Jervis Gooseberry and William Thomas Freeman. The coming of this
party was announced in the subjoined letter:
SCHUYLKILL, 11th Mo., 29th, 1855.
WILLIAM STILL: DEAR FRIEND:--Those boys will be along by the
last Norristown train to-morrow evening. I think the train
leaves Norristown at 6 o'clock, but of this inform thyself. The
boys will be sent to a friend at Norristown, with instructions
to assist them in getting seats in the last train that leaves
Norristown to-morrow evening. They are two of the eleven who
left some time since, and took with them some of their master's
horses; I have told them to remain in the cars at Green street
until somebody meets them.
E.F. PENNYPACKER.
Having arrived safely, by the way and manner indicated in E.F.
Pennypacker's note, as they were found to be only sixteen and seventeen
years of age, considerable interest was felt by the Acting Committee to
hear their story. They were closely questioned in the usual manner. They
proved to be quite intelligent, considering how young they were, and how
the harrow of Slavery had been upon them from infancy.
They escaped from Chestertown, Md., in company with nine others (they
being a portion of the eleven who arrived in Wilmington, with two
carriages, etc., noticed on page 302), but, for prudential reasons they
were separated while traveling. Some were sent on, but the boys had to
be retained with friends in the country. Many such separations were
inevitable. In this respect a great deal of care and trouble had to be
endured for the sake of the cause.
Thomas Jervis, the elder boy, was quite dark, and stammered somewhat,
yet he was active and smart. He stated that Sarah Maria Perkins was his
mistress in Maryland. He was disposed to speak rather favorably of her,
at least he said that she was "tolerably kind" to her servants. She,
however, was in the habit of hiring out, to reap a greater revenue for
them, and did not always get them places where they were treated as well
as she herself treated them. Tom left his father, Thomas Gooseberry, and
three sisters, Julia Ann, Mary Ellen, and Katie Bright, all slaves.
Ezekiel, the younger boy, was of a chestnut color, clever-looking,
smart, and well-grown, just such an one as a father enjoying the
blessings of education and citizenship, might have felt a considerable
degree of pride in. He was owned by a man called John Dwa, who followed
"farming and drinking," and when under the influence of liquor, was
disposed to ill-treat the slaves. Ezekiel had not seen his mother for
many years, although she was living in Baltimore, and was known by the
name of "Dorcas Denby." He left no brothers nor sisters.
The idea of boys, so young and inexperienced as they were, being thrown
on the world, gave occasion for serious reflection. Still the Committee
were rejoiced that they were thus early in life, getting away from the
"Sum of all villanies." In talking with them, the Committee endeavored
to impress them with right ideas as to how they should walk in life,
aided them, of course, and sent them off with a double share of advice.
What has been their destiny since, is not known.
Henry Hooper, a young man of nineteen years of age, came from Maryland,
in December, in a subsequent Underground Rail Road arrival. That he came
in good order, and was aided and sent off, was fully enough stated on
the book, but nothing else; space, however was left for the writing out
of his narrative, but it was never filled up. Probably the loose sheet
on which the items were jotted down, was lost.
Jacob Hall, alias Henry Thomas, wife Henrietta, and child, were also
among the December passengers. On the subject of freedom they were
thoroughly converted. Although Jacob was only about twenty years of age,
he had seen enough of Slavery under his master, "Major William
Hutchins," whom he described as a "farmer, commissioner, drunkard, and
hard master," to know that no hope could be expected from him, but if he
remained, he would daily have to be under the "harrow." The desire to
work for himself was so strong, that he could not reconcile his mind to
the demands of Slavery. While meditating upon freedom, he concluded to
make an effort with his wife and child to go to Canada.
His wife, Henrietta, who was then owned by a woman named Sarah Ann
McGough, was as unhappily situated as himself. Indeed Henrietta had come
to the conclusion, that it was out of the question for a servant to
please her mistress, it mattered not how hard she might try; she also
said, that her mistress drank, and that made her "wus."
Besides, she had sold Henrietta's brother and sister, and was then
taking steps to sell her,--had just had her appraised with this view. It
was quite easy, therefore, looking at their condition in the light of
these plain facts, for both husband and wife to agree, that they could
not make their condition any worse, even if they should be captured in
attempting to escape. Henrietta also remembered, that years before her
mother had escaped, and got off to Canada, which was an additional
encouragement. Thus, as her own faith was strengthened, she could
strengthen that of her husband.
Their little child they resolved to cling to through thick and thin; so,
in order that they might not have so far to carry him, father and mother
each bridled a horse and "took out" in the direction of the first
Underground Rail Road station. Their faithful animals proved of
incalculable service, but they were obliged to turn them loose on the
road without even having the opportunity or pleasure of rewarding them
with a bountiful feed of oats.
Although they had strange roads, woods and night scenes to pass through,
yet they faltered not. They found friends and advisers on the road,
however, and reached the Committee in safety, who was made to rejoice
that such promising-looking "property" could come out of Ladies' Manor,
Maryland. The Committee felt that they had acted wisely in taking the
horses to assist them the first night.
The next arrival is recorded thus: "Dec. 10, 1855, Arrived, two men from
near Chestertown, Md. They came to Wilmington in a one horse wagon, and
through aid of T.G. they were sent on." (Further account at the time,
written on a loose piece of paper, is among the missing).
Fenton Jones escaped from Frederick, Md. After arriving in the
neighborhood of Ereildoun, Pa., he was induced to tarry awhile for the
purpose of earning means to carry him still farther. But he was soon led
to apprehend danger, and was advised and directed to apply to the
Vigilance Committee of Philadelphia for the needed aid, which he did,
and was dispatched forthwith to Canada.
About the same time a young woman arrived, calling herself Mary Curtis.
She was from Baltimore, and was prompted to escape to keep from being
sold. She was nineteen years of age, small size, dark complexion. No
special incidents in her life were noted.
William Brown came next. If others had managed to make their way out of
the prison-house without great difficulties, it was far from William to
meet with such good luck, as he had suffered excessively for five weeks
while traveling. It was an easy matter for a traveler to get lost, not
knowing the roads, nor was it safe to apply to a stranger for
information or direction--therefore, in many instances, the journey
would either have to be given up, or be prosecuted, suffering almost to
the death.
In the trying circumstances in which William found himself, dark as
everything looked, he could not consent to return to his master, as he
felt persuaded, that if he did, there would be no rest on earth for him.
He well remembered, that, because he had resisted being flogged (being
high spirited), his master had declined to sell him for the express
purpose of making an example of him--as a warning to the other slaves on
the place. William was as much opposed to being thus made use of as he
was to being flogged. His reflections and his stout heart enabled him to
endure five weeks of severe suffering while fleeing from oppression. Of
course, when he did succeed, the triumph was unspeakably joyous.
Doubtless, he had thought a great deal during this time, and being an
intelligent fugitive, he interested the Committee greatly.
The man that he escaped from was called William Elliott, a farmer,
living in Prince George's county, Md. William Elliott claimed the right
to flog and used it too. William, however, gave him the character of
being among the moderate slave-holders of that part of the country. This
was certainly a charitable view. William was of a chestnut color, well
made, and would have commanded, under the "hammer," a high price, if his
apparent intelligence had not damaged him. He left his father,
grand-mother, four sisters and two brothers, all living where he fled
from.
Charles Henry Brown. This "chattel" was owned by Dr. Richard Dorsey, of
Cambridge, Maryland. Up to twenty-seven years of age, he had experienced
and observed how slaves were treated in his neighborhood, and he made up
his mind that he was not in favor of the Institution in any form
whatever. Indeed he felt, that for a man to put his hand in his
neighbor's pocket and rob him, was nothing compared to the taking of a
man's hard earnings from year to year. Really Charles reasoned the case
so well, in his uncultured country phrases, that the Committee was
rather surprised, and admired his spirit in escaping. He was a man of
not quite medium size, with marked features of mind and character.
Oliver Purnell and Isaac Fidget arrived from Berlin, Md. Each had
different owners. Oliver stated that Mose Purnell had owned him, and
that he was a tolerably moderate kind of a slave-holder, although he was
occasionally subject to fractious turns. Oliver simply gave as his
reason for leaving in the manner that he did, that he wanted his "own
earnings." He felt that he had as good a right to the fruit of his labor
as anybody else. Despite all the pro-slavery teachings he had listened
to all his life, he was far from siding with the pro-slavery doctrines.
He was about twenty-six years of age, chestnut color, wide awake and a
man of promise; yet it was sadly obvious that he had been blighted and
cursed by slavery even in its mildest forms. He left his parents, two
brothers and three sisters all slaves in the hands of Purnell, the
master whom he deserted.
Isaac, his companion, was about thirty years of age, dark, and in
intellect about equal to the average passengers on the Underground Rail
Road. He had a very lively hope of finding his wife in freedom, she
having escaped the previous Spring; but of her whereabouts he was
ignorant, as he had had no tidings of her since her departure. A lady by
the name of Mrs. Fidget held the deed for Isaac. He spoke kindly of her,
as he thought she treated her slaves quite as well at least as the best
of slave-holders in his neighborhood. His view was a superficial one, it
meant only that they had not been beaten and starved half to death.
As the heroic adventures and sufferings of Slaves struggling for
freedom, shall be read by coming generations, were it not for
unquestioned statutes upholding Slavery in its dreadful heinousness,
people will hardly be able to believe that such atrocities were enacted
in the nineteenth century, under a highly enlightened, Christianized,
and civilized government. Having already copied a statute enacted by the
State of Virginia, as a sample of Southern State laws, it seems fitting
that the Fugitive Slave Bill, enacted by the Congress of the United
States, shall be also copied, in order to commemorate that most infamous
deed, by which, it may be seen, how great were the bulwarks of
oppression to be surmounted by all who sought to obtain freedom by
flight.
THE FUGITIVE SLAVE BILL OF 1850.
"AN ACT RESPECTING FUGITIVES FROM JUSTICE, AND PERSONS ESCAPING FROM THE
SERVICE OF THEIR MASTERS."
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the
United States of America in Congress assembled:
That the persons who have been, or may hereafter be appointed
commissioners, in virtue of any Act of Congress, by the circuit
courts of the United States, and who, in consequence of such
appointment, are authorized to exercise the powers that any
justice of the peace or other magistrate of any of the United
States, may exercise in respect to offenders for any crime or
offence against the United States, by arresting, imprisoning, or
bailing the same under and by virtue of the thirty-third section
of the act of the twenty-fourth of September, seventeen hundred
and eighty-nine, entitled, "An act to establish the judicial
courts of the United States," shall be, and are hereby
authorized and required to exercise and discharge all the powers
and duties conferred by this act.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted: That the superior court of
each organized territory of the United States, shall have the
same power to appoint commissioners to take acknowledgments of
bail and affidavit, and to take depositions of witnesses in
civil causes, which is now possessed by the circuit courts of
the United States, and all commissioners, who shall hereafter be
appointed for such purposes, by the superior court of any
organized territory of the United States, shall possess all the
powers, and exercise all the duties conferred by law, upon the
commissioners appointed by the circuit courts of the United
States for similar purposes, and shall, moreover, exercise and
discharge all the powers and duties conferred by this act.
SEC. 3. And be it further enacted: That the circuit courts of
the United States, and the superior courts of each organized
territory of the United States, shall, from time to time,
enlarge the number of Commissioners, with a view to afford
reasonable facilities to reclaim fugitives from labor, and to
the prompt discharge of the duties imposed by this act.
SEC. 4. And be it further enacted, that the commissioners above
named, shall have concurrent jurisdiction with the judges of the
circuit and district courts of the United States, in their
respective circuits and districts within the several States, and
the judges of the superior courts of the Territories severally
and collectively, in term time and vacation; and shall grant
certificates to such claimants, upon satisfactory proof being
made, with authority to take and remove such fugitives from
service or labor, under the restrictions herein contained, to
the State or territory from which such persons may have escaped
or fled.
SEC. 5. And be it further enacted: That it shall be the duty of
all marshals and deputy marshals, to obey and execute all
warrants and precepts issued under the provisions of this act,
when to them directed; and should any marshal or deputy marshal
refuse to receive such warrant or other process when tendered,
or to use all proper means diligently to execute the same, he
shall, on conviction thereof, be fined in the sum of one
thousand dollars to the use of such claimant, on the motion of
such claimant by the circuit or district court for the district
of such marshal; and after arrest of such fugitive by the
marshal, or his deputy, or whilst at any time in his custody,
under the provisions of this act, should such fugitive escape,
whether with or without the assent of such marshal or his
deputy, such marshal shall be liable, on his official bond, to
be prosecuted, for the benefit of such claimant, for the full
value of the service or labor of said fugitive in the State,
Territory or district whence he escaped; and the better to
enable the said commissioners, when thus appointed, to execute
their duties faithfully and efficiently, in conformity with the
requirements of the Constitution of the United States, and of
this act, they are hereby authorized and empowered, within their
counties respectively, to appoint in writing under their hands,
any one or more suitable persons, from time to time, to execute
all such warrants and other process as may be issued by them in
the lawful performance of their respective duties, with an
authority to such commissioners, or the persons to be appointed
by them, to execute process as aforesaid, to summon and call to
their aid the bystanders or posse comitatus, of the proper
county, when necessary to insure a faithful observance of the
clause of the Constitution referred to, in conformity with the
provisions of this act; and all good citizens are hereby
commanded to aid and assist in the prompt and efficient
execution of this law, whenever their services may be required,
as aforesaid, for that purpose; and said warrants shall run and
be executed by said officers anywhere in the State within which
they are issued.
SEC. 6. And be it further enacted, That when a person held to
service or labor in any State or Territory of the United States,
has heretofore, or shall hereafter escape into another State or
Territory of the United States, the person or persons to whom
such service or labor may be due, or his, her or their agent or
attorney, duly authorized, by power of attorney, in writing,
acknowledged and certified under the seal of some legal office
or court of the State or Territory, in which the same may be
executed, may pursue and reclaim such fugitive person, either by
procuring a warrant from some one of the courts, judges, or
commissioners aforesaid, of the proper circuit, district or
county, for the apprehension of such fugitive from service or
labor, or by seizing and arresting such fugitive, where the same
can be done without process, and by taking, or causing such
person to be taken, forthwith, before such court, judge or
commissioner, whose duty it shall be to hear and determine the
case of such claimant in a summary manner, and upon satisfactory
proof being made, by deposition or affidavit, in writing, to be
taken and certified by such court, judge or commissioner, or by
other satisfactory testimony, duly taken and certified by some
court, magistrate, justice of the peace, or other legal officer
authorized to administer an oath and take depositions under the
laws of the State or Territory from which such person owing
service or labor may have escaped, with a certificate of such
magistrate, or other authority, as aforesaid, with the seal of
the proper court or officer thereto attached, which seal shall
be sufficient to establish the competency of the proof, and with
proof also, by affidavit, of the identity of the person whose
service or labor is claimed to be due, as aforesaid, that the
person so arrested does in fact owe service or labor to the
person or persons claiming him or her, in the State or Territory
from which such fugitive may have escaped, as aforesaid, and
that said person escaped, to make out and deliver to such
claimant, his or her agent or attorney, a certificate setting
forth the substantial facts as to the service or labor due from
such fugitive to the claimant, and of his or her escape from the
State or Territory in which such service or labor was due, to
the State or Territory, in which he or she was arrested, with
authority to such claimant, or his or her agent or attorney, to
use such reasonable force and restraint as may be necessary,
under the circumstances of the case, to take and remove such
fugitive person back to the State or Territory from whence he or
she may have escaped, as aforesaid. In no trial or hearing,
under this act, shall the testimony of such alleged fugitives be
admitted in evidence, and the certificates in this and the first
section mentioned, shall be conclusive of the right of the
person or persons in whose favor granted to remove such
fugitives to the State or Territory from which they escaped, and
shall prevent all molestation of said person or persons by any
process issued by any court, judge, magistrate, or other person
whomsoever.
SEC. 7. And be it further enacted, That any person who shall
knowingly and willfully obstruct, hinder, or prevent such
claimant, his agent, or attorney, or any person or persons
lawfully assisting him, her or them from arresting such a
fugitive from service or labor, either with or without process,
as aforesaid, or shall rescue, or attempt to rescue, such
fugitive from service or labor, or from the custody of such
claimant, his or her agent, or attorney, or other person or
persons lawfully assisting, as aforesaid, when so arrested,
pursuant to the authority herein given and declared, or shall
aid, abet, or assist such person, so owing service or labor, as
aforesaid, directly or indirectly, to escape from such claimant,
his agent or attorney, or other person or persons legally
authorized, as aforesaid, or shall harbor or conceal such
fugitive, so as to prevent the discovery and arrest of such
person, after notice or knowledge of the fact that such person
was a fugitive from service or labor, as aforesaid, shall, for
either of said offences, be subject to a fine not exceeding one
thousand dollars, and imprisonment not exceeding six months, by
indictment and conviction before the District Court of the
United States, for the district in which such offence may have
been committed, or before the proper court of criminal
jurisdiction, if committed within any one of the organized
Territories of the United States; and shall, moreover, forfeit
and pay, by way of civil damages, to the party injured by such
illegal conduct, the sum of one thousand dollars for each
fugitive so lost, as aforesaid, to be recovered by action of
debt in any of the District or Territorial Courts aforesaid,
within whose jurisdiction the said offence may have been
committed.
SEC. 8. And be it further enacted, That the Marshals, their
deputies, and the clerks of the said districts and territorial
courts, shall be paid for their services the like fees as may be
allowed to them for similar services in other cases; and where
such services are rendered exclusively in the arrest, custody,
and delivery of the fugitives to the claimant, his or her agent,
or attorney, or where such supposed fugitive may be discharged
out of custody from the want of sufficient proof, as aforesaid,
then such fees are to be paid in the whole by such complainant,
his agent or attorney, and in all cases where the proceedings
are before a Commissioner, he shall be entitled to a fee of ten
dollars in full for his services in each case, upon the delivery
of the said certificate to the claimant, his or her agent or
attorney; or a fee of five dollars in cases where proof shall
not, in the opinion of said Commissioner, warrant such
certificate and delivery, inclusive of all services incident to
such arrest and examination, to be paid in either case, by the
claimant, his or her agent or attorney. The person or persons
authorized to execute the process to be issued by such
Commissioners for the arrest and detention of fugitives from
service or labor, as aforesaid, shall also be entitled to a fee
of five dollars each for each person he or they may arrest and
take before any such Commissioners, as aforesaid, at the
instance and request of such claimant, with such other fees as
may be deemed reasonable by such Commissioner for such other
additional services as may be necessarily performed by him or
them; such as attending to the examination, keeping the fugitive
in custody, and providing him with food and lodgings during his
detention, and until the final determination of such
Commissioner; and in general for performing such other duties as
may be required by such claimant, his or her attorney or agent
or commissioner in the premises; such fees to be made up in
conformity with the fees usually charged by the officers of the
courts of justice within the proper district or county as far as
may be practicable, and paid by such claimants, their agents or
attorneys, whether such supposed fugitive from service or labor
be ordered to be delivered to such claimants by the final
determination of such Commissioners or not.
SEC. 9. And be it further enacted, That upon affidavit made by
the claimant of such fugitive, his agent or attorney, after such
certificate has been issued, that he has reason to apprehend
that such fugitive will be rescued by force from his or their
possession before he can be taken beyond the limits of the State
in which the arrest is made, it shall be the duty of the officer
making the arrest to retain such fugitive in his custody, and to
remove him to the State whence he fled, and there to deliver him
to said claimant, his agent or attorney. And to this end the
officer aforesaid is hereby authorized and required to employ so
many persons as he may deem necessary, to overcome such force,
and to retain them in his service so long as circumstances may
require; the said officer and his assistants, while so employed,
to receive the same compensation, and to be allowed the same
expenses as are now allowed by law for the transportation of
criminals, to be certified by the judge of the district within
which the arrest is made, and paid out of the treasury of the
United States.
SEC. 10. And be it further enacted, That when any person held to
service or labor in any State or Territory, or in the District
of Columbia, shall escape therefrom, the party to whom such
service or labor shall be due, his, her, or their agent, or
attorney may apply to any court of record therein, or judge
thereof in vacation, and make such satisfactory proof to such
court or judge in vacation, of the escape aforesaid, and that
the person escaping owed service or labor to such party.
Thereupon the court shall cause a record to be made of the
matters so proved, and also a personal description of the person
so escaping, with such convenient certainty as may be; and a
transcript of such record, authenticated by the attestation of
the clerk, and of the seal of said court being produced in any
other State, Territory or District in which the person so
escaping may be found, and being exhibited to any judge,
commissioner, or other officer authorized by the law of the
United States to cause persons escaping from, service or labor
to be delivered up, shall be held and taken to be full and
conclusive evidence of the fact of escape, and that the service
or labor of the person escaping is due to the party in such
record mentioned. And upon the production, by the said party, of
other and further evidence, if necessary, either oral or by
affidavit, in addition to what is contained in said record of
the identity of the person escaping, he or she shall be
delivered up to the claimant. And said court, commissioners,
judge, or other persons authorized by this act to grant
certificates to claimants of fugitives, shall, upon the
production of the record and other evidence aforesaid, grant to
such claimant a certificate of his right to take any such
person, identified and proved to be owing service or labor as
aforesaid, which certificate shall authorize such claimant to
seize, or arrest, and transport such person to the State or
Territory from which he escaped: Provided, That nothing herein
contained shall be construed as requiring the production of a
transcript of such record as evidence as aforesaid, but in its
absence, the claim shall be heard and determined upon other
satisfactory proofs competent in law.
* * * * *
THE SLAVE-HUNTING TRAGEDY IN LANCASTER COUNTY, IN SEPTEMBER, 1851.
"TREASON AT CHRISTIANA."
Having inserted the Fugitive Slave Bill in these records of the
Underground Rail Road, one or two slave cases will doubtless suffice to
illustrate the effect of its passage on the public mind, and the colored
people in particular. The deepest feelings of loathing, contempt and
opposition were manifested by the opponents of Slavery on every hand.
Anti-slavery papers, lecturers, preachers, etc., arrayed themselves
boldly against it on the ground of its inhumanity and violation of the
laws of God.
On the other hand, the slave-holders South, and their pro-slavery
adherents in the North demanded the most abject obedience from all
parties, regardless of conscience or obligation to God. In order to
compel such obedience, as well as to prove the practicability of the
law, unbounded zeal daily marked the attempt on the part of
slave-holders and slave-catchers to refasten the fetters on the limbs of
fugitives in different parts of the North, whither they had escaped.
In this dark hour, when colored men's rights were so insecure, as a
matter of self-defence, they felt called upon to arm themselves and
resist all kidnapping intruders, although clothed with the authority of
wicked law. Among the most exciting cases tending to justify this
course, the following may be named:
James Hamlet was the first slave case who was summarily arrested under
the Fugitive Slave Law, and sent back to bondage from New York.
William and Ellen Craft were hotly pursued to Boston by hunters from
Georgia.
Adam Gibson, a free colored man, residing in Philadelphia, was arrested,
delivered into the hands of his alleged claimants, by commissioner
Edward D. Ingraham, and hurried into Slavery.
Euphemia Williams (the mother of six living children),--her case excited
much interest and sympathy.
Shadrach was arrested and rescued in Boston.
Hannah Dellum and her child were returned to Slavery from Philadelphia.
Thomas Hall and his wife were pounced upon at midnight in Chester
county, beaten and dragged off to Slavery, etc.
And, as if gloating over their repeated successes, and utterly
regardless of all caution, about one year after the passage of this
nefarious bill, a party of slave-hunters arranged for a grand capture at
Christiana.
One year from the passage of the law, at a time when alarm and
excitement were running high, the most decided stand was taken at
Christiana, in the State of Pennsylvania, to defeat the law, and defend
freedom. Fortunately for the fugitives the plans of the slave-hunters
and officials leaked out while arrangements were making in Philadelphia
for the capture, and, information being sent to the Anti-slavery office,
a messenger was at once dispatched to Christiana to put all persons
supposed to be in danger on their guard.
Among those thus notified, were brave hearts, who did not believe in
running away from slave-catchers. They resolved to stand up for the
right of self-defence. They loved liberty and hated Slavery, and when
the slave-catchers arrived, they were prepared for them. Of the contest,
on that bloody morning, we have copied a report, carefully written at
the time, by C.M. Burleigh, editor of the "Pennsylvania Freeman," who
visited the scene of battle, immediately after it was over, and
doubtless obtained as faithful an account of all the facts in the case,
as could then be had.
"Last Thursday morning, (the 11th inst,), a peaceful
neighborhood in the borders of Lancaster county, was made the
scene of a bloody battle, resulting from an attempt to capture
seven colored men as fugitive slaves. As the reports of the
affray which came to us were contradictory, and having good
reason to believe that those of the daily press were grossly
one-sided and unfair, we repaired to the scene of the tragedy,
and, by patient inquiry and careful examination, endeavored to
learn the real facts. To do this, from the varying and
conflicting statements which we encountered, scarcely two of
which agreed in every point, was not easy; but we believe the
account we give below, as the result of these inquiries, is
substantially correct.
Very early on the 11th inst. a party of slave-hunters went into
a neighborhood about two miles west of Christiana, near the
eastern border of Lancaster county, in pursuit of fugitive
slaves. The party consisted of Edward Gorsuch, his son,
Dickerson Gorsuch, his nephew, Dr. Pearce, Nicholas Hutchins,
and others, all from Baltimore county, Md., and one Henry H.
Kline, a notorious slave-catching constable from Philadelphia,
who had been deputized by Commissioner Ingraham for this
business. At about day-dawn they were discovered lying in an
ambush near the house of one William Parker, a colored man, by
an inmate of the house, who had started for his work. He fled
back to the house, pursued by the slave-hunters, who entered the
lower part of the house, but were unable to force their way into
the upper part, to which the family had retired. A horn was
blown from an upper window; two shots were fired, both, as we
believe, though we are not certain, by the assailants, one at
the colored man who fled into the house, and the other at the
inmates, through the window. No one was wounded by either. A
parley ensued. The slave-holder demanded his slaves, who he said
were concealed in the house. The colored men presented
themselves successively at the window, and asked if they were
the slaves claimed; Gorsuch said, that neither of them was his
slave. They told him that they were the only colored men in the
house, and were determined never to be taken alive as slaves.
Soon the colored people of the neighborhood, alarmed by the
horn, began to gather, armed with guns, axes, corn-cutters, or
clubs. Mutual threatenings were uttered by the two parties. The
slave-holders told the blacks that resistance would be useless,
as they had a party of thirty men in the woods near by. The
blacks warned them again to leave, as they would die before they
would go into Slavery.
From an hour to an hour and a half passed in these parleyings,
angry conversations, and threats; the blacks increasing by new
arrivals, until they probably numbered from thirty to fifty,
most of them armed in some way. About this time, Castner
Hanaway, a white man, and a Friend, who resided in the
neighborhood, rode up, and was soon followed by Elijah Lewis,
another Friend, a merchant, in Cooperville, both gentlemen
highly esteemed as worthy and peaceable citizens. As they came
up, Kline, the deputy marshal, ordered them to aid him, as a
United States officer, to capture the fugitive slaves. They
refused of course, as would any man not utterly destitute of
honor, humanity, and moral principle, and warned the assailants
that it was madness for them to attempt to capture fugitive
slaves there, or even to remain, and begged them if they wished
to save their own lives, to leave the ground. Kline replied, "Do
you really think so?" "Yes," was the answer, "the sooner you
leave, the better, if you would prevent bloodshed." Kline then
left the ground, retiring into a very safe distance into a
cornfield, and toward the woods. The blacks were so exasperated
by his threats, that, but for the interposition of the two white
Friends, it is very doubtful whether he would have escaped
without injury. Messrs. Hanaway and Lewis both exerted their
influence to dissuade the colored people from violence, and
would probably have succeeded in restraining them, had not the
assailing party fired upon them. Young Gorsuch asked his father
to leave, but the old man refused, declaring, as it is said and
believed, that he would "go to hell, or have his slaves."
Finding they could do nothing further, Hanaway and Lewis both
started to leave, again counselling the slave-hunters to go
away, and the colored people to peace, but had gone but a few
rods, when one of the inmates of the house attempted to come out
at the door. Gorsuch presented his revolver, ordering him back.
The colored man replied, "You had better go away, if you don't
want to get hurt," and at the same time pushed him aside and
passed out. Maddened at this, and stimulated by the question of
his nephew, whether he would "take such an insult from a d----d
nigger," Gorsuch fired at the colored man, and was followed by
his son and nephew, who both fired their revolvers. The fire was
returned by the blacks, who made a rush upon them at the same
time. Gorsuch and his son fell, the one dead the other wounded.
The rest of the party after firing their revolvers, fled
precipitately through the corn and to the woods, pursued by some
of the blacks. One was wounded, the rest escaped unhurt. Kline,
the deputy marshal, who now boasts of his miraculous escape from
a volley of musket-balls, had kept at a safe distance, though
urged by young Gorsuch to stand by his father and protect him,
when he refused to leave the ground. He of course came off
unscathed. Several colored men were wounded, but none severely.
Some had their hats or their clothes perforated with bullets;
others had flesh wounds. They said that the Lord protected them,
and they shook the bullets from their clothes. One man found
several shot in his boot, which seemed to have spent their force
before reaching him, and did not even break the skin. The
slave-holders having fled, several neighbors, mostly Friends and
anti-slavery men, gathered to succor the wounded and take charge
of the dead. We are told that Parker himself protected the
wounded man from his excited comrades, and brought water and a
bed from his own house for the invalid, thus showing that he was
as magnanimous to his fallen enemy as he was brave in the
defence of his own liberty. The young man was then removed to a
neighboring house, where the family received him with the
tenderest kindness and paid him every attention, though they
told him in Quaker phrase, that "they had no unity with his
cruel business," and were very sorry to see him engaged in it.
He was much affected by their kindness, and we are told,
expressed his regret that he had been thus engaged, and his
determination, if his life was spared, never again to make a
similar attempt. His wounds are very severe, and it is feared
mortal. All attempts to procure assistance to capture the
fugitive slaves failed, the people in the neighborhood either
not relishing the business of slave-catching, or at least, not
choosing to risk their lives in it. There was a very great
reluctance felt to going even to remove the body and the wounded
man, until several abolitionists and Friends had collected for
that object, when others found courage to follow on. The
excitement caused by this most melancholy affair is very great
among all classes. The abolitionists, of course, mourn the
occurrence, while they see in it a legitimate fruit of the
Fugitive Slave Law, just such a harvest of blood as they had
long feared that the law would produce, and which they had
earnestly labored to prevent. We believe that they alone, of all
classes of the nation, are free from responsibility for its
occurrence, having wisely foreseen the danger, and faithfully
labored to avert it by removing its causes, and preventing the
inhuman policy which has hurried on the bloody convulsion.
The enemies of the colored people, are making this the occasion
of fresh injuries, and a more bitter ferocity toward that
defenceless people, and of new misrepresentation and calumnies
against the abolitionists.
The colored people, though the great body of them had no
connection with this affair, are hunted like partridges upon the
mountains, by the relentless horde which has been poured forth
upon them, under the pretense of arresting the parties concerned
in the fight. When we reached Christiana, on Friday afternoon,
we found that the Deputy-Attorney Thompson, of Lancaster, was
there, and had issued warrants, upon the depositions of Kline
and others, for the arrest of all suspected persons. A company
of police were scouring the neighborhood in search of colored
people, several of whom were seized while at their work near by,
and brought in.
CAstner Hanaway and Elijah Lewis, hearing that warrants were
issued against them, came to Christiana, and voluntarily gave
themselves up, calm and strong in the confidence of their
innocence. They, together with the arrested colored men, were
sent to Lancaster jail that night.
The next morning we visited the ground of the battle, and the
family where young Gorsuch now lives, and while there, we saw a
deposition which he had just made, that he believed no white
persons were engaged in the affray, beside his own party. As he
was on the ground during the whole controversy, and deputy
Marshall Kline had discreetly run off into the corn-field,
before the fighting began, the hireling slave-catcher's eager
and confident testimony against our white friends, will, we
think, weigh lightly with impartial men.
On returning to Christiana, we found that the United States
Marshal from the city, had arrived at that place, accompanied by
Commissioner Ingraham, Mr. Jones, a special commissioner of the
United States, from Washington, the U.S. District Attorney
Ashmead, with forty-five U.S. Marines from the Navy Yard, and a
posse of about forty of the City Marshal's police, together with
a large body of special constables, eager for such a manhunt,
from Columbia and Lancaster and other places. This crowd divided
into parties, of from ten to twenty-five, and scoured the
country, in every direction, for miles around, ransacking the
houses of the colored people, and captured every colored man
they could find, with several colored women, and two other white
men. Never did our heart bleed with deeper pity for the peeled
and persecuted colored people, than when we saw this troop let
loose upon them, and witnessed the terror and distress which its
approach excited in families, wholly innocent of the charges
laid against them."
On the other hand, a few extracts from the editorials of some of the
leading papers, will suffice to show the state of public feeling at that
time, and the dreadful opposition abolitionists and fugitives had to
contend with.
From one of the leading daily journals of Philadelphia, we copy as
follows:
"There can be no difference of opinion concerning the shocking
affair which occurred at Christiana, on Thursday, the resisting
of a law of Congress by a band of armed negroes, whereby the
majesty of the Government was defied and life taken in one and
the same act. There is something more than a mere ordinary,
something more than even a murderous, riot in all this. It is an
act of insurrection, we might, considering the peculiar class
and condition of the guilty parties, almost call it a servile
insurrection--if not also one of treason. Fifty, eighty, or a
hundred persons, whether white or black, who are deliberately in
arms for the purpose of resisting the law, even the law for the
recovery of fugitive slaves, are in the attitude of levying war
against the United States; and doubly heavy becomes the crime of
murder in such a case, and doubly serious the accountability of
all who have any connection with the act as advisers,
suggesters, countenancers, or accessories in any way whatever."
In those days, the paper from which this extract is taken, represented
the Whig party and the more moderate and respectable class of citizens.
The following is an extract from a leading democratic organ of
Philadelphia:
"We will not, however, insult the reader by arguing that which
has not been heretofore doubted, and which is not doubted now,
by ten honest men in the State, and that is that the
abolitionists are implicated in the Christiana murder. All the
ascertained facts go to show that they were the real, if not the
chief instigators. White men are known to harbor fugitives, in
the neighborhood of Christiana, and these white men are known to
be abolitionists, known to be opposed to the Fugitive Slave Law,
and _known_ to be the warm friends of William F. Johnston,
(Governor of the State of Pennsylvania). And, as if to clinch
the argument, no less than three white men are now in the
Lancaster prison, and were arrested as accomplices in the
dreadful affair on the morning of the eleventh. And one of these
white men was committed on a charge of high treason, on Saturday
last, by United States Commissioner Ingraham."
Another daily paper of opposite politics thus spake:
"The unwarrantable outrage committed last week, at Christiana,
Lancaster county, is a foul stain upon the fair name and fame of
our State. We are pleased to see that the officers of the
Federal and State Governments are upon the tracks of those who
were engaged in the riot, and that several arrests have been
made.
We do not wish to see the poor misled blacks who participated in
the affair, suffer to any great extent, for they were but tools.
The men who are really chargeable with treason against the
United States Government, and with the death of Mr. Gorsuch, an
estimable citizen of Maryland, are unquestionably _white_, with
hearts black enough to incite them to the commission of any
crime equal in atrocity to that committed in Lancaster county.
Pennsylvania has now but one course to pursue, and that is to
aid, and warmly aid, the United States in bringing to condign
punishment, every man engaged in the riot. She owes it to
herself and to the Union. Let her in this resolve, be just and
fearless."
From a leading neutral daily paper the following is taken: "One would
suppose from the advice of forcible resistance, so familiarly given by
the abolitionists, that they are quite unaware that there is any such
crime as treason recognized by the Constitution, or punished with death
by the laws of the United States. We would remind them, that not only is
there such a crime, but that there is a solemn decision of the Supreme
Court, that all who are concerned in a conspiracy which ripens into
treason, whether present or absent from the scene of actual violence,
are involved in the same liabilities as the immediate actors. If they
engage in the conspiracy and stimulate the treason, they may keep their
bodies from the affray without saving their necks from a halter.
It would be very much to the advantage of society, if an example could
be made of some of these persistent agitators, who excite the ignorant
and reckless to treasonable violence, from which they themselves shrink,
but who are, not only in morals, but in law, equally guilty and equally
amenable to punishment with the victims of their inflammatory counsels."
A number of the most influential citizens represented the occurrence to
the Governor as follows:
"To the Governor of Pennsylvania:
The undersigned, citizens of Pennsylvania, respectfully
represent:
That citizens of a neighboring State have been cruelly
assassinated by a band of armed outlaws at a place not more than
three hours' journey distant from the seat of Government and
from the commercial metropolis of the State:
That this insurrectionary movement in one of the most populous
parts of the State has been so far successful as to overawe the
local ministers of justice and paralyze the power of the law:
That your memorialists are not aware that 'any military force'
has been sent to the seat of insurrection, or that the civil
authority has been strengthened by the adoption of any measures
suited to the momentous crisis.
They, therefore, respectfully request the chief executive
magistrate of Pennsylvania to take into consideration the
necessity of vindicating the outraged laws, and sustaining the
dignity of the Commonwealth on this important and melancholy
occasion."
Under this high pressure of public excitement, threatening and alarm
breathed so freely on every hand, that fugitive slaves and their friends
in this region of Pennsylvania at least, were compelled to pass through
an hour of dreadful darkness--an ordeal extremely trying. The
authorities of the United States, as well as the authorities of the
State of Pennsylvania and Maryland, were diligently making arrests
wherever a suspected party could be found, who happened to belong in the
neighborhood of Christiana.
In a very short time the following persons were in custody: J. Castner
Hanaway, Elijah Lewis, Joseph Scarlett, Samuel Kendig, Henry Spins,
George Williams, Charles Hunter, Wilson Jones, Francis Harkins, Benjamin
Thomson, William Brown (No. 1), William Brown (No. 2), John Halliday,
Elizabeth Mosey, John Morgan, Joseph Berry, John Norton, Denis Smith,
Harvey Scott, Susan Clark, Tansy Brown, Eliza Brown, Eliza Parker,
Hannah Pinckney, Robert Johnson, Miller Thompson, Isaiah Clark, and
Jonathan Black.
These were not all, but sufficed for a beginning; at least it made an
interesting entertainment for the first day's examination; and although
there were two or three non-resistant Quakers, and a number of poor
defenceless colored women among those thus taken as prisoners, still it
seemed utterly impossible for the exasperated defender