Infomotions, Inc.The Story of The American Legion / Wheat, George Seay

Author: Wheat, George Seay
Title: The Story of The American Legion
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Title: The Story of The American Legion

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The Story of The American Legion


George Seay Wheat

The Birth of the Legion

The first of a series to be issued after each
Annual National Convention


[Illustration: The St. Louis Caucus]

G.P. Putnam's Sons
New York and London
The Knickerbocker Press

The Knickerbocker Press, New York


The American Legion was conceived by practically the entire personnel
of the army, navy, and marine corps! Every man in the military and
naval establishment did not think of it in just such terms, but most
of them knew that there would be a veterans' organization of some
tremendous import, and here it is!

"A veterans' organization of some kind will be formed." I heard that
identical remark not once, but a dozen times on board a transport en
route to France as early as September, 1918. In fact, one night in the
war zone a group of officers were huddled around a small piano trying
to make the best of a lightless evening, and, having sung every song
from _Keep the Home Fires Burning_ to _You're in the Army Now_,
paused, longingly toyed cigarettes which were taboo by ship's order,
and then began to spin yarns.

"Reminds me of a G.A.R. reunion," one second lieutenant from Maine
remarked, after a particularly daring training camp adventure had been

"Just think of the lying we'll all do at our reunions when this war is
over," chirped a youngster from South Carolina. And then spoke a tall
major from Illinois:

"The organization which you young fellows will join won't be any
_liefest_--at least not for forty years. Don't forget there's some
saving to do for the United States when this European mess is over. Us
fellows won't ever get out of Uncle Sam's service."

How well the Illinois major hit the nail on the head! The incident on
the transport seems worth recording not only because of the major but
because it shows the general anticipation of what is now the American
Legion. Perhaps it was this general anticipation which is responsible
for the cordial reception that the Legion has had ever since its very
inception in Paris.

No one can lay claim to originating the idea of a veterans'
association, because it was a consensus among the men of the armed
forces of our nation. A certain group of men can take unto themselves
the credit for starting it, for getting the ball rolling, aiding its
momentum, and, what is more important, for guiding it in the right
direction, but no one man or group of men "thought up" the American
Legion. It was the result of what might be called the "spontaneous
opinion" of the army, navy, and marine corps caused by a fusing
together in a common bond of the various elements of the service, just
as spontaneous combustion is brought about by the joint action of
certain chemical elements.

Spontaneous opinion, like spontaneous combustion, is dangerous when
improperly handled and beneficient when rightly directed. That's what
the organizers of the Legion have been and will be mostly concerned
with. They have their elements--these men of the army, navy, and
marine corps, and the organizers mean to direct this united and
organized patriotism into such channels as will make for the welfare
of the United States of America primarily, and, secondarily, for the
welfare of the service men themselves.

Just how much attention this Legion with four million potential
members intends to pay to the United States of America, and just how
much to themselves _per se_, is basicly important and pertinent as a
question, nowadays when the Legion is being tried and is on the
witness stand before public opinion. The answer is most clearly
indicated by the preamble to the proposed constitution printed

This preamble stresses _Americanism, individual obligation_ to the
_community, state_, and _nation; battling with autocracy_ both of the
_classes_ and _masses; right_ the _master_ of _might; peace_ and
_good will_ on _earth; justice, freedom_, and _democracy_! Only in the
last two words of the preamble is mention made of the welfare of the
men themselves. These two words are _mutual helpfulness_. But be sure
and understand the connection in which they are used.

"... _we associate ourselves together ... to consecrate and sanctify
our comradeship by our devotion to mutual helpfulness_."

This is the way the last purpose of the preamble reads.

The men who framed this constitution certainly did not believe that
comradeship would be consecrated and sanctified by anything of a
selfish character under the guise of mutual helpfulness. Certainly not
the _comradeship_ that made bearable the zero hour in the trenches or
the watch in a submarine infested sea.

To go a little in advance of the story and speak practically, mutual
helpfulness has meant so far voting down a pay grab from Congress; a
get-together spirit to foster the growth of the Legion; a purpose to
aid in the work of getting jobs for returning soldiers, and the
establishment of legal departments throughout the country to help
service men get back pay and allotments. Mutual helpfulness in this
case would seem to make Uncle Sam as much a partner in it as are the
Legion members. Because, for every job the Legion gets an unemployed
man, and for every dollar Legion lawyers help collect for back pay and
allotments, a better citizen is made. And better citizenship is what
the Legion most wants.

So here seems to be the place to make the patent observation that
_mutual helpfulness_ will in future years mean just what it means
to-day--doing something for the United States of America.

At the present time the Legion might be compared to a two-headed
American eagle--one looking towards France and the A.E.F., and the
other homewards to the service men here. The two are a single body
borne on the same wings and nourished of the same strength. They are
the same in ideal and purpose but directed for the moment by two
different committees working together. One committee is the result of
the caucus at Paris in March, when the A.E.F. started the
organization, while the other was born this month in St. Louis, Mo.,
for the men here.

  NEW YORK May, 1919.



  II.--THE PARIS CAUCUS, MARCH 15-17, 1919



   V.--THE ST. Louis CAUCUS, MAY 8, 9, and 10






























  [Footnote A: Photo by Gray, Worcester, Mass.]




    I believe that the army of to-day, when it goes back to citizen
    thinking and citizen acting, will be capable of so contributing
    to the commonwealth of the United States as to change the
    character of the whole country and lift it up to a higher plane.

    BISHOP BRENT, _Senior Chaplain, A.E.F_.
      Paris, March, 1919.

On a midsummer morning in 1918, ambulance after ambulance unloaded its
cargo of wounded humanity at a base hospital in Paris. The wounded
were being conveyed rapidly from the front and the entire hospital was
astir with nurses, surgeons, and orderlies. A major, surgeon, almost
staggered out of an operating room where he had been on duty for
twenty-two hours and started for his quarters when a colonel arrived
on an inspection trip.

"Pretty busy," remarked the colonel as he acknowledged the major's

"Busy? Busy!" replied the major. "Good Lord, the only people about
here that aren't busy are the dead ones. Even the wounded are busy
planning to hobble around at conventions when the Big Show is over.
Already they are talking about how they intend to take a hand in
things after the war when they get home."

Over across the street a sergeant, limping slightly, stopped under a
shade tree and leaned against it to rest. He was almost well of his
wound and eagerly awaited the word that would send him to join his
regiment, the Twenty-sixth United States Infantry. As he paused under
the tree another soldier with a mending wound in the knee and just
able to be about stopped to speak to him. The sergeant's hand rose in
quick salute for the newcomer was an officer.

"Expect to get back soon, sergeant?" said the officer.

"Yes sir," he replied. "Anxious to go back and get the whole job over,

"So am I," responded the officer. "But what will we all do when the
Germans really are licked?"

"Go home and start a veterans' association for the good of the
country, sir," the sergeant answered.

Lieutenant Colonel Theodore Roosevelt, then major, was the officer,
and Sergeant William Patterson, later killed in action, was the
enlisted man, and the institution was Base Hospital No. 2.

Colonel Roosevelt, who was in the hospital convalescing from a wound
in his knee caused by a machine gun bullet, told me the story and said
it was the first time that he had heard the subject of a veterans'
association mentioned, although he had thought of it frequently
himself as an organization with boundless possibilities for good. He
found later that it was being very generally discussed by men in Base
Hospital No. 2, particularly those who were so badly wounded that they
could not be sent to the front again and who knew they must further
serve their country along peaceful lines at home.

This was during war time, remember!

Then came the armistice!

When our victorious armies were wending their way towards the Rhine,
when men of the navy and the marine corps realized that peace had come
and that home was again within reach, this thought of a veterans'
band, which had slumbered far back in the subconscious thoughts of all
of them, burst into objectivity. An association of some sort was
widely discussed not only by the men but by the officers as well. But
how could even the start of it be begun? Those who considered the
project most seriously were confronted with a difficulty which seemed
at first to be almost insurmountable: that was the difficulty of
assembling at one time and in one place a gathering which might at
least approximately represent the whole army, navy, marine corps, or
even the A.E.F.

This difficulty tended to narrow what is believed to have been the
wish of everyone when he first thought of the matter, that is the hope
that it would be another Grand Army of the Republic, another United
Confederate Veterans, but greater than either because representative
of a United Country. Talk started then about all sorts of imagined and
fancied veteran organizations. Some advocated an officers'
association. This was believed to be possible because officers had
more freedom and more financial ability to attend a convention. Others
thought the enlisted men should perfect organizations by regiments
first, then divisions, and finally form one great united body.

The present leaders in the movement have since said that they realized
that all of these schemes must come to naught because no organization
except one on the broadest possible lines could be effective. They
believed that all officers and men of the three branches of the
service and all enlisted women, whether they served at home or abroad,
should be eligible and urged to join one thoroughly democratic and
comprehensive organization. They knew that any organization leaving
out one or more elements composing the military service of the United
States would be forced to compete constantly with the organization or
association so discarded. In short, they knew that in union there is
strength. And they believed, and still believe, that the problems of
peace after a catastrophe such as was never before witnessed in
history are so grave that they can be met with safety only by a
national bulwark composed of the men who won the war, so closely knit,
so tightly welded together in a common organization for the common
good of all that no power of external or internal evil or aggression,
no matter how allied or augmented, could hope even so much as to
threaten our national existence, ambitions, aspirations, and pursuit
of happiness, much less aim to destroy them.

Don't forget that the leaders of the movement realized all this, and
also remember that they include among their number the enlisted man of
the A.E.F. and home army and the sailor in a shore station and on
board a destroyer. The realization may not have been in so many words,
but each knew he wanted to "make the world safe for democracy"--he had
fought to do that and had thought out carefully what it meant, that
is, that it didn't mean anything selfish--and each knew enough of the
principle of union and strength to embrace the idea when "organize"
first began to be mentioned.

But how to do it, that was the problem.

Then kind Fate in the shape of G.H.Q. came to the rescue with what
proved to be the solution.

G.H.Q. didn't mean to find the solution. There had been a deal of
dissatisfaction with the way certain things were going in the A.E.F.
and on February 15, 1919, twenty National Guard and Reserve officers
serving in the A.E.F., representing the S.O.S., ten infantry
divisions, and several other organizations, were ordered to report in
Paris. The purpose of this gathering was to have these officers confer
with certain others of the Regular Army, including the heads of train
supply and Intelligence Sections of the General Staff of G.H.Q., in
regard to the betterment of conditions and development of contentment
in the army in France.

Included in this number were Lieutenant Colonel Theodore Roosevelt,
Jr., of the First Division, Lieutenant Colonel Franklin D'Olier of the
S.O.S., and Lieutenant Colonel Eric Fisher Wood of the 88th Division.
All of these officers have since told me that when they left their
divisions they were distinctively permeated with the desire to form a
veterans' organization of some comprehensive kind. When they got to
Paris they immediately went into conference with the other officers
on the questions involved in their official trip, details of which do
not concern this story.

What is important is the fact that Colonel Roosevelt, Colonel D'Olier,
and Colonel Wood each discovered that all of the officers in this
representative gathering shared with the thousands of other soldiers
of the American forces the hope and desire that the officers and men
who were about to return to civilian life, after serving in the great
war, whether at home or with the combat units or in the S.O.S., might
sooner or later be united into one permanent national organization,
similar in certain respects to the Grand Army of the Republic or the
United Confederate Veterans and composed of all parties, all creeds,
and all ranks, who wished to perpetuate American ideals and the
relationship formed while in the military and national service.

When these officers realized what each was thinking they promptly set
about with the "let's go" spirit of the A.E.F. to avail themselves of
a God-given opportunity. A dinner was spread in the Allied Officers'
Club, Rue Faubourg St. Honore, on the night of February 16th and
covers were laid for the following:

  Lt. Col. Francis R. Appleton, Jr.,       2d Army.
  Lt. Col. G. Edward Buxton,               82d Div.
  Lt. Col. Bennett C. Clark, ex 35th Div., now with 88th Div.
  Lt. Col. Ralph D. Cole,                  37th Div.
  Lt. Col. D.J. Davis, ex 28th Div.,       now att. G.H.Q.
  Lt. Col. Franklin D'Olier,               Q.M., S.O.S.
  Col. W.J. Donovan,                       Rainbow Div.
  Lt. Col. David M. Goodrich,              G.H.Q.
  Maj. T.E. Gowenlock, ex 1st Div.,        now with 1st A.C.
  Col. Thorndike Howe,                     A.P.O. Dept.
  Lt. Col. John Price Jackson,             Peace Commission
  Maj. DeLancey Kountze,                   G.H.Q.
  Lt. Col. R.W. Llewellen,                 28th Div.
  Capt. Ogden Mills, ex 6th Div.,          now att. G.-2, S.O.S.
  Lt. Col. Benjamin Moore,                 82d Div.
  Lt. Col. Theodore Roosevelt, Jr.,        1st Div.
  Lt. Col. R.C. Stebbins,                  3d A.C.
  Maj. R.C. Stewart,                       1st Div.
  Lt. Col. George A. White, ex 41st Div.,  now att. G.H.Q.
  Lt. Col. Eric Fisher Wood, ex 83d Div.,  now with 88th Div.

At that dinner the American Legion was born.

Why not let this gathering--the most representative in the history of
the A.E.F.--consider itself as a temporary committee to launch the
movement? Why not? everyone asked himself and his neighbor over the
coffee. All felt that their presence in Paris presented an unusual
opportunity to initiate the first steps of such a movement, an
opportunity unlikely to be repeated and one they ought not to let
slip. Another meeting was suggested to consider the matter. It was
held. The result was that there were several more conferences and
every such gathering was more enthusiastic than its predecessor. At
each of these informal conferences, some one was careful to emphasize
that these self-appointed committeemen were by no means
representative enough of the army or navy, nor sufficiently numerous
to warrant their actually effecting an organization of any character
whatsoever. Yet it was believed that, nevertheless, the gathering was
representative enough to act as a temporary committee so functioning
as to get together from the whole army and navy two caucuses--one to
represent the troops in France, and the other those who had remained
in America and who, through no fault of their own, had been denied the
privilege of making history on a European battlefield. The temporary
committee realized that due care must be exercised in getting these
caucuses started. Every unit in the A.E.F. should be represented, if
possible, at the Paris caucus, while to the one in the States,
preferably to be held at St. Louis because of its central location,
delegates must come from every Congressional District in the Union.

Thereby would be avoided, it was urged, the mistake of giving the
impression that it was a small gathering of men, unrepresentative or
serving some special and selfish end.

This was unanimously agreed upon and the temporary committee elected
Lt. Col. Roosevelt, temporary chairman, Lt. Col. Bennett C. Clark,
temporary vice-chairman, Lt. Col. Wood, temporary secretary.

A sub-committee was appointed to receive from all the members of the
temporary committee the names of such individuals of combat divisions
and each section of the S.O.S. of the A.E.F., who were eligible and
suitable to be delegates to a caucus scheduled for March
15th-16th-17th in Paris. A similar sub-committee was appointed to
ascertain the names of men of the home forces in order that they might
be urged to attend a caucus in America on or about May 8th-9th-10th.

The work of the sub-committee of the A.E.F. was much more difficult
than would appear at first glance. It was easy enough to get the names
of leaders in the various outfits, both of officers and men, but to
get them to Paris! That was the job. Of course it was the ardent
desire of everyone that the new organization should eventually become
a society principally devoted to the interests of those who served as
enlisted men, for they bore the brunt of the fighting and the work and
were fundamentally responsible for the splendid victory.

But once the names of such men were in the committee's hands the real
work had not begun. There were mechanical difficulties in securing for
enlisted men in active duty leave to attend a caucus in Paris. In the
first place the enlisted men themselves, as indicated by several who
were consulted, were very diffident about accepting an invitation to
attend a caucus where they would be required to sit beside and debate
with and against generals and field officers to whom they owed
military obedience. Then again, there was the expense of travel in
France, as well as the high cost of living in Paris. At the outset
this raised the expense of a trip to the French capital to a sum
amounting to many months of an enlisted man's pay. Furthermore, the
sub-committee was face to face with the A.E.F. regulations providing
that except in the most unusual circumstances an enlisted man would
not be granted leave except in company with a trainload of his
fellows, and to a certain specified leave area.

But as has been said before the conclusion had been reached that if
the organization was really to become preeminently an enlisted man's
outfit, it would be absolutely necessary to overcome these
difficulties and by hook or crook to obtain the attendance of as many
privates and noncommissioned officers as possible who were leaders.
So, scarcely had seventeen of the twenty officers returned to their
commands before they received an urgent appeal to help out the
sub-committee of three. They were told to get enlisted delegates to
Paris, never mind how, the method being of small importance provided
the men were there.



The first delegates began to arrive for the caucus on March 14th.
After-the-war good fellowship between those who had been commissioned
officers on the one hand, and enlisted men on the other, was
foreshadowed in a most interesting and striking manner when they began
to come into the hotels. A dozen or more officer delegates brought
with them as orderlies an equal number of delegates from the ranks.
Thus enlisted personnel, by devious means, were ordered to Paris under
one guise or another. One sergeant came under orders which stated that
he was the bearer of important documents. He carried a despatch case
wadded with waste paper. Another non-com., from a distant S.O.S.
sector, had orders to report to Paris and obtain a supply of rat
poison. Several wagoners, farriers, and buck privates acquired
diseases of so peculiar a character that only Parisian physicians
could treat them. As one of them said, he hadn't had so much fun since
his office-boy days when a grandmother made a convenient demise every
time Mathewson pitched. The expense of the trip was gathered in
diverse ways. In some divisions the officer delegates took up
collections to defray the expense of enlisted delegates.

In numerous instances, enlisted men refused such assistance and took
up their own collections. One amusing story was told by an enlisted
man. He said that the "buddies" in his regiment had deliberately lost
money to him in gambling games when he refused to be a delegate
because he couldn't pay his own expenses. So by various means nearly
two hundred enlisted delegates were in Paris by late afternoon on
March 14th. It must not be imagined from the foregoing that all the
officers arrived on special trains and were themselves in the lap of
luxury. One second lieutenant who attended has since confided that he
sold his safety razor and two five-pound boxes of fudge sent from home
in order to get carfare to Paris.

Practically all of the self-appointed, temporary committee, with the
exception of Colonel Roosevelt, was present. He was Chairman of the
American Committee and had left France for the purpose of organizing
that part of the army and navy which did not get abroad or which had
returned home.

The Paris caucus convened at the American Club near the Place de la
Concorde on the afternoon of March 15th, Colonel Wood presiding.
Lieutenant Colonel Bennett C. Clark of the 88th Division was selected
Chairman of the caucus and Lt. Col. T.W. Miller of Pennsylvania, and
serving in the 79th Division, was elected Vice-Chairman. When Colonel
Wood called the meeting to order nearly one thousand delegates
answered the roll-call and these were of all ranks from private to
brigadier general; and every combat division and all sections of the
S.O.S., were represented. Colonel Wood briefly reviewed the
self-appointment of the temporary committee during the previous month
and outlined the purposes of the caucus.

A few minutes after Colonel Clark had taken the chair an officer of
high rank, a colonel to be exact, moved that while in the convention
hall, the after-war status as fellow civilians be forecast and that
the stations of rank would there cease to exist. It was agreed that
they would be resumed with full force and full discipline as soon as
the delegates crossed the threshold of the convention hall and
regained the street.

It was the ability of the American officer to do this--to be friendly
to a certain extent with his men and yet at the same time to keep them
perfectly disciplined--which amazed the officers of the armies of our
Allies. No more striking example of this was ever given than within
the confines of the American Club on that 15th day of March. The
Colonel's motion was unanimously carried and the work of the
organization began. Then generals forgot their rank, corporals engaged
in hot debates with colonels, sergeants argued with majors and
everybody talked with everybody else in a most boylike spirit of
fraternity and equality.

Captain Ogden Mills of G.H.Q. moved that four caucus committees be
appointed to draft suggestions and submit them to the caucus, one
committee to design machinery for convening the winter convention; one
committee to submit suggestions as to a permanent organization; one
committee on tentative constitution; and one committee on name. Each
committee consisted of fifteen members, and was appointed by the

Here are the committees, appointed by the chair:


  Brig. Gen. Sherburne, 26th Div., Chairman
  Wagoner Shaw,         88th Div., Vice-Chairman
  Capt. Ogden Mills,    G.H.Q.
  Colonel Graham,       S.O.S.
  Prvt. C.W. Ney,       1st Army Troops
  Captain Mahon,        77th Div.
  Sgt. Obrecht,         1st Army
  Capt. Kipling,        Troops serving with French
  Sgt. J.C. Hendler,    Paris Command
  Lt. Col. Appleton,    2d Army Hq.
  Major Gordon,         36th Div.
  Field Clerk Sowers,   Press Section G.H.Q.
  Major Hungerford,     3rd Army Hq.
  Cpl. J.H. Anderson,   Paris Command
  Lt. Col. Wren,        36th Division


  Colonel Donovan,           42d Div., Chairman
  Lt. Col. Graham,           88th Div., Vice-Chairman
  Capt. Boyd,                29th Division
  Sgt. Tip Bliss,            _Stars and Stripes_
  Lt. Col. Fitzpatrick,      35th Division
  Sgt. Rollo S. Thorpe,      88th Div.
  Lt. Col. Crosby,           S.O.S.
  Pvt. W.L. Thompson,        11th R.R. Engineers
  Major Graff,               28th Division
  Major Barry Wright,        79th Division
  Sgt. Rommel,               Paris Command
  Sgt. V.V. Trout,           Paris Command
  Capt. Carlstrom,           S.O.S.
  Major R.C. Patterson,      Peace Commission
  Lt. Col. Smith,            89th Division


  Lt. Col. Robbins,          2d Army Hq. Chairman
  Lt. Col. Goodrich,         G.H.Q., Vice-Chairman
  Sgt. Dolan,                89th Division
  Lt. Col. Stebbins,         3rd Army Corps
  Sgt. H.E. Fleming,         35th Division
  Major E.S. Haile,          77th Div.
  Colonel Gibbs,             S.O.S.
  Sgt. McElow,               Paris Command
  Major Horace Rumsey,       35th Division
  Sgt. C.E. Sommers,         Paris Command
  Major D.D. Drain,          3d Army
  Sgt. G.F. Fleming,         Paris Command
  Lt. Markoe,                2d Army
  Major Dwight,              S.O.S.
  Sgt. Barnard,              Paris Command

The names of these committees are given because they are more than
just names. They show the first bubbles of the melting pot into which
all rank and titles in the American Army have been cast and out of
which comes the one word "Comrade."

There were three outstanding features of the Paris caucus which were
evident by midnight of March 15th. The first was the desire to get
together and form an organization quickly and a willingness to forego
personal prejudice and opinion to arrive at that end. The second was
the determination to make the man who didn't get across as much a
component part of the legion as his more fortunate brother-in-arms;
while the third was the avowed intention to take no action at the
caucus which could be deferred until the winter convention in America,
when the home brother and the navy could be jointly represented and a
permanent organization could be effected. I say that these things were
evident by midnight of March 15th for those who have attended many
conventions know that from the casual word heard here and there, the
whispered conference of a few leaders, and from the general tenor of
discussions carried on by delegates gathered together in little
groups, the spirit of the body politic is most perceptible.

After the adjournment of the afternoon session on that day, members
of the committees closeted themselves and started work on their
special functions, while those who were to pass on the committee's
actions, the "hoi polloi" were here and there in groups, in the "Y"
huts or in boulevard cafes discussing the real meaning of the
gathering. A colonel in the Officers' Club said there must be no
disagreement on this or that question; a private in the Bal Tabarin
told his buddies the same thing.

And so it came to pass that on the following day in the Cirque de
Paris, where the final meetings were held, the delegates formally
gathered, sensed the gossip of the clubs and boulevards, and acted
accordingly. One of the things done was to endorse the action of the
temporary committee in appointing itself and in calling the caucus.
Another was to adopt a tentative constitution. It is in reality little
more than a preamble, but it gave a working basis, expressing enough
and yet not too much.

Newspaper men have told me that the Sermon on the Mount is the finest
bit of reporting in the history of writing because it tells a long
story succinctly. Lieutenant Colonel Buxton and his committee on
constitutions are certainly entitled to credit of the same type--for
they tell a great deal in a few lines.

[Illustration: Henry D. Lindsley
  Temporary Chairman, who presided at St. Louis]

[Illustration: The Paris Caucus
  This gathering had no time for official photographers. A half hour
  before a session began one slipped in and took this picture with more
  than half the caucus delegates absent]

Here's the tentative constitution under which the Legion worked--it
was read by Lieutenant Colonel Bolles:

"We, the members of the Military and Naval Service of the United
States of America in the great war, desiring to perpetuate the
principles of Justice, Freedom, and Democracy for which we have
fought, to inculcate the duty and obligation of the citizen to the
State; to preserve the history and incidents of our participation in
the war; and to cement the ties of comradeship formed in service, do
propose to found and establish an association for the furtherance of
the foregoing purposes:

"Those eligible to membership shall be: All officers and enlisted
personnel in the Military and Naval Services of the United States of
America at any time during the period from April 6, 1917, to November
11, 1918, inclusive; excepting however, persons leaving the service
without an honorable discharge or persons who having been called into
the service refused, failed, or attempted to evade the full
performance of such service.

"The society shall consist of a national organization with subsidiary
branches; one for each State, territory, and foreign possession of the
United States as well as one in each foreign country where members of
the national society may be resident and who desire to associate
themselves together.

"The officers of the society shall be a President, one or more
Vice-Presidents, a Secretary, a Treasurer and a Board of Directors,
which shall consist of the President, the Vice-Presidents, together
with the chief executive of each subsidiary branch.

"The subsidiary branches shall organize and govern themselves in such
manner as the membership of such subsidiary organizations shall
determine upon except that the requirements and purposes of the
permanent national constitution as adopted shall be complied with.

"The representation shall be on the basis of the actual enrollment in
the subsidiary branches at all conventions after the adoption of a
permanent constitution.

"Members present at the meeting of this committee as follows:

  "Lt. Col. G. Edward Buxton, Jr., Chairman
  "Lt. Col. T.W. Miller, Secretary
  "Major Redmond C. Stewart
  "Col. E.A. Gibbs
  "Lt. Col. W.H. Curtiss
  "Major J. Hall
  "Col. C.L. Ristine."

There were many, many men in the A.E.F. respected and beloved, but
none perhaps more than he who seconded a motion made by a private from
S.O.S. base section, No. 4, that the constitution be adopted. The
seconder asked to speak on the question. When he began he got the rapt
attention which Bishop Brent, Senior Chaplain of the A.E.F., always
won whether he talked to buck privates knee deep in trench water or
the King in Buckingham Palace.

"It was a great soldier who said that the army has not merely a body
but a soul and a conscience as well," he began. "I believe the
conscience of the army is speaking in this committee's report. I
believe the army's soul is speaking in it. I was present on Saturday,
at the beginning of this caucus and I will tell you frankly that I was
fearful at that moment lest you should create a great mechanism
without adequate purposes. My fears have been wholly allayed and I see
in the report of your committee the ideals not only of the army but of
the nation adequately expressed and I wish to tell you gentlemen that
so far as I have any ability to promote this great movement I give you
my most hearty support. I believe that the army of to-day, when it
goes back to citizen thinking and citizen acting, will be capable of
contributing to the commonwealth of the United States so as to change
the character of the whole country and lift it up to a higher plane
of political, industrial, and religious life. I happen to be at this
moment leading in a movement in the army to promote the various ends
that are so well expressed in the committee's report, in what is known
as the 'Comrades in Service.' There are two ways of creating an
organization; one is by forming the principles and leaving the body to
take its own shape; the other by creating a machinery without stating
your end and reach that end through the machinery. According to our
democratic conception we have adopted the former or idealistic method.
We are prepared to contribute to this army wide organization which is
now brought into existence, all that we have to contribute. We are
entirely loyal to your principles and methods of approach and we are
quite willing to forego any attempt to make an organization which
might become a rival to you. Between now and the time of
demobilization there is a great opportunity for us to promote the
principles which actuate you. We have already a temporary and
provisional organization for the promotion of such principles; the
creation of better citizenship along the lines so well expressed. We
would like everyone who can to give support to that which we are
endeavoring to do, while we ask all who come in with us to be prepared
to throw in their lot with this organization when it is perfected in
the United States."

"The creation of better citizenship," Bishop Brent says. He wants
every one who can, to give support to that; to "what we are trying to

If everyone could see just that in the Legion, if everyone will work
for just that--better citizenship--the Legion's aim will be realized
in its deepest and truest sense. Bishop Brent has a knack of hitting
the nail on the head with such force that the sparks fly and by their
light comes insight--ask anyone from out Manila-way if it isn't so.
The short address was greeted with thunderous applause. The newly born
Legion knew it had a champion and a worker in the Bishop.

Col. Wm. J. Donovan of the 165th Infantry, Forty-second Division
headed the committee of fifteen which gave the final report on
resolutions and organization. This report is reproduced here in full
because it presaged the action of the American caucus and brought
about the form of the Legion Government until November.

    "RESOLVED: That an Executive Committee shall be selected, two
    (2) from each unit (as recognized in this caucus) and eight (8)
    to be selected by the Executive Committee; the two members, one
    officer and one enlisted man, to be selected from each unit to
    be named by the respective delegations attending this caucus.
    Each unit shall present the names of committeemen who shall as
    far as possible represent, in point of residence, each State,
    Territory and possession of the United States and the District
    of Columbia.

    "This Executive Committee shall have general power to represent
    the units now in foreign service, to determine its own quorum,
    to confer with committees from a similar caucus in the United
    States, to secure one general convention of persons entitled to
    membership under the tentative constitution, to elect its
    officers and appoint such sub-committees and give them such
    powers as may be proper and necessary.

    "This Executive Committee acting in conjunction with the
    committee of the United States is specifically charged with the
    duty of fixing a date and place for holding a national
    convention, issuing a call for the holding of county and State
    conventions and providing a unit of representation and method of
    selection of delegates to the national convention, by the State

    "The powers of this committee shall expire upon the organization
    of the permanent national convention.

    "The committee is further charged with the duty of making known
    the existence and purpose of this organization, of stimulating
    interest in it, and of inviting the support of all those
    entitled to membership.

    "No policy except in furtherance of the creation of a permanent
    organization having in mind the desirability of unity of action
    in organizing all the American forces shall be adopted or
    carried out by the committees.

    A meeting for the temporary and preliminary organization of the
    Executive Committee shall be held at this place immediately upon
    the adjournment of this caucus.

    The Executive Committee may receive and add to its number two
    representatives from any division or equivalent unit not
    represented at this caucus."

As the result of the passage of this report it is interesting to note
the personnel of the Executive Committee which the delegates selected
and which is controlling the American Legion of the A.E.F., observing
especially the large number of enlisted men; large in view of the
difficulties experienced in getting such men to Paris.

  1st Div.,                 Capt. Arthur S. Hyde
  2d Div.,                  Lt. Col Harold C. Snyder
  26th Div.,                Sgt. Wheaton Freeman
  26th Div.,                Lt. Col. Wm. J. Keville
  27th Div.,                Lt. Col. Edward E. Gauche, N.Y.
  27th Div.,                Reg. Sgt. Mjr. Samuel A. Ritchie, N.Y.
  28th Div.,                Brig Gen. Wm. G. Brice, Jr., Penn.
  28th Div.,                Sgt. Ted Myers, Penn.
  29th Div.,                Lt. Col. Orison M. Hurd, N.J.
  29th Div.,                Color Sgt. Andreas Z. Holley, Maryland
  31st Div.,                Captain Leon Schwarz, Ala.
  33d Div.,                 Col. Milton A. Foreman, Ill.
  35th Div.,                Lt. Col. B.C. Clark, Mo.
  35th Div.,                Sgt. Fred Heney, Kans.
  36th Div.,                Col. Chas. W. Nimon, Texas
  36th Div.,                Sgt. Mjr. L.H. Evridge, Texas
  41st Div.,                Col. Frank White, N. Dak.
  42d Div.,                 Col. Henry J. Reilly, Ill.
  42d Div.,                 Sgt. Rowe, Iowa
  77th Div.,                Major Duncan Harris
  77th Div.,                Sgt. Lawrence Miller, N.Y.
  79th Div.,                Lt. Col. Stuart S. Janney, Md.
  79th Div.,                Sgt. Benjamin R. Kauffman, Pa.
  80th Div.,                Capt. Arthur F. Shaw, Mich.
  81st Div.,                Major Theodore G. Tilghman, N.C.
  81st Div.,                Reg. Sgt. Mjr. Wm. S. Beam, N.C.
  82d Div.,                 Capt. Frank S. Williams, Fla.
  82d Div.,                 Sgt. Alvin T. York, Tenn.
  83d Div.,                 Lt. Col. Wayman C. Lawrence, Jr., W. Va.
  83d Div.,                 Cpl. Thoyer
  86th Div.,                Major John H. Smale, Ill.
  88th Div.,                Lt. Col. George C. Parsons, Minn.
  88th Div.,                Wagoner Dale J. Shaw, Iowa.
  89th Div.,                Lt. Col. Frank Wilbur Smith, Pa.
  91st Div.,                Lt. Col. John Guy Strohm, Oregon
  91st Div.,                Sgt. Mjr. Hercovitz, Calif.
  S.O.S. Hq.,               Col. James H. Graham, Conn.
  Adv. Sec., S.O.S. Capt.   David A. Uaurier, Wash.
  Base Sec. No. 1, S.O.S.,  Pvt. W.L. Thompson, N.Y.
  Base Sec. No. 3, S.O.S.,  Lt. Col. Carle Abrams, Oregon
  Base Sec. No. 5, S.O.S.,  Major Orlin Hudson, Kans.
  Base Sec. No. 6, S.O.S.,  Major Arthur S. Dwight, N.Y.
  Troops with French,       Sgt. L.K. Flynt, Mass.
  Troops with French,       Capt. A.W. Kipling, Paris, France
  Paris Command,            Pvt. Harold W. Ross, Calif.
  Paris Command,            Lt. Col. John Price Jackson
  G.H.Q.,                   Bishop Charles H. Brent, N.Y.
  1st Army Corps,           Lt. Col. Lemuel L. Bolles, Wash.
  1st Army Corps,           Sgt. Mjr. Race
  2d Army Hq.,              Lt. Col. Burke H. Sinclair, Colo.

The tentative name of this organization was not adopted without a
great deal of discussion. All sorts of titles were suggested to the
committee which considered the matter. Some of them were:

  Comrades of the Great War
  Veterans of the Great War
  Liberty League
  Army of the Great War
  Legion of the Great War
  Great War Legion
  The Legion
  The American Comrades of the Great War
  The Great Legion
  The American Legion

The last was tentatively decided upon as the best name although there
was considerable discussion on it. This discussion waxed particularly
warm between a colonel and a corporal and it came to an end only when
some hungry enlisted delegate braved the officer's rising ire to move
an adjournment for lunch. The motion carried immediately and, true to
the understanding made at the outset in regard to rank, the corporal
clicked his heels together, stood at attention and saluted the
colonel, when the latter passed him on the sidewalk exactly five
minutes after he had been telling the colonel precisely what he
thought of him and his opinions--at least as far as the name of the
Veteran's Organization was concerned. I might add that this colonel
was well under thirty-five years of age and that the corporal was only

And this brings to mind another striking feature of this most unusual
gathering, which was the comparative youth of its membership. For
instance the two individuals who have taken from the beginning the
leading parts in the movement, Bennett Clark, son of Champ Clark and a
Lieutenant Colonel of infantry, and Theodore Roosevelt, Jr., son of
the ex-president and also a Colonel of infantry. They are respectively
twenty-nine and thirty-one years of age, and one of the most brilliant
speeches in the caucus was made by a captain of twenty-six.

It must not be understood from this rather dry recital of what took
place at the Paris Caucus, this record of minutes and resolutions,
that it was an entirely sedate and dignified gathering. On the
contrary, Young America was there and quite often the impression which
one gathered was that a dozen or so Big Brothers had been turned loose
at once. A great many wild speeches were made and all sorts of
ticklish questions were brought up. Chairman Clark broke two gavels
and three times overturned his table. Everyone there was young. Peace
was young. Few knew exactly, like Bishop Brent, just what was wanted.
The whole project was new. Dozens of delegates wanted to speak; it was
their first chance since April 6, 1917. In fact one man made two very
violent speeches on the same subject, one in direct opposition to the
other. He realized he was making a heated argument for both sides and
finally sat down laughing about it. Who was he? Who was the colonel
who got wrought up over the proposed name? Who were the lieutenants,
and who were any of these privates, captains, and sergeants?

"I don't know." Nobody knows.

Doubtless they have themselves forgotten what they said. No verbatim
records are available now. In fact I am told that no record could have
been kept, for many times two or three were speaking at once and the
chairman was breaking the third commandment with his gavel. But this
much everyone wanted, "A Veteran's Organization." This much everyone
swore he would have, one that was neither political nor partisan, one
that would perpetuate righteousness, insure "honor, faith, and a sure
intent," and despite whatever bickering there might have been, despite
whatever differences of opinion arose, when, with a tremendous "Aye,"
the motion to adjourn was carried, this Paris Caucus had accomplished
a body politic and a soul of the type which Bishop Brent so clearly

To resume the story of actual accomplishment. The Executive Committee
was given general power to represent the units in France, to confer
with committees or representatives of the American Caucus as soon as
these should be appointed, and, in conjunction with the latter, to
issue a call for the holding of county and State conventions and
providing a unit of representation and method of selection of
delegates to one general convention for the autumn of 1919, preferably
November 11th, or Armistice Day.

The Executive Committee met immediately after the adjournment of the
caucus and elected Colonel Foreman of the Thirty-third Division,
Chairman; Lt. Colonel George A. White, Forty-first Division, Secretary
and Major R.C. Patterson, Paris Command, Assistant Secretary. Lt. Col.
White, Col. Wood, Major R.C. Patterson, and Lt. L.R. Farrell were
elected permanent members at large of the Executive Committee.

Then from this executive committee a committee of fifteen was chosen
for the purpose of expediting the work which had been assigned to the
larger committee, it being easier to assemble fifteen men than the
larger number. The committee of fifteen elected Col. Bennett Clark as
its chairman.

At the first meeting of the committee of fifteen a hope was expressed
that the caucus in America would take similar action in the
appointment of an executive committee, which would in turn delegate
its authority to a smaller committee for working purposes. Just
exactly how this worked out, is later described.



Once home again it didn't take a Solomon to tell Colonel Roosevelt
that he had a man's size job on his hands in starting the American
Legion on its way in the United States. Dispatches more or less
accurate had told the service men on this side something about the
Legion activities of the A.E.F. in France. As late as mid-April,
however, a great many men in this country knew nothing whatever about
the American Legion, while the majority of those who did were not at
all sure it was to be _The Veteran's Organization_. What I have said
previously about the "spontaneous opinion" of the men in France on the
question of a veteran's organization proved to be equally true among
service men on this side of the water. Consequently, it wasn't long
after the armistice before several veteran's organizations and
associations were in the process of formation. As it was a pertinent
news topic, the newspapers gave a great deal of prominence in their
columns to several of these organizations. They were of various types
and characters. One was for enlisted men only. Another was for
officers only. There was an organization for officers who had fought
in France, Italy, or Russia and there was one or more organizations
which had the breadth of vision to see that men of all ranks and all
branches of the military and naval establishments must be eligible.

Such was the situation confronting Colonel Roosevelt when he arrived
home to help start the American Legion in its own country. The fact of
his arrival and his announced intention to aid in the organization of
the Legion was duly heralded in the press of the United States.

At first the army and navy men were inclined to say, "Here is another
of those mushroom Veteran's Associations bobbing up." In fact I heard
one officer make just that remark, but another was quick to correct
him by saying, "Its bound to be a straight and honest organization or
a Roosevelt wouldn't stand for it." That was the crux of the initial
success of the Legion, because just that was true. Every man who wore
the uniform had known Theodore Roosevelt, Sr., and although he may not
have agreed with him in all of his political opinions still he knew
that neither he nor any member of his family would back any
organization or proposition that was not morally sterling.

There were those who did not like the American Legion. There were
those who were willing to let a past political prejudice deter them
from aiding in the most important movement in American life to-day.
There were those who stated that Theodore Roosevelt, Jr., was
prominent in organizing the American Legion for his own political
advancement. The answer to that misapprehension will develop later and
will prove one of the most striking incidents in this story.

Colonel Roosevelt has a peculiarly happy faculty of keeping those who
work with him cheerful and optimistic. He gathered around him, to
launch the movement in America, a set of cheerful, competent
optimists, prominent among whom were Colonel Richard Derby, Colonel
Franklin D'Olier, who figured in the Paris Caucus, Major Cornelius W.
Wickersham, Assistant Chief of Staff of the Twenty-seventh Division,
Captain Henry Fairfield Osborne, Lieutenant Colonel Granville Clark,
Lieutenant Colonel Leslie Kincaide, Lieutenant Colonel Eric Fisher
Wood and Captain H.B. Beers. One of Colonel Roosevelt's first duties
as temporary chairman of the Legion over here was to create the nation
wide organization. He needed committeemen in every State to work the
State organization up, and to start the machinery for the election of
delegates to the St. Louis Caucus, for it had been decided that the
representation in St. Louis must be by duly elected representatives
from congressional districts in so far as that was possible. Each such
district was awarded double its congressional representation, in
addition to the delegates at large. It was no easy task to pick these
committeemen. The decision of the Paris gathering that the
organization must be non-partisan and non-political had to be adhered
to in its fullest sense. There were soldiers and sailors enough in all
the States who would have been willing to have started the
organization in their respective localities, but how _not_ to get
politicians of the lower order, men who would gladly prostitute the
Legion, its aims and ambitions to their own selfish advantage--that
was the problem which faced the temporary committee in America.

About three weeks before the St. Louis Caucus the following names were
chosen from the various States as committeemen:

  Lt. Col. Theodore Roosevelt, Jr., New York, Chairman
  Lt. Col. Bennett Clark, Missouri, Vice-Chairman
  Lt. Col. Eric Fisher Wood, Pennsylvania, Secretary.

  Lt. H.M. Badham, Jr.,      Birmingham
  Pvt. W.M. Cosby, Jr.,      Birmingham
  Sgt. Edwin Robertson,      Birmingham

  Pvt. Ned Bernard,            Tucson
  Lt. Col. J.C. Greenway,      Bisbee

  Pvt. P.R. Graybill, Democ. Pub. Co.     Little Rock
  Major J.J. Harrison,                    Little Rock
  Pvt. Walter J. Wilkins,                 Pine Bluff

  Sgt. L.P. Adams,                    San Francisco
  Corp. Chas. A. Beck,                San Francisco
  Lt. Col. Benjamin H. Dibblee,       San Francisco
  Chaplain Joseph D. McQuade,         San Francisco
  Major Stewart Edward White,         Santa Barbara

  Lt. G.W. Cutting,            Florence
  Sgt. C.C. Neil,              Greeley
  Major H.A. Saidy,            Colorado Springs
  Sgt. Phil. G. Thompson,      Denver

  Maj. Morgan G. Bulkeley,      Hartford
  Lt. Col. Jas. L. Howard,      Hartford

  Pvt. L. Clarkson Hines,      Washington
  Col. E. Lester Jones,        Washington

  Major Thomas W. Miller,      Wilmington
  Capt. John P. Nields,        Wilmington

  Brig Gen A.H. Blanding,      Bartow

  Col. Alexander R. Lawton, Jr.,      Savannah
  Capt. Landon Thomas,                Augusta

  Major C.M. Booth,       Pocatello
  Pvt. John Green,        Twin Falls
  Major Hawley, Jr.,      Boise
  Pvt. D.H. Holt,         Caldwell

  Chf. Petty Officer B.J. Goldberg,    Chicago
  Maj. Owsley Brown,                   Springfield
  Rear Admiral Frederick B. Bassett,   Great Lakes
  1st Cl. Pvt. Edw. J. Czuj,           Chicago
  Maj. Thomas Gowenlock,               Chicago
  1st Cl. Pvt. Hy. Hickman Harris,     Champaign
  1st Cl. Pvt. Geo. Kendall Hooton,    Danville
  Ensign Allen M. Loeb,                Chicago
  Capt. Clark Nixon,                   East St. Louis
  Maj. John Callan O'Laughlin,         Chicago
  Capt. Joseph Medill Patterson,       Chicago
  1st Cl. Pvt. C.J. Schatz,            Wheaton
  Brig. Gen. Robt. E. Wood,            Chicago
  Sgt. David S. Wright,                Oak Park

  Col. Solon J. Carter,         Indianapolis
  Ensign Win. L. Hutcheson,     Indianapolis
  Sgt. R.J. Leeds,              Richmond

  Sgt. Chas. A. Doxsee,      Monticello
  Major H.H. Polk,           Des Moines

  Gen. Chas. I. Martin,        Topeka
  Gen. Wilder S. Metcalf,      Lawrence
  Sgt. Fred C. Stanford,       Independence
  Sgt. Mahlon S. Weed,         Lawrence

  Pvt. Samuel J. Culbertson,      Louisville
  Lt. W.C. Dabney,                Louisville
  Capt. Shelby Harbison,          Lexington
  Major James Wheeler,            Paducah

  Capt. Allen Cook,             New Orleans
  Lt. John M. Parker, Jr.,      New Orleans

  Lt. Col. Arthur Ashworth,      Bangor
  Col. Frank W. Hume,            103d Inf.
  Capt. A.L. Robinson,           Portland
  Pvt. Daniel J. Smart,
  Sgt. Wm. H. Whalen,            103d Inf.
  Sgt. Freeman Wheaton,          107th Inf.

  Lt. James A. Gary, Jr.         Baltimore
  Sgt. Alexander Randall,        Baltimore
  Major Redmond Stewart,         Baltimore
  Brig. Gen. W.S. Thayer,        Baltimore

  Brig. Gen. Charles H. Cole,      Boston
  Sgt. Edw. J. Creed,              101st Inf.
  Sgt. Ernest H. Eastman,          104th Inf.
  Major J.W. Farley,               Boston
  Lt. Col. Louis Frothingham,      Boston
  Sgt. Geo. Gilbody,               101st Inf.
  Sgt. Daniel J. Nolan,

  Lt. Col. Fredk. M. Alger,          Detroit
  Sgt. Rand F. English,              Detroit
  1st Sgt. Wm. King,                 Detroit
  Lt. Commander Truman H. Newberry,  Detroit

  Pvt. Gordon Clark,           Duluth
  Major Paul B. Cook,          St. Paul
  Pvt. Wm. D. Mitchell,        St. Paul
  Pvt. W. Bissell Thomas,      Minneapolis

  Lt. John N. Alexander,       Jackson
  Sgt. Maj. C.J. Craggs,       Greenville
  Major Alex. Fitzhugh,        Vicksburg
  Corp. Isador A. Frank,       Clarksdale
  Sgt. Elmer Price,            McComb

  Brig. Gen. H.C. Clarke,          Jefferson City
  Pvt. David R. Francis, Jr.,      St. Louis
  Corp. Sestus J. Wade, Jr.,       St. Louis

  Col. J.J. McGuiness,      Helena
  Corp. Chas. S. Pew,       Helena

  Major P.F. Cosgrove,      Lincoln
  Pvt. T.T. McGuire,        Omaha
  Sgt. R. Scott,            Imperial
  Lt. Allan A. Tukey,       Omaha

  Sgt. E.L. Malsbary,             Reno
  Lt. Col. Jas. G. Scrugham,      Reno

  Sgt. Herve L'Heureaux,      Manchester
  Major Frank Knox,           Manchester

  Col. Hobart Brown,               Newark
  Sgt. Allan Eggers,               Summit
  1st Lt. Geo. W.C. McCarter,      Newark
  Corp. Roger Young,               Newark

  Capt. Bronson M. Cutting,      Santa Fe
  Col. Debjemond,                Roswell
  Pvt. Canuto Trujillo,          Chimayo

  Lt. Col. Robert Bacon,            New York
  Lt. Col. Grenville Clark,         New York
  Brig. Gen. Chas. I. Debevoise,    Brooklyn
  Pvt. Meade C. Dobson,             New York
  Col. Wm. J. Donovan,              New York
  Lt. Samuel Gompers, Jr.,          New York
  Seaman Jos. F. Healey,            New York
  Chaplain Francis A. Kelley,       Albany
  Lt. Col. J. Leslie Kincaid,       Syracuse
  Ensign Jerome H. Larger,          Brooklyn
  Ensign W.G. McAdoo, Jr.,          New York
  Sgt. Major Howard H. McLellan,    Yonkers
  Ensign R.H. Mitchell,             New York
  Major General John F. O'Ryan,     New York
  Lt. D. Lincoln Reed,              New York
  Col. Henry L. Stimson,            New York
  Lt. Col. Chas. W. Whittlesey,     New York
  Major Cornelius W. Wickersham,    New York
  Sgt. Clarence E. Williams,        New York

  Lt. R.W. Glenn,          Greensboro
  Lt. Cyrus D. Hogue,      Wilmington

  Capt. Matthew Murphy,      Fargo

  Sgt. Jas. K. Campbell,         Shreve
  Lt. Col. Jas. R. Cochran,      Columbus
  Lt. Col. Ralph D. Cole,        Columbus or Findlay
  Lt. Col. Isadore H. Duke,      Cincinnati

  Sgt. Eugene Atkins,          Muskogee
  Brig. Gen. Roy Hoffman,      Oklahoma City

  Pvt. Harry Critchlow,        Portland
  Sgt. Carl B. Fenton,         Dallas
  Lt. Col. Geo. Kelley,        Portland
  Col. F.W. Leadbetter,        Portland
  Lt. Col. Geo. A. White,      Portland

  Major Chas. J. Biddle,              Philadelphia
  Lt. Joseph F. Frayne,               Scranton
  Lt. Col. Robt. E. Glendinning,      Philadelphia
  Lt. Col. John Price Jackson,        Harrisburg
  Pvt. George Jones,                  Scranton
  Maj. Alexander Laughlin, Jr.,       Pittsburg
  Col. Asher Miner,                   Wilkes-Barre
  Lt. John R. Sproul,                 Chester
  Lt. Bernard J. Voll,                Philadelphia

  Major Geo. E. Buxton, Jr.,         Providence
  Col. Everitte St. J. Chaffee,      Providence
  Sgt. W.C. Kendrick,                Pawtucket

  Sgt. W.C. Coward,           Cheraw
  Lt. Chas. C. Pinckney,      Charleston
  C.T. Trenholm,              Charleston
  Major W.D. Workman,         Greenville

  Capt. Lawrence R. Bates,      Sioux Falls
  Capt. Royal C. Johnson,       Aberdeen
  Sgt. Ruble Lavery,            Vermilion
  Sgt. Jos. F. Pfeiffer,        Rapid City

  Col. James A. Gleason,         Knoxville
  Sgt. Major Keith J. Harris,    Chattanooga
  Sgt. John Hays,                Memphis
  Col. Luke Lea,                 Nashville
  Major T.C. Thompson, Jr.       Chattanooga
  Pvt. C.W. Tomlinson,           Chattanooga

  Capt. Stanley E. Kempner,      Galveston
  Col. H.D. Lindsley,            Dallas
  Col. H.B. Moore,               Texas City

  Sgt. Maj. H.H. McCartney,      Salt Lake City
  Gen. R.W. Young,               Salt Lake City

  Pvt. Frank G. Christian,       Richmond
  Lt. C. Francis Cocke,          Roanoke
  Col. Stuart McGuire,           Richmond

  Pvt. Donald J. Emery,          Newport
  Sgt. Eugene V. Finn,           St. Albans
  Major H. Nelson Jackson,       Burlington
  Capt. Redfield Proctor,        Burlington

  Lt. Col. R.W. Llewellen,       Seattle
  Major P.P. Marion,             Seattle
  Brig. Gen. Harvey J. Moss,     Seattle
  Sgt. John J. Sullivan,         N. Seattle
  Sgt. Major R.H. Winsor,        Tacoma

  Capt. Fleming W. Alderson,     Charleston
  Sgt. Walter S. Moore,          Huntington
  Sgt. Thomas Schofield,         Wheeling
  Lt. Col. Jackson A. Weston,    Charleston

  Edward F. Ackley,              Milwaukee
  Pvt. David Bloodgood,          Milwaukee
  Sgt. Elmer S. Owens,           Milwaukee
  Col. Gilbert E. Seaman,        Milwaukee
  Pvt. John P. Szulcek,          Milwaukee

  Major A.S. Beach,              Lusk
  Sgt. Morris A. Dinneen,        Cheyenne
  Pvt. I.H. Larom,               Valley Ranch

United American War Veterans,  Warren S. Fischer, Commander-in-Chief
Comrades in Service,           Bishop Brent, President,
National Legion of America,    Major Elihu Church,
American Army Association,     Lt. Haywood Hillyer, General Secretary.

       *       *       *       *       *

Just about this time it became most necessary to properly present the
Legion to those men who had remained at home and who had gotten out of
the Service, and to those who were incoming from France and rapidily
being demobilized, as it was upon them that the success of the Legion
depended. Furthermore, their opinions were the soil upon which the
various State organizations had to work, and at that particular time
it was vital that the Legion should be widely known and thoroughly
understood; that its aims and ambitions should not be misconstrued
either willfully or unintentionally, nor its precepts perverted. To
this end the temporary Chairman proceeded to publicize it in the most
thorough fashion. One-page bulletins briefly outlining the Legion's
aims and ambitions were distributed in every center where soldiers and
seamen gathered. Such places as Y.M.C.A. and K. of C. huts and War
Camp Community recreation centers were thoroughly informed, and
bulletins also were sent to every ship in the navy with the request
that they be placed on the ship's bulletin board.

Literature about the Legion was placed on transports when they left
empty for France so that the men might read it in their leisure hours
returning home. In order to make sure that every soldier and sailor
would have the opportunity to know about the Legion this literature
was again placed on the transports as they arrived in New York harbor.
Various demobilization camps throughout the country were widely
placarded and in each instance the names of the Temporary State
Secretaries were given, and service men were invited to write to the
Secretaries in their particular States. Camp publications, newspapers,
and periodicals published for service men throughout the country were
bountifully supplied with Legion information and scores of them
carried special stories in regard to it. Bulletins and pamphlets were
distributed in hospitals, placed on bulletin boards, and given to the
patients. Every mayor of a town or city with a population above nine
hundred got a letter containing literature about the Legion with a
request that it be given publicity in the local press and then turned
over to the Chairman of the Welcome Home Committee. Certain national
magazines devoted a great deal of space to special articles explaining
the Legion.

Three or four times a week the Foreign Press Bureau of the United
States Government sent stories about the Legion and its activities by
wireless to the ships on sea and to the men of the A.E.F. in
connection with its "Home News Service." In addition to the foregoing,
articles appeared almost daily in the press throughout the entire
country, and by the time the convention was ready to meet those who
ran and cared to read were fully informed that the American Legion was
an organization for veterans of the army, navy, and marine corp; that
it was non-partisan and non-political; that it stood for law and
order, decent living, decent thinking, and true Americanism.

The wide publicity given to the Legion and its aims brought into the
Temporary Committee many amusing letters. Scores of them complained of
the published statement that it was non-partisan and non-political.
"Damn it all, we want it to be political and partisan," one angry
Westerner wrote. Another correspondent insisted that in view of the
fact that sons of Theodore Roosevelt, and Speaker Champ Clark were
interested, the Legion must be bi-partisan and bi-political. But most
of the letters were of a highly commendatory character, expressing the
deepest and widest possible interest. I recall that one of them came
from Junction City, Kansas, another from Old Town, Maine; one from
Delray, Texas, and others from Wolf Creek, Montana, Orlando, Florida,
and Ray's Crossing, Indiana, while a postal card making frantic
inquiries was dated Nome, Alaska, and arrived a week after the caucus
at St. Louis. I have mentioned these towns and localities because they
indicate how widespread and deep is the interest in the Legion. No
matter where a man came from to go into the army, the Legion will go
to him in his home now. Its members will range from fishermen on the
Florida Keys to the mail carriers on the Tanana in Alaska, from the
mill hands of New England to the cotton planters of the Mississippi
delta. All who wore the uniform may enroll just so long as the word
_Americanism_ was inscribed in their hearts between April 6, 1917, and
November 11, 1918.



When the St. Louisian puffed its way into the big smoke-begrimed
station in Missouri's largest city I looked about me for Bill, who was
going to meet me at the station. We had not met since our prep. school
and college days when Bill had been a thin, wizened little fellow, so
hollow-chested that he had to be sent to Colorado for almost two years
for his health. He came back to school looking better but before his
diploma was handed to him announcing to the world that he was a
full-fledged Bachelor of Arts, he had fallen apparently permanently
into the rut of ill-health. In fact I wondered, when we all sang _Auld
Lang Syne_ in the fraternity house at the close of college, if I'd
ever see Bill again.

From time to time I had heard from him in the years that followed, and
one day in the summer of 1917 he wrote me that he was on the way to

While I gazed up and down the smoke-laden platform, I got a slap on
the shoulder that sent me spinning, and there was the once emaciated
Bill, who seemed to have grown three inches and to have put on
seventy-five pounds.

As we walked toward the taxicab stand I began to realize that instead
of an old friend, a stranger was beside me. True enough, he had the
same name and the same colored eyes, and his hair hadn't changed. But
the rather dreamy eye had cleared, the pale face of old was tanned,
and Bill's chest--the one he had gone to Colorado for--was bulging out
as he carried my two heavy suit cases like a pouter pigeon's at a
poultry show.

What had happened to Bill? The little, quiet, timid youth of the past
was now a big, burly, strong-bodied, clear-minded man. As we entered
the taxi he was telling me that he "intended to raise hell if they
didn't take some action against this blank Bolshevism, and furthermore
that this new Legion was going to be the most tremendous organization
that the U.S.A. had ever seen." If he had told me that Swinburne's
_Faustine_ was written in iambic hexameter it would have sounded more
like old times. But here was a new man, strong and virile, intensely
interested in the future of his nation.

What had happened to Bill? Eighteen months in the army was the answer.

The advanced delegation began to arrive in St. Louis, the afternoon of
May 5th. The Statler and Jefferson Hotels were packed because there
were two other conventions in progress. But our delegates needed no
badge to be distinguished from the others; there was a difference
between them and the other conventionites. There was the same
difference between the two as between the old Bill and the new Bill.
They too had had eighteen months in the army, and a coat of tan on
each one's face, his ruddy frame, and general atmosphere of a healthy
mind and a healthy body were unmistakable emblems.

This advanced delegation, two from each State, had been requested to
come beforehand to meet on the morning of Tuesday, May 6th, so as to
formulate a working order of business on which the caucus might
proceed as soon as it assembled. There was another reason for this
meeting also. The temporary committee wanted to avoid any appearance
of having "framed up the caucus." By this it is meant that the
committee wanted to be able to say to the caucus that its working
procedure had been determined by a thoroughly representative body, a
democratic, advanced delegation composed of men from every State in
the Union. There were those critics of the Legion, who, had the
temporary committee formulated the caucus procedure, would have been
only too glad to have attempted to make trouble by saying it was a
controlled and made-to-order caucus--controlled and made-to-order by
the men who had taken the lead in it. In fact, during the early
morning of the first day the advanced committee met one delegation
arrived with blood in its eyes determined to wage a fight against
universal military training. One of the stories circulated at the time
was to the effect that the entire Legion was nothing but a blind
whereby a mysterious "Military Clique" was to gain supreme power over
the Legion's policies. It took but a very short while to convince the
would-be obstreperous delegation that the caucus was not the
convention and was empowered solely to organize a veterans'
association and not to adopt policies.

The temporary committee in America determined at the very beginning
that no policies would be adopted at the caucus, that the Legion at
this time should follow in the footsteps of its comrades abroad in
stating that neither the men here nor the men there could, as
different units, adopt broad policies until a convention could be held
truly representing all men who had fought in the Great War.

Colonel Roosevelt called the advanced committee to order a little
after two o'clock in the afternoon, in a small and very noisy parlor
in the Hotel Statler. The gavel which he used was made from wood from
the rudder of Admiral Peary's North Pole steamship _The Roosevelt_,
which had been presented to him by Colonel E. Lester Jones of
Washington, D.C.

"The idea underlying the formation of the American Legion is the
feeling among the great mass of the men who served in the forces of
this country during the war, that the impulse of patriotism which
prompted their efforts and sacrifices should be so preserved that it
might become a strong force in the future for true Americanism and
better citizenship," Colonel Roosevelt said. He spoke very slowly and
measured his words carefully but emphasized them in a tone of deepest
conviction. "We will be facing troublous times in the coming years,"
he continued "and to my mind no greater safeguard could be devised
than those soldiers, sailors, and marines formed in their own
association, in such manner that they could make themselves felt for
law and order, decent living and thinking, and truer 'nationalism.'"

In this opening sentence, Colonel Roosevelt foreshadowed the spirit of
the entire caucus. These service men wanted an organization not for
their own special benefit, not that they might obtain pensions or
offices, but that they might become a power for truer Americanism and
better citizenship!

Colonel Wood, the secretary, explained in greater detail the purpose
of the proposed Legion. He broached the subject of the reemployment
for soldiers, a legal department for the handling of insurance claims,
allotments, etc., and sketched the fundamental principles of the
organization as follows:

First, its non-partisanship.

Second, that this society should be equally for those whose duty
called them overseas and for those who were held by circumstances on
this side.

Third, that it is fundamentally a civilian organization, one in which
all ranks, be they private or general, admiral or seaman, should have
an equal share and participation.

Then the advance committeemen began themselves to talk. Each one, no
matter on what subject and regardless of the side he took upon it, was
permitted to air his feelings to the full satisfaction of himself at
least. Like the Paris Caucus, the discussion grew heated at times and
every now and then the chair was forced to remind overly fervid
orators that this was an advanced meeting of the caucus and not the
convention. There were those present who wanted to obligate the caucus
to go on record for or against universal military training, woman
suffrage, prohibition, permanent headquarters, and to elect permanent
officers, and each of these had to be shown that it would be unfair to
the men still in the A.E.F. to take such preeminently vital steps
without consulting them. Then there were those present who wanted to
exclude members of the regular army and navy from the Legion; that is,
to limit eligibility in the organization to those who could show
discharge papers from either the army, navy, or marine corps. This
measure was voted down and it was given as the sense of the advanced
committee meeting that those who served in the Great War would have
perfect liberty to join regardless of whether their service continued
in the military establishment after the armistice or after peace was
formally declared.

The advanced committee outlined the order of business upon which the
caucus could proceed, named the various committees to be organized,
and discussed the resolutions which were deemed wise and expedient
topics for discussion.

On Wednesday afternoon, delegates from every district in the country
began to arrive, almost one thousand new Bills, husky of frame, some
still in uniform with the red discharge chevron on their left sleeves;
others who had manifestly tried to get the new Bill into the old
Bill's 1916 suit of clothes, and still others in new bib and tucker,
looking exceedingly comfortable after almost two years in putties,
heavy shoes, and tight blouses.

Every man came with one deep-rooted determination and that was to see
that no one "put anything over" which might make an organization so
embryonically useful take a fatal or selfish step. Each came, perhaps
imbued to a certain extent with his own particular ideas on how
everything should be conducted; but the radicalism, sectionalism, and
partisanship which would have marked a gathering of these same men
three years before was not present. The men who had thought that
nothing good could come except from south of the Mason and Dixon line
had fought side by side with woodsmen from Maine. The man who had
thought the East effete had done duty on a destroyer with a boy from
Harlem. Everybody realized full well that sectionalism must be
abandoned whenever it clashed with nationalism; and abandoned it was,
with right good will.

The meeting of the advance committeemen justified itself as a very
wise and judicious action on the part of the temporary committee. Any
suspicion of a particular delegation that anything was "framed" was
quickly allayed after a conference with its advance committeemen. If a
man from Pennsylvania suspected that anything was on foot not to the
liking of the Keystone State he had only to ask his advance
committeeman, Colonel D'Olier, about it. Incidentally the personnel of
the advance committee was not so numerous that everybody couldn't know
what everybody else was doing. As a matter of fact, everybody did know
what everybody else was doing. One of the most peculiar facts of this
most interesting caucus was that when it came to "_pussy footing_"
pussy seemed to foot it on piano keys so far as secrecy was concerned
and in such a fashion that usually the _Star Spangled Banner_ was
played. I know that the night and the morning before the caucus met
that there were many and various powwows and conferences, a great many
of which I attended, but there wasn't a one that I knew of or ever
heard about, the full details of which could not have been printed in
bold-faced type on the front page of every St. Louis newspaper and
have reflected credit on the powwowers as well as on the American



All during the morning of May 8th that delegation was constantly
getting together with this delegation; this leader conferring with
that one; was this question going to come up, and what would be done
if that question was tabled? Everybody interested, everybody excited,
everybody waiting to see the other fellow's hand at the show-down,
which was scheduled for the Shubert-Jefferson Theater at half-past two
o'clock in the afternoon. Of course, everybody had found out the
previous evening that every card in the pack was red, white, and blue,
and that, from the very beginning of the game, an attempt had been
made to keep the knaves out. As a matter of fact, they'd never been
in, but the new Bills who made up the delegations to this caucus were
going to look everybody over mighty carefully before any serious
playing was done.

Suppressed excitement doesn't describe at all the half-hour preceding
the opening of the caucus, because the excitement was not suppressed
in the least. Eager, shining, tanned faces, eyes alert, heads erect,
straight-bodied and straight-talking men one by one took seats which
were assigned to them by delegations.

A flashlight photograph of the gathering was made, but this caucus was
not one that could be pictured by the camera at all accurately. The
outstanding feature of this great get together was the spirit of the
men, and that no camera could catch.

Three large wooden tiers of seats, the kind the circus has under
canvas, were built in a sort of semicircular fashion around the large
stage. The New York delegation occupied one of these tiers; the
Ohioans another, while the third was built for distinguished guests.
If any distinguished guests came they were entirely put out of the
limelight by the audience, for this was one show which was enacted
before the footlights rather than behind them, and, with one or two
exceptions the star performing took place where the spectators usually
sit. In fact, the only spectators that I saw were the newspaper men,
seated at tables within the corral formed by the tiers. All of them
had been in the army or navy or had seen the big show abroad as war

When Theodore Roosevelt, as temporary chairman jammed that gaveled
bit of the rudder of the North Pole ship down hard on the table and
called the meeting to order he got what he had never received while in
the army: that is, direct disobedience. He commanded order, and there
was utter disorder. It was rank insubordination, distinctly requiring
court-martial of everyone present, from a military point of view--but
the American Legion isn't military! And so the delegates howled
joyously. Roosevelt, demanding order at this time, had just about as
much chance of getting it as the Kaiser has of making Prince Joachim
King of the Bronx. Somebody started a cheer, and the crowd didn't stop
yelling for two minutes and a half.

"Young Teddy," as they called him, was manifestly surprised at the
ovation and tried repeatedly to get the crowd quiet. He wanted to be
pleasant and yet he wanted order and so between knocks with his gavel
he smiled. And a very engaging smile it was, too.

"Gentlemen," he pleaded. "Gentlemen, a little order." Finally there
was comparative quiet. "Now let's proceed to the business of the
meeting. The floor is open for nominations for permanent chairman of
this caucus."

Sergeant Jack Sullivan of the State of Washington got the floor.
Sergeant Jack is a husky northwesterner who did his bit in the
intelligence section in Seattle and has seen a lot of the Bolsheviki
out there.

"In behalf of the State of Washington and representing the men of the
rank and file of the Pacific Northwest, it gives me pleasure at this
time to place for your consideration the name of a sterling patriot,"
he shouted. "The man I am going to place in nomination proved himself
to be a one hundred per cent. true blooded American when his country's
honor was assailed. He was among the first who placed himself in the
front-line trenches, he was wounded twice, he was ready and willing to
make the supreme sacrifice in order that this world might be made safe
for democracy. I deem it an honor and a privilege, and the Pacific
Northwest deems it an honor and a privilege to place in nomination the
worthy son of a worthy sire--Theodore Roosevelt."

The crowd seemed to know all along who Jack meant and it held its
enthusiasm in tether as best it could. But when Sullivan got to the
word Theodore, the Roosevelt was drowned out in the mightiest cheer
that is possible for eight or nine hundred throats to utter. The
second to the motion, made by Colonel Luke Lea of Tennessee, wasn't
heard at all. This time it took Colonel Roosevelt more than two
minutes to get order.

"Gentlemen, I want to speak on that now," he shouted and during a
lull in the cheering managed to make himself heard. "I wish to say
that I want to withdraw my name from nomination--"

But the "gang wouldn't hear to it." Somebody raised the old cry:

"We want Teddy!" "We want Teddy!" "We want Teddy!" they chanted in
unison. Bedlam broke loose at that. Men stood on their seats and waved
their hats and handkerchiefs; some took their collars and neckties
off; some wept, some cursed for sheer joy and others--I believe that
when Gabriel blows his horn and all the dead arise that some of the
men who attended that caucus will try to make a speech! These speeches
were going on four and five at a time during the entire hullabaloo. It
didn't seem to matter in the least to the speakers that they weren't
being heard. They couldn't hear themselves. They added a little to the
noise and that satisfied the crowd and seemed to satisfy them.

"Please, please let me talk," pleaded Colonel Roosevelt. He finally
got his plea over by means of the sign language.

"I want to withdraw my name for a number of reasons," he continued.
"The first is that I want the country at large to get the correct
impression of this meeting here. We are gathered together for a very
high purpose. I want every American through the length and breadth of
this land to realize that there isn't a man in this convention who is
seeking anything for himself personally; that all of us are working
simply for the good of the entire country. I believe, furthermore,
that what we want here is someone who has been connected with the
movement only since it started on this side of the water, someone who
originates from the convention."

The din started again.

"No, no, gentlemen," shouted the Colonel. "I want to withdraw. It is
my earnest wish. It is my absolute determination."

But the caucus seemed equally determined. "We want Teddy!" "We're
going to have Teddy!" "You got this thing going, you ought to run it."
Colonel Roosevelt paced up and down the stage, trying his best to
silence them. Then, during the din, one by one some of his oldest
friends went to him and begged him to accede to the crowd's wish.
"Take it Ted," they urged. "Take it." That underslung jaw of the young
Colonel's became rigid.

"I won't do it. I can't do it," he answered.

Then someone managed to make a motion that the nomination of Colonel
Roosevelt be made unanimous. It was seconded and made extremely

[Illustration: Theodore Roosevelt, Jr.]

[Illustration: Group on the Stage at St. Louis Caucus]

"Then, gentlemen, I accept and I resign," Colonel Roosevelt said. "I
want quiet for a moment here on this situation. This is something that
I have thought about and have given my most earnest consideration. I
am positive I am right on it. We must not have creep into this
situation, in which we all believe from the bottom of our hearts, the
slightest suspicion in the country at large. I don't think there is
any suspicion among us that anyone is trying to use it for his
personal advancement. But it is absolutely essential that this spirit
be proven. I am going to stick by this from the beginning down to the
very end because, in my opinion, we have got to create to-day the
impression all over the country on which this organization will carry
on and serve a great purpose for years to come."

Again there were outbursts of applause for the Colonel. "We want
Teddy!" "We want Teddy!" the crowd cried again and again. Men ran to
the stage from the orchestra seats and even from the second balcony.

"Take it, Colonel. You ought to take it," they urged.

What the Colonel answered couldn't be heard but the jaw was working
and the head was shaking vigorously.

A couple of newspaper men dashed up to him.

"You oughtn't to take it, Colonel," one of them whispered. "If you
don't, it will give the lie to those who are saying the Legion is
being conducted for your special political benefit."

"I haven't the slightest intention of taking it," he answered back.

He didn't take it and he nailed the lie that the Legion was started to
further his own selfish ends.

On motion of Colonel E. Lester Jones of the District of Columbia the
nominations were reopened again.

Sergeant Haines of Maine put up the name of Colonel Henry D. Lindsley,
a banker of Dallas, Texas, and a prominent Southern Democrat, for
permanent chairman. Think of it! A man from Maine nominating a
Southern Democrat! One of the Ohio delegation seconded the nomination.
Think of that too! Colonel Claud Birkhead of San Antonio, Texas,
leader of the Texas delegation "thirded" the nomination. He told
Colonel Lindsley's record. The Colonel had been Mayor of his home
city, and during the war had served his country so well in France that
he had been awarded the Distinguished Service Medal. He and Major
Willard Straight, now dead, had started the War Risk Insurance Bureau
abroad and, at the time of the caucus, Colonel Lindsley was the head
of the Bureau under the Treasury Department in Washington.

Minutes of a meeting usually are dry but here I am going to quote
directly from them because they tell the story in the most vivid way.
Fancy between the lines, please, dozens of cheers, a couple of rebel
yells, a great deal of talking and shouting for "T.R.!" "T.R.!" and a
Babelous babble that ebbed or flowed according to the strength Colonel
Roosevelt used in wielding his gavel.

COLONEL JONES (of Washington, D.C.): "Mr. Chairman, I personally feel,
and I think I voice the unanimous sentiment of this organization, that
your withdrawal is a mistake. We are not only sincere, but we are
telling you what is in the bottom of our hearts. We are weighing also
the sincerity which you have expressed, and in deference to your
wishes, which I know have not arisen spontaneously but which you have
talked about for some time, regarding the chairmanship of this
committee, I think we should not embarrass you further. I have one in
mind who I feel is going to be a man who will do credit to this

MR. ABBOTT (of Ohio): "Gentlemen of the caucus, I think we are wasting
time around here. I can't see why we can't have for the permanent
chairman of this convention the man who will be elected in November."

THE CHAIRMAN: "Gentlemen, can't you see how it is? I can't possibly
change my convictions. I can't go back on what I have told you without
everybody, who doesn't understand the situation here, feeling that I
have just come out here to make a grandstand play. I am right. I am
absolutely sincere and right."

A motion was made that Colonel Theodore Roosevelt temporarily yield
the chair to Colonel Bennett Clark.

COLONEL BENNETT CLARK: "It is very evident what the desire of this
convention is. I know that Colonel Lindsley of Texas was only put in
nomination in response to the express wishes and repeated
determination of Colonel Roosevelt. I think that that explanation
should be made in justice to Colonel Lindsley. I think that Colonel
Roosevelt should take this chairmanship or if he doesn't want to take
it he should be made to take it. (Applause.) The chair will recognize
a motion to that effect."

CAPTAIN BOYCE (of New York shouting to a yelling audience): "What is
the use of our acting like a lot of kids? Just one minute; only one
man can talk at a time and get anywhere. Colonel Roosevelt will not
take it."

COLONEL BENNETT CLARK: "The chair will recognize nobody until the
convention is in order. It has been moved and seconded that Colonel
Roosevelt be elected chairman of this convention by acclamation."

Cries of approval from the audience and a request for the question.

COLONEL BENNETT CLARK: "On that the chair will take the responsibility
of ordering a roll call. (Applause.) The Secretary will call the

SECRETARY WOOD: "The motion is that Colonel Roosevelt be nominated by
acclamation. The chairman has directed me to call the roll by States.

A call for a point of order.

DELEGATE: "After nominations have been made and closed a roll call
cannot be taken."

COLONEL CLARK: "The chair was fully aware that he was proceeding
outside of parliamentary law because it was the unanimous wish of the

MR. SULLIVAN: "I move that a roll call be made on the original

COLONEL CLARK: "Colonel Roosevelt has expressed to me his absolute
desire that that not be done. He refuses to enter into a contest with
Colonel Lindsley in any way."

COLONEL JONES (Washington, D.C.): "Mr. Chairman, the nominations were

COLONEL CLARK: "The chair is informed that while he was on the way up
here a motion was carried to reopen nominations after the resignation
of Colonel Roosevelt. Now nominations are again in order."

MAJOR SAMUEL D. ROYCE (Indiana): "On behalf of the State of Indiana, I
nominate Colonel Theodore Roosevelt."

The motion was seconded.

COLONEL CLARK: "The gentleman from the District of Columbia has the
floor. Others please be quiet."

Here I must inject my story into the minutes again. Colonel Roosevelt
saw the convention was "getting away to a Roosevelt finish" again, to
use a racing term, and he sent a hurry call to the Arizona delegation
for Colonel Jack Greenway.

Jack Greenway followed the elder Roosevelt up San Juan hill. He wears
underneath his civilian coat to-day, but right over his heart, a
Distinguished Service Cross won at Cantigny.

"Jack, for Heaven's sake, tell them I won't take it," Colonel
Roosevelt plead.

It was just at this moment that Colonel Clark, the acting chairman,
was saying: "The gentleman from the District of Columbia has the
floor. Others please be quiet...."

Colonel Jack waving one arm at the chairman and another at the
audience strode to the center of the stage.

The minutes read:

COLONEL JACK GREENWAY: "Will you give me the floor? I won't keep you
five minutes.

"My name is Greenway but that doesn't mean anything to you. Gentlemen,
Colonel Roosevelt has said that he is not going to take the nomination
of the caucus and you can take it from me that he is not going to do
it. Now wait a minute. Whoa! Quit yelling! I know this Roosevelt
outfit and when they say something they mean it. I followed his daddy
through Cuba and I know. I saw this boy in the first division at
Cantigny and on the Toul Front and I know that he means he is not
going to take the chairmanship of this temporary caucus. There is a
big misunderstanding about what you are trying to do. I have just
talked to Colonel Roosevelt and he says that he will not be a
candidate for the temporary caucus, but if, after all the boys come
home at the convention in November, it is still the desire of that
body as a whole, he will give the matter reconsideration." (Applause.)

Colonel Roosevelt resumes the chairmanship.

THE CHAIRMAN: "Mr. Lindsley, the gentleman of Texas is in nomination
for chairman. I mean absolutely what I say. I can't do it. I won't
serve if elected. What you have done will always be a great memory to
my family. (Applause.) I mean that, gentlemen! I mean that! Now is
there anybody else you want to put in nomination? I absolutely mean
that for the good of the cause; you have got to do what I say on that.

"Gentlemen, I believe the nominations were reopened."

Now I must again put the minutes by for a moment, for Bill has come to
the stage and what he says doesn't get into the minutes, although I
wish his remarks were there:

"That was pretty fine in him," Bill said, pointing to Colonel
Roosevelt. I nodded only, for somehow this whole thing had got to me
pretty strong and I felt like crying for some unaccountable reason.

"And then he gives his family the credit for all this yelling," Bill
was saying. "We like his family all right, but say, this wasn't to
compliment his family, not by a darn sight. Why, you know that young
Colonel's got a h---- of a fine record himself--"

But somebody within an inch of my ear was letting out a warwhoop for
Jack Sullivan who had just been nominated for permanent chairman and
I didn't hear the last of Bill's remark.

Sergeant Sullivan got up and tried to withdraw in favor of Colonel
Lindsley, and Colonel Lindsley did the same thing and each was refused
the opportunity. Colonel Lindsley then took the floor. "Comrades," he
said, "I want you to know that I came here for one man for the
chairman of this caucus, and that man was Theodore Roosevelt. He has
refused it absolutely. I appreciate the support that has been given to
my name. If honored with the chairmanship I shall be glad to serve,
but it is important that we get to business immediately. I am certain
that Mr. Sullivan will make an excellent presiding officer. If I had
the right, I should be glad to withdraw my name in his favor. But the
point is, gentlemen, let's get to business. This is the greatest
meeting that has ever gathered in the United States, and it is not so
material who is chairman of the meeting as it is to proceed to

While the roll is being called let's glance around the theater again.
Most of the men in uniform are enlisted men. It is difficult to tell
at a glance just what rank or rating the majority of those present
held in the army or navy because in civilian clothing the officer and
the man are indistinguishable. I mean to say that our army was
different from most other military establishments. Being primarily a
citizen affair it was really representative. It was the desire of the
temporary committee that sixty per cent. of the delegates should be
enlisted men and when the call for the caucus was issued that was set
forth most plainly. No one seems to have taken the trouble to check
the thing up at the caucus. Anyone desiring to do so can find the
information in this volume. I was interested at the opening of the
caucus to know just what the percentage was, but after it got into
swing it didn't make any difference. No one cared. There was talk
(among officers) of making an enlisted man permanent chairman. The
only persons that I heard objecting to such a procedure were the
enlisted men themselves.

"We've forgotten all that stuff about rank. If the officers insist on
an enlisted man they'll make a mistake. We want the best man and
because we're in the majority in the organization we don't want to
discriminate against the officer. Taken as a whole, he was a mighty
fine sort."

This from Sergeant Laverne Collier of the Idaho delegation when I
asked him what he thought of the enlisted man idea. While we were
talking about it the vote was being cast on Lindsley and Sullivan. As
if to reecho Collier's sentiments, Sullivan got up and demanded that
Lindsley's election should be made unanimous, and so it was.

Colonel Roosevelt promptly put Sullivan's name in nomination for
vice-chairman. Mr. Abbott of Ohio seconded it and further moved that
the sergeant's election be made unanimous. Sergeant Jack Sullivan was
elected by acclamation. Then Colonel Wood was chosen secretary, the
rules of the House of Representatives were decided upon to govern the
procedure, and debate was limited to five minutes.

Insistence on that point was unnecessary. Our new American back from
the wars has been too accustomed to action to like words that aren't
concise and aimed right at the heart of the point. There was a good
deal of noise and talk at this particular juncture and someone moved
the appointment of a sergeant at arms. Captain A.L. Boyce of Boyce's
Tigers (those young men who drilled so persistently in Central Park in
New York preparing for the war) was picked. While this guardian of the
peace was being appointed at least five gentlemen from as many
delegations started to speak at once, perhaps against the five-minute
debate rule, and in the confusion a delegate, whom Checkers might have
described as carrying a load he should have made three trips with,
took the platform and began something that sounded about as
intelligible as Cicero's oration against Catiline in the original.

"Do I understand, Mr. Chairman, that a sergeant at arms has been
appointed?" shouted Mr. J.L. Walsh of the Pennsylvania delegation.

"That's right," answered the chairman.

"Then let's have him get busy," rejoined Mr. Walsh. "We didn't come
down here for a vaudeville show or to be entertained by some boob,
because we've got boobs back home."

After this remark, the minutes read "Laughter and applause" but that
doesn't half describe it.

Captain Boyce "got busy" and if the minutes could record the result of
his actions they would probably read "Order restored--almost. Quieter,
for a time."

Colonel Lindsley made a splendid presiding officer. None could have
done better, but as the stenographer who took the minutes remarked
(and she was convention-worn because she had attended so many): "This
is the funnest meeting I ever wrote up." Right. It was the funniest
meeting--funny being used in the sense of unusual as the stenographer
meant it--that anyone ever saw. In fact it was unique; absolutely the
only one of its kind. Because the delegates were unique. There never
was anything like them in all the history of the country. They had
gone into training camps like Bill, very tired, anaemic, with a shop
and office pallor; and they came out of the war like Bill,--new,
virile, interested, placing a value on themselves which would have
been unthinkable prior to April 6, 1917.

But they placed a greater value on this organization which was so near
the heart of all of them. No better proof of it can be shown than the
incident which has just been described, viz., the refusal of Theodore
Roosevelt to be the permanent chairman. Although I do not pretend to
be able to explain the processes of thought and reasoning which led
Colonel Roosevelt to take the action he did, still I do know this
much! There are very few young men who would have been so deaf to the
plaudits of the multitude, to the advice of old friends and to the
still small voice of personal ambition as he was in refusing. I
maintain that this refusal was by no means altogether prompted by
anything of an hereditary nature but, rather, by the experiences and
environment which had been Colonel Roosevelt's during the war. It took
more than an under-slung jaw and a rugged Rooseveltian determination
to refuse this great honor. It took _discipline_, and Colonel
Roosevelt knew how to inflict that upon himself just as he did upon
his troops whenever it was wise and necessary.

In much smaller, but no less important matters, did I see other men
practice discipline upon themselves. I saw men forego the discussion
of subjects in which they believed with all their hearts and with all
their minds solely for the purpose of doing nothing that would tend to
disrupt the Caucus or give the impression throughout the United States
that the men who had stuck together so closely in times of daring and
danger could not still stick and face, as a band of brothers in the
American Legion, any perils or pitfalls which peace might hold for
this country. Therefore, it seems to me that Colonel Roosevelt's
action was more than a manifestation of his own sterling determination
to do nothing which might hurt the Legion. It was archtypical.

Major Hamilton Fish of New York called attention to the fact that the
navy was unrepresented in the offices of the caucus and moved that a
second vice-chairman should be appointed from that branch of the
service. A delegate from Missouri seconded the motion and amended it
to read that a third vice-chairman should be appointed from the marine

During the election of these officers enthusiasm reached a high pitch
and in no more striking manner did the new American reveal his new

"Gentlemen," said one dignified delegate (I don't know who let him in,
because just from the way he said "gentlemen" we all knew that once in
his life he had practiced oratory before the bureau mirror), "I want
to place in nomination the name of a man who is true blue--"

"Name him," shouted the crowd.

"He is not only true blue but he is thoroughly everything he ought to
be in addition--" continued the orator, coldly trying to squelch the

"Name him." "Shut up." "Aw, sit down." "Who wants to listen to such
'bull' as that?"

Each of those sentences was roared by a different man.

"This gentleman is one of whom I am sure you will be proud--"
persisted the orator, but at this direct violation of its edict the
crowd began to scream its maledictions and Captain Boyce could not
have stopped them with all his Tigers if the gentleman orator hadn't
taken his seat in a most dignified manner, never to rise
again--doubtless as a rebuke for the gang, but one which was
thoroughly appreciated.

Thus the way of orators in the caucus!

The navy men who were nominated consisted of Goerke of New York;
Goldberg, Illinois; Chenoweth, Alabama; Almon, Montana; Humphrey, New
Mexico; McGrath, New Jersey; and Evans of Kentucky. The secretary took
the vote by delegations. When Goerke got a vote the New York crowd
yelled itself hoarse; New Mexico did the same for Humphrey; Alabama
cheered like mad for Chenoweth and it wasn't long before everybody
picked out his candidate and yelled furiously every time he got a
vote. The New Mexico delegation occupied a proscenium box but Humphrey
wasn't prominent enough there to suit his delegation. Before anyone
thoroughly realized what was happening, Seaman Humphrey appeared on
the stage, borne on the shoulders of two colonels! Two men who had
eagles on their shoulders, U.S. on their collars, and gold chevrons on
their left sleeves carried on their shoulders a "gob," a sailorman, a
deck-swabbing bluejacket, as he called himself.

It was the beginning of a cavalcade of noise that fairly made ear
drums ache, and, incidentally, proved a signal for the backers of
other candidates. Goerke soon was lifted aloft by a half dozen New
Yorkers; Chenoweth was exhibited to the general view from the section
of the orchestra occupied by his delegation, while Illinois paraded
up and down the aisles with Goldberg. Colonel Lindsley hammered the
speaker's table almost to pieces in an attempt to get order and then
gave it up for a few minutes as a bad job. Captain Boyce succeeded in
getting a semblance of it, when everybody got tired of carrying the
candidates and of shouting. Then the secretary again started taking
the vote by delegations. No one of the candidates received a majority
of the votes which was necessary under the procedure adopted at the
beginning of the caucus. Then began the withdrawals. This State
withdrew its vote from Goerke and cast it for Humphrey; Chenoweth
withdrew from the race and his vote went to Goerke, et cetera. A
similar situation resulted on the second count and finally Goerke
withdrew in favor of Humphrey. When Evans took the same action,
Humphrey (first name Fred), described as the "rough-riding sailor from
New Mexico," was elected.

Humphrey's speech of acceptance delighted the hearts of those who had
forced the would-be orator to sit down at the beginning of the

"Mr. Chairman, gobs, soldiers, and marines," Humphrey said: "I am most
glad and gracious to accept this honorary position and I will do
everything that a deck-swabbing sailorman can do to fill it."

The first day's session closed with the appointment by the various
States of representatives on the following committees: Executive
Committee; Credentials; Temporary Name of Organization; Organization;
Resolutions; Constitution and By-Laws and Declaration of Principles;
Next Meeting Place and Time; Publication; Emblem; Permanent
Headquarters, and Finance.

The personnel of these committees will be found elsewhere.

Thursday evening and Friday morning were devoted largely to committee
meetings and different sections of the country came together to
discuss matters of particular interest to special localities. For
instance, the Western delegations discussed the question of
Bolshevism, because the symptoms of this mad disease had been more
apparent in that section of the country than in any other. The
question of color was practically decided in a meeting of the
Executive Committee and was ratified later by various delegations
representing the Southern States. Everybody was pleased. An attempt
was made by the leaders of each delegation to keep such questions as
might be "_loaded with dynamite_" off the actual floor of the caucus
so that those lacking in discretion might not have the opportunity to
throw the caucus into an uproar.

In fact it was this spirit--the desire on everybody's part to give in
to a certain extent on any mooted question for the sake of general
harmony that was a marked feature of the gathering. In the committee
meetings were found delegates with radically different opinions on
almost every question. It was not an uncommon thing, however, to see a
delegate very heatedly advocate a certain side of an issue; listen to
the opposing side, rise, and with equal heat and fervency advocate the
opposite point of view.

This spirit is highly significant. It will be one of the Legion's
greatest powers. It was and is due to the fact that these new
Americans are not cursed with fixed ideas. They have seen too much,
lived through too much in their comparatively short lives to be
narrow-minded. Over in the A.E.F. the former hod-carrier often turned
out to be too good as a construction manager for any officer to
despise his opinions. One noticeable characteristic of the American
Legion delegate was the respect which he had for the other man's views
and his willingness to admit outright that he was wrong in a thing or
to go at least halfway with the opponent of his particular ideas. This
was the saving grace of the caucus and this will be the saving grace
of the Legion for the spirit which was manifested there is the spirit
which will prevail at Minneapolis, and for always, because the
American sailor and soldier will not change.

It was interesting to see these modern American soldiers side by side
with the veterans of the Civil War. The Grand Army of the Republic
Post, the local Bivouac of the United Confederate Veterans, and the
Spanish War Veterans gave a joint reception for the delegates at the
Missouri Athletic Club which included a smoker and a vaudeville
entertainment furnished by the War Camp Community Service.



The second session of the caucus began at half past two o'clock Friday
afternoon. Like its predecessor it started with a bang. Nominations
were made for the third vice-chairman who was to be selected from the
marine corps. The first nomination was a wounded man, at the time in
the Walter Reed Hospital at Washington and who had won the
Distinguished Service Cross at Chateau-Thierry. Then came the name of
Sergeant Woolley of Utah, quickly followed by the name of P.C. Calhoun
of Connecticut, put up by Mr. Black of Louisiana; the name of Major
Leonard of the District of Columbia also was put in nomination and
then the slate was closed.

True to the spirit of the previous meeting the caucus was soon in an
uproar of applause for each of the four candidates, three of whom were
marched to the stage. Calhoun was elected, with the result that his
ardent brother delegates from Connecticut treated him like a football
hero by placing him on their shoulders and performing a snake dance.
Marines are no more garrulous than sailor men, for Calhoun's speech of
acceptance was just about as long as Humphrey's. While Calhoun was
being bombed by flashlight cameras Mr. Smoot of Utah moved that a vote
of thanks should be tendered to Colonel Roosevelt and other Legion
members who had been active in the preliminary work which insured the
success of the caucus and this was seconded by Major Wickersham of New
York. One of the most rousing ayes of the entire caucus carried the

Cries of "speech" brought Colonel Roosevelt before the footlights. His
remarks were just about as long as Humphrey's and Calhoun's. To be
specific he said: "Gentlemen, it is going to be a short speech because
I think we have got a lot of business to do. Thank you."

Just about this time the committee reports began to come in, the first
of which, that of the Credential Committee, brought the question of
Bolshevism to the floor of the caucus. The report read as follows:

"We recommend that all delegates to the American Legion selected and
now functioning from the various States, districts, and territories,
be seated and accredited with full vote, and that all organizations
organized and having delegates here be allowed one vote with the
exception of the Soldiers and Sailors Council, which delegation the
Credential Committee recommends shall be excluded from the caucus."

S.H. Curtin, the representative of the Soldiers and Sailors Council of
Seattle, pending the action of the Credential Committee, had been
accorded a vote at the previous session on all questions that came up
before it. The fact that Colonel Wood, the Secretary, took this action
was in line with the general spirit of fair play, which was the
keynote of the caucus. The Credential Committee's report elicited
shouts of approval. Chairman Lindsley after bringing the house to
order again said:

"I understand that the delegate from the Soldiers and Sailors Council
is here and asks to be heard. Gentlemen, the members of the Committee,
I assume, had full knowledge of facts which warranted that report, but
there are men here who have not that knowledge. Shall we hear him?"

This statement aroused mixed emotions but Mr. Curtin came to the
platform. Word having spread through the theater that he represented
the "real Bolshevik outfit" in Seattle, a great many of the delegates
began to hoot, jeer, and make cat calls.

"Give me a square deal, give me a hearing," Curtin shouted.

"Give the man a hearing," echoed Colonel Roosevelt, who sat with the
New York delegation. "Yes, give him a hearing." shouted the majority
of the delegates and when the chair had procured order, Curtin made
his plea.

"I wish to say, by way of introduction, that though I come from the
State of Washington, I am not a member of the Washington Delegation,"
he said, "I say that out of deference to the members from that State
for the reason that I wish to prejudice nobody here against the
Washington Delegation. I am not an I.W.W. I never have been and I
never intend to be I never have shown any Bolshevik tendency and I
defy any man present to prove to the contrary. If you've got proof
that Sherman H. Curtin ever was an I.W.W. or made a Bolshevik
statement, say so?" He paused here but none answered him to the

"It is true that the organization which I represent has had in the
past some I.W.W.'s, and it is true that there are some I.W.W.'s in it
now," he continued; "but I am in that organization for the purpose of
throwing those I.W.W.'s out. I got in there for the purpose of kicking
them out and I want your help."

Here he was interrupted by applause.

"At the present time, we (when I say we, I mean the particular
conservative element which I represent in that organization) have
control of the Board and practically all except one office of the
organization. We are doing everything in our power to make that a one
hundred per cent. American organization, and one of the things that I
came down here for was to see that the Legion had in its constitution
as a preamble that we pledge ourselves to the principles of democracy
as set forth in the constitution of the United States of America.

"I, personally, was the man who rewrote the constitution of the
Soldiers and Sailors Council. It was written wrong when I got in there
so I changed it. I want you men to stand behind me and help me make
this fight. My organization did not give me permission to come here
and join this, just as I presume some of your organizations did not
give you permission, for the reason that they did not know what this
was going to be; but I can see from the spirit that this organization
has, that so far, it is on the right path and I am with it and I want
you with me.

"I am already only and wholly for the purpose of doing what good we
can for the elimination of I.W.W.'s and Bolsheviki. If you are
against that, I am with you and if you are with me, I am with you.

George Pratt of Louisiana rose.

"With your permission," he said to the chairman, "I would like to ask
the gentleman one question." "Sir," turning to Curtin, "is it or is it
not true that you re-wrote the constitution now in effect for your
organization, and is it not true that it is so worded that American
Army and Naval officers or former army and navy and marine officers of
the United States are not eligible? Is that true?"

"I will answer that question and I will answer it in a fair way," Mr.
Curtin replied.

"Say yes or no. Is it true?" Mr. Pratt demanded.

"Yes," shouted the crowd. "Say yes or no. Is it true?"

Then pandemonium broke loose in the meeting. The cat calls and boos
were renewed. "Put him out!" "Put him out!" "Shut him up!" the crowd
demanded. And here I want to pause a moment to say that the enlisted
men present gave a mighty concrete sign of the approval of their
officers by this denunciation of the constitution of Curtin's outfit.

"I am not here for the purpose of being persecuted," Mr. Curtin
shouted. "I am not asking no or yes to anything. But I will say to the
gentleman who questioned me that while it is true in letter it is not
true in spirit."

At this juncture Mr. Simon, of the Washington delegation, said that in
all fairness to Sergeant Curtin he wanted to say that during the
recent demonstration of Bolshevism in Seattle, Curtin commanded a
machine gun company on the side of right and law and order.

"I do not speak for his organization," Simon said, "but I speak for a
clique in it, headed by Sergeant Curtin, who went into that
organization to clean it up, to make it a fair and square one hundred
per cent. American organization." The applause of Simon's remarks had
scarcely died down when General Moss succeeded in gaining the floor.

"I want to say to the members of this delegation," he said, "that I
led the fight against the soldiers' and sailors' organization before
the Credential Committee, and I want to say to you gentlemen that we
didn't lead a fight personally against this man, but against his
organization.' We know the outfit in our country and we do not want
that organization in unless the Americans in it come in as
individuals. I want to say that we are to be organized here on a basis
of one hundred per cent, true Americanism.

"I asked Curtin in the presence of the committee if he represented a
minority or a majority in his outfit and he admitted that he
represented the minority."

"But we can lick a majority," Curtin shouted back. "I want Captain
McDonald who had charge of the Intelligence Department at Camp Lewis
to say a word on this subject. He knows the history of my organization
and I would like to have him give it to you." But if Curtin counted on
McDonald to help him he reckoned without his host.

Captain McDonald rose and speaking with great deliberation said:

"I have been an American soldier for thirty years. I was a regular
telegraph officer at the time of the Bolshevik trouble. I established
stations at Seattle and Camp Lewis and this man represents the real
element that we are all working against. Personally he is all right
but he is backing that organization because he wants to represent it.
If he desires to be admitted into the Legion let him get loose from
that outfit and come in by himself."

Captain McDonald's statement was greeted with enthusiasm.

"Are you ready for the question?" demanded the chairman.

The caucus certainly was.

"Those favoring the adoption of the credentials report vote aye," he

That aye could almost have been heard in Seattle itself.

That aye answered the question of what the American soldier thinks of
Bolshevism or anything tainted with it. That aye answered the lying
statement that our troops abroad had been inoculated with the germ of
the world's greatest mental madness.

That aye marked the distinction between a grouch caused by a
cootie-lined bunk and a desire to place a bomb under the Capitol at

I have intimated that the chief aim of each delegate was to see that
no one "put anything over" at this caucus. I think that the only other
determination which might rival that in intensity was most apparent at
the mention of anything that pertained to or bordered on Bolshevism.
This incident of ousting Curtin's organization was not the only
manifestation of it by any means, although it was perhaps the most
striking on the floor of the caucus. But, outside the caucus, in the
hotel lobbies, and in the various committee rooms, whenever the
subject came up these soldier and sailor men, in almost every
instance, got mad--damn mad.

"The trouble with these people who talk Bolshevism is that they don't
know anything about our country," I heard one of them say.

Another quickly interrupted him with, "The big thing the Legion's got
to teach is Americanism and let those crack-brained fools know just
what this country stands for." While still another injected, "The
average 'long-beard' has been so crazed by persecution in Russia that
he would mistake Peacock Alley in the Waldorf-Astoria in New York for
a Siberian coal mine."

This last remark brought forth a laugh, and though it was whimsically
made it illuminated the matter under discussion very well, I thought.
In fact, the whole conversation made clear to me one of the
fundamental missions the Legion must perform.

The seeds of Americanism which Legion members sow to-day will be
reaped, not only to-day but in the generations of to-morrow. The
Soldiers and Sailors Council, Seattle, was thrown out and its
representative knew why. But, if Jack Sullivan and his red, white, and
blue colleagues in the State of Washington preach in the future what
they did at this caucus, the children of those northwestern Bolsheviki
will not only salute the Stars and Stripes, but will know _why_ they
do so. They will know what their fathers don't--that the constitution
means Americanism and that Americanism means "life, liberty, and
pursuit of happiness."

In most conventions the reports of committees are invariably adopted.
There are many reasons for this, the particular one being the theory
that when a set of men are placed on a task they will study the
situation in all its angles, in all its ramifications, in all its
different phases and that its report should therefore be adopted
because of this expert thought and study on the matters under
consideration. I say that most conventions do this. Once as a
newspaper man, I attended an undertakers' convention. It always did
so. And at another time I attended a manufacturers' gathering where
this procedure was invariably followed out. But how about at St.
Louis? Not on your life! The delegates of the American Legion were
neither like undertakers nor manufacturers nor like any-other business
men that I ever saw during ten years on a Metropolitan newspaper. The
new American doesn't do business that way.

Witness the report of the Committee on Name. This report read:
"We, your Committee on Name, unanimously make the following
recommendation--that the name of this organization be the American
Legion of World War Veterans." The chairman had scarcely finished
asking: "What is your pleasure gentlemen" when Major Wickersham got
the floor and moved an amendment that the name be "The American
Legion." This was seconded by Mr. Cochrane of Ohio and then came the
argument about it.

Mr. Shank of Ohio, thought that the American Legion did not convey a
sufficient meaning to the average civilians. "The American Legion
might be an organization of street cleaners, it doesn't signify
soldiers. It isn't comprehensive enough," he said. Mr. Larry of
Florida countered with, "Go ahead and call it American Legion, we will
soon show them what it means."

Mr. Walsh of Pennsylvania, suggested that the A.E.F. knew what it was
doing when they called it the American Legion. "Let us honor them and
respect them by calling it the American Legion," he urged. Colonel E.
Lester Jones, of Washington, stated the name had been considered by
the committee most carefully and--

But why go into all the arguments. The motion to call it the American
Legion was carried amid cheering and as such the name will go down
into the history of things well done for America.



We have arrived at what is the most significant event of this session
of the caucus, if not of the entire gathering. The caucus has already
shown its spirit in ousting the Soldiers and Sailors Council because,
in its opinion, it could not measure up to one hundred per cent.
Americanism, and now we shall see what the same simon-pure brand of
red, white, and blueism is demanded of the second largest city in the
United States.

It came about in the most dry, matter-of-fact way. Let the minutes of
the meeting form the introduction for it.

THE CHAIRMAN: "Next is the report of the Committee on the Next Meeting
Place and Time."

SECRETARY WOOD (reading): "From the Committee on Next Meeting Place
and Time, to the Chairman of the American Legion; action of the

"Meeting called to order at 10:30 A.M. this day at the Shubert
Jefferson Theater.

"Charles S. Caldwell, of New Mexico, unanimously elected chairman.

"Frank M. Ladd, Jr., of Alabama, Secretary.

"The majority of the States being represented as per attached list
voted unanimously for Chicago as next meeting place. Date being set as
November 10, 11, and 12, 1919.

  "Respectfully submitted,
  "CHARLES S. CALDWELL, _Chairman_,
  "FRANK M. LADD, JR., _Secretary_."

MR. SEXTON (of Illinois): "When you consider your place for your next
convention tell Chicago what you want, and in response to that Chicago
will answer you. 'We will give you whatever you want.'"

Then the excitement started. Mr. Dietrick of Pennsylvania moved to
amend the report of the committee. "By striking out the word Chicago
and substituting therefore the city from the State which furnished
more soldiers than another state--the city of Pittsburgh."

This elicited great applause--especially from the Pennsylvania
delegation. Mr. Stems of Louisiana got the floor--

"I want to tell you what took place in that committee," he said. "The
committee selected a place to the best interest of this organization
and not to the best interest of any one specific locality, and the
question was argued in a very quiet, organized, gentlemanly manner. A
number of the delegates put up towns that did not get enough support
to get the meeting, so they withdrew their names. It was all to the
interest of the organization so it was unanimously adopted by that
committee, without any dissenting vote, that Chicago be unanimously
adopted as the place for the next convention for the best of all
interests concerned. I am from New Orleans, Louisiana, which is a
convention city and I will not offer my city to you as a convention
city at this time because I do not think it is to the best interest of
your country."

[Illustration: Bennett C. Clark
  Who presided at the Paris Caucus]

[Illustration: Eric Fisher Wood Secretary]

When Mr. Stem took his seat at least a dozen delegates clamored for
recognition from the chair. Colonel J.F.J. Herbert succeeded in
getting it. It was he who then fired the gun which, if not heard
around the world at least made Chicago's ear drums rattle.

"Mr. Chairman," he began--

Colonel Lindsley rapped for order.

A man near me whispered, "There's Herbert of Massachusetts. I think
Boston is too far east for this convention, at least for the first

Colonel Lindsley got order, and you could have heard a pin drop,
while the following statement was made by the Massachusetts leader:

"As the spokesman for my delegation on this question of next meeting
place I want to say that if no other body and if no other party of
this caucus wants or believes it is its duty to rebuke any city or the
representative of any city for Un-Americanism during the time when the
soldiers of that city were offering their lives in defense of the
world, then Massachusetts stands ready to offer that rebuke.
Massachusetts will not agree willingly to having a convention of
soldiers and sailors in the Great War, go to a city that has as its
first citizen, by vote, one who can not measure up in any small part
when the test is one hundred per cent. Americanism."

When Colonel Herbert reached this point one delegate with a big voice
from a big State (Texas) let out a loud yell of approval. This was the
signal for blast after blast of vocal vociferousness which fairly
raised the roof. Men stood on their seats, and cheered. "You're dead
right" and "Get a new mayor, Chicago," while others began to point at
placards advertising Chicago which had been placed on the walls of the
theater by members of the Illinois delegation. Colonel Herbert stood
for fully five minutes before order was sufficiently restored for him
to proceed.

"The hall has been placarded with invitations, reading, 'The American
Legion, Chicago wants you in November,'" he said. "I believe that this
convention, this convention of soldiers and sailors should say,
'Chicago, you cannot have American soldiers in Chicago when there is a
possibility that the chief representative of that city may not believe
it is his duty to come before the Convention and welcome it.' If these
placards read, 'American Legion, Chicago _soldiers_ want you in
November,' our answer might be different. The answer of Massachusetts
would be different but when your placard reads, 'Chicago wants you in
November' the answer of Massachusetts is, 'Chicago cannot have us in
November'--or any other time until Chicago has an American for Mayor
in an American city.

"The literature circulated through the caucus reads, 'Chicago pledges
itself to go any other city one better on anything this convention
requires.' This convention first requires that Chicago shall reach a
standard different from the standard of being the most despised city
in America, and when it has reached that standard, it is then in a
position to say whether it can go one better. It has not yet reached
par. Until Chicago reaches par, Massachusetts votes no!"

A large poster reading "Chicago bids you Welcome," had been placed
over the seats directly in the center of the stage; Captain Osborne
pulled it down. This was the signal for similar action all over the
house. Chicago banners, dropped from the boxes, were hurled to the
floor. Other banners which had been on the theater walls just out of
reach were torn down by men who climbed on the shoulders of their
fellow delegates in order to reach them. Only during the ovation given
Colonel Roosevelt, did the cheering reach such intensity.

These men were cheering for Americanism. They wanted one hundred per
cent. Americanism, untainted and unvarnished by a hyphen or an "ism,"
especially when the word pacific precedes the latter. Everyone felt
sorry for the Illinois delegation, for it was realized that Colonel
Herbert's remarks were intended solely to reflect upon the person he
specially mentioned and not upon the thousands of soldiers and sailors
who went from Illinois and Chicago and did more than their part in
writing glorious history.

Just how this was impressed upon the men from Illinois let the minutes
show. The chairman recognized "the gentleman from Chicago."

MR. CUMMINGS (of Chicago): "Gentlemen, I don't believe there is a
single delegate to this caucus who would be so unfair as to impugn the
patriotism of 650,000 men who rallied to the colors of this country
by saying: 'Because Chicago had a mayor of which they are all ashamed
that they are not patriotic.' Had the men who were serving the colors
in France been in Chicago, they would have had no apology to offer for
their mayor. (Applause.) He was elected in a three-cornered fight
where he did not receive a majority vote in Chicago, but had the
opposition to him been solidified he would have been snowed under, for
Chicago is patriotic. I consider that an insult has been handed to
every man in Illinois who rallied to the colors.

"The Tank Corps of which I am a member, and an enlisted man
originally, gave from Chicago 11,250 enlisted men, volunteers in the
most hazardous branch of the service. They gave 11,250 men as against
11,000 which the rest of the country contributed. If that doesn't
bespeak patriotism for Chicago, I don't know how you are going to
gauge it. I am saying that in the invitation which was extended to you
we are speaking for the boys of khaki and blue who rallied to the
colors from Illinois, and who are here to-day, extending the
invitation to you notwithstanding the fact that we are cursed by a
mayor who is not our choice. We would throw him out if we had the
chance, but we are extending the invitation to you on behalf of
750,000 men from Illinois and we do not feel that you are going to
impugn their patriotism, that you are going to insult them by saying
they are members of an unpatriotic community."

MR. HAWKINS (of Oklahoma): "The great State of Illinois stands
unchallenged in the patriotism of its soldiers throughout the world. I
am only sorry that you didn't leave enough patriots at home to elect a
patriotic mayor of that great city. You are in the embarrassing
position of having a man who has repudiated the things we went out to
die for. Either you have got to repudiate us or repudiate him."

"We'll repudiate him next time when the boys get home," shouted
several of the Illinois crowd.

Then other speakers tried to make it plain that the Legion's attack
was solely against the municipal head of Chicago, but some of the men
of Illinois let the incident rankle. How it came out (and it was ended
happily) will develop. Meantime the attention of the caucus was
diverted from the Chicago incident by the manifestation of that desire
which is in every true American's heart, namely to be a booster for
his own home town. In less time than it takes to tell it, Los Angeles,
Minneapolis, Atlantic City, St. Louis, Pittsburgh, Indianapolis,
Kansas City, and Chicago were being voted upon. While the delegates
were voting, a small body of soldiers and sailors were gathered
together in a wing of the theater, seriously discussing the incident
which was developed by Colonel Herbert's speech. They desired that it
should be made more plain to everyone just what Colonel Herbert meant
and that the millions of patriotic simon-pure Americans who live in
Illinois should not take undue umbrage of the incident. Therefore
while the vote on the convention city was being counted, Colonel Luke
Lea was recognized by the chairman and asked unanimous consent to
present for consideration the following resolution:

"RESOLVED, That the action of the caucus of the American Legion in
refusing to accept the invitation to hold its next convention in
Chicago is no reflection upon the splendid patriotism of the men and
women of that great city, who have loyally proved their Americanism by
supporting our Army and Navy and all war activities.

"BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED, That this caucus records its admiration of
the valor and heroism of the thousands and thousands of Chicago's sons
whose pure patriotism has been proven on the battlefields of France."

"I would like to say something in support of the motion," Colonel Lea
said. "It is very proper for me to offer it for I had the privilege of
serving for three months with the great Thirty-third Division of
Illinois and I know what wonderful soldiers they are."

The resolution was adopted by unanimous vote.

No booster ever had a better time than had those who attended the St.
Louis Caucus. Local pride assumed its highest pitch during the vote,
and at length Minneapolis won it. The date was set for November

Just before adjournment Colonel Herbert arose to a question of
personal privilege.

"I would like, if possible," he said, "to have the attention for a few
minutes of every man that is in this theater. Intentionally or
otherwise, and I think it was otherwise, the soldiers of Illinois have
felt that I was not just to them in the remarks that I made bearing on
the report of the Committee on the Next Meeting Place. I meant to say,
and I believe now that I did say, that if those banners that were hung
in this theater had read, 'American Legion, Chicago's _soldiers_
invite you next November.' Massachusetts' answer would have been
'Yes.' I believe I said that. The men of Illinois believe I did not
say it. The men of Illinois believe that when I sat down after making
the few remarks I did, that I had a sardonic smile on my lips and they
say that I have insulted them to the heart and I say to them: 'If
there is anything that I can say, anything that I can do, as soldier
to soldier to remove from your mind, or from the minds of any man who
may have been in this theater, any belief that there was any feeling
except of highest admiration, the highest respect, and the deepest
affection on the part of the soldiers of Massachusetts for the
soldiers of Illinois, then I want to correct that impression, because
I want you, the soldiers of Illinois, to know that we recognize in
Massachusetts that no better soldiers wore the khaki, no better
sailors wore the blue, than the men of Illinois. My remarks were, as I
stated, for the purpose of saying Massachusetts would, if no other
State would, take such action to rebuke the city of Chicago; would say
to Chicago that if it would have the right to invite Americans to meet
in that city, first Americanize the City Hall. That was my chief
purpose of rising to my feet. If Chicago's soldiers, if Illinois'
soldiers still think that I have not made reparation for what they
believe was the intention of my remarks, then I say to them that no
higher respect, no deeper affection exists for them than in the hearts
of the men of Massachusetts."

Colonel Herbert's assault upon Chicago's mayor in itself is only half
significant. It is only wholly so when its reception is considered.
Colonel Herbert will have none of Chicago until it has purged itself
of its municipal leader. He remembered, perhaps, the assertion that it
is "the sixth largest German city in the world." He might have said as
much in a newspaper interview as he said on the floor of the caucus
had he been asked about the Illinois city as a meeting place for
soldiers, and, perhaps, the editor would have given to it a half
column of space; in the larger dailies, less. But when men of the
army, navy, and marine corps, from every battlefield in France, from
every State in the union, voice their approval so thunderously; when
they stand on their seats and cheer; when they so positively overrule
the recommendation of committeemen who have studiously considered the
matter, presumably from all angles, it means much. No wonder
Metropolitan dailies devoted columns to it.

Those of you who have become low-spirited over your own particular
view of the future; those of you who have talked about "the good old
days"; or, the Spirit of '76, take heart. Take counsel of the Spirit
of '19, based on the deeds of '17 and '18, on the mistakes of '14,
'15, and '16. '19 is all right!

Read the constitution of the American Legion to-night just before
you go to bed. Think of this second day's session when the
Bolsheviki-tainted organization was thrown out, when the second
largest city in America was told to "clean house" and redecorate in
red, white, and blue. Then go to bed and know that all's right with
the United States.

A large number of the delegates attended, on the second evening, a
dance and supper at Sunset Inn given in honor of the Legion by the
ladies of St. Louis. For most though, there was work in plenty to do.
Some of the committees hadn't yet reported and there was an all
important meeting of the executive committee in the Statler Hotel.

I said _all important_ by design. The caucus had taken up a great deal
of time with the proceedings already recounted and it was the purpose
of the executive committee on adjournment-eve to get down to brass
tacks. It certainly did that. It was agreed to recommend to the caucus
that the Legion should attempt to help get returning soldiers and
sailors positions and that a legal department should be established
which would aid men to get back pay and allotments, while still
another department would look after their insurance and instruct them
how to change it to policies of a permanent character. Needless to say
these conclusions were not arrived at without a great deal of helpful

Then too this executive meeting was all important because it let
several persons who claimed to be dissatisfied, air their grievances,
thereby clearing the atmosphere of considerable cloudiness. For the
most part these malcontents didn't seem at first to distinguish
between the caucus and the November convention. They didn't seem to
catch at first hand the spirit of the A.E.F. caucus which positively
refused to take action on large questions of policy until the Home
Army could be consulted. The principal leaders of the caucus in St.
Louis determined upon the same course, as has been previously
explained, and rightly so. One thing one element wanted to do was to
elect permanent officers. "How could you do that when more than a
million men entitled to a vote are still in France?" they were asked.
They couldn't answer. Another element wanted to go on record against
universal military training while still others were for endorsing it.
Someone else wanted this city to be chosen as permanent headquarters
while another wanted some other town selected. There was some
grumbling to the effect that the caucus had been too "rowdy." Then,
too, everybody was more or less tired out and a darker view of things
was natural.

The silver lining was there, however, as it always is. This time it
took the rotund form of a preacher from Alabama. Inzer was his name
and his folks and Colonel Roosevelt's away back five or six
generations ago in Georgia had been the same people, so let's
introduce him as Colonel Roosevelt's cousin. Chaplain Inzer had been
ready to embark at Newport News with his regiment when the Bolsheviki
menace grew quite serious in the Pacific northwest and he was ordered
to proceed to Seattle and was there during all the stirring times
which culminated in making Ole Hanson famous.

It might truthfully be said that the "silver lining" quite properly
had a silver tongue. When he had spoken just about a hundred words
even the grouches were holding onto their chairs if they weren't using
their hands for purposes of applause. And many a man, who thought he'd
talked his voice silent dug deep down in his vocal chords and brought
forth something that could easily be labeled a cheer! This preacher
told everybody who might have the slightest idea of making trouble
just where to get off. But I am not going to try to remember his
speech and perhaps improperly quote the chaplain. The speech was so
good that they made him do it again at the very opening of the caucus
the next morning, so I'm going to lead off with it in my story of the
proceedings of the last day, just as the stenographers recorded it.



Soon after the caucus opened on Saturday morning, May 10, the minutes
read as follows:

THE CHAIRMAN: "Gentlemen, before we have the report of the Resolutions
Committee, I want to say to those who were not of the Executive
Committee and in its meeting last night, that there seemed to me to be
there a more splendid crystallization of the real purpose of this
caucus and a foresight into what it is going to mean, not only to
these four millions of men but to the people of the United States for
the next half century, than I have ever heard, and at the request of a
number of those who were there at that meeting, I am going to ask one
of them to interpret to you in just a few minutes, as well as he can,
and he did it wonderfully well last night, the spirit that we believed
in that meeting is your spirit here to-day and the spirit that is
going out from this caucus as a slogan to all American citizens and
through them to the world, indicating the purposes for which we
fought, and more than that, the purposes for which American manhood
stands and for which it will fight again, if necessary, the heritage
we will hand down to our children, and I will ask this gentleman to
present that thought to you."

CHAPLAIN W. INZER (of Alabama): "Gentlemen, I appreciate this
opportunity more than I have words to say, and if you will only be as
sympathetic with me for these minutes as that Executive Committee was
last night, I will do my best to interpret the spirit and the mind of
this convention as I see it and as I saw it last night. I never had a
more sympathetic audience, it seemed to me, or a more psychological
moment in which to speak than that was last night and I appreciate the
spirit of the brethren who asked me to come out and make this talk
this morning and I am going to try my best to interpret it as I saw it
last night.

"There has been an undercurrent all through this Convention. Somebody
has been afraid that we are going to do something or pop some lid off
that will bust the thing and I have been, as I said last night,
sometimes scared almost to death. I think I could personally say that
I wanted to make about seventy-four speeches in the two days that I
have been here. I didn't do it but I was waiting and praying for the
psychological hour to arrive and I believe that that hour came last
night when this Executive Committee really got together and got
something concrete before them, and I think that the whole Convention
comes together this morning ready to take up matters of importance and
leave off matters that should not be taken up, and to solidify this
body in a great spirit of Americanism that shall last for fifty years
as the greatest organization that the world has ever known."
(Applause.) "Now the keyword that I want to say in the beginning is,
at all costs we want to save this organization. We do not want
anything to arise to-day that will in any way mar the spirit of this
great assembly and the work that it is going to do in the future.
While you were deliberating here these past two days some of you
thought only of this hour and this moment, but, gentlemen, I had an
eye cast into the future and I was dreaming dreams and seeing visions
of the years that are to come and the wonderful work, the wonderful
influence, and the mighty power that this organization is going to
have and exert upon this nation and upon the whole world, and I want
you to think of it in these terms. This convention is a baby and we
must not choke this baby. You can't give a young baby a gallon of
castor oil the first week. It only requires castoria, that is all the
first week. It can stand with a little mother's milk, and I want you
to feel that way about it to-day." (Laughter and Applause.)

"Our first duty is beyond the shadow of a doubt to get this infant on
its legs, and once we get it on its legs, it will be like the mighty
Niagara Falls, there isn't anything in the world can dam it up. It
will be a power that shall be known, and with influence all over
America and for good all over the world. Let's be quiet and let's be
sensible to-day until we get this infant on his legs. He's just a
recruit, a raw recruit, and he has to be trained and we are going to
do that now.

"Gentlemen, I want to say just here, if you can only think about this
Legion--the chairman spoke of it last night to me--as the jewel of the
ages. I believe that is the best interpretation I know. I cannot say
anything greater than this: I believe God raised up America for this
great hour; I can say that the strong young man of the time is to be
the American Legion in this country and in the world.

"What the great seers of the past ages have dreamed and what they have
planned and longed for, the opportunity that they sought, have
suddenly been placed and in our hands. Are we going to be great men
and big men? Will we arise to the dignity and be worthy of the

"I believe that we will. Oh, men, if I might make it plain to you
that it seems to me I stand on the very rim of creation and I am
speaking there to an angel who has never yet been able to see light. I
said: 'Angel, what are you doing here?' and he said: 'I was placed
here when God created this world'; and he said: 'God sent me to look
down upon this world and report to him at one special time, and that
one time only,' and I said: 'What was to be the nature of that
report?' He said: 'God made man in His own image and God Himself is a
being of knowledge, love, truth, democracy, and peace,' and He said to
that angel, 'Don't you ever leave that world until you see dawn, until
you see that man has come up to the place where he will begin to
measure up to what I expected of him,' and that angel said to me, 'I
have sat here through all the ages and I have seen times when I
thought that the sunlight of God's great knowledge and love and truth
was going to come over the hills and then some being like the Kaiser
or Alexander or Napoleon or some one that was of a Bolsheviki type
would rise up and retard it and the sun could never rise,' but he
said: 'Thank God on April 6, 1917, I reported back to God when America
entered this war that I had seen the dawn.' (Applause.)

"As little as you dream, maybe when you came here and as little as you
thought about it in the commitment of time, I believe to-day that we
stand on the dawn of the realization of the republic of man which is
nothing short of the Kingdom of God on earth when men shall be men."

"So the first thing we are to do to-day is to get a great spirit, men,
a great spirit that we can carry back. All the other questions will be
ironed out in due time. Everything will be straightened out when we
realize that five million men are going to be organized with the same
spirit of love and loyalty and devotion and sacrifice and democracy
that characterized their lives on the battlefield. They will never
rest until they make this whole world bloom in love, democracy, peace
and prosperity and equality and brotherhood for all mankind. That is
what we are going to do and that is what this assembly means to-day.
It is the world's great opportunity and your privilege to share with

"Now, then, I want to say that the soldier spirit is going to be my
spirit and I believe it is going to be your spirit. When Wilson and
the other men called us to the war, I was glad and ready immediately
to offer my life because of the great principle. I said to those men
last night in that Executive Committee and I mean it to-day, I'd
gladly lay down my life to-day if laying down my life meant that this
Legion should live and fulfill my dreams of its service to the
country for these next fifty years. (Applause.) So do you think I want
anything to come up here that would disrupt this body? Never! Do you
think I want to make a fiery speech about something because it is my
personal conviction? No, I have a hundred personal convictions that I
would like to see operating in the United States and this convention,
but it isn't the time and I am not going to bring them up here. I
don't want to say anything that will keep all of us from pulling
together like a military army for the great things that this
convention in the future is going to stand for. So my final word is
this: That this day, we get right down to business and that we omit
everything that we can omit pertaining to the permanent policy of this
organization that we cannot all immediately agree upon.

"If there is going to be anything discussed here to-day that everybody
in this convention won't immediately agree upon and would hinder us
from sending out to the nation word that we stand together and that we
are going to pull together, that we caught a mighty vision and that we
have gained the great spirit, then, brethren, let's carry that thing
over until November when all the boys come home and then we will
discuss it there. There are many things to-day that we can discuss
that are important and fundamental and that are urgently needed in
our nation this hour. Let's take those things up and get down to
business on it to-day. Every Executive Member from each State pledged
the chairman last night that he was going to act as a sergeant-at-arms
in his delegation and hold the convention in order to-day. We are
going to do the right thing and we won't be 'busted' by anything or by
anybody, and when anything comes up that isn't the right thing for us
to do to make a great impression on America, and the world, we will
say hold that thing over until the baby is strong enough to do it

"I beg you to do those things. Somebody said: 'What are the things we
can do to-day?' We mentioned them last night.

"Jack Sullivan has problems out there that we must meet this very day.
One of those is this Bolsheviki business. We are going to pass
resolutions this very day, I believe, asking the United States in
Congress to pass a bill for immediate action of deporting every one of
those Bolsheviki or I.W.W.'s out yonder." (Prolonged Applause.)

"Gentlemen, I know what I am talking about. You don't know how badly I
do hate some of those guys. If it hadn't been for them I would have
gotten on the boat in Newport News in 1918 for France, but because of
those rotten scamps I was sent to Seattle, Washington, and had to
stay there for seven months guarding the interest of the shipbuilding
in the Western States.

"I was naturalization officer for our regiment and that division out
there and I have had those scamps stand up and say: 'Yes, I have been
here fourteen years and have lived on the fat of the land, but we
don't want to fight,' and they would deny citizenship papers or cancel
their first papers.

"Now that the war is over, they are in lucrative positions and our
boys haven't got jobs; we've got to say, send those scamps to hell."
(Prolonged Applause.)

"We can all see this very moment that there is no division on that
question. We stand together. Somebody said: 'Why, we have been here
two days and haven't done anything but elect officers and decide on a
place to meet. But let me tell you, Buddy, while we have been doing
those things, we have let the world know where we stand for
Americanism. (Applause.) And we couldn't have done a bigger thing than
create the impression we did relative to Mayor Thompson of Chicago and
the I.W.W.'s of Seattle. (Applause.) We can do that. We are agreed on
that. The baby can do that without any trouble at all and we are not
going to choke him when we start that kind of thing.

"The other question that we might decide here to-day is what we are
going to do about jobs for our returned soldiers. In my city we have
already said: 'Look here, man, you'd better post every job that is
open and post it in the place where we get employment for returned
soldiers. And they have gotten down to that. We want to talk about
that to-day and get down to business--the business of getting jobs for
our men, and then we want to care for those who come back without
money. We want to help them get their allotment and get their $60
bonus, and we want to care for the wounded.

"But these other things--excuse me, I can't help but say brethren,
because I am a preacher, but you are my brethren, I thank God you are
and I love you like I love the brethren of my church. There is some
fellow here who might want to spring something because he knows it
would be a lot of fun. Oh, brethren, let's not have any fun with the
baby to-day. (Laughter and Applause.) We have all we can do to-day. We
have all we can do if we do those things that we are all united upon
and agreed upon. Those things which may have what they call a nigger
in the woodpile, when they come up, let's say that is something we are
going to talk about later when the boys get home in November, when
everybody is settled down and we have thought it through and talked
about it in our State organizations and we will come up with
solidified ideas and the great spirit will have gripped us and we will
know where we stand and will know our power and strength.

"Brethren, I say let's cut out every last bit of hoodlumism to-day. It
is the zero hour. Let's stand together. If we don't carry anything
else home, let's go home and say we are for America, that we caught
the spirit and the vision and you can't stop us with anything in the
world. I thank you." (Audience rises and applauds.)

That speech has been given in full not only for the reasons which have
been stated before but because it is archtypical of the deep-seated,
serious, and high-minded soul of the New American, born of the war.

"Mr. Chairman, it seems that Illinois caught the spirit of the speaker
who has just seated himself, in advance."

Before the applause over Inzer's speech had ended and before we
realized it, Mr. Cummings of Illinois had the floor. He said that the
Illinois delegation had been ungracious in accepting Colonel Herbert's
explanation of his remarks the previous day.

"We wish to withdraw that implication," Mr. Cummings said. "We wish to
state to you as a solid Illinois delegation that we give full faith
and credit to the high, patriotic motive which prompted this gentleman
in making the speech to you which he did and in bringing before this
organization the question which he did. We feel on cooler deliberation
and upon giving the matter the thought which its importance demanded,
that he is helping us and that he has placed the American Legion in a
position to help us to move in a body politic, to overcome certain
things in the State of Illinois and blot out pro-Germanism.

[Illustration: Gaspar Bacon Treasurer]

Three State Chairmen

[Illustration: John F.J. Herbert Massachusetts
  _Photo by Gray, Worcester, Mass_.]

[Illustration: Henry G. Mathewson California]

[Illustration: Cornelius W. Wickersham New York]

"I say that the American Legion is bigger than any man; it is bigger
than any State; it is bigger than any combination of States; it is the
unified action of the millions of men who were willing to sacrifice
their lives, their fortunes, their all on the altar of this country
for the cause of democracy, to make the world safe for democracy, and
they are going to help us make Illinois come to the front and clean
its skirts of the stigma which is attached. We know that you are going
to help us in it, and with the support of the American Legion, nothing
will stop us from cleaning our skirts, from washing our dirty linen at
home. When the next convention of the American Legion is held, as soon
as we have had an opportunity or the boys in khaki and blue have had
an opportunity to give an honest expression of views on the question
of Burgomaster Thompson, we will come through with clean skirts, we
will stand before you without a question as to the patriotism of the
great City of Chicago and the State of Illinois. We are for the
American Legion first, last, and all the time, and I will pledge
Illinois' seven hundred thousand soldiers who have gone to the front
for the colors in this organization to a man."

"... and clean its skirts of the stigma which is attached and we know
you are going to help us in it, for we will have the support of the
American Legion and with that support when the boys from over there
get back, nothing will stop us from cleaning our skirts...."

Attention is drawn specifically to that sentence, because it affords
an excellent opportunity to explain the difference between politics
and policies. The Legion has policies but it is not political. One
prime policy is the demand for one hundred per cent. Americanism.
Whoever or whatever cannot read that mark, be it Chicago's mayor or
the Seattle Soldier's Council, the Legion's caution is "measure up."
The Legion, _as the Legion_ will not go into municipal politics in
Chicago but the members of the various posts in that city like all
other Legion members stand for one hundred per cent, simon-pure
patriotism and regardless of party, he who does not "measure up" had
best beware. The Legion, as the Legion, never will endorse a political
party or a party's candidate for office. But it will have platforms,
it will have tenets, it will have principles. These platforms, tenets,
and principles will be seen, felt, heard, and heeded by the voters of
the United States. Furthermore, these platforms, tenets, and
principles will be supported regardless of political party, political
affiliations, or partisan sponsorship.



The first of the committee reports of the morning was that of the
Publication Committee. This report is perhaps not so interesting a
document now as it may be in later years, when, with a circulation of
millions weekly, the official organ will be a tremendous power for
Americanism throughout the country, spreading in every home, in every
vale and hamlet the same dragnet of Americanism as the draft law did,
having in its tentacles the same power for culture, breadth of
experience, and abolition of sectionalism.

In view of this, the report possesses tremendous potentialities. Here
it is:

"The Committee on Publication recommends that this caucus of the
American Legion inaugurate a national publication which shall be the
Legion's exponent of Americanism; that this, the sole and only
publication of the American Legion, be owned and directed by the
Legion for and in the interest of all Americans; that the Publication
Committee be continued that it may proceed as organized with the
details of founding this publication, with the advice and under the
control of the Executive Committee of the American Legion which shall
add such specially qualified members to the Publication Committee as
it may see fit; that this publication shall be a National,
nonpartisan, non-sectional organ for the service of the American
people, a champion of Americanism which means independence, security,
health, education, greater contentment, and progress for every
patriot, to be the torch, the beacon light thrown into our hands by
the Americans who fell, and held as a unique and living monument to
that other legion which did not come back.

  "(Signed) G.P. PUTNAM, _Chairman._
  "CHARLES D. KELLEY, _Secretary_."

As an aside it may be interesting to say that there were at least half
a dozen publishers, some with veteran journals already started, in St.
Louis with the most alluring offers. Each wanted to have his
publication designated as the official organ. Several other
propositions were made, one syndicate offering to publish the
magazine, bear the entire expense, give the Legion fifty per cent. of
the stock, and allow it to control the editorial policy. All the
syndicate wanted was the official endorsement. From other quarters
came the word that a million dollars would be forthcoming, if such a
large amount was necessary, in order to start the publication, but
those who would furnish it wanted some return, naturally. However the
Publication Committee felt, as set forth in the resolutions, that the
magazine must be entirely owned and solely controlled by the Legion.
If it was worth a million dollars to anybody else, it certainly was
worth conserving in every possible way for the Legion.

Again I am going to let the minutes take up the story. Some of the
details which they give in the next few pages are illustrative of the
interest and care which the caucus took when it came to important

SECRETARY WOOD: "The Committee on Resolutions begs to submit the
following report:

"'GENERAL PRINCIPLES AND CREED--Recognizing the supreme obligation of
the citizens to maintain our national honor and integrity, and being
resolved that the fruits of the Great War shall not die, we who
participated in the war in order that the principles of justice,
freedom, and democracy may more completely direct and influence the
daily lives of America's manhood, do announce our adherence to the
following principles and purposes:

"'(a) To inculcate the duties and obligations of citizenship.

"'(b) To preserve the history and incidents of our participation in
this war.

"'(c) To cement the ties of comradeship formed in service.

"'(d) To promote, assist, and protect the general welfare of all
soldiers, sailors, and marines and those dependent upon them.

"'(e) To encourage the maintenance of individual and national
efficiency to the end that the nation shall never fail in its

"'(f) To maintain the principle that undivided and uncompromising
support of the constitution of the United States is the true test of
loyalty.'" (Applause.)

THE CHAIRMAN: "Do you desire to pass on that as read, gentlemen, or by

MR. JOHNSON (Rhode Island): "I move it be adopted as a whole."

Seconded by Mr. Black of New York.

COL. HERBERT (Mass.): "I would like to ask for information: if there
aren't more eligible to membership in the American Legion than are
cited--soldiers, sailors, and marines?"

THE CHAIRMAN: "The committee understands that covers everything. The
direct eligibility comes up later."

COL. HERBERT: "But before we adopt this we must know who are eligible
so it may be inserted there. As I read the qualifications for
membership the members of the enlisted nurse corps are eligible to
membership in the American Legion. If they are eligible they must be
included there. If there are any others they must be included."

MR. FISH (of New York): "I make a motion to the effect that this
report be laid on the table until the constitution has been adopted.
There are points in this resolution that conflict with the preamble
and by-laws of the constitution. I move you, Mr. Chairman, that the
first paragraph of the resolution as read be laid on the table until
after the constitution is adopted. I will amend my motion to that

COL. HERBERT: "I want to hear that reread."

SECRETARY WOOD: "What I have read, and what I am about to read again,
is the first paragraph of the report of the Resolutions Committee.
There are many other paragraphs. The second one, for instance, is an
endorsement of the Victory Liberty Loan. If you lay the whole report
on the table we have to wait until later to consider resolutions as a
whole. The first paragraph is as follows:"

Secretary read first paragraph.

MR. MILLIGAN: "I wish to make a further amendment that the entire
report be laid on the table until after the constitution has been
adopted. I don't believe it is the sense of this meeting to hear the
report of this committee in fragments."

COLONEL LEA (of Tenn.): "If this report, or any part of it, is laid on
the table it means final disposition of it under the rules of the
House of Representatives. I don't think we want to do that until the
report is read. As a substitute for the pending motion and amendment,
I move that further reading and action of the report be suspended
until after the report of the Committee on Constitution and By-Laws."

Seconded by Mr. Black of New York and carried.

THE CHAIRMAN: "The Secretary will now proceed to read the

SECRETARY WOOD: "Endorsement of the Victory Liberty Loan.

"'WHEREAS, The Government of the United States has appealed to the
country for financial support in order to provide the funds for
expenditures made necessary in the prosecution of the war, and to
reestablish the country upon a peace basis, therefore be it

"'RESOLVED that this caucus emphatically endorse the Victory Liberty
Loan, and urges all Americans to promote the success of the loan in
every manner possible.'"

THE CHAIRMAN: "What is your pleasure with regard to that resolution?"

MR. SULLIVAN: "I move the adoption of the resolution."

Seconded by Mr. Wickersham of New York and carried.

SECRETARY WOOD: "Conscientious Objectors.

"'RESOLVED, that this caucus go on record as condemning the action of
those responsible for protecting the men who refused full military
service to the United States in accordance with the act of Congress of
May 18, 1917, and who were tried by general court-martial, sentenced
to prison and later fully pardoned, restored to duty and honorably
discharged, with all back pay and allowances given them, and as
condemning further the I.W.W.'s, international socialists, and
anarchists in their effort to secure the release of these men already
pardoned, and those still in prison, serving sentence, and be it

"'RESOLVED, that this caucus requests a full and complete
investigation by Congress of the trial and conviction of these parties
and of their subsequent pardon." (Applause.)

COLONEL HERBERT (of Mass.): "I move you, sir, that this convention
substitute the word 'demand' instead of 'request' where it says 'We
request Congress.' We are a body large enough and representative
enough and powerful enough to tell Congress what we want (applause),
not to ask it, and I move the substitution of the word 'demand'
instead of 'request.'"

Seconded by Luke Lea of Tennessee.

THE CHAIRMAN: "The motion is now for the adoption of the resolution as
read, substituting the word 'demand' for 'request.'"

ALBERT H. WILSON (of Idaho): "Gentlemen of this convention, before
this is put to the body of this house, I want to offer a resolution
that the man who convicted these men at Camp Funston be permitted to
give the facts of those convictions and the facts of those discharges
to the body of this house. I refer, gentlemen, to Major Foster, of
Camp Funston, of the General Staff at Camp Funston, and I offer a
resolution to that effect. Will you hear him?"

Assent from the audience.

MR. GASTON: "I second that."

THE CHAIRMAN: "It isn't necessary to have a resolution to that effect.
The discussion would be germane to the question before the house."

MAJOR FOSTER (of Missouri): "Gentlemen, on May 18, 1917, the Congress
of these United States passed an act defining what should be done in
regard to conscientious objectors. That act, as you are all probably
familiar with, says nothing about the I.W.W.--the so-called
humanitarian, the slacker, and the anarchist, and yet for some unknown
reason about 135 such cattle were shipped out to Camp Funston,
segregated, were not required to do military service, were tried for
disobedience to a lawful order in time of war, duly convicted,
sentenced to prison, and a large Majority of them pardoned out of the
penitentiary within two months.

"These men, and I want you to get the importance of this, are not
ordinary, poor, misguided, fanatical men, but the large number of them
were college graduates. Take the case of Lundy in Chicago and Berger
and Greenberg and all of them. Seven of them were cases so serious
that the court, of which I was a member, sentenced them to death.
Within three weeks the order came from Washington restoring them to
honorable duty. These men who were dismissed from Leavenworth and who
were tried by this court made the statement before the court to prove
their conscientious scruples that they did not accept pay from the
Government, nor did they, but when they were dismissed at Fort
Leavenworth and honorably restored to duty and given discharges with
honor, they took every dollar and cent that the Government sent or the
officials in Washington said should be paid to them and they carefully
counted it and it amounted to between four and six hundred dollars
each, and they went home with it.

"You all know who is responsible for this condition. You all know that
this convention should condemn it. And here is one more point I want
to put before you and I want you to get this carefully. One of the men
we tried, Worsman, has been pardoned. Here is a letter he sent out. I
will not read it all.

(The caucus requests him to read it all.)

It is sent out to the press and to everyone. Here is a book that has
the expressions before the court that all these men made and they
stand on that as being proper.

"This letter says: 'The committee who sends you this letter are, for
the most part, near relatives or close friends of young men now
serving long terms in the disciplinary barracks at Fort Leavenworth
because of loyalty of principle. Nearly all of them are your fellow
workers and except for those in what we call the religious
group,--trade unionists--the public knows little of their unhappy
fate, even less than the other political or labor prisoners because
they have been sent to prison by military court-martials and some have
not even had the hostile publicity of a public trial in court.

"'The war is over; whether these men were right or wrong, they were
utterly sincere. Even military prejudice has to concede that, and the
sufferings they have unflinchingly borne prove it many times over, but
the point for the country to get just now is that right or wrong, they
cannot now have any adverse effect upon the military policy of the
Government to keep them in prison.' Here is the dangerous thing--'We
are trying to educate public opinion, and particularly labor opinion,
to the point where it will demand the release of these brave and
sincere young men. We say "labor," because we know when labor really
demands a thing, it gets done.' There is the dangerous thing,
gentlemen, the direct connecting up of the I.W.W., the so-called
international socialists and anarchists who were tried, convicted, and
later pardoned by our War Department,--the direct connecting up
between that element and those like the fellow who was sentenced to
prison and who is sending out this letter, and this great and
dangerous Bolshevism that is creeping into this country and is, I am
afraid, more dangerous than many of us realize. I want to see this
caucus go on record--don't be afraid--as strong as you can against
this fellow. The officers who served on those courts know what we had
to endure. We had to treat them respectfully; we were obliged to do
that. Let me tell you a few things, if you don't know them, about what
happened in the guardhouse among those men. They would not do a thing;
they wouldn't make their own beds. They wouldn't flush the toilets in
the guardhouse, and some red-blooded American soldiers had to go and
pull the chain for them. I say you can't send out a message to these
people too strong in condemnation of this type and of the action of
the War Department or whoever is responsible for the solace and the
protection that has been thrown around the man who hid under the cloak
of an act of Congress that was designed to take care of the
conscientious objectors, and there is no conscientious objector under
that act except a man whose religious creed forbade him to take part
in the war in any way. I thank you." (Applause.)

THE CHAIRMAN: "Gentlemen, the question has been called. All those in
favor of the motion as amended will vote 'aye.'"

The motion was unanimously carried.

The general comment at the time was that Major Foster's address summed
up the opinion of the caucus on the War Department's action in regard
to the objector, conscientious or otherwise.

The accusation that the Legion was being formed for political purposes
has been frequently referred to in this account of the organization
and there follows an instance which shows very clearly the attitude of
the delegates toward anything that might tend to give to the caucus a
political savor. Just after Major Foster's address the chairman held
up his hand for silence.

"One moment before the next resolution is read," he said: "I am
informed that one of the newspapers of St. Louis has circulated blanks
among the delegates asking them to indicate thereon how they intend to
vote in the next national election in this country. I would point out
to those who are gathered here that this is a very improper suggestion
and that the action should be repudiated by the men here filling out
none of these blanks."

This statement was greeted both with anger and applause, the former at
the paper's action, the latter because of the chair's suggestion, and
Mr. Wickersham of New York made a motion that none of the blanks
should be filled out and that no delegate should take part in such a
poll. It carried unanimously and with acclamation. The blanks were not
filled out and the men distributing them were ordered to leave the
theater, which they did.

This is the nearest approach to a poll that took place at the St.
Louis Caucus so far as I am able to ascertain. In fact it would have
been quite impossible to take a poll except in the theater and I have
been assured by men sitting in widely different parts of the house
that no such poll was taken. The delegates' living quarters were in
widely scattered parts of St. Louis and it would have been impossible
to have got any large number of them together to take a poll except
during the meeting in the theater.

Despite this fact, despite the motion of Major Wickersham, and its
passage by acclamation, reports were circulated after the caucus, to
the effect that a poll had been taken and that it showed so many votes
for this man and so many votes for that one. The effect of that
statement, while not doing widespread damage, caused the Legion
leaders a great deal of embarrassment and a great deal of effort to
correct the false impression among those not present at St. Louis to
the effect that the caucus had a political complexion.

Following the refusal to allow a poll to be taken, the secretary read
the following resolution:

"WHEREAS certain aliens during the emergency of the war sought to
evade military duty by reason of their status as aliens, and

"WHEREAS, such an act indicates a lack on the part of such aliens of
the proper spirit of Americanism, therefore be it

"RESOLVED that this caucus assembled urge upon the Congress of the
United States the adoption of such measures that may be necessary to
bring about the immediate deportation from the United States for all
time of these aliens."

This resolution covered a subject very near the heart of Sergeant Jack
Sullivan, the vice-chairman. He was on his feet immediately saying:

"I agree with the gentleman from Massachusetts, Comrade Herbert, that
this is not the time to urge upon Congress but to demand of Congress
and I offer you, sir, this as a substitute resolution:

"WHEREAS, there was a law passed by the Congress of these United
States, July, 1918, known as an amendment to the Selective Service Act
giving persons within the draft age who had taken out first papers for
American citizenship the privilege of turning in said first papers to
their local exemption board and thereby becoming exempt from service,

"WHEREAS, thousands of men within draft age who had been in this
country for many years and had signified their intention to become
citizens, took advantage of this law and thereby became exempted from
military service, or were discharged from military service by reason
thereof, and have taken lucrative positions in the mills, shipyards,
and factories, and

"WHEREAS, in this great World War for Democracy the rank and file of
the best of our American manhood have suffered and sacrificed
themselves in order to uphold the principles upon which this country
was founded and for which they were willing to give up their life's
blood, if necessary, to preserve, and

"WHEREAS we, the American Legion assembled are of the opinion that
these would-be Americans who turned in their first papers to avoid
service are in our opinion neither fish, flesh, nor fowl and if
allowed to remain in this country would contaminate the 100% true
American soldiers and sailors who will return to again engage in the
gainful pursuits of life. Therefore, be it

"RESOLVED: That we, the American Legion in convention assembled in St.
Louis, this 8th, 9th, and 10th day of May, 1919, numbering millions of
red-blooded Americans, do demand the Congress of these United States
to immediately enact a law to send these aliens who withdrew their
first papers and thereby avoided service, back to the country from
whence they came, for we want them not, neither do we need them. The
country which we live in and were ready and are now ready and willing
to fight for is good enough for us and this country, which they live
in and prospered in, yet were unwilling to fight for, is too damned
good for them to remain in. Therefore, be it further

"RESOLVED, that a copy of these resolutions be sent to each and every
member of the House and Senate of our United States and a copy be
given to the public press."

  "Respectfully presented
  "(Signed) Sgt. JACK SULLIVAN.
  "Delegate from Seattle, State of Washington."

"I move you, sir, the adoption of this resolution."

"Now, gentlemen, I have a telegram from Seattle which I will read. It
is addressed to Jack Sullivan, St. Louis.

"'Executive Board American Legion of Liberty authorizes you to
advocate before the St. Louis Convention as part of the
Americanization program, that the organization bring its influence to
bear throughout the United States to secure enactment by Congress of
laws making it possible to deport alien slackers who avoided military
service by renouncing their citizenship and signing affidavits that
they would return to the country from which they came. A bill
providing for their deportation introduced by Senator Jones of
Washington failed to pass the last session of Congress because the
demand for its passage from the State of Washington was not backed up
by other States. Demand upon senators and representatives from their
own constituents that a law should be passed to deport these slackers
would probably result in action by the special sessions of Congress of
nearly three hundred aliens who escaped military service in Seattle by
renouncing their right to become citizens. Twenty-seven per cent, were
shown to be I.W.W.'s of the thousands who thus escaped military
service. Throughout the country a large percentage are probably of the
element which is seeking to undermine American institutions. They
still remain despite their affidavits that they would leave the
country and there is no existing law under which they can be deported.
The first move towards making this country one hundred per cent.
American should be the elimination of aliens who are opposed to our
Government and institutions and who poison the minds of others by
their teachings. Every senator and representative should be urged to
back legislation for the elimination of this element and we hope that
this work will be adopted by the convention as part of the national

  "'(Signed) American Legion of Liberty,
  "'NORMAN E. COLES, _Secretary_.'"

When Sullivan finished reading, he began one of the most stirring
addresses made before the convention:

"Now let's not be afraid to put the cards on the table and say to the
Congress of the United States that we are not afraid to trample on the
toes of the diplomats of these alleged neutral countries who do not
want legislation of this kind to pass," Sullivan plead. "We have the
interest of the man who donned the khaki and the blue and when the
ships bring the boys from over there, they must take back these alien
slackers. We would be derelict in our duty to the boys who gave their
all when they went over the top; we would be untrue to ourselves and
the institutions and principles for which we fought if we did not see
to it that these people were sent back.

"I was born in the State of Massachusetts and I was taught that
citizenship meant something. As a boy I went out West where I learned
that American citizenship meant something to the people of the West.

"To-day we are here from all parts of the country. We are not from any
section alone, because we are all Americans, This is an organization
of Americans. This should be a country of Americans and if our
citizenship means something, the swine who come from other countries
should be taught that it means something like what McCrae said:

    '"When from failing hands we throw the torch to you,
        Be yours to hold it high;
        If ye break faith with us who die,
      We shall not sleep though poppies grow in Flanders' field.'

"Let's make this unanimous and do it now and say to the boys in
Siberia and France that we are going to see to it when they get back
here that those damned alien slackers are not going to be here, or if
they are, they are going to be on the dock at Hoboken to go back to
their own countries because they don't belong here and we are not
going to allow them to remain."

[Illustration: "Jack" Sullivan of Seattle
  First Vice-Chairman of the St. Louis Caucus]

[Illustration: Chaplain J.W. Inzer of Alabama]

Sullivan was seated amid prolonged cheering; it was his big slap at
Bolshevism. When Colonel Lindsley restored order Colonel Ralph Cole of
Ohio was recognized.

"The delegation from Ohio has authorized me to second this motion," he
said. "This seems to be a unanimous caucus. There is harmony here. The
most impressive fact in relation to this assembly is the militant
spirit of Americanism that has been manifested. I chanced to be
Assistant Adjutant of the 37th Division when the time came for the
naturalization of aliens who were in the American Army. Thousands and
thousands of young aliens came up and raised up their right hand and
pledged fidelity to the American Constitution, and to fight for the
supremacy of the American flag, but, there was a certain small
element, a certain small percentage that refused to take the oath of
allegiance and they appealed to the Constitution and their rights
under the law and they were exempted from military service. And I say
to you, gentlemen of this convention, any alien that will appeal to
the law in order to avoid military duty has no right to the
opportunity of peace in America." Here there was prolonged applause.

"There was an outbreak in the State of Ohio of Bolshevism a few days
ago, but I want you gentlemen to know that it was put down. It was hit
by the soldiers who returned from France, the rank and file of our

"Now, as Mr. Sullivan has suggested, let it not be said that when
these boys that raised their right hand and took the oath of
allegiance to the American flag return, that these contemptible skunks
that demanded exemption under the law shall occupy the positions,
which these truly loyal men should have. Let's give those positions to
the returning American soldiers and the returning alien soldiers that
fought for the American flag and helped us win the great victory." The
applause given Sullivan was repeated.

Then the "Silver Lining," Chaplain Inzer, strode upon the stage. This
time he was a very stern Silver Lining, and what he had to say he said
with a vigor which characterized his speeches all during the

"I want to offer an amendment," he said. "Mr. Sullivan's resolution
does not cover the whole ground. As Naturalization Officer of the 14th
Infantry, I happen to be observing enough to know that there are other
men that ought to be included in this list. Often we called certain
foreigners together who had been drafted and said, 'Now, men, we are
going to go overseas in a short while. How long have you been in this

"One said, 'fourteen years.'

"'How long have you been here?' to another.

"'I have been here so and so,' he answered.

"'All right, now,' we said, 'this has been your country. If we hadn't
gone to war, you would have expected to be here.'

"'But we want to go home now.'

"'If you go home will you fight for your country?'

"'We don't know.'

"And they absolutely refused to take out citizenship papers. How do we
know them? As Naturalization Officer I marked on every one of those
papers. 'This man, though he has been here for four years or ten years
refused naturalization in the hope that he might avoid overseas
service.' Now, then, I move that we include in that motion that the
files be gone through and every man who refused citizenship, who was a
native of any other country, but adopted this country and refused to
take out the citizenship papers we offered him, after he had been
brought into the army by the draft, also be deported."

Before the applause began Colonel Luke Lea had the floor. He is tall
and imposing and a powerful speaker.

"I want to see this made a complete and thorough job, and to that end
I desire to offer a further amendment," he said. "We further demand
the immediate deportation of every alien enemy who, during the war,
was interned, whether such alien enemy be now interned or has been
paroled. I merely want to say this: That any alien enemy who is too
dangerous to be at large and bear the burdens of war, is too dangerous
to be at large and participate in the blessings of peace."

This brought down the house. It was what everybody thought and wanted.
It was what everybody had hoped for since the very first day during
the war that the Department of Justice had made its first internments.
There have been all sorts of stories telling about these interned
aliens getting rooms with baths, tennis courts, swimming pools, and
playgrounds, and everyone had consistently hoped that they would all
be sent back to Germany or Austria at the earliest possible moment
after the war. The same hope was expressed in regard to certain
Scandinavians and Hollanders here who were active in behalf of
Germany. One thing is certain and that is that none of the delegates
present were opposed to this enemy alien deportation, or if they were
they didn't or couldn't make themselves heard above the thunderous

Chaplain Inzer at this juncture jumped to his feet and heightened the
applause by shouting, "There are four million men back of this
organization. If I were a Bolshevik, I'd pack my grip and beat it."

The culmination of this particular phase of the caucus was most
dramatic. A wounded soldier on crutches, and bearing two wound stripes
on his arm, was helped to the stage beside the chairman. "I am Private
Sossin of Kentucky," he shouted. "I was born and reared in Poland, and
came to this country and began to enjoy all the freedom of the
American Constitution when I was thirty-seven years old. I left my
business and my family to fight for this country. And if any of my
native countrymen are so despicable as not to want to fight for the
grandest flag the world has ever seen, the flag which gives freedom to
all who are oppressed, I say, damn him and kick him out of here so
that we can show that we despise such slackers."

THE CHAIRMAN: "All those in favor of the motion as finally amended
will vote 'Aye."' That "Aye" shook the theater.

The caucus then passed a resolution that every naturalized citizen
convicted under the Espionage Act should have his citizenship revoked
and should be deported.

Another telling blow for Americanism!

The caucus next went on record with a resolution calling for the
protection of the uniform. Those firms and individuals who had used
the uniform as a method of peddling their wares were scored in the
resolution and it was the sense of the motion that everything possible
should be done to prevent panhandlers and peddlers on the streets
wearing the uniform of the United States.

The caucus also indorsed Secretary Lane's plan for the "Reclamation of
arid, swamp, and cut-over timber lands." The resolution to that effect
follows in full:

"WHEREAS, the reclamation of arid, swamp, and cut-over timber lands is
one of the great constructive problems of immediate interest to the
nation; and

"WHEREAS, one of the questions for immediate consideration is that of
presenting to discharged soldiers and sailors an opportunity to
establish homes and create for themselves a place in the field of
constructive effort; and

"WHEREAS, one of the purposes for which the formation of the American
Legion is contemplated is to take an energetic interest in all
constructive measures designed to promote the happiness and
contentment of the people, and to actively encourage all proper
movements of a general nature to assist the men of the army and navy
in solving the problems of wholesome existence; and

"WHEREAS, the Department of the Interior and the Reclamation Service
have been engaged in formulating and presenting to the country broad,
constructive plans for the reclamation of arid, swamp, and cut-over
timber lands:

"NOW, THEREFORE, BE IT RESOLVED: By the caucus of delegates of the
American Legion in convention assembled, in the City of Saint Louis,
Missouri, that we endorse the efforts heretofore made for the
reclamation of lands, and we respectfully urge upon the Congress of
the United States the adoption at an early date of broad and
comprehensive legislation for economic reclamation of all lands
susceptible of reclamation and production."



We are now coming to the consideration of a subject that was nearer to
the heart of every delegate than any other. That is the reemployment
of one-time service men. This matter is of the most intimate and
direct concern to the Legion and its leaders and because of its
importance I believe the details of the discussion are sufficiently
interesting to permit me to quote them verbatim from the minutes.

THE CHAIRMAN: "The secretary will read the next resolution."

SECRETARY WOOD: "Reemployment of ex-service men."

"WHEREAS, one of the most important questions of readjustment and
reconstruction is the question of employment of the returning and
returned soldiers, and

"WHEREAS, no principle is more sound than that growing out of the
general patriotic attitude toward the returning soldier, vouchsafing
to him return to his former employment or to a better job, therefore,
be it

"RESOLVED: That the American Legion in its first national caucus
assembled, declares to the people of the United States that no act can
be more unpatriotic in these most serious days of readjustment and
reconstruction than the violation of this principle announced which
pledges immediate reemployment to the returned soldiers, and be it

"RESOLVED: That the American Legion in its national caucus assembled
does hereby declare itself as supporting in every proper way the
efforts of the ex-service men to secure reemployment, and recommends
that simple patriotism requires that ex-soldiers or ex-sailors and
ex-marines be given preference whenever additional men are to be
employed in any private or public enterprise, and be it further

"RESOLVED: That the American Legion recommends to Congress the prompt
enactment of a program for internal improvement, having in view the
necessity therefor and as an incident the absorption of the surplus
labor of the country, giving preference to discharged ex-service men."

MR. WALSH (Pittsburgh): "I move, Mr. Chairman, that we adopt the

The motion was seconded by Colonel Jones, of Washington, D.C.

MR. LEVEREE: "Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention, I desire
to present to you a substitute for this resolution. As one who has
been endeavoring to give a post-war service to these men who are
coming back here and need to be replaced in the industries of this
country, as a volunteer dollar-a-year man in the United States
Employment Service and one who has accomplished results in the work to
the extent that the bulletin of the National Chamber of Commerce has
commented on the work, I desire to call your attention to the fact
that the resolution as presented is not concrete. It says nothing. It
talks in generalities, and I want to present to you a concrete
proposition based on the experience of the Bureau in New Orleans."

"WHEREAS, it is desirable both for the welfare of the soldiers,
sailors, and marines, now rapidly being discharged from the service of
the United States of America, and for the industrial readjustment of
the country that the process of returning these men to productive
occupations in civil life be speeded up as much as possible;

"AND WHEREAS, by reason of the failure of the Congress of the United
States to appropriate funds for the purpose the said process has been
retarded and left to private initiative; now, therefore, be it

"RESOLVED: That the American Legion in caucus assembled calls upon the
Congress of the United States to promptly appropriate funds to be
administered for the benefit of existing coordinated Bureaus for the
Employment of Returning Soldiers, Sailors, and Marines, to the end
that there may be no interruption in the service now being rendered
and that it may be broadened and speeded up, be it further

"RESOLVED: That each local post or organization of the American Legion
is urged during the period of demobilization to constitute itself a
committee of the whole, which shall cooperate with the local
Employment Bureau and shall establish and maintain a liaison between
such Bureau and every employer in the community through members of the
local post or organization who are already employed in such
establishment to the end that it may be made easy for the employer to
avail himself of the service of the Bureau by communicating with
someone in his own establishment, and that every soldier, sailor, and
marine already replaced in industry may have an opportunity to assist
his comrades to become likewise."

"Gentlemen, this is the crux of that whole business--getting somebody
close to the employer where you can bring about that liaison which is
suggested in this substitute motion."

The motion to adopt the substitute resolution was made by Mr. Leveree
and seconded by Mr. Luss.

MR. DESMOND (of Pennsylvania): "What has been said, in my estimation,
is not comprehensive enough. In the city of Philadelphia which is
known as the Cradle of Liberty, when the men who had given up
positions in the educational system--I mean teachers--returned from
the service of their country they were not, as promised, given the
exact positions which they left. Neither were they given positions of
parallel importance. They were actually demoted in grade so that these
motions do not cover such circumstances. In many cases, in
municipalities, men have returned from the service and have been
forced to take positions not of a parallel grade but positions of a
lower grade.

"Men, Americanism depends on America's school systems, and if the ones
who are directing our school systems are so unpatriotic as to demote
those who go forth to serve their country, what is going to become of
America and Americanism? And I wish to make an amendment to the effect
that municipalities and boards of education in those municipalities be
forced to give men their parallel positions if not positions of better
grade and that in no instance will they be allowed to demote a man
because he has gone forth to serve his country. I put that forward as
an amendment, that the municipal governments and boards of education
in our municipalities be forced to give men positions of equal grade
if they cannot give better grade."

MR. SIMINGTON (of Washington): "I speak in opposition to that amended
resolution. In my State I represent ten thousand organized men. In my
State the present system has proven a failure. The organization that I
represent handles an employment bureau that places 350 service men a
week in permanent positions and 150 in temporary employment, and I say
to you that that record is far and above the record of the U.S.
Replacement Bureau. It is a proven failure. Gentlemen, I believe that
it is 'For George to do'--and we are George.

"The service man wishes to take care of himself and his own. It is for
the service man to handle his own problems and I suggest as an
amendment--I am not sure of my being in order in offering an amendment
to an amended amendment, but I suggest that it be the sense of this
meeting that Congress assist the American Legion in taking care of its
own in the matter of employment and that it do not use civilians to do
the work." (Applause.)

The motion was seconded.

MR. HILL (of Pennsylvania): "The original resolution that is before
the convention, I am frank to say, has been forwarded to me by a
soldier from Allegheny County, who walked the streets of Pittsburgh
for eight or nine weeks pleading this principle. A resolution adopted
by the Mothers of Democracy was sufficient for him to get back his
job, because he held a position as a county employee of Allegheny
County and he invoked this principle and vitalized every military
organization in Allegheny County, and by means of that he got back his
job and his back salary and his mother's allowance which was cut off
since January 1, 1918. This resolution was originally presented by me
as a member of the National Resolutions Committee from the State of
Pennsylvania. The National Resolutions Committee appointed a
subcommittee of which I was a member, a committee of three, to
consider this and refer it back to the National Resolutions Committee.
That committee passed favorably upon it and the National Resolutions
Committee passed it.

"Now, if that resolution, as it stands before the house, was
sufficient to get a job back for him, playing almost a lone hand,
surely it is sufficient for any man here or for, this American Legion,
for all it provides for, and all that is necessary to be done is the
simple patriotism with the American Legion in back of it which can
place its hands on the shoulder of any substantial employer and say,
'Do you wish to rectify yourself on this thing called "patriotism?"'
Do you wish to give the soldier back his job who presents to you a
meritorious case? We give you a chance. If you do not take it we will
publish this thing and you will go down to contumely and

MR. KNOX: "Gentlemen, I am speaking on behalf of the Resolutions
Committee. We spent all day yesterday listening to such requests as
this. Our final calculated judgment is represented in the resolutions
as presented. We found in the discussion that there was opposition to
an endorsement of the United States Federal replacement division.
(Applause.) And so we determined that the language as adopted covered
the cast. We proposed to create in this organization a reemployment
bureau of our own, and the resolution as presented is all the support
that bureau needs.

"I move you, sir, that all the substitutes for the original resolution
be laid on the table."

The motion was seconded.

MR. BENNETT CLARK: "I simply want to call attention to the fact that
under the rules of the House of Representatives that if you lay all
amendments on the table it carries the entire proposition to the table
and I don't believe this convention wants to do that."

MR. KNOX: "I ask a ruling on that, Mr. Chairman. If we lay all these
substitutes for this resolution on the table will that kill the

THE CHAIRMAN: "Unless you dispense with the rules."

MR. KNOX: "Mr. Chairman, I move you, sir, the suspension of the rules
to a sufficient extent so that we may table the substitutes which have
been offered to the original resolution offered by the committee."

Motion seconded by Mr. Bond of New York and carried.

THE CHAIRMAN: "The question now comes back to the original

The question was called for and it was adopted.

MR. ACKLEY: "Mr. Chairman, I have another amendment to offer."

THE CHAIRMAN: "It's too late. The secretary will read the next



I feel almost as if the next matter under discussion should have not
only a special chapter devoted to it but be printed in large type and
in distinctive ink, for I do not believe that anything so thoroughly
gave evidence of the utter disregard of self in the Legion as did the
flat refusal of the delegates to tolerate what has been called in some
quarters, the "Pay Grab."

The minutes read:


"WHEREAS, the financial sacrifice of the enlisted persons in the
military and naval service of the United States in the world war was
altogether in excess of that of any other class of our citizenship,

"WHEREAS, the great majority of these persons left lucrative
employment upon joining the colors, and

"WHEREAS, this direct financial sacrifice was made at a time when
men, many of them aliens who thrived in safety at home, were enjoying
the advantages of an exceptionally high war wage, and

"WHEREAS, the service which involved this sacrifice was a Federal
service in defense of our national honor and national security,
therefore be it

"RESOLVED: That the delegates to this caucus of those who served with
the colors in the world war urge upon the members of the 66th Congress
the justice and propriety of appropriating a sufficient sum from the
National Treasury to pay every person who served in the enlisted
personnel in the military or naval service for a period of at least
six months between April 6, 1917, and November 11, 1918, six months
additional pay at the rate of $30.00 a month, and to those persons who
served less than six months' in the military or naval service between
April 6, 1917, and November 11, 1918, the sum of $15.00 per month for
each month so served. This bonus to be in addition to any pay or bonus
previously granted or authorized and to be paid upon and subject to
the honorable discharge of any such person."

MR. KNOX: "Mr. Chairman, I move the adoption of the resolution as

The motion was seconded.

MR. MCGRATH (New Jersey): "I served in the navy, and I simply want to
call attention to the fact that this resolution says that the money
shall be paid upon the honorable discharge of the soldiers and
sailors, but in the navy we are only released from active duty and I
will not be discharged for three years, neither will any of the other
three hundred thousand naval reserves. I therefore move that the
resolution be amended to say that so far as the navy is concerned that
the money shall be paid upon their release from active duty or their
honorable discharge."

The committee accepted the amendment.

THE CHAIRMAN: "Before I put this motion I want to make this suggestion
to you, that this is a pretty serious matter that you are considering.
It is for this caucus, of course, in its wisdom to determine that
which it wants to do, but up to this time, it has assumed continuously
a most splendidly high and patriotic and unselfish attitude toward
this whole question. It has dealt immediately and fairly and
positively with regard to employment problems, but I suggest to you
that we ought to consider very carefully whether we want to go on
record as a caucus, as provided in this resolution, and I would prefer
not to put the question until you have considered it further."

The action of the caucus was foreshadowed by the applause which it
gave to Colonel Lindsley's caution. Fully a half dozen men jumped to
their feet and waved their hands wildly demanding recognition.

Colonel Roosevelt arose from his seat with the New York delegation,
and Chairman Lindsley recognized him.

"Gentlemen, I want to draw your attention to one feature of this
question," he said. The Colonel spoke very deliberately and very
distinctly, reminding a great many of his auditors of his father
because of the way he snapped his words out. "I heartily agree with
what the chair has said so far. I want you to get this particular
reaction on the matter and I want to relate to you a little incident
that happened coming out on the train from New York. One of the
delegates on the same train with me said that the conductor stopped
and talked to him and among other things said, 'Young Teddy Roosevelt
is up ahead. He's going out to St. Louis to try to get some of the
soldiers together to sandbag something out of the Government!'
_Sandbag something out of the Government!_" The young Colonel's frame
shook with emotion as he repeated that sentence. "Do you men get the
idea of what he thought we were trying to do? We want everything that
is right for us to have, but we are not going to try to sandbag the
Government _out_ of anything; primarily we are going to try to put
something _into_ the Government. In thinking over this resolution
think of that."

[Illustration: Fred Humphrey of New Mexico
  A Vice-Chairman.]

[Illustration: Private V.C. Calhoun, of Connecticut and the Marine
  He is a Vice-Chairman.]

The cheer which greeted this suggestion was so resounding and the
opinion of the caucus so positive on this question that Mr. Gordon of
Connecticut, a member of the committee that framed the resolution,
moved that it should be laid on the table.

The thunderous "Aye" which tabled this resolution might well be
recorded in letters of gold.

It showed the utter unselfishness of the American doughboy, gob, and
leatherneck. He had followed Colonel Roosevelt's advice: he refused to
sandbag the Government out of anything, and this action gives the best
possible basis for the procedure to put something into the Government.

In view of the action of certain newspapers, organizations, and
individuals in advocating that six months' pay should be given to the
returned service man, I wonder if there are not still a great many of
them who are still puzzled over why the Legion refused to endorse this
movement. There must be scores of them, dozens of them who were not
present at the St. Louis Caucus, to catch its spirit and who have not
carefully considered just what impression such a demand on the part of
former soldiers, sailors, and marines would create on the rest of the

Why shouldn't six months' pay be given to every man who did his bit in
the war with Germany? In the first place, these men who have returned
from the war have begotten for themselves the utmost respect and
affection from those who could not go. The civilian forms the majority
of our people. Because of the esteem before-mentioned, he is willing
to grant almost anything _within reason_ to the service man who risked
so much in defense of the country. It is to the interest of the
service man to make the civilian population feel that he does not want
to get something for nothing but that, rather, he would still prefer
to give his best to the country in peaceful times in the same spirit
that he manifested in war times--an utter disregard of self.

Had the Legion endorsed this resolution, the general consensus would
have been, "There are the soldiers getting together to make demands.
Their organization is nothing more or less than an association formed
to get something out of the Treasury." Therefore, when the service
men, as a unit, came to demand something vitally necessary for the
good of the country, it is possible that they might be answered: "We
have paid you in money and have your receipt and that will be all for

This Legion can, must, and will be an inspiration and a guiding spirit
because it is composed of men who have been willing to sacrifice self
for the good of the country. For that they have obtained the
affection of their world and just so long as they are willing to
continue to manifest that spirit will they retain that affection.



The next resolution to be passed was that concerning "Disability Pay."
That resolution, as passed read.

"WHEREAS, under the provisions of the existing law an obvious
injustice is done to the civilian who entered the military service,
and as an incident, too, that service is disabled, therefore,

"BE IT RESOLVED: That this caucus urge upon Congress the enactment of
legislation, which will place upon an equal basis as to retirement for
disability incurred in active service during the war with the Central
Powers of Europe, all officers and enlisted personnel who served in
the military and naval forces of the United States during said war,
irrespective of whether they happened to serve in the Regular Army, or
in the National Guard or National Army."

Then followed the passage of the War Risk Insurance Resolution. This

"WHEREAS, one of the purposes of this organization is: 'To protect,
assist, and promote the general welfare of all persons in the
military and naval service of the United States and those dependent
upon them,' and,

"WHEREAS, owing to the speedy demobilization of the men in the
service, who had not had their rights, privileges, and benefits under
the War Risk Insurance Act fully explained to them, and these men,
therefore, are losing daily, such rights, privileges, and benefits,
which may never again be restored, and,

"WHEREAS, it is desirable that every means be pursued to acquaint the
men of their full rights, privileges, and benefits under the said act,
and to prevent the loss of the said rights, benefits, and privileges,

"BE IT RESOLVED: That this caucus pledges its most energetic support
to a campaign of sound education and widespread activity, to the end
that the rights, privileges, and benefits under the War Risk Insurance
Act be conserved and that the men discharged from the service be made
to realize what are their rights under this act; and that the
Executive Committee be empowered and directed to confer with the War
Risk Insurance Bureau, that it may carry out the purposes herein
expressed and,

"BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED: That it is the sense of this caucus that the
War Risk Insurance Act be amended to provide that the insured, under
the act, may be allowed to elect whether his insurance, upon maturity,
shall be paid as an annuity, or in one payment; and that he may select
his beneficiaries regardless of family relationship."

At the time of the caucus, Colonel Lindsley was director of the War
Risk Insurance Bureau in Washington. In speaking to the motion to pass
the foregoing resolution, he said that more than a year ago he and
other officers in France felt that if there were no other reasons for
an organization such as the Legion, it would be more than worth while
to create one even though its sole function was to let those who
served in the war know their rights about government insurance and if
it saw to it that the general scheme was perpetuated.

"I am speaking particularly of the insurance phase of the situation,"
he said in part. "The United States Government to-day is the greatest
insurance institution on earth. Thirty-nine billions of dollars of
applications have poured in from over four millions of men; an average
of practically $9000 per man is held throughout the United States and
abroad, and over 90% of these men are insured. That insurance is the
best in the world, because the greatest and the best and the richest
Government on earth says, 'I promise to pay.' It is the cheapest
insurance in the world and always will be because the Government says,
'As part of our contribution, we, the people of the United States, in
this war, as a legitimate expense, will pay all cost of administering
this Bureau.' So that the men who have this insurance now and those
who have it hereafter will pay only the net cost. If there is any
savings, they get it. So that for all time to come they have got the
insurance cheaper than any other country except the United States can
give them. I say that without any improper comparison with the
splendid, properly organized institutions in the United States. It is
simply this: That the people of the United States pay this cost of
administration. By June 1st the policies of conversion will be ready
to be delivered to those who want them. You will be able to cease term
insurance, if you wish, and have ordinary life, limited payment life,
or endowment insurance. You can have any kind you please, but the big
thing, my comrades, is this: To retain every single dollar of this
insurance that you can afford to carry. Don't be in any particular
hurry about conversion. If your income isn't good--carry this message
back to the boys throughout the United States--if their income at this
time doesn't justify carrying higher priced insurance, retain that
which they have got and throughout this country tell the men that
those who have lapsed their insurance because they didn't understand
its value, because it wasn't properly presented to them at the period
of demobilization by the Government, for it was not, tell them they
are going to have every right of reinstatement without physical

"There is going to be no snap judgment on any man who served in this
war who, because he was not able when he went out or didn't have the
information or because he was careless or for any other reason didn't
carry on his insurance. I ask you, my friends, and I think it is one
of the important functions of this great American Legion that is born
here in St. Louis at this time, to see that the fullest possible
amount of this government insurance is maintained. Every man that
holds a government policy is a part of the Government more than ever
before. I ask you to bear this in mind and it is going to be within
your power to say yes and no to many of the great problems of the
United States.

"I ask you to see that this great bureau is kept out of politics and
that it is administered, in the years to come in the interests of
those for whom this law was enacted, those who served as soldiers,
sailors, and marines in this war and their dependents. I thank you for
this opportunity of presenting this matter to you."

"... It is going to be within your power to say yes or no to many of
the great problems of the United States."

The service men know this but coming from a man like Colonel Lindsley
it is especially important. How are they going to use this power? What
sort of a legislative program will the Legion have? The answer isn't
hard to find by a perusal of the resolutions which were passed and by
remembering that most important one which did not pass, viz.: the pay

The next resolution occupying the attention of the caucus was that one
relating to disability of soldiers, sailors, and marines. It reads:

"BE IT RESOLVED: That the delegates from the several States shall
instruct their respective organizations to see that every disabled
soldier, sailor, and marine be brought into contact with the
Rehabilitation Department of the Federal Board at Washington, D.C.,

"BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED: That the secretaries of the various states be
instructed to write to the Federal Board for literature as to what it
offers to disabled men, and that the members of the Legion be
instructed to distribute this literature and to aid the wounded
soldiers, sailors, and marines to take advantage of governmental
assistance, and that every effort be made by the American Legion in
the several States to stop any attempt to pauperize disabled men."

The whole work of the Legion as outlined at the caucus is constructive
and therefore inspiring. The reader will note from the last
resolution that members of the Legion are to be instructed to
distribute the literature of the Rehabilitation Department among
wounded soldiers, sailors, and marines and to show them how to take
advantage of governmental assistance; and also that every effort will
be made by the American Legion to stop any attempt to pauperize
disabled men.

A higher-minded, more gentle resolve than that, can hardly be
imagined. All of us remember the host of begging cripples who were
going the rounds of the country even so long as thirty-five or forty
years after the Civil War. This last resolution means that such will
not be the case after this war. I think that it would be safe to say
that in nine cases out of ten, after the Legion gets thoroughly
started, crippled beggars who pretend to have been wounded in the
service of their country will be fakers. Mr. Mott of Illinois, in the
discussion on this question, brought out the fact that there were
approximately sixty thousand soldiers, sailors, and marines
permanently disabled as a result of wounds, accidents, and disease
incurred in the war, while approximately one hundred and forty
thousand discharged men were only more or less disabled.

The final resolution was that copies of all resolutions passed by the
caucus were to be forwarded to every member of the United States
Senate and each representative in Congress.

Louis A. Frothingham, chairman of the Resolutions Committee, made an
address in which he thanked the people of St. Louis for their
hospitality and the War Camp Community Service for its aid. The War
Camp Community Service sent special men to St. Louis under the
direction of Mr. Frank L. Jones to cooperate with its St. Louis
leaders in helping to make the delegates comfortable. Arrangements
were made whereby delegates of small means could get lodging for
twenty-five cents a night and meals at the same price.

Mr. Foss of Ohio introduced the following resolution of thanks which
was passed standing:

"RESOLVED: That a standing vote of thanks be tendered to the War Camp
Community Service for its active hospitality to the delegates to this
St. Louis Caucus of the American Legion, which is in keeping with its
splendid work through the war in extending community service to our
American soldiers, sailors, and marines, and,

"BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED: That an engrossed copy of this resolution be
forwarded to the national secretary of the War Camp Community

In this connection it might be well to digress a bit and to say that
War Camp Community Service functioned splendidly for the young men of
our Army, Navy, and Marine Corps during the war, and as "Community
Service, Inc." intends to continue caring for not only the doughboys
and gobs it served so well but for an enlarged patronage. During the
conflict, War Camp Community Service organized the social and
recreational resources of six hundred communities which were adjacent
to training camps, army bases, and naval stations, and also developed
the same resources in thirty large communities dominated by great war
industries, of which the industrial centers at Bethlehem, Chester, and
Erie, Pennsylvania, are types.

I believe it is well worth while for every member of the American
Legion to know something about War Camp accomplishment, and Community
Service possibilities for each has a similar aim and goal which may be
realized by harmonious effort on the part of community service
branches and legion posts throughout the entire country.

The idea of War Camp Community Service, like all successful
experiments, was based on sound truth and simple theory and proved to
be far reaching in results. Communities were not told what to do;
there was no cut and dried program, but rather each community received
special treatment suited to its particular needs, temperament, and
physical characteristics. The basic idea underlying this activity is
to allow each one to express himself. No person or community has the
same thoughts, manner of living or thinking, and entire communities,
like individuals, are affected by their environment and the life which
circumstances compel them to lead. An iron monger's stalwart frame may
conceal a poetic-soul, while the frail body of an obscure clerk may
enclose the spirit of a Cromwell. War Camp has helped a great many
such men to find themselves. Community Service promises to do the same
thing, for the war has given ample proof of the need of just this kind
of service.

With the war gone, with thousands of young men thrown upon their own
initiative and resources for both work and play, there is going to be
a great need of proper guidance, companionship, and comradeship,
unless a great many are to be overtaken by some madness like
Bolshevism or in a lesser degree--constant and brooding
dissatisfaction. The American Legion post, with its leaders, is going
to fill a great need here. It will be some place to go where a man can
meet his fellows of the better type, and, not only indulge in the
pleasure of discussing former days but, better still, take an interest
in present-day movements affecting his country.

Also, I feel that Community Service will have a great place in this
same scheme: that it can take the former service man, lonely and
seeking expression, just where the Legion leaves off and, with Legion
ideals on Americanism and the duties of citizenship as a basis, can
round him off in the softer, more intimate molds of life, so that
between the two he may not be only an honor to his country, but to his
family and to his God as well. Therefore, I believe Community Service
will fall heir to the goodwill created by War Camp throughout the
nation, that it will retain the best of the latter's tenets and will
take its place as one of the great powers for good in the community
life of this country.

At the final session, Major Caspar G. Bacon was elected treasurer of
the Legion to serve until November 11th. Delegations appointed State
chairmen and secretaries to carry on the work of further organization
for the November convention.

During luncheon time of the last day there had been some fear
expressed among certain of the delegates that the loyal foreign-born
element in the United States might not thoroughly understand the Alien
Slackers Resolution. In order to make that perfectly clear Chaplain
Inzer, during the last hours of the caucus, called for a cheer for
every foreign-born citizen who gave loyal service to the United
States. A rousing one was given.

Then came the unanimous report of the Committee on Constitution and
By-Laws and declaration of principles. It was passed upon, section by
section. You will find it printed elsewhere in this volume, and you
must read it if you would get a true view of the principles underlying
the Legion. It is as plain as a lesson in a school reader. Any comment
on it from me would be editorial tautology, so I don't want to say
anything more than that its framing was one of the cleverest and most
comprehensive bits of work done since the very beginning of the

On the question of eligibility of Americans who had served in other
armies, Mr. Palmen of California, announced as a bit of information
that an Act approved by Congress on October 15, 1918, provided that
such men must repatriate themselves. "We must go before a judge
qualified to give citizenship back, taking with us our honorable
discharge and credentials to show that we were American citizens at
the time we enlisted," Mr. Palmen declared. Mr. Palmen was with the
Canadian Army for three and a half years. "This question has been
debated and the public at large is much confused about it," he
continued. "I am told all that I must do is to go before a judge and
that I will immediately be made a citizen again with all the rights
and privileges which that implies."

There was no "hero stuff" at all at this caucus, no names of heroes,
as such, were mentioned. The name of the President of the United
States was not called nor any member of his Cabinet nor was any
reference made to them either direct or indirect. This was done to
avoid the appearance of politics. General Pershing's name was
mentioned once and that was during the discussion of the sixth section
of the constitution which provides that "no Post may be named for any
living person."

Major Leonard of the District of Columbia delegation obtained the
floor and said that his delegation was in an embarrassing position
because they had already organized a post and named it "Pershing Post
No. 1." Major Wickersham of New York, stated that a number of posts
were already in the process of organization in his State and that the
names of living men had been adopted by them.

After all why not call these posts after living men?

Delegate Harder, of Oklahoma, offered the answer:

"With all due respect to the gentlemen who have already named their
posts they are subjected, as are we to the action of this caucus," he
said. "We know positively that in due course of time those names will
be used, at least to a certain extent, politically. Let us find some
other way to honor these men and make it impossible for the people of
this country to get the idea that this is a political organization."

There you have it, the real reason. Delegate Harder was only one of
the hundreds who not only wanted to keep the Legion out of politics
now but for all time to come.

Mr. McGrath of New Jersey also took an amusing fling at article six.
As originally drawn it stipulated that the local unit should be termed
a billet. "I object to the word billet," he said. "It has too many
unpleasant associations as those men who slept in them in France will
testify. A billet meant some place where you lay down and slept as
long as certain little animals would let you, and the American Legion
isn't going to do that."

Just about this time the afternoon was drawing to a close. Everybody
realized that a monumental task had been performed. Sleepless nights
and nerve-wracking days had been endured. Many pocketbooks were
running low. Everybody felt it was time to go home.

General Hoffman of Oklahoma obtained recognition from the chair as
some of the delegates already were rising to leave the theater. "I
move, Mr. Chairman," shouted the General, "that we extend a vote of
thanks to Colonel Roosevelt and Colonel Clark and other gentlemen who
have been associated with them and to the chairman of this association
and his able assistants who have brought this convention to such a
happy and successful close."

At the mention of Colonel Roosevelt's name departing delegates tarried
and when Mr. Weinman of Louisiana moved adjournment, the house stood
and with one accord began to cry, "We want Teddy," "We want Teddy."

Colonel Roosevelt walked to the center of the stage and raised both
hands seeking silence.

"I want to say just one thing," he said. "I have never been so much
impressed in my life as I have been by the actions of this caucus,
actions of the various committees and in the way this caucus thought
for itself and acted for itself. For instance it would receive
resolutions from the Resolutions Committee, would think them over,
would re-decide on them and would re-decide them right. I want to say
in closing that the only thing I regret is that my father could not
have been alive at this moment to see the actions of this body of

Mr. Healey of the New York delegation obtained the attention of the
chair. "I make a motion," stated Mr. Healey, "that before this great
caucus adjourns we should remain standing in one minute's silence as a
tribute to the greatest statesman that this nation has ever



As I glance back over these pages I am impressed with the fact that
only the preface of "The Story of the American Legion" has been
written here. When the reaches of the years shall gather to themselves
the last of the men of the army, navy, and marine corps of the United
States during its war against Germany that story may then be
faithfully told. So the truth of the matter now is that history is in
the writing so far as the American Legion in its relation to the
United States of America is concerned. That statement isn't in reality
as platitudinous as it seems at first thought.

We have arrived at world importance in history. We have come to that
as the result of our part in the world war. Our isolation is over. We
are the cynosure of all eyes. Uncle Sam is the dominant world figure;
his hands control the reins that are driving the world. He has the
enemies which all the successful have. There are those who had, and
haven't, and there are those who never had, and want; all desiring,
all envying the power of the United States of America. This great
power and position was gained primarily by one motive--unselfishness.
Just so long as it is our dominant trait will we retain what we have
gained. Just so long as we remain true to our innate principles, to
the tenets of our constitution, will we retain world importance and
world influence.

There is a wolf at the gates of civilized Europe. If he gets inside
nothing can stop him from ravishing us. This war has bound us so
closely to Europe that we are, in a sense, one and the same. He who
strikes our brother strikes us, even though he be so far away that the
distance is measured by an ocean. We must get over the idea that
distance makes a difference. The Atlantic ocean has just been crossed
in sixteen hours. Remember, thought travels even faster.

The wolf that I mentioned is a Mad Thought. He is Bolshevism. He has
the madness because of hunger, a hunger not only of body but of mind;
the century-long hunger of the Russian peoples for Freedom. Russia has
run in a circle. From the autocracy of the classes it has arrived at
the autocracy of the masses.

Then, too, all our European brothers are war worn; tired, tired nearly
to death with struggle and sacrifice, and this is not a frame of mind
calculated to help reseat reason in the world.

Why the American Legion?

One of our great bankers recently returned from an intimate study of
affairs abroad. His name is Frank A. Vanderlip. In an address before
the Economic Club in New York City he said that Europe is paralyzed
and that our task is to save.

I give the introduction to his address as it appeared in the New York

"Frank A. Vanderlip, who spoke last night at the Hotel Astor, at a
dinner of the Economic Club, which was held for the purpose of hearing
his story of conditions in Europe, whence he has recently returned,
said that England was on the verge of a revolution, which was narrowly
averted in February, when he was there, and the conditions on the
Continent of Europe are appalling beyond anything dreamed of in this

"He said that the food conditions in Europe would be worse instead of
better for a year ahead, because of the dislocation of labor and the
destruction of farm animals, and that the industrial and economic
outlook, generally, points to a period after the war, which will
equal, if not exceed the war period in suffering and misery.

"He said that Italy was afraid to disband her army, because she could
not employ the men and was afraid of idleness. He said that the
differential, which had kept England preeminent in international
trade, was the underpayment of labor, and that this differential was
now being wiped out, forcing England to face tremendously serious
problems for the future. He quoted a British minister as saying that
means would have to be found to send six or seven millions of
Englishmen out of the British Isles and closer to the sources of food
production, if continental conditions continued long as at present.

"He said that the best printing presses in the world to-day, except
those in Washington, were at Petrograd, and that they were turning out
masses of counterfeited pounds, francs, marks, lira, and pesetas, so
skillfully made that detection was almost impossible. He said that
these counterfeits were being spent largely by Germans to foment
Bolshevist propaganda.

"Spain would, he said, be the most promising country in Europe except
for the labor situation there, which had brought it to the verge of
Bolshevism. He said that the most perfect laboratory of Bolshevism in
Europe outside of Russia was in Barcelona, Spain, which he said was
ruled absolutely by a mysterious secret council, which had censored
and fined the newspapers until they quit publication and had enforced
its will in all matters by assassinations, which no one dared to

"He said that America alone could save Europe and that its aid must be
extended to all countries equally. He said that this was necessary,
not only to save Europe, but to prevent an invasion of America by the
forces threatening the social overthrow of Europe."

Why the American Legion?

There, at least, is one great reason.

Our men of the army, navy, and marine corps got a schooling in the
practical Americanism which our military establishment naturally
teaches. Those who were aliens by birth and those native sons with
inadequate educational advantages learned a great deal by association
with men of better types and by travel. These men can and will stem
the insidious guile of the wolf, and, to aid them in so doing, the
Legion has an active speakers' bureau under Captain Osborn teaching
Americanism in every section of the country. These speakers, in
helping to organize the Legion along the right lines, teach the
Constitution of the United States and preach that remedial changes in
this government can be brought about in only one way, and that is,

Why the American Legion?

America is safe from any real danger if she can keep everybody busy.
Less than two weeks after the caucus, the national executive committee
had in process of formation a practicable scheme to aid in solving the
reemployment problem. As time goes on this department of Legion
activity will become more and more efficient.

Here is another answer to the question.

All through these pages the reader has found references to this
question of reemployment; to anti-Bolshevism; the protection of the
uniform; the non-partisan and non-political nature of the Legion;
unselfishness; disability pay for the reserve forces; war risk
insurance; allotments and back pay; the care of disabled service men;
one hundred per cent. Americanism, and the deportation of those aliens
who "bit the hand that fed them." The story has dealt almost entirely
with these questions because primarily and fundamentally they are The
American Legion. This program is the most important in the United
States to-day. It means the betterment of the most stable forces in
our community life, not only of to-day but for the next forty or fifty
years. It means the proper extension of the influence of the most
powerful factor for patriotism in our country--the onetime service
man. It does not mean patriotism bounded on one side by a brass band
and on the other by a dressy uniform and a reunion banner. It means
real patriotism in its broadest sense--a clean body politic; a clean
national soul and a clean international conscience.

This is the final answer to the question which serves as the title for
this concluding chapter.



  Chairman: Bibb Graves, Montgomery.
  Secretary: Leroy Jacobs, Care Jacobs Furniture Co., Birmingham.

  Chairman: E. Power Conway, Noll Bldg., Phoenix.
  Secretary: Fred B. Townsend, Natl. Bk., Arizona Bldg., Phoenix.

  Chairman: J.J. Harrison, Little Rock.
  Secretary: Granville Burrow, Little Rock.

  Chairman: Henry G. Mathewson, Flood Bldg., San Francisco.
  Secretary: E.E. Bohlen, 926 Flood Bldg., San Francisco.

  Chairman: H.A. Saidy, Colorado Springs.
  Secretary: Morton M. David, 401 Empire Bldg., Denver.

  Chairman: Jas. B. Moody, Jr., 202 Phoenix Bk. Bldg., Hartford.
  Secretary: Alfred A. Phillips, Jr., 110 Glenbrook Rd., Stamford.

  Chairman: E. Lester Jones, 833 Southern Bldg., Washington.
  Secretary: Howard Fisk, 833 Southern Bldg., Washington.

  Chairman: Geo. N. Davis, 909 Market St., Wilmington.
  Secretary: L.K. Carpenter, Du Pont Bldg., Wilmington.

  Chairman: S.L. Lowry, Jr., Citizens Bk. Bldg., Tampa.
  Secretary: J.T. Wiggington, 818--15th St., Miami.

  Chairman: Trammell Scott, 97 E. Merrits Ave., Atlanta.
  Secretary: Louis H. Bell, c/o Service Record, 208 Flatiron Bldg.,

  Chairman: Lawrence Judd, c/o T.H. Davies & Co., Ltd., Honolulu.
  Secretary: J.P. Morgan, Box 188, Honolulu.

  Chairman: C.M. Booth, Pocatello.
  Secretary: Laverne Collier, Pocatello.

  Chairman: George G. Seaman, Taylorville.
  Secretary: Myron E. Adams, 205 Marquette Bldg., 140 S. Dearborn St.,

  Chairman: Raymond S. Springer, Connersville.
  Secretary: L. Russell Newgent, 518 Hume Monsur Bldg., Indianapolis.

  Chairman: Matthew A. Tinley, Council Bluffs.
  Secretary: John MacVicar, 336 Hubbell Bldg., Des Moines.

  Chairman: A. Phares, 519 Sweiter Bldg., Wichita.
  Secretary: Ike Lambert, Emporia.

  Chairman: Henry DeHaven Moorman, Hardinsburgh.
  Secretary: D.A. Sachs, Louisville.

  Chairman: Allison Owen, 1237 State St., New Orleans.
  Secretary: T.H.H. Pratt, 721 Hibernia Bank, New Orleans.

  Chairman: A.L. Robinson, 85 Exchange St., Portland.
  Secretary: James L. Boyle, 184 Water St., Augusta.

  Chairman: Jas. A. Gary, Jr., Equitable Bldg., Baltimore.
  Secretary: Alex. Randall, 12 West Chase St., Baltimore.

  Chairman: John F.J. Herbert, 749 Pleasant St., Worcester.
  Secretary: George P. Gilbody, 3 Van Winkle St., Boston.

  Chairman: Geo. C. Waldo, Detroit.
  Secretary: Ryle D. Tabor, 312 Moffatt Bldg., Detroit.

  Chairman: Harrison Fuller, c/o St. Paul Dispatch, St. Paul.
  Secretary: George G. Chapin, 603 Guardian Life Bldg., St. Paul.

  Chairman: Alex Fitzhugh, Vicksburgh.
  Secretary: John M. Alexander, Jackson.


  Chairman: Chas. L. Sheridan, Bozeman.
  Secretary: Ben. W. Barnett, Helena.

  Chairman: John G. Maher, Lincoln.
  Secretary: Allan A. Tukey, 1st Natl. Bank Bldg., Omaha.

  Chairman: E.L. Malsbary, Reno.
  Secretary: J.D. Salter, Winnimucca.

  Chairman: Frank Knox, Manchester.
  Secretary: Frank J. Abbott, Manchester.

  Chairman: Hobart Brown, c/o Fireman's Insurance Co., Broad
              and Market Sts., Newark.
  Secretary: George W.C. McCarter, 765 Broad St., Newark.

  Chairman: Charles M. DeBremon, Roswell.
  Secretary: Harry Howard Dorman, Santa Fe.

  Chairman: C.W. Wickersham, 140 Nassau St., New York City.
  Secretary: Wade H. Hayes, 140 Nassau St., New York City.

  Chairman: C.K. Burgess, 107 Commercial Bank Bldg., Raleigh.
  Secretary: Charles N. Hulvey, A.&E. College, Raleigh.

  Chairman: R.H. Treacy, Bismarck.
  Secretary: Ed. E. Gearey, Fargo.

  Chairman: P.C. Galbraith, Cincinnati.
  Secretary: Chalmers R. Wilson, Adj. Gen. Office, State House,

  Chairman: Ross N. Lillard, Oklahoma City.
  Secretary: F.W. Fisher, Oklahoma City.

  Chairman: E.J. Eivers, 444-1/2 Larrabee St., Portland.
  Secretary: Dow V. Walker, Care Multnomah Club, Portland.

  Chairman and Secretary: George F. Tyler, 121 S. 5th St.,

  Chairman: Alexander H. Johnson, City Hall, Providence.
  Secretary: James E. Cummiskey, Crompton.

  Chairman: John D. Smyser, M.D., 423 South Gargan St., Florence.
  Secretary: Ben. D. Fulton, 32 West Evans St., Florence.

  Chairman: T.R. Johnson, Sioux Falls.
  Secretary: J.C. Denison, Vermillion.

  Chairman: Roan Waring, Bank of Commerce and Trust Co. Bldg., Memphis.
  Secretary: W.R. Craig, Nat. Life and Accident Co., Nashville, Tenn.

  Chairman: Claude B. Birkhead, San Antonio.
  Secretary: J.A. Belzer, Austin.

  Chairman: Harold R. Smoot, Salt Lake City.
  Secretary: Baldwin Robertson, 409 Ten Boston Bldg., Salt Lake City.

  Chairman: Andrew D. Christian, c/o Ruy & Power Bldg., Richmond.
  Secretary: R.G.M. Ross, 508 1st Nat'l. Bank Bldg. Newport News.

  Chairman: H. Nelson Jackson, Burlington.
  Secretary: Joseph H. Fountain, 138 Colchester Ave., Burlington.

  Chairman: Harvey A. Moss, Seattle.
  Secretary: George R. Drever, c/o Adj. Gen. Office, Armory, Seattle.

  Chairman: Jackson Arnold, 111 Court Ave., Weston.
  Secretary: Chas. McCamic, 904 Nat'l. Bank of West Virginia Bldg.,

  Chairman: E.F. Ackley, 226 First Nat'l. Bk. Bldg., Milwaukee.
  Secretary: R.N. Gibson, Grand Rapids.

  Chairman: A.H. Beach, Lusk.
  Secretary: R.H. Nichols, Casper.


May 10, 1919


For God and Country we associate ourselves together for the following

To uphold and defend the Constitution of the United States of America;
to maintain law and order; to foster and perpetuate a one hundred per
cent. Americanism; to preserve the memories and incidents of our
association in the Great War; to inculcate a sense of individual
obligation to the community, state, and nation; to combat the
autocracy of both the classes and the masses; to make right the master
of might; to promote peace and good will on earth; to safeguard and
transmit to posterity the principles of justice, freedom, and
democracy; to consecrate and sanctify our comradeship by our devotion
to mutual helpfulness.



The name of this organization shall be THE AMERICAN LEGION.



All persons shall be eligible to membership in this organization who
were in the military or naval service of the United States during the
period between April 6, 1917, and November 11, 1918, both dates
inclusive, and all persons who served in the military or naval
services of any of the governments associated with the United States
during the World War, provided that they were citizens of the United
States at the time of their enlistment, and are again citizens at the
time of application, except those persons who separated from the
service under terms amounting to dishonorable discharge and except
also those persons who refused to perform their military duties on the
ground of conscientious or political obligation.



While requiring that every member of the organization perform his full
duty as a citizen according to his own conscience and understanding,
the organization shall be absolutely non-partisan, and shall not be
used for the dissemination of partisan principles, or for the
promotion of the candidacy of any person seeking public office or



I. The Legislative Body of the organization shall be a national
convention, to be held annually at a place and time to be fixed by
vote of the preceding convention, or in the event that the preceding
convention does not fix a time and place, then such time and place
shall be fixed by the Executive Committee, hereinafter provided for.

2. The annual convention shall be composed of delegates and alternates
from each state, the District of Columbia, and each territory and
territorial possession of the United States, each of which shall be
entitled to four delegates and four alternates, and to one additional
delegate and alternate for each one thousand memberships paid up
thirty days prior to the date of the national convention. The vote of
each state, of the District of Columbia, and of each territory or
territorial possession of the United States shall be equal to the
total number of delegates to which that state, district, territory, or
territorial possession is entitled.

3. The delegates to the national convention shall be chosen by each
state in the manner hereinafter prescribed.

4. The executive power shall be vested in a National Executive
Committee to be composed of two representatives from each state, the
District of Columbia, territory and territorial possessions of the
United States and such other ex-officio members as may be elected by
the Caucus. The National Executive Committee shall have authority to
fill any vacancies in its membership.


_State Organization_

The state organization shall consist of that organization in each
state, territory, or the District of Columbia whose delegates have
been seated in the St. Louis Caucus. In those states which are at
present unorganized the state organization shall consist of an
Executive Committee to be chosen by a state convention and such other
officers and committees as said convention may prescribe. The state
convention in the latter case shall be called by the two members of
the National Executive Committee in that state, territory, and the
District of Columbia, and shall choose the delegates to the national
convention, providing a fair representation for all sections of the
state or territory. Each state organization shall receive a charter
from the National Executive Committee.

The officers of the state organization shall be as follows:

  One State Commander.
  One State Vice Commander.
  One State Adjutant.
  One State Finance Officer.
  One State Historian.
  One State Master-at-Arms.
  One State Chaplain.


_The Local Unit_

The local unit shall be termed the Post, which shall have a minimum
membership of fifteen. No Post shall be received into this
organization until it shall have received a charter. A Post desiring a
charter shall apply to the State Organization and the charter shall be
issued by the National Executive Committee whenever recommended by the
State Organization. The National Executive Committee shall not issue a
charter in the name of any living person.

The officers of the local organization shall be as follows:

  One Post Commander.
  One Post Vice Commander.
  One Post Adjutant.
  One Post Finance Officer.
  One Post Historian.
  One Post Chaplain.

and such appointive officers as may be provided by the State



Each state organization shall pay to the National Executive Committee
or such officer as said committee may designate therefor, the sum of
twenty-five cents annually, for each individual member in that
particular state, District of Columbia, territory, or territorial



A quorum shall exist at a national convention when there are present
twenty-five or more states and territories partially or wholly
represented as herein-before provided.



The rules of procedure at the national convention shall be those set
forth in Roberts' Rules of Order.



This Constitution is to be in force until the November Convention,
when it will be ratified or amended by that Convention.


May 10, 1919.

_1. Endorsement of the Victory Liberty Loan._

WHEREAS, the Government of the United States has appealed to the
country for financial support in order to provide the funds for
expenditures made necessary in the prosecution of the war and to
reestablish the country upon a Peace basis; therefore, be it

RESOLVED: That this caucus emphatically endorses the Victory Liberty
Loan and urges all Americans to promote the success of the Loan in
every manner possible.

_2. Conscientious Objectors._

RESOLVED: That this caucus go on record as condemning the action of
those responsible for protecting the men who refused full military
service to the United States, in accordance with the Act of Congress
of May 18, 1917, and who were tried by General Court Martial,
sentenced to prison, and later fully pardoned, restored to duty, and
honorably discharged, with all back pay and allowances given them;
and as condemning further the I.W.W.'s, International Socialists, and
Anarchists in their efforts to secure the release of these men already
pardoned, and those still in prison, serving sentence, and,

BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED: That this caucus demand full and complete
investigation by Congress, of the trial and conviction of these
parties, and their subsequent pardon.

_3. Protection of the Uniform._

WHEREAS, it is recognized that the uniform of the United States is as
much a symbol as the flag itself, and thereby entitled to fitting
respect, and, Whereas, certain unscrupulous firms and individuals have
taken nefarious advantage of popular sentiment by utilizing men in
uniforms as peddlers and sales-agents, and,

WHEREAS, certain discharged men have so far forgotten the respect due
the uniform they wear, as to use it as an aid in peddling goods;

BE IT RESOLVED: That this national caucus go on record as being
unalterably opposed to such practices, and,

BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED: That each state and local organization here
represented be urged to do all in its power to put an end to this
misuse of the uniform, which has always been worn with honor and for
noble purposes.

_4. Reclamation of Arid, Swamp, and Cut-Over Timber Lands._

WHEREAS, the reclamation of arid, swamp, and cut-over timber lands is
one of the great constructive problems of immediate interest to the
nation; and,

WHEREAS, one of the questions for immediate consideration is that of
presenting to discharged soldiers and sailors an opportunity to
establish homes and create for themselves a place in the field of
constructive effort; and,

WHEREAS, one of the purposes for which the formation of the American
Legion is contemplated is to take an energetic interest in all
constructive measures designed to promote the happiness and
contentment of the people, and to actively encourage all proper
movements of a general nature to assist the men of the Army and Navy
in solving the problems of wholesome existence; and,

WHEREAS, the Department of the Interior and the Reclamation Service
have been engaged in formulating and presenting to the country broad,
constructive plans for the reclamation of arid, swamp and cut-over
timber lands;

Now, THEREFORE, BE IT RESOLVED: By the caucus of delegates of the
American Legion in Convention assembled, in the City of Saint Louis,
Missouri, that we endorse the efforts heretofore made for the
reclamation of lands, and we respectfully urge upon the Congress of
the United States the adoption at an early date of broad and
comprehensive legislation for economic reclamation of all lands
susceptible of reclamation and production.

_5. Reemployment of Ex-Service Men._

WHEREAS, one of the most important questions of Readjustment and
Reconstruction, is the question of employment of the returning and
returned soldiers and sailors, and,

WHEREAS, no principle is more sound than that growing out of the
general patriotic attitude toward the returning soldier vouchsafing
to him return to his former employment, or a better job;

BE IT RESOLVED, That the American Legion in national caucus assembled,
declares to the people of the United States that no act can be more
unpatriotic in these most serious days of Readjustment and
Reconstruction than the violation of the principle announced, which
pledges immediate reemployment to the returned soldier; and,

BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED: That the American Legion in its National
Caucus assembled does hereby declare itself as supporting in every
proper way, the efforts of the ex-service men to secure reemployment,
and recommends that simple patriotism requires that ex-soldiers,
sailors, or marines be given preference whenever additional men are to
be employed in any private or public enterprise; and,

BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED: That the American Legion recommends to
Congress the prompt enactment of a program for internal improvement,
having in view the necessity therefor, and as an incident the
absorption of the surplus labor of the country, giving preference to
discharged ex-service men.

_6. Disability Pay._

Whereas, under the provisions of the existing law an obvious injustice
is done to the civilian who entered the military service, and as an
incident to that service is disabled; therefore,

BE IT RESOLVED: That this Caucus urge upon Congress the enactment of
legislation, which will place upon an equal basis as to retirement for
disability incurred in active service during the War with the Central
Powers of Europe, all officers and enlisted men who served in the
Military and Naval forces of the United States during the War,
irrespective of whether they happened to serve in the Regular Army, or
in the National Guard or National Army.

_7. War Risk Insurance._

WHEREAS, one of the purposes of this organization is: "To protect,
assist, and promote the general welfare of all persons in the Military
and Naval service of the United States, and those dependent upon
them," and,

WHEREAS, owing to the speedy demobilization of the men in the service,
who have not had their rights, privileges and benefits under the War
Risk Insurance Act fully explained to them, and these men, therefore,
are losing daily, such rights, privileges and benefits, which may
never again be restored; and,

WHEREAS, it is desirable that every means be pursued to acquaint the
men of their full rights, privileges, and benefits under the said Act,
and to prevent the loss of the said rights, benefits and privileges;

BE IT RESOLVED: That the American Legion pledges its most energetic
support to a campaign of sound education and widespread activity, to
the end that the rights, privileges and benefits under the War Risk
Insurance Act be conserved, and that the men discharged from the
service, be made to realize what are their rights under this act; and
that the Executive Committee be empowered and directed to confer with
the War Risk Insurance Bureau, that it may carry out the purposes
herein expressed; and,

BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED: That it is the sense of this Caucus that the
War Risk Insurance Act be amended to provide that the insured, under
the Act, may be allowed to elect whether his insurance, upon maturity,
shall be paid as an annuity, or in one payment; and that he may
select his beneficiaries regardless of family relationship.

_8. Alien Slackers._

WHEREAS, there was a law passed by the Congress of these United States
in July, 1918, known as an Amendment to Selective Service Act, giving
persons within the draft age, who had taken out first papers for
American citizenship, the privilege of turning in said first papers to
their local exemption board and thereby become exempt from service,

WHEREAS, thousands of men within draft age who had been in this
country for many years and had signified their intention to become
citizens, took advantage of this law and thereby became exempted from
military service, or were discharged from military service by reason
thereof, and have taken lucrative positions in the mills, shipyards
and factories; and,

WHEREAS, in the great world war for democracy the rank and file of the
best of our American manhood have suffered and sacrificed itself in
order to uphold the principles upon which this country was founded,
and for which they were willing to give up their life's blood; and,

WHEREAS, these counterfeit Americans who revoked their citizenship in
our opinion would contaminate the 100 per cent. true American soldier,
sailor, or marine who will shortly return to again engage in the
gainful pursuits of life; therefore, be it

RESOLVED: That we, the American Legion, do demand the Congress of
these United States to immediately enact a law to send these aliens,
who withdrew their first papers, back to the country from which they
came. The country in which we live, and for which we are willing to
fight is good enough for us; but this country in which they have lived
and prospered, yet for which they were unwilling to fight, is too
good for them, and

BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED: That we demand the immediate deportation of
every alien enemy who was interned during the war, whether the said
alien enemy be now interned or has been paroled.

_9. Disabled Soldiers, Sailors, and Marines._

BE IT RESOLVED: That the delegates from the several states shall
instruct their respective organizations to see that every disabled
soldier, sailor and marine be brought into contact with the
Rehabilitation Department of the Federal Board at Washington, D.C.,

BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED: That the secretaries of the various states be
instructed to write to the Federal Board for literature as to what it
offers to disabled men, and that the members of the Legion be
instructed to distribute this literature and to aid the wounded
soldiers, sailors and marines, to take advantage of governmental
assistance and that every effort be made by the American Legion in the
several states to stop any attempt to pauperize disabled men.

_10. Espionage Act._

RESOLVED: That every naturalized citizen convicted under the Espionage
Act shall have his citizenship papers vacated, and when they shall
have served their sentence they shall be deported to the country from
which they came.

_11. Resolutions._

BE IT RESOLVED: That copies of these resolutions be forwarded to every
member of the United States Senate and to each Representative in


What has gone before is the story of the American Legion in the
making. Now it is a going, growing institution.

Because it will be of vital interest and importance to every one of
the four million Americans who wore the uniform, the following
information concerning the American Legion, in the form of questions
and answers, is here given, as follows:

    (1) _What is the American Legion_?

    (a) It is the organization of American veterans of the World

    (2) _Who is eligible_?

    (a) Any soldier, sailor or marine who served honorably between
    April 6, 1917, and November 11, 1918.

    (3) _Are women eligible_?

    (a) Yes, those who were regularly enlisted or commissioned in
    the army, navy or marine corps.

    (4) _When was the Legion started_?

    (a) It was first organized in Paris, March 15 to 17, 1919, by a
    thousand officers and men, delegates from all the units of the
    American Expeditionary Force to an organization caucus meeting,
    which adopted a tentative constitution and selected the name
    "American Legion."

    (5) _What has been done in America regarding it_?

    (a) The action of the Paris meeting was confirmed and endorsed
    by a similar meeting held in St. Louis, May 8 to 10, 1919, when
    the Legion was formally recognized by the troops who served in
    the United States.

    (6) _Are the organizations in France and America separate_?

    (a) No. The Paris caucus appointed an Executive Committee of
    seventeen officers and men to represent the troops in France in
    the conduct of the Legion. The St. Louis caucus appointed a
    similar Committee of Seventeen. These two Executive Committees
    have amalgamated and are now the governing body of the Legion.

    (7) _Who are the officers of this national governing body_?

    (a) Henry D. Lindsley, Texas, Chairman; Bennett C. Clark,
    Missouri, Vice-Chairman; Eric Fisher Wood, Pennsylvania,
    Secretary; Gaspar G. Bacon, Massachusetts, Treasurer.

    (8) _Where are the temporary National Headquarters of the

    (a) At 19 West 44th Street, New York City.

    (9) _When will the final step in the organization of the Legion
    take place_?

    (a) November 10, 11 and 12, at Minneapolis, Minn., when a great
    National Convention will be held.

    (10) _Why were those dates selected_?

    (a) Because by that time practically all of the men of the
    A.E.F. will be at home and will have been able to participate in
    the election of their delegates to the Convention.

    (11) _Who were some of the men who initiated the formation of
    the Legion_?

    (a) Lt. Col. Theodore Roosevelt, of the First Division; Col.
    Henry D. Lindsley, formerly Mayor of Dallas, Texas; Sgt. "Jack"
    Sullivan, of Seattle; Lt. Col. Franklin D'Olier, of
    Philadelphia; Ex-Senator Luke Lea, of Tennessee; Lt. Col.
    Frederick Huedekoper, of Washington, D.C.; Major Redmond C.
    Stewart, of Baltimore; Wagoner Dale Shaw, of Iowa; Lt. Col.
    George A. White, of Oregon; "Bill" Donovan, of the "Fighting
    69th"; Major Thomas R. Gowenlock, of Illinois; Sgt. Alvin C.
    York, of Tennessee; Colonel John Price Jackson, of the S.O.S.;
    Lt. Col. "Jack" Greenway, of Arizona; Sgt. Roy C. Haines, of
    Maine; George Edward Buxton, of Rhode Island; Eric Fisher Wood,
    of Pennsylvania; Chaplain John W. Inzer, of Alabama; Lt. Col.
    David M. Goodrich, of Akron; Chief Petty Officer B.J. Goldberg,
    of Chicago; "Tom" Miller, of Delaware; Major Alex. Laughlin,
    Jr., of Pittsburgh; Major Henry Leonard, of the Marine Corps;
    Dwight J. Davis, of the 35th Division; Corporal Charles S. Pew,
    of Montana; General William G. Price, of the 28th Division;
    Bishop Charles S. Brent, Senior Chaplain of the A.E.F.; General
    O'Ryan, of the 27th Division; Stewart Edward White, of
    California; Private Jesus M. Baca, of New Mexico; General
    Charles H. Cole, of the 26th Division; Sgt. E.L. Malsbary, of
    Nevada; Lt. Samuel Gompers, Jr., of New York; Col. Henry L.
    Stimpson, Ex-Secretary of War; Lt. Col. Charles W. Whittlesey,
    Commander of the "Lost Battalion"; Leroy Hoffman, of Oklahoma;
    Lt. Col. A. Piatt Andrew, of the American Ambulance in France;
    General Harvey J. Moss, of the State of Washington; John
    MacVicar, Mayor of Des Moines before the War; Sgt. George H.H.
    Pratt, of New Orleans; Col. F.C. Galbraith, of Cincinnati;
    Corporal Joseph H. Fountain, of Vermont; Devereux Milburn, of
    the 78th Division; Lt. Col. Wilbur Smith, of the 89th Division;
    Sgt. Theodore Myers, of Pennsylvania; Col. Bennett C. Clark, son
    of Champ Clark; Robert Bacon, Ex-Secretary of State.

    (12) _What did the Legion, do at its St. Louis caucus_?

    (a) It demanded investigation of the pardon and subsequent
    honorable discharge by the War Department of convicted
    conscientious objectors.

    (b) It condemned the action of the I.W.Ws., the Anarchists, and
    the International Socialists.

    (c) It protested against certain nefarious business concerns who
    are employing men in uniform to peddle their wares.

    (d) It recommended that Congress should take steps to reclaim
    arid, swamp and cut over timber lands and give the work of doing
    this to ex-service men, and give the land to them when it had
    been made available for farming purposes.

    (e) It demanded of Congress the same disability pay for men of
    the National Guard and National Army as now pertains to those in
    the Regular establishment.

    (f) It initiated a campaign to secure to service men their
    rights and privileges under the War Risk Insurance Act.

    (g) It demanded that Congress should deport to their own
    countries those aliens who refused to join the colors at the
    outbreak of the war, and pleaded their citizenship in other
    countries to escape the draft.

    (h) It undertook to see that disabled soldiers, sailors and
    marines should be brought into contact with the Rehabilitation
    Department of the Government, which department helps them to
    learn and gain lucrative occupations.

    (i) It authorized the appointment of a competent legislative
    committee to see that the above recommendations were effectively
    acted upon by Congress, and that committee has been appointed
    and is now at work.

    (j) It authorized the establishment of a bureau to aid service
    men to get re-employment; and of a legal bureau to help them get
    from the Government their overdue pay and allotments. These two
    bureaus are being organized at the National Headquarters of the
    Legion and will be in active operation by July 1st.

    (13) _What else did the St. Louis caucus do_?

    (a) It endorsed all steps taken by the Paris caucus, and adopted
    a temporary constitution which conformed to the tentative
    constitution adopted in Paris.

    (14) _What does this Constitution stand for_?

    (a) The preamble answers that question; it reads: "For God and
    Country we associate ourselves together for the following
    purposes: To uphold and defend the Constitution of the United
    States of America; to maintain law and order; to foster and
    perpetuate a one hundred per cent. Americanism; to preserve the
    memories and incidents of our association in the Great War; to
    inculcate a sense of individual obligations to the community,
    state and nation; to combat the autocracy of both the classes
    and the masses; to make right the master of might; to promote
    peace and good will on earth; to safeguard and transmit to
    posterity the principles of justice, freedom and democracy; to
    consecrate and sanctify our comradeship by our devotion to
    mutual helpfulness."

    (15) _How does the Legion govern itself_?

    (a) The Constitution provides that the legislative body of the
    organization shall be a national convention, to be held annually
    ... composed of delegates and alternates from each state, from
    the District of Columbia and from each territory and territorial
    possession of the United States.

    (16) _How is the Legion organized_?

    (a) It is composed of State Branches, and these in turn are made
    up of Local Posts.

    (17) _What is a Local Post_?

    (a) The Constitution states that a Local Post shall have a
    minimum membership of fifteen. No Post shall be received into
    the Legion until it has received a charter. A Post desiring a
    charter shall apply for it to the State Branch, and the charter
    will be issued, upon recommendation of this State Branch, by the
    National Executive Committee. No Post may be named after any
    living person.

    (18) _How can I join the American Legion_?

    (a) By filling out the Enrollment Blank on the last page of this
    booklet and mailing it to the State Secretary of your home
    state, whose name is listed below. If there is a Local Post in
    your home town, your name and address will be sent to the Post
    Commander. If there is no Post in your home town, START ONE,
    write your State Secretary for the necessary particulars. The
    State Secretaries are:

    ALABAMA.--Leroy Jacobs, care Jacobs Furniture Co., Birmingham.

    ARIZONA.--Fred B. Townsend, National Bank, Arizona Bldg.,

    ARKANSAS.--Granville Burrow, Little Rock.

    CALIFORNIA.--E.E. Bohlen, 926 Flood Bldg., San Francisco.

    COLORADO.--Morton M. David, 401 Empire Bldg., Denver.

    CONNECTICUT.--Alfred A. Phillips, Jr., 110 Glenbrook Rd.,

    DELAWARE.--L.K. Carpenter, Du Pont Bldg., Wilmington.

    DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA.--Howard Fisk, 833 Southern Bldg.,

    FLORIDA.--J.T. Wiggington, 818 15th St., Miami.

    GEORGIA.--Louis H. Bell, care of Service Record, 208 Flatiron
      Bldg., Atlanta.

    HAWAII.--J.P. Morgan, Box 188, Honolulu.

    IDAHO.--Laverne Collier, Pocatello.

    ILLINOIS.--Name not received yet.

    INDIANA.--L. Russell Newgent, 518 Hume Monsur Bldg.,

    IOWA.--John MacVicar, 336 Hubbell Bldg., Des Moines.

    KANSAS.--Ike Lambert, Emporia.

    KENTUCKY.--D.A. Sachs, Louisville.

    LOUISIANA.--T.H.H. Pratt, 721 Hibernia Bank, New Orleans.

    MAINE.--James L. Boyle, 184 Water St., Augusta.

    MARYLAND.--Alex. Randall, 12 West Chase St., Baltimore.

    MASSACHUSETTS.--George F. Gilbody, 3 Van Winkle St., Boston.

    MICHIGAN.--Ryle D. Tabor, 312 Moffatt Bldg., Detroit.

    MINNESOTA.--Merle E. Eaton, care of Lee & Lewis Grain Co., 200
      Corn Exchange Bldg., Minneapolis.

    MISSISSIPPI.--John M. Alexander, Jackson.

    MISSOURI.--Ed. J. Cahill, Service Commission, Jefferson City.

    MONTANA.--Ben W. Barnett, Helena.

    NEBRASKA.--Allan A. Tukey, 1st National Bank Bldg., Omaha.

    NEVADA.--J.D. Salter, Winnimucca.

    NEW HAMPSHIRE.--Frank J. Abbott, Manchester.

    NEW JERSEY.--George W.C. McCarter, 765 Broad St., Newark.

    NEW MEXICO.--Harry Howard Dorman, Santa Fe.

    NEW YORK.--Wade H. Hayes, 140 Nassau St.

    NORTH CAROLINA.--Charles N. Hulvey, A. & E. College, Raleigh.

    NORTH DAKOTA.--Ed. E. Gearey, Fargo.

    OHIO.--Chalmers R. Wilson, Adj. Gen. Office, State House,

    OKLAHOMA.--F.W. Fisher, Oklahoma City.

    OREGON.--Dow V. Walker, care Multnomah Club, Portland.

    PENNSYLVANIA.--George F. Tyler, 121 S. 5th St., Philadelphia.

    RHODE ISLAND.--James E. Cummiskey, Crompton.

    SOUTH CAROLINA.--Ben. D. Fulton, 32 West Evans St., Florence.

    SOUTH DAKOTA.--J.C. Denison, Vermillion.

    TENNESSEE.--W.R. Craig, Nat. Life and Accident Co., Nashville.

    TEXAS.--J.A. Belzer, Austin.

    UTAH.--Baldwin Robertson, 409 Ten Boston Bldg., Salt Lake City.

    VERMONT.--Joseph H. Fountain, 138 Colchester Ave., Burlington.

    VIRGINIA.--R.G.M. Ross, 508 First National Bank Bldg., Newport

    WASHINGTON.--George R. Drever, care Adj. Gen. Office, Armory,

    WEST VIRGINIA.--Chas. McCamic, 904 National Bank of West
      Virginia Bldg., Wheeling.

    WISCONSIN.--R.N. Gibson, Grand Rapids.

    WYOMING.--R.H. Nichols, Casper.


It is interesting to know what the press of the United States thinks
of the American Legion. Practically every newspaper in the country
honored the Legion with comment. In almost every instance it was
favorable. Selection has been made of some of this comment--as much as
is feasible to give here. It is of two kinds: first, what the press
thought of the _idea_ of the Legion, and second, what opinion it had
of the Legion after it was launched at St. Louis. The first type of
comment was made prior to the caucus in this country and the second,
afterwards. Comment on both types was generally favorable.

Lest insincerity be charged let it be said here that there _was_ some
unfavorable comment. One New England paper was surprised that
soldiers, sailors and marines were not clever enough to know that the
American people would perceive their attempt, through this
organization, to "drive a six mule team through the Treasury" and get
pension and pay grabs. One Southern paper pictured Colonel Roosevelt
returning from the St. Louis caucus, a defeated candidate for the
chairmanship, with all hope of the future blasted, while one in Ohio
said with equal accuracy and solemnity that "there is no need of such
an organization at this time, now that the country is entering the era
of peace."

But here is the comment. It comes from north, east, south, and west,
and it is typical:

    _New York Times_, April 10, 1919.--... It is a pleasure to know
    that Lieutenant Colonel Theodore Roosevelt, the worthy inheritor
    of a beloved American name, has called a meeting of soldiers and
    sailors at St. Louis. Lieutenant Colonel Bennett Clark, son of
    Mr. Champ Clark, is an associate of Lieutenant Colonel
    Roosevelt, in the plan for an organization of all our soldiers
    and sailors as the American Legion. These two gentlemen,
    associated in a patriotic movement, indicate by their names its
    common national purpose, apart from politics and partisanship.
    "A nonpartisan and non-political association is to be formed,"
    says Lieutenant Colonel Roosevelt, "an association which will
    keep alive the principles of justice, freedom, and democracy for
    which these veterans fought." Justice, freedom, and democracy,
    without partisanship! The idea is noble. It should prevail.

    _Leavenworth_ (Kansas) _Post_, April 30, 1919.--... The
    character of the men of the American Army who are promoting it
    [the Legion] and the high ideals which it professes and proposes
    to maintain are a guaranty that it will be a power for helpful
    service in the common family of the nation.

    The plan of organization sprang from the desire of serious and
    able men in the American Army to maintain the high ideals for
    which all of them have fought, to preserve the soldier
    comradeship and carry it over into civilian life as an element
    of broad helpfulness while keeping the record of the army free
    from the taint of selfish aims. It was also wisely intended to
    forestall by the creation of one big genuinely representative,
    nonpartisan and democratic body, the formation of numerous
    smaller organizations in various places by men intent on
    exploiting the soldier sentiment and the soldier vote for other
    than patriotic purposes.

    _New York Sun_, April 11, 1919.--... The American Legion will
    do an indispensable service. We, who have lived up to the past
    few years in an agitation of protest against the pension grab
    must now make our minds over sufficiently to realize that in the
    new situation we run immediately into danger not of
    over-pensioning the veterans of to-day but of neglecting them.

    The new organization must of course be nonpartisan and
    non-political. Precedent enough exists in the career of the
    Grand Army to make that clear. It should include and enjoy the
    guidance of the most influential military men. Politicians it
    will have at its service so long as it is well run and organized
    from within. Despite its proper political limitations, it should
    serve as the most salutary means to influence returned soldiers
    to cling to plain old Americanism, shed their martial
    acquirements and return to plain, praiseworthy citizenship.

    _Washington Star_, April 10, 1919.--... The American Legion is
    to be welcomed as an agency for the promotion of the best in our
    national life. It will represent, with other things, the majesty
    of numbers. A great many men will be eligible to membership; and
    they will be young, and full of hope and purpose. And when they
    act together in matters within the scope of their organization
    they will represent a force to be reckoned with in the
    formulating of public policies.

    _Brooklyn Eagle_, April 11, 1919.--Organization of "The American
    Legion" is going on rapidily in every State in the Union. Vast
    as was the mass of eligibles on which the Grand Army of the
    Republic could draw after the Civil War, it did not compare with
    the Legion's bulk of raw material. There will be a formal caucus
    on May 8th, at St. Louis, of a real representative character, in
    which it is said the enlisted men of the army and navy will have
    a majority. Lieutenant Colonel Henry L. Stimson, once Secretary
    of War, outlines the plan. He believes that this country's
    future hereafter is in the hands of the men below thirty years
    of age who fought this war. He trusts that the lesson in
    practical democracy afforded by military experience and the
    ideals of democracy emphasized by military enthusiasm may be
    kept permanently alive.

    That this is the main hope of the more active organizers we have
    no doubt. Men like Major General O'Ryan, General Charles I.
    Debevoise, and Colonel Theodore Roosevelt and Colonel Robert
    Bacon would never think of making such a body a lever for
    pension legislation or an agency of politics. Yet the
    temptation to a divergence from the higher ideals is strong, and
    the rank and file may not be inclined to resist it.

    _St. Louis Globe-Democrat,_ April II, 1919.--... Such
    societies, it has been proved, are never partisan. They are
    invariably exponents of broad-gauge patriotism. That they have
    great political influence in a high national sense is true, but
    they have never misused it nor ever viewed their mission in a
    narrow spirit. They preserve the touch of the elbow throughout
    life, but only as thorough Americans, devoted first, last, and
    always to our common country.

    St. Louis is proud to be selected as the place for the
    inauguration of this admirable and undoubtedly perpetual
    society. All wars are represented by societies formed by their
    veterans, and all alike have been truly and broadly patriotic.
    It will be the same with the new order, whose membership will,
    on the strength of numbers called to the colors, far exceed any
    former parallel. This event will be a datemark in our patriotic
    annals and in the progress of the nation.

    _Syracuse_ (N.Y.) _Herald_, April 13, 1919.--It has been
    earnestly stated, as might have been expected, that the American
    Legion will be strictly nonpartisan. That much might be inferred
    from the circumstance that one of the leading associates of
    Roosevelt in organizing the Legion is Lieutenant Colonel Bennett
    Clark, son of the late Democratic Speaker of the House of
    Representatives. Colonel Roosevelt is sufficient authority for
    the assurance that the movement is neither partisan nor
    political. He calls it "an association which will keep alive the
    principles of justice, freedom and democracy for which these
    veterans fought." Viewed in that sentimental, ethical and
    patriotic light, it is a commendable undertaking. The American
    people will wish it well, and be glad to see it flourish....

    _Norfolk_ (Va.) _Dispatch_, April 9, 1919.--If the American
    Legion now in process of organization by young Colonel Roosevelt
    and his associates, clings to the principles of foundation and
    holds by the purposes proclaimed by its founders, it may become
    a mighty force for good in the land. It will be composed of
    several millions of comparatively youthful Americans, a large
    percentage of whom will be voters, while virtually all will have
    demonstrated their readiness to fight their country's battles
    with weapons far deadlier than bullets.... This assumes the
    legion will fulfill the part it has undertaken to play in the
    country's life. If it should degenerate into a selfish
    protective body, it will be worse than useless. But there is
    little reason to fear it will fall so far below its ideals while
    there is every reason to hope it will be a powerful factor in
    helping the country to find itself again.

    _New Orleans Item_, April 14, 1919.--The American Legion through
    the tremendous influence and mighty power of 3,000,000 organized
    fighting men, is certain to shape and control the destinies of
    the nation in years to come to an extent of which the wise will
    refrain from even suggesting a limit. With the announcement by
    Lieutenant Colonel Theodore Roosevelt that the "Legion will be
    interested in policies, but not in politics," the opinion may
    safely be hazarded that the great political parties of the
    country are due to have new mentors, from whom they may be
    forced to look anxiously for their cues.

    Primarily among the announced purposes of the Legion is the
    perpetuating of those principles of justice, freedom and
    democracy for which its members either fought or stood ready to
    fight. On the field in France or in the training camps at home,
    the millions of America's best manhood have learned intimately
    and well a new lesson of individual and national responsibility.
    Such lessons, at the cost they were obtained, are not to be
    forgotten or lost. The ideals of the fighting men of the states,
    producing the valor and the power which made the American Army
    irresistible, and the revelations by fire of new realizations
    and brotherhood and of world and national citizenship are surely
    to be felt in the calm, happier times of peace.

    _Philadelphia Record_, April 10, 1919.--... If, as Colonel
    Roosevelt predicts, the membership shall eventually comprise
    4,000,000 men who were in the military and naval service of the
    United States in the late war, it will have possibilities of
    power that must be reckoned with. But if, in the long life
    before it, the American Legion shall have no more to its
    discredit than is summed up in the history of the G.A.R. whose
    ranks are now so pathetically thin, it will have been a worthy
    follower of its fathers.

    _Paterson_ (N.J.) _Evening News_, May 7, 1919.--... The new
    organization starts its career deserving and receiving the good
    wishes of the entire country. The character of the men of the
    American army who are promoting it and the high ideals which it
    professes and proposes to maintain are a guaranty that it will
    be a power for helpful service in the common family of the

    _Duluth_ (Minn.) _Herald_, May 24, 1919.--There is a great field
    for the American Legion, the organization of American veterans
    of the World War, and judging by the spirit of the recent
    convention and by the expressions of the returning delegates as
    reported in the press of the country, it is going to fill that

    And the field that awaits it, and that it seems to intend to
    fill, is a field of a vigorous and aggressive effort to demand
    and enforce a strong and coherent and consistent Americanism.

    Not the swashbuckling kind of Americanism--the
    chip-on-the-shoulder kind--the we-can-lick-the-world kind. These
    lads of ours are the last in the world to preach that fool kind
    of Americanism. For they--or at least those of them who crossed
    the seas and fought for liberty and peace on the other
    side--have seen in the case of Germany what that kind of
    nationalism comes to, and they are against it.

    But there is a type of Americanism which is utterly free from
    the taint of militarism and jingoism, but that yet is even more
    dangerous to anybody at home or abroad who flaunts the spirit of
    America and defies its power. And unless the signs fail, the
    American Legion is going to express and embody and inculcate
    that type of Americanism.

    _Anaconda_ (Mont.) _Standard_, May 24, 1919.--... At St. Louis
    the members voted down all proposals for obtaining from Congress
    increases of pay for the soldiers and rejected all efforts to
    obtain canvasses of the members to ascertain their preference as
    to parties and as to presidential candidates. Everything was
    excluded which would tend to committ the organization to any
    particular party or any particular candidate. Young Colonel
    Roosevelt, son of the former republican president, and Colonel
    Bennett Clark, son of Champ Clark, former democratic speaker of
    the house, joined hands in the endeavor to keep partisanship and
    politics out of the organization.

    _Collier's Weekly_, May 31, 1919.--A national convention of
    American soldiers and sailors in which no grievances were aired,
    no political axes ground, no special privileges or preferments
    demanded; where oratorical "bunk" was hooted down; where social
    discrimination was taboo and military rank counted not at all;
    where the past glories of war were subordinated to the future
    glories of peace and where the national interest was placed
    above all partisanship--that is something new under the sun. It
    was in such a convention held in St. Louis during the second
    week in May, that the new spirit of the American army and navy
    expressed itself articulately for the first time since the
    armistice was signed. The birth of the American Legion was
    attended by circumstances having a significance comparable with
    those surrounding the signing of a certain document in
    Philadelphia one hundred and forty-three years ago, come July

    A brigadier general arises to "place in nomination the name of a
    man who--" and is cried down by doughboys with calls of "Name
    him! Who is he?" A proposal to give extra pay to enlisted men is
    unanimously defeated because, as Lieutenant Colonel Roosevelt
    put it, "we are not here to sandbag something out of the
    Government, but to put something into it." The invitation to
    make Chicago the next meeting place of the Legion is refused
    because "American soldiers and sailors don't want to go to a
    city whose mayor would be ashamed to welcome such a convention."
    A progressive Republican, son of a famous father, refuses the
    chairmanship to quiet suspicion of personal ambition, and the
    office goes to a Southern Democrat of whose party the gathering
    is in complete ignorance.

    One of the convention stenographers said: "This is the funniest
    convention I have ever attended." We have an idea that there was
    an element of prophecy in her homely remark--a body representing
    more than four million American soldiers and sailors that makes
    so little political noise is likely to be about as funny to the
    conventionally minded politician as a bombardment of gas shells.
    This language of restraint in the mouths of organized civilian
    youth may prove to be a natural companion to the famous battle
    slogan of the A.E.F.: "Let's go!"

    _New York Evening Post_, May 3, 1919.--... The true usefulness
    of a veterans' organization is not far to seek. Like the G.A.R.,
    the Legion should maintain and develop the comradeship bred by
    the war. It can assist the unfortunate in its ranks; it can take
    care of the widows and orphans of soldiers, in so far as any
    inadequacy of public provision seems to make care necessary. The
    Legion can preserve the fame of soldiers and commanders, by
    erecting monuments, by seeing that histories are written, and by
    proceedings of its regular reunions. It can foster such a public
    recollection of the great deeds of the war as well as broaden
    and deepen American patriotism. Sherman remarked in 1888 that
    there was some danger that a peace-loving generation in time of
    crises "would conclude that the wise man stays at home, and
    leaves the fools to take the buffets and kick of war." This
    danger can best be met by just such an organization as the
    G.A.R., with its campfires of song and story. Comradeship,
    charity and patriotism--these should be the Legion's watchwords.

    _New Haven_ (Conn.) _Union_, April 16, 1919.--... Its more
    immediate task, as its promoters see it, is to help the members
    and the families of members who maybe in need of assistance. No
    comrade of the great struggle is to feel that he is forgotten
    and forsaken by the comrades who served the same great cause.
    Its large and more permanent duty is to spread the sentiment of
    patriotism, to set an example of love of country, and unselfish
    service, to keep blooming always in the soldiers' bosom the
    flower of sacrifice that springs from every soldier's grave in

    _Philadelphia Press_, April 10, 1919.--The organization of the
    soldiers of the late war into a permanent body is inevitable and
    entirely proper.

    _Capper's Weekly_, May 24, 1919.--The American Legion organized
    at St. Louis is the new G.A.R. and through its platforms the
    views of the soldiers who fought in France will be heard. It is
    already apparent what the trend of that sentiment is. Whatever
    military system this nation sets up, if it meets the approval of
    the two million men who served the nation in the Great War, it
    will be democratic in spirit and as far as possible in form. It
    will be an army in which the self-respect of the common soldier
    will be recognized. The returning soldier has no use for anyone
    living here who is not wholly American, and is for expelling the
    unnaturalized alien wherever found. Loyalty to the Nation is
    fundamental in the soldiers' view.

    The Nation must safeguard itself and make a distinction between
    citizens who offer themselves and their all, and citizens who,
    for whatever reason, withhold some part of their allegiance.
    Brutal treatment of conscientious objectors is neither civilized
    nor necessary, but a differentiation is created by such
    residents themselves, and there should be corresponding
    differentiation in rights and protection. This is one of the
    subjects that the returned soldiers have at heart.

    _Post Intelligencer_, Seattle, Washington, May 21, 1919.--...
    The American Legion will be a political force in the nation as
    it has a perfect right to be. No organization of its character
    is to be held together by the cohesive power of reminiscence.
    Something more binding is required, and that something will be
    forthcoming whether anyone outside the Legion likes it or

    The American Legion will be made up of intelligent young men who
    will have a community interest and whose interest can only be
    furthered by united action. They will know that nothing is more
    transient than public gratitude, and they will assuredly not
    rely on it.

    _Rochester_ (N.Y.) _Times_, May 23, 1919.--At its first
    convention held recently in St. Louis, the American Legion
    unanimously voted down a proposal to seek increased bonus money
    for the soldiers.

    At that same meeting, Theodore Roosevelt, Jr., refused to accept
    official leadership of the organization because he desired to
    allow no ground for any charge that he wished to utilize it to
    further his political career.

    Such action by the Legion and by one of its most prominent
    members warrant its organizers in working to enroll all the men
    who served during the great war.

    If this path is followed the American Legion will be a force for
    good in the country's affairs as well as a bond of fellowship
    among those who were members of the largest army ever raised by
    this republic.

    _Manchester_ (N. H). _Union_, May 27, 1919.--... In spite of
    all that has been written and said it appears there still
    remains some mistaken idea and prejudices concerning this
    organization. The purposes of the American Legion are:

    1. To uphold and defend the Constitution of the United States of

    2. To maintain law and order.

    3. To foster and perpetuate a one hundred per cent. Americanism.

    4. To preserve the memories and incidents of our association in
    the Great War.

    5. To inculcate a sense of individual obligation to the
    community, state and nation.

    6. To combat the autocracy of both the classes and the masses.

    7. To make right the master of might.

    8. To promote peace and good will on earth.

    9. To safeguard and transmit to posterity the principles of
    justice, freedom and democracy.

    10. To consecrate and sanctify comradeship by devotion to mutual

    This is the program and platform of the wonderful organization
    whose potential membership is the four million and more men who
    wore their country's uniform in the war.

    It is big enough and broad enough to admit every man and woman
    who joined the colors. If, as has been intimated, there are some
    few ex-service men who think they see in this tremendous
    movement something personal and partisan, they should take the
    blinders off, forget their unworthy fears, and come out into the
    open with their comrades, determined, as every man is who has
    already joined, that the American Legion will never be made the
    vehicle of personal ambition nor the creature of partisan
    purpose; but will be conserved to foster and promote only those
    high purposes which are so nobly defined in the language which
    is quoted above, taken bodily from the constitution of the

    PITTSBURGH, _Gazette-Times,_ May 29, 1919.--... In contrast
    with the Grand Army, the American Legion will embrace all
    sections of our land. Similarly it will be the private soldier's
    organization. Military honors will not count. Absolute
    Americanism is to be its dominating principle. With the
    dwindling ranks of the Grand Army there is need of such an
    organization. The Grand Army has long been a staunch bulwark of
    patriotism but time is doing its work. Others must soon take up
    where the veterans of the Civil War left off. Those of the new
    organization who saw service overseas possess a new vision of
    what America means. Because of their good fortune in going
    abroad they reaped an advantage over those who were denied the
    privilege, though entitled to no more credit. All who donned the
    uniform served. With an organization of such possibilities in
    numbers and all imbued with a patriotic fervor the safety of the
    Republic against the machinations of those who would tear down
    is assured.

    _Burlington_ (Vt.) _News_, May 29, 1919.--So far as actual
    results are concerned America gains little from the peace
    treaty. If, however, the American Legion measures up to the
    standard we believe it capable of, America will be the greatest
    gainer of all in the war.

    _Bridgeport_ (Conn.) _Standard_, May 28, 1919.--The statement
    that the American Legion is to let politics alone is good news
    to the people of this country who are looking toward this fine
    organization of American fighters to bring to our national life
    some of the spirit which chased the Fritzies back to the Rhine.
    The civilian public has a right to ask what are the aims of this
    new, and sure to be powerful, organization. Four million men are
    of its potential membership. These four million are to be found
    scattered in every city, village and hamlet in the country. They
    are to meet on terms of equality, officers and men. They know
    how to work together, how to undergo discipline for a worthy
    objective, and how to go over the top in action. It is good,
    then, to know that this new four million is not to be a
    political machine. We want no more of the mawkish of either
    fearing or catering to the "soldier-vote."

    Only as a nonpartisan organization can the American Legion do
    its best work. Its able leaders know this. In a day when men are
    fast deserting unworthy party emblems to stand for what they
    think right, the soldier organization will have a wide

    We hail the Legion.

    It had to come and it is coming strong and sure.

    Good men are at the head of the column, and better men than
    those in the ranks exist nowhere in the country.

    They are the pick of the best, physically best, in nerve and in
    courage, best in point of training, in discipline and best among
    all the nations who won the great victory.

    There is still a fight in America. Democracy is never safe, only
    being made safe. Eternal vigilance is the price of liberty.
    Eternal vigilance without regard to fear or favor is to be the
    spirit of the American Legion.



  D.W.M. Jordan
  John W. Inzer

  Edgar T. Hawley

  John C. Greenway
  E.P. Conway

  Joe S. Harris
  James J. Harrison

  H.G. Mathewson
  C.E. Palmen

  H.A. Saidy
  E.R. Myers

  H.C. Meserve
  A.M. Phillips, Jr.

  George N. Doris
  George L. Evans

  N.C. Turnage
  E. Lester Jones

  Davis Forster
  J.T. Wigginton

  Louis H. Bell
  J.G. Juett

  J.P. Morgan

  E.C. Booth
  Frank Esterbrook

  William R. McCauley
  Marshall Field

  Robert Morehead
  C.F. Strodel

  H.H. Polk
  John MacVicar

  W.S. Metcalf
  Sidney Moss

  Henry D. Moorman
  D.A. Sachs, Jr.

  Allison Owen
  Ralph Michel

  Albert Greenlaw
  Arthur L. Robinson

  H.F. French
  Wm.A. Huster

  G.G. Bacon
  J.F.J. Herbert

  Frederick M. Alger
  A.C. Doyle

  Harrison Fuller
  A.M. Nelson

  Alex. Fitz-Hugh
  Fred Sullens

  Court P. Allen
  H. Stattman

  H.L. Blomquist
  C.E. Pew

  John G. Maher
  Ed. P. McDermott

  E.L. Malsbary
  T.J.D. Salter

  Frank Knox
  Mathew Mahoney

  D.B. Muliken
  P.J. Ehrhardt

  B.M. Cutting
  O.A. Larrizola, Jr.

  Theodore Roosevelt, Jr.
  Louis Burrill


  J.M. Hanley
  G.A. Fraser

  J.L. Cochrun
  H.W. Snodgrass

  Roy Hoffman
  Ralph H. Berry

  E.J. Eivers
  W.B. Follett

  Franklin D'Olier
  A. Laughlin, Jr.

  A. Johnson
  R.B. Weeden

  H.B. Springs
  M.B. Berkley

  J.C. Denison
  Joseph S. Pfeiffer

  Luke Lea
  Harry S. Berry

  W.E. Jackson
  Rolland Bradley

  Baldwin Robertson
  Royal Douglas

  H. Nelson Jackson
  Joseph Fountain

  C. Francis Cooke
  Andrew S. Christian

  L.L. Thompson
  Russ Simonton

  John G. Bond
  Charles McCamic

  James Ackley
  G.W. Strampe

  C.M. June
  L.A. Miller

  Hayward H. Hillyer
  William P. Norton

  G.H.W. Rauschkolb
  John S. Siebert


  Matthew H. Murphy

  James Hawley

  Ed. M. Le Baron

  Fred N. Tillman

  E.H. Dibble

  H.A. Saidy

  F.W. Carroll

  George N. Doris

  Charles E. Johnston

  Carroll Ford

  Eugene Sibert

  J.P. Morgan

  C.M. Booth

  Marshall Kearney

  A.C. Duddelston

  H.H. Polk

  W.W. Hollaway

  M.K. Gordon

  John D. Ewing

  Roger A. Greene

  H.L. French

  L.A. Frothingham

  Avery Gilleo

  S.S. Smith

  Alex. Fitz-Hugh

  H.C. Clark

  Sam Abelstein

  Hird. Stryker

  E.L. Malsbary

  Frank Knox

  E.A. Tobin

  Roy H. Flamm

  Robert Marsh

  J.R. Baker

  E.J. Rummell

  E.E. Atkins

  B.E. Leonard

  Fred Hill

  Robert R. Landon

  W.P. Shunney


  William G. Buell

  G.P. Anderson

  Charles R. Tips

  R.J. Douglas

  Guy Varnum

  John J. Wicker, Jr.

  John J. Sullivan

  John C. Vaughan

  Robert Cunningham

  L.A. Miller

  Joseph P. McGlinn

  Thomas H. Dempsey


  Bibb Graves

  James Hawley

  John C. Greenway

  Burton S. Kinsworthy

  H.G. Mathewson

  R. Dickson

  W.J. Malone

  George W. Davis

  John Lewis Smith

  J.T. Wigginton

  L.H. Bell

  J.P. Morgan

  C.M. Booth

  C.G. Seeman

  Scott R. Brewer

  Fred M. Hudson

  P.R. Johnson

  H.D. Haven Moorman

  Gus Blanchard

  Roy C. Haines

  Wm. A. Huster

  W.H. Howard

  Howard Brink

  E.D. McCarthy

  Fred Sullens

  Bennet Clark

  C.E. Pew

  L.J. McGuire

  J.D. Salter

  Frank J. Abbott

  Harlan Besson

  D.H. Wyatt

  Hamilton Fish


  H.Y. Semling

  J.F. Koons

  Horace H. Hagan

  Roderick D. Grant

  D.G. Foster

  Percy Cantwell


  Wm. G. Buell

  Ed. Palmer

  Claud Birkhead

  R.S. McCarthy

  J. Watson Webb

  Wm. A Stuart

  L.L. Thompson

  Charles W. McCamic

  Elmer Owens

  R.L. Powers

  Haywood W. Hillyer


  Cecil Gaston

  James Hawley

  Alexander B. Baker

  Ross Mathis

  E.E. Bohlen

  E.R. Meyer

  P.C. Calhoun

  Irving Warner

  Henry Leonard

  A.H. Blanding

  R.L. Wilson, Jr.

  J.P. Morgan

  Taylor Cummings

  Frank Harrison

  J.A. Umpleby

  Maris B. De Wolfe

  P.C. Stamford

  J.G. Wheeler

  Louis Ginella

  James U. Boyle

  Wm. B. Wilmer

  G.C. Cutler

  J.F. Young

  Paul McMichael

  George Hoskin

  F.L. Smith

  C.E. Pew

  Geo. H. Holveman

  T.J.D. Salter

  George V. Fiske

  R.P. Schenck

  Don. L. Blevins

  Parton Swift


  J.P. Williams

  L.J. Campbell

  Hugh Haughery

  J.L. May

  G.A. Rick

  Alex. Johnson


  T.R. Johnston

  W.A. Shadow

  Arch C. Allen

  D.E. Rhivers

  Leonard Nason

  C. Brook Bollard

  Fred Redinger

  M.V. Godfrey

  J.C. Davis

  Wm. Shortell

  Scott W. Lucas

  Charles S. Watkins


  Joseph Yates

  James Hawley

  F.P. Bernard

  Ivie Herschel

  B.W. Herhart

  J.W. Gwin

  F.S. Butterworth

  George L. Evans

  S.P. Knut

  Davis Forster

  J.G. Juett

  J.P. Morgan

  Paul Peterson

  Roger Young

  J.W. Todd

  P.M. Soper

  I.E. Lambert

  Richard H. Slack

  G.H.H. Pratt

  Albert Greenlaw

  J.S. Davis

  G.F. Gilbody

  H.A. O'Dell

  George Chapin

  John M. Alexander

  D.W. Cronkite

  Doug. McCallum

  Orlando H. Kearney

  T.J.D. Salter

  John Santor

  C.S. Brady

  Jesus M. Baca

  J.P. Goerke

  J.P. Williams

  H.L. Bimm

  F.W. Fisher

  C.L. Mullen

  E.J. Pennell

  F.B. Thurber

  T.R. Johnson

  J.D. Robertson

  John S. Hoover

  J.G. Wooley

  Alexander Smith

  G.R. Poole

  Fred Fein

  W.J. Simmons

  M.A. Chybowski

  D.C. McCarthy

  John S. Seibert

  H.W. Hillyer


  Beach Chenoweth

  James Hawley

  Alex. B. Baker

  Wm. Dougherty

  B.L. Shuman

  D.J. Sparr

  B.R. Mathies

  E.H. Kane

  L. Clarkson Hines

  A.H. Blanding

  Eugene Sibert

  J.P. Morgan

  R.R. Wilson

  Charles Wham

  M.H. Thomas

  Thompson L. Brookhart

  W.A. Phares

  E.H. Marriner

  L.P. Beard

  Roger A. Greene

  F.A. Young

  W.H. Dolan

  Wm. King

  D.R. St. Julian

  Robt. Burnett

  A. Field

  Ben W. Barnett

  Geo. Gilligan

  E.L. Malsbary

  Arthur Trufant

  R.F. Ritter

  O.A. Lorizolla, Jr.

  Thos. John Conway


  G.A. Fraser

  J.L. Hall

  Earl McNally

  W.P. Follett

  C.A. Buettner

  Robert Landon

  Walter Sharkey

  W.G. Buell

  Ed. Buford

  Roy A. Jamison

  J.C. Kundson

  L.H. Nason

  Robt. P. Wallace

  C.B. McDonald

  Geo. S. Houston

  James Pfeil

  C.M. June

  H.W. Hillyer

  R.A. Thompson


  LeRoy Jacobs

  James Hawley

  M.E. Cassidy

  Roy Penix

  Clair Woolwine

  W.E. Swink

  R.C. Vance

  Irving Warner

  Donald McGregor

  Conrad Ford

  L.H. Bell

  J.P. Morgan

  Paul Peterson

  Richard M. O'Connell

  Robt. Clee

  H.D. Lemley

  M.B. Musselman

  James G. Juett

  Rudolph Wienan

  Roy C. Haines

  A.R. Hagner, Jr.

  Donald Green

  Chas. D. Kelley

  Jno. J. Ahern

  Chas. R. Dolbey

  Robert Fullerton, Jr.

  Ben W. Barnett

  A.L. Stuart

  E.L. Malsbary

  C. Fred Maher

  Allen L. Eggers

  Jesus M. Baca

  Geo. P. Putnam

  Arthur Gorman

  H.M. Bush

  W.T. Burling

  B.E. Leonard

  Ammon Monroe Aurand, Jr.

  Harry F. McKenna

  T.R. Johnson

  H.H. Corson, Jr.

  John W. Young

  Leo Meehan

  L.H. Nason

  D.D. Nei

  Russ Simonton

 Geo. S. Houston

  C.M. Huntley

  Ralph L. Powers

  H.W. Hillyer

  C.P. Dimmitt


  B.F. Stoddard

  James Hawley

  M.E. Cassidy

  Garland Hurt

  E.H. Dibbley

  Ed. Krueger

  James B. Moody

  Irving Warner

  Howard F. Fiske

  Davis Forster


  J.P. Morgan

  John S. Green

  Albert A. Sprague

  Chester P. Wolfe

  W.R. Hart

  J.B. Brickell

  R. Ewall

  Levering Moore

  Waldemar P. Adams

  Alexander Randall

  J. Stewart

  George M. Kesl

  O.H. Baldwin

  Paul Chambers

  D.G. Hubbard

  Arthur Barry

  William Richie

  T.J.D. Salter

  William E. Sullivan

  Paul De Voise

  F.B. Humphrey

  M.B. Murphy

  G.A. Fraser

  B.J. Hard

  William Viuer

  C.L. Muffin

  James W. Gary

  Jas. Elinniskey


  J.C. Denison

  Charles R. Bowman

  C.C. Beavens

  Harold R. Smoot

  Pearl T. Clapp

  J.T. Wyatt

  C.S. Sapp

  Clarence Jones

  P.R. Minnahan

  N.V. Swensen

  Louis R. Florin

  G.H.W. Rauschkolb


  Norman J. Reiss

  James Hawley

  Fred B. Townsend

  Roy W. Wood

  Clair Woolwine

  Robt. G. Allen

  P.L. Sampsell

  E.H. Kane

  J. Bentley Mulford

  J.T. Wigginton

  J.G. Juett

  J.P. Morgan

  T.A. Feeney

  Thos. Harwood

  Augustus B. Wilson

  Jackson R. Day

  P.K. Cubbison

  W.O. Sayers

  Davis McCutcheon

  Waldemar P. Adams

  G.H. Tieman

  J.P. McGrath

  B.B. Bellows

  W.R. Sturtz

  Arthur B. Clark

  H.W. Holcomb

  H.L. Blomquist

  Frank F. Fischer

  T.J.D. Salter

  W.J. Murphy

  G.H. Stratton

  C.S. Caldwell

  E.D. Bunn


  L.B. Merry

  R.E. Shank

  Robert B. Keenan

  W.B. Follett

  B.L. Houck

  Jos. San Soneitr

  T.R. Johnson

  Barton P. Brown

  Russ D. Langdon

  L.J. Seeley

  Alexander Smith

  Robt. R. Wallace

  Rob. S. Gordon

  Jas. M. Crockett

  John P. Szultek

  Maurice Dineen

  H.W. Hillyer

  S.H. Curtin

  John S. Seibert


  J.F. Gillem

  James Hawley

  Fred B. Townsend

  Wendell Robertson

  V.W. Gerhard

  M.C. Dameron

  J.S. Hurley

  E.H. Kane

  W.G. Glenn

  Mr. Bell

  J.G. Juett

  J.P. Morgan

  Paul Davis

  W.C. Mundt

  N.J. Buskirk

  A.M. Pond

  Foss Farar

  H. Reingold

  W.A. Coon

  Frank M. Hume

  T.H. Scaffe

  H.H. Wheelock

  P.W. Nickel

  Conrad Veit

  W.T. Adams

  U.P. Haw

  Worth C. Almon

  R.J. Webb

  T.J.D. Salter

  Walter J. Hogan

  J.M. Pancoast

  F.B. Humphrey

  F.W. Baldwin

  Wm. Stern

  E.L. King

  P.A. Fox

  R.D. Grant

  L.L. Felts

  F.V. Thurber

  J.C. Denison

  W.R. Craig, Jr.

  S.P. Boom

  Charles Parsons

  Joseph Fontain

  W.R. Trotter

  Fred. J. Shaw

  Sam. Solins

  L.J. Woodworth


  Geo. E. Davis

  T.R. Smith


  F.M. Ladd

  James Hawley

  Ed. M. LeBaron

  Wm. G. Edgar

  B.O. Shuman

  T.H. Wiles

  W.D. Copp

  Geo. L. Evans

  Louis P. Clephane

  Mr. Bell

  R.L. Wilson, Jr.

  J.P. Morgan

  Frank Estabrook

  Grover Sexton

  J.B. Reynolds

  B.R. Finch

  Charles I. Martin

  Frank Bernhaim

  Clifford Stem

  James L. Boyle

  A.C. Solomon

  Marcus Maddern

  Frank J. Tobin

  Loren B. Roberts

  J.S. Fleming

  L.C. Lozier

  Arthur Barry

  Allan Tukey

  E.L. Malsbary

  H.L. Hereaux

  A.S. Westcott

  S.S. Caldwell

  Fred Gallager


  Wm. Stern

  Ralph Pearce

  W.T. Butts

  E.J. Eivers

  A.I. McRae

  Walter Sharkey

  Wm. G. Buell

  G.C. Milligan

  L. Nicholson

  Fred. Jurgensen

  J. Watson Webb

  G.R. Poole

  Albert Johnston

  Joseph Jackson

  C.H. Foster

  Benj. Gregg

  F.H. Rein

  J.A. Bernard



  GASTON, CECIL D., Birmingham. Med. Corps U.S.A. and A.E.F.
  GILLEM, JENNINGS F., Birmingham. 320 M.G. Bn.
  GRAVES, BIBB, Montgomery. 117th F.A.
  INZER, J.W., Mobile. 14th Inf.
  JACOBS, LEROY R., Birmingham. 38th Inf.
  JORDAN, WM. M., Birmingham. Evac. Hosp. No. 11.
  LADD, FRANK M., JR., Mobile. U.S.N.
  LONG, F.M., Jasper. 7th Inf. 9th M.G. Bn.
  LUSSIER, RICHARD F., Birmingham. M.I.D. Gen. Staff.
  MURPHY, MATTHEW H., Birmingham, 117th F.A.
  REISS, NORMAN J., Mobile. Q.M.C.
  STODDARD, B.S., Mobile. 49th Inf.
  YATES, JOSEPH A., Birmingham, 117th F.A.


  HAWLEY, EDGAR T., Boise, Idaho. U.S.A.


  BURROW, G.M., Little Rock. 18th Inf.
  DOHERTY, WILLIAM, Jonesboro. 153d Inf.
  EDGAR, WM. G., El Dorado. 153d Inf.
  HAMILTON, SCOTT D., Fayetteville. 346th Inf.
  HARRIS, JOE S., Monticello. 153d Inf.
  HARRISON, J.J., Little Rock. Care Pugh Printing Company. Instructor
    Tr. Camp.
  HERSCHEL, IVIE, Marion. 154th Inf.
  HURT, GARLAND, Newport. 162d Inf.
  JACKSON, THOMAS A., Little Rock. 154th Inf.
  KINSWORTHY, B.S., Little Rock. Off. Tr. Camps.
  LLOYD, T.H., Paragould. I.C.O.T.S.
  MATHIS, Ross, Cotton Plant. 2d Inf.
  PENIX, WM. ROY, Jonesboro. Kelly Fld., Tex.
  ROBERTSON, W.A., Ft. Smith. 13th Aero Squad.
  SMITH, E. ROSS, Little Rock. 141 M.G. Bn.
  STAFFORD, JOHN L., Springdale. 106th Am. Train 3 1st Div.
  TAYLOR, R.P., Paragould. Aerial Ob. C.A.C.
  TILLMAN, FRED A., Fayetteville, 12th F.A.
  WOOD, ROY W., Little Rock. Naval Aviation.


  BAKER, ALEXANDER B., Phoenix. 28th F.A.
  BERNARD, E.P., Tucson. 47th M.G. Bn.
  CASSIDY, M.E., Bisbee. Ad. Gen. Dep.
  GREENWAY, JOHN C., Warren. 101st Inf.
  LEBARON, EDWIN M., Mesa. 801st P. Inf.
  TOWNSEND, FRANK B., Phoenix. F.A.C.O.T.S.


  BOHLEN, E.E., San Francisco. 347th F.A.
  DIBBLEE, BENJ. H., San Francisco. F.A.C.O.T.S.
  GEARHART, B.W., Fresno. 609th Aero Sq.
  HAMMOND, LEONARD C., San Francisco, 91st Aero.
  HOUGHTON, A.D., Los Angeles. Am. Serv. League.
  KELLY, E.J., Los Angeles. 64th U.S. Inf.
  MATHEWSON, H.G., Alameda. C.A.C.
  PALMER, C.E.G., Coalinga. Canadians.
  SHUMAN, BLAIR S., San Francisco. 363d Inf.
  SLOW, ASHFIELD E., San Francisco. 347th F.A.
  WOOLWINE, CLARE W., Los Angeles. 8th Inf. Gen. St.


  ALLEN, ROBT. G., Denver. 305th Inf.
  DAMERON, M.C., Pueblo. Camp Med. Supp. Depot.
  DAVID, MORTON M., Denver. 20th Inf.
  DICKSON, RAY, Ft. Collins. 30th Serv. Co.
  GWIN, JNO. W., Pueblo. 158th Inf.
  KRUEGER, EDW., JR., Buena Vista. Air Serv.
  LAWRENCE, C.W., Pueblo. U.S.N.
  MALONEY, B.F., Pueblo. 815th Pioneer.
  MYER, E.R., Boulder. 356th Inf.
  SAIDY, H.A., Colorado Springs. 341st F.A.
  SPARR, D.J., Denver. 157th Inf.
  STUBBS, ALBERT L., La Junta. Medical Corps.
  SWINK, WALTER E., Rocky Ford. U.S.N.
  WILES, THOS H., Denver. Chaplain.


  BUTTERWORTH, DR. S., New Haven. Chem. War Serv.
  CALHOUN, PHILO C., Bridgeport. U.S.M.C.
  CARROLL, FRANCIS W., Waterbury. Presidential Gd. U.S.A.
  COPP, WEBSTER D., Norwich, 301st M.G. Bn.
  HURLEY, JAS. S., Waterbury. 73rd Inf.
  MALONE, WM. J., Bristol. A.S. (A).
  MATTHIES, BERNARD H., Seymour. 105th Spruce Squad.
  MESERVO, HARRY C., Stamford. 68th C.A.C.
  MOODY, JAS. B., JR., Hartford. 301st Supply Train.
  PHILLIPS, ALFRED N., JR., Stamford. 55th F.A.
  SAMPSELL, P.L., New London. U.S.N.
  TILEY, MORTON C., Essex. U.S.A.A.S.


  DORIS, GEO. N., Wilmington. 364th Inf.
  EVANS, GEO. L., Wilmington. U.S.N.
  WARNER, IRVING, Wilmington. Cement Mill Co. No. 8.


  CLEPHANE, LEWIS P., Washington. U.S.N.
  CONNOLLY, FRANK A., Washington. 312th F.A.
  FISK, HOWARD S., Washington. U.S.N.
  GLENN, WM. G., Washington. 103d M.O.R.S.
  HINES, L.C., Washington. F.H. 165-117.
  JOHNSTON, CHAS. E., Washington. U.S. Coast Gd.
  JONES, E. LESTER, Washington. Sig. Corps.
  KRUIT, PRENTISS, Washington. U.S.N.
  LEONARD, H., Washington. U.S.M.C.
  MACGREGOR, DONALD, Washington. Sig. Corps.
  MULFORD, J.B. Washington. 165th Field Hosp. Co.
  SMITH, JNO. L., Washington. Mil. Intell. Div.
  TURNAGE, M.C., Washington. P.M.G.O.


  FORSTER, DAVIS, New Smyrna. M.C.
  GIVENS, MORRIS M., Tampa. 31st Div.
  LOWRY, S.L., JR., Tampa. 31st Div.
  MCGUCKEN, HAROLD, Tampa. 124th Inf.
  WIGGINTON, J.T., Miami. 124th Inf.


  BELL, LOUIS H., Atlanta. 20th M.G. Bn.
  HILLYER, HAYWOOD H., Macon. 49 M.G. Bn.
  JUETT, J.G., Atlanta. 122d. Inf.
  SIEBERT, EUGENE, Atlanta. 437th Det. Eng. Corp.
  STOCKBRIDGE, BASIL, Atlanta. 122d. Inf.
  WILSON, ROBT. L., JR., Atlanta. 122d Inf.


  MORGAN, JAS. P., Hawaii. Inf. Replac. Troops Camp Grant, Ill.


  BOOM, EUGENE C., Moscow. 18th Eng.
  BOOTH, C.M., Pocatello. 44th Inf.
  COLLIER, L.R., Pocatello. 163d Inf.
  CUMMINS, TAYLOR, Twin Falls. Coast Art.
  DAVIS, PAUL, Boise. I.C.O.T.S.
  ESTABROOK, FRANK, Nampa. 146th M.G. Bn.
  FEENEY, THOS. A., Lewiston.
  GREEN, JNO. S., Twin Falls, 1st St. Inf.
  PETERSON, PAUL T., Idaho Falls. 75th Inf.
  WILSON, ALBERT H., Clarks Fork. Q.M.C.
  WILSON, R.R., Pocatello. Inf. (unassigned).


  ADAMS, M.E., Chicago. Q.M.C.
  ADLER, MORRIS, Quincy. 1st O.T. Sch.
  ALLEN, ROYAL B., Marseilles. Q.M.C.
  ARNOLD, B.J., Chicago. Air Serv.
  AYRES, LESTER G., Oak Park. C.A. School.
  BOLIN, JAS. R., Paris. 2d Div.
  BOOSE, JOS. I., Chicago. U.S.N.R.F.
  BURNETT, GEO., Shelbyville. 130th Inf.
  BURNS, J.H., Carrollton. 337th F.A.
  BUSCH, A.H., Cicero. 117th M.G. Bn.
  CAVE, ROBT. R., Chicago. Q.M.C.
  COLLINS, W.H., Decatur. 119th Inf.
  CUMMINGS, JNO. P., Chicago. Tank Corps.
  CURRIER, C.L., La Grange. 25th Eng.
  DICKERSON, EARL B., Chicago. 365th Inf.
  DUTCHER, EVERETT C., Dixon. 342d Inf.
  EISENBERG, SAM J., Chicago. 332d F.A.
  ENGLE, ROBT. H., Freeport. 41st Inf.
  EVERSON, CHAS. W., Chicago. A.S. Sig. R.C.
  FAYART, L.E., Springfield, 9th F.A.
  FIELD, MARSHALL, Chicago. F.A.
  FLANNERY, FRANK B., Chicago, Beach Hotel, 221st F. Sig. Bn.
  FLORY, ROGER, Chicago. U.S.N.R.F.
  FLOYD, JNO. A., Chicago. 6th Cav.
  FORMAN, HAROLD, Chicago. 72d F.A.
  FREID, SAM'L L., Chicago. 50th Inf.
  GOLDBERG, B.L., Chicago. U.S.N.R.F.
  GOREY, THOS. V., Joliet. Q.M.C.
  GOWENLOCK, THOS. R., Chicago. 1st Div.
  GREENE, JNO. J., Chicago. C.M.G.O.T.S.
  HANA, LEO G., Peoria. 341st Inf.
  HARDWOOD, THOS. F., Bloomington. 343d Inf.
  HARRISON, F.J., Streator. 1st C.O.T.S.
  HARTFORD, C.E., Marseilles. Ordnance.
  HARTRICK, GUY R., Urbana. Ordnance.
  HELFRICH, GEO. R., Chicago. 17th Inf.
  HINDERT, GEO. C., Minonk. U.S.N.
  HIPPLER, S.H., Canton. 5th Reg.
  HIRSTEIN, A.K., Fairbury. 129th Inf.
  HUGHES, JNO. E., Chicago. A.S.
  ICKES, FAY, Springfield, 310th F. Sig. Bn.
  JEFFERSON, E.A., Chicago. 604th Eng.
  JENKINS, NEWTON, Chicago. 5th Reg.
  KEARNEY, MARSHALL V., Chicago. 303d Bn. Tank Corps.
  KELLEY, W.L., Shelbyville. Chem. War Serv.
  KENDRICK, J.E., Lincoln. 161st Dep. Br.
  KINGSTON, RAY, Shelbyville. 119th Inf.
  KRAATZ, C.F., Carbondale. 161st D.B.
  LAUER, ROBT. J., Chicago. 344th Inf.
  LEE, HARRY V., Chicago. Signal Corps.
  LING, WALTER, Evansville. 115th Inf.
  MACAULAY, IRWIN, Quincy. Ordnance.
  MARKLEY, H.G., Watseka. 116th Eng.
  MARSH, A.F., Chicago. Const. Div.
  MARSHALL, THOS. H., Chicago. Inf.
  MCCAULEY, W.R., Olney. 308th Bn. Tank Corps.
  MEIERHOFER, EDW. H., Minonk. 68th Art.
  MERRICK, MARLOWE M., Chicago. Sig. Corps.
  MIDDLETON, A.B., Pontiac. M.C., 90th Div.
  MILES, GRANT M., Pontiac. 339th Inf.
  MILLER, JNO. S., JR., Winnetka. 33d F.A.
  MILLER, THOS., Chicago. 49th Inf.
  MOCK, HARRY E., Chicago. Med. Corps.
  MUNDT, WM. C., Fairbury. Radio School.
  O'CONNELL, R.M., Bloomington. U.S.N.R.F.
  OPPENHEIMER, J., Chicago. 333d F.A.
  ORR, PONCE B., Joliet. 1st Inf.
  PACKWOOD, LAWRENCE, Chicago. 521st M.T.C.
  PADDOCK, GEO. A., Evanston. 342d Inf.
  PARKER, HOWARD K., Taylorville. 106th F.A.
  PESAVENTO, A.J., Joliet. R.S. and C.O.T.S.
  PIETRZAK, MICHAEL, Oglesby. A.S.A.P. 9th Dt.
  POWELL, WM. J., Chicago. 365th Inf.
  REED, F.N., Evanston. 10th F.A.
  REEDER, RUSSEL, Canton, 1st Co. C.A.C.
  RHODES, BEN. S., Bloomington. 345th Inf.
  ROMINGER, W.E., Shelbyville. 14th M.G.
  SAYRE, C.B., Canton. 326th F.A.
  SEAMAN, GEO. G., Taylorville. 17th F.A.
  SEARCY, EARL B., Springfield. 311th Inf.
  SEDWEAK, C.E., Chicago. Q.M.C.
  SEXTON, GROVER F., Chicago. 108th Mil. Pol. Train.
  SIMONS, J.E., Glen Ellyn. U.S.M.C.
  SIMPSON, SIDNEY E., Carrollton. 164th Inf.
  SKUBIC, EDW. P., Chicago. C.O.T.S.
  SPENCER, R.V., Chicago. 160th D.B.
  SPRAGUE, A.A., Lake Forest. 341st Inf.
  STELLO, JNO. H., McLeansboro. 115th M.G. Bn.
  TAPP, H.F., Quincy. U.S.N.R.F.
  WALSH, MARTIN, Chicago. 1st Repl. Reg.
  WEBBER, R.W., Urbana. 210th Aero Sq.
  WERCKMAN, JNO. C., Minonk. 6th Repl. Reg.
  WERNER, R.L., Peoria. U.S.N.R.F.
  WHAM, CHAS., Centralia. F.A.C.O.T.S.
  YOUNG, R., Joliet. 41st Inf.
  ZERWEKH, PAUL W., Alton. Aviation.


  ASCH, A.L., Indianapolis. Q.M.C.
  BREWER, SCOTT R., Indianapolis. Air Serv.
  BUSKIRK, N.J., Bloomington. 111th Inf.
  CASTER, SOLON J., Indianapolis, 150th F.A.
  CLEE, ROBT. E., Kokimo. 69th F.A.
  DAVIS, PAUL Y., Bloomfield. 335th Inf.
  DUDDLESTON, A.C., Terre Haute, 151st Inf.
  HOGAN, H.G., Ft. Wayne. M.T.C.
  JOHNSON, F.B., Indianapolis. Adv. Gen.
  LEVI, MORRIS R., Evansville. 42d and 32d Div.
  LONN, A.E., Laporte. 167th Brg.
  MCDONALD, T.M., Princeton. F.A. Repl. Tr.
  MOORHEAD, R.L., Indianapolis. 139th F.A.
  NEWGENT, L.R., Indianapolis. U.S.N.
  PUTT, GEO., Indianapolis. Motor Trans. Corp.
  REYNOLDS, JNO. B., Indianapolis. Air Serv.
  ROYER, S.D., Terre Haute. 349th Inf.
  ROYZE, JNO. A., Indianapolis. M.T.C.
  STRODEL, C.F., Huntington. Inf.
  THOMAS, MARK H., Huntington. Q.M.C.
  TIMKO, JOS. J., Brazil.
  TODD, JOE W., Hammond. Air Serv.
  UMPLEBY, JAY A., Gary. 139th F.A.
  WALTZ, RALPH H., Noblesville. F.A.C.O.T.S.
  WATTS, ALBERT H., E. Chicago, 139th F.A.
  WILSON, A.B., Indianapolis. 87th Div.
  WOLFE, C.P., Indianapolis. U.S.N.R.F.
  ZIISEL, FRANK F., Elkhart. 159th D. Br.


  BERGER, P.F., Carroll. 163d Disch. Off.
  BROOKHART, S.W., Washington. Inf.
  BROOKHART, T.L., Washington. M.T.C.
  COLE, J.F., Oelwein. 161st Depot Brig.
  COOK, DON C., Cedar Rapids. U.S.M.C.
  CIRCE, WM. L., Bloomfield. 1st Eng.
  CRONIN, EDW. P., Victor. U.S.N.
  DAY, J.R., Council Bluffs, 19th Div.
  DEWOLF, M.E., Spencer, 5th Inf.
  DORAN, LUCIEN S., Beaver. 339th F.A.
  FINCH, BUDD R., West Union. 126th F.A.
  HAHN, F.K., Cedar Rapids. 126th F.A.
  HAM, Jos. P., Dubuque. 168th Inf.
  HARKER, FRANK C., Ottumwa. 168th Inf.
  HART, W.R., Iowa City, 305th B. Tank Corp.
  HUDSON, FRED M., Pocahontas. 79th A.A. Bn.
  HUNGERFORD, JNO., JR., Carroll. Air Serv.
  KELLY, J.H., Sioux City, 99th Inf.
  KINS, WILL L., Hubbard. 159th Dept. Br.
  LEMLEY, H.D., Melrose. 109th Eng.
  MACVICAR, JNO., Des Moines. Q.M.C.
  MALCOMB, EARL, Laurens. 12th Inf.
  METZGER, T.M., Council Bluffs. 168th Inf.
  NEWELL, FLOYD, Ottumwa. M.C.
  PATTEE, L.C., Pocahontas. Sig. Corp.
  PEASE, LIBERTY, Farragut. 168th Inf.
  PLAISTER, R.M., Dubuque. 163d Inf.
  POLK, HARRY H., Des Moines. 176th Inf.
  POND, ALANSON M., Dubuque. Med. Corps.
  PUSEY, MCGEE, Council Bluffs. 11th Bal. Co.
  SCHULTZ, E.R., Sioux City. Nav. Res. Fly. Corps.
  SHAW, ROBT. J., Hayesville. 40th Inf.
  SMITH, R.A., Council Bluffs. 163d D.B.
  SOPER, B.M., Nevada. Q.M.C.
  STROTZ, ROY R., Des Moines. 16th Inf.
  THOMAS, LEE A., Mondamin. 3d Con. Bn.
  WELCH, C.J., Denison. 4th Repl. Reg. 16th Co. C.O.T.S.


  BARCLAY, JAS. F., Kansas City, 110th Eng.
  BLY, WM. D., Leavenworth. 365th Inf.
  BRANAMAN, H.A., Ottawa. 137th Inf.
  BRICKELL, J.B., Emporia. Med. Corps.
  BURNETT, R.H., Dodge City. Zone Sup. Of. N.Y.C.
  CLAUSEN, E.W., Atchison. U.S.N.A.S.
  CUBBISON, P.K., Kansas City. 354th Inf.
  EATON, L.R., Neodesha. 8th Eng.
  ELIAS, C.R., La Crosse. U.S.N.R.F.
  FARRAR, FOSS, Arkansas City. I.C.O.T.S.
  FOULSTON, S.L., Wichita, 91st Div.
  GRIEVES, LOREN C., Ft. Leavenworth. G.S. Reg. A.
  HANTLA, JNO. P., Spearville. 137th Inf.
  HASTY, LEWIS A., Wichita. 342d Inf.
  HOLDEN, HARLEY E., Neodesha. P.O. Dept.
  HOLLOWAY, W.W., Kansas City. P.M.G.O.
  JOHNSON, PAUL R., Independence. U.S.N.
  KURTZ, W.P., Columbus. 158th D.B.
  LAMBERT, I.E., Emporia. Air Serv.
  LEE, THOS. A., Topeka. 26th Inf.
  LEEKLEY, R.M., Arkansas City. 338th F.A.
  MADDEN, JNO., SR., Wichita. Air Serv.
  MARTIN, CHAS. I., Topeka. 70th Inf. Br.
  METCALF, W.S., Lawrence. 77th Brig.
  MOSS, SIDNEY A., Wichita. 125th F.A.
  MUSSELMAN, N.B., Arkansas City. R.M.A.
  O'REILLY, H.C., Strong City. 164th Depot Br.
  ORTMEYER, H.A., Wichita. 326th M.G. Bn.
  PHAREN, W.A., Wichita. 360th Inf.
  SNYDER, HARRY E., Council Grove. Med. Det.
  SPARKS, KEITH L., Greensburg. Med. Dep.
  STANFORD, F.C., Independence. A.S.S.C.
  WALKER, H. Jos., La Crosse. 418th Eng.
  WEED, M.S., Lawrence. 137th Inf.
  WILLIAMS, JNO. W., Ottawa. Air Serv.
  WOODS, JAS. A., Arkansas City. 101st Fld. Sig. B.
  WOODSIDE, L.N., Council Grove. 13th Cav.


  BEARD, B.F., Hardensburg. 138th F.A.
  BELL, ULRIC J., Louisville. Inf.
  BERNHEIM, FR. D., Louisville. 159th D.B.
  BRONAUGH, ROBT. L., Nicholasville. 164th Inf.
  EVANS, LYNN B., Lebanon. U.S.N.R.F.
  EWALL, GEO. R., Louisville. 159th D.B.
  FISCHER, A.T., Louisville. A.S.R.C.
  FRASER, V.C., Wickliffe. 6th Inf.
  GORDON, M.K., Madisonville. I.G.D.
  HALL, HERMAN H., Viper. 327th F.A.
  HILL, J. MURRAY, Bowling Green. U.S.N.R.F.
  JUETT, J.G., Wickliffe. 18th Inf.
  MARRINER, E.H., Dayton. 131st Inf.
  MOORMAN, H.D., Hardinsburg. 10th F.A.
  MUIR, EDMUND A., Nicholsville. 22d Ret. Co. G.S.
  RINGGOLD, J.H., JR., Russellville. Air Sq. 260.
  SACHS, D.A., JR., Louisville. U.S.N.R.F.
  SLACK, R.H., Owensboro. 1st O.T.S.
  SOSNIN, M.L., Louisville. Base Hosp. Camp Crane, Luxemberg, Fr.
  SOYARS, WM. O., Hopkinsville. U.S.M.C.
  STEWART, PHIL. H., Paducah. M.R.C.
  WHEELER, JAS. G., Paducah. 159th D.B.
  YOUNG, JNO. S., Glasgow. Med. Corps.


  BEARD, L.P., New Orleans. U.S.N.R.F.
  BLANCAND, GUS, New Orleans. Co. 10.
  COON, WM. A., New Orleans. 73d F.A.
  DAVIS, EDW., New Orleans, 1st Reg. F.A.R.D.
  GINELLA, Louis, New Orleans. M.C.
  MICHEL, F. RALPH, New Orleans. 46th F.A.
  MOORE, LEVERING, New Orleans. Q.M.C.
  OWEN, ALLISON, New Orleans. 141st F.A.
  PRATT, GEO. H.H., New Orleans. Air Serv.
  STEM, C.H., New Orleans. 2d Eng.
  WEINMANN, R.J., New Orleans, 151st F.A.


  ADAMS, W.P., Portland.  54th Ar. C.A.C.
  BOYLE, JAS. L., Augusta,  101st San. Tr.
  GREENE, ROGER A., Lewiston.  101st Trench Mort. Bn.
  GREENLAW, ALBERT, Eastport.  Hdq. 26th Div.
  HAINES, ROY C., Ellsworth.  334th Tank Corps.
  HUMER, FRANK M., Houlton.  103d U.S. Inf.
  MILLIKEN, CARL E., Augusta.
  NORTON, W.P., Portland.  72d Art. C.A.C.
  PRESSON, GEO. MCG., Augusta.  Adj. Gen.
  ROBINSON, A.L., Portland.  7th A.A. Bn.


  FRENCH, FINDLAY H., Baltimore.  S.O. Camp, Greenleaf, Ga.
  GOOD, STUART S., Baltimore.  110th F.A.
  HUSTER, WM. A., Cumberland.  113th Inf.
  JOHNSON, WILLARD J., Baltimore.  351st F.A.
  KNAPP, RALEIGH T., Baltimore,  110th F.A.
  RANDALL, A., Baltimore.  110th F.A.
  SCAFFE, HAROLD, Baltimore.  14th F.A.
  SOLOMON, ADOLPH C., Baltimore.  U.S.M.C.
  STEWART, DAVIS G., Baltimore.  351st F.A.
  TIEMAN, GEORGE H., Baltimore.  Air Service.
  WILMER, WILLIAM B., Baltimore.  Tank Corps.
  YOUNG, FRANK A., Cumberland,  115th Inf.
  YOUNG, HARVEY W., Baltimore.  351st F.A.


  BACON, G.G., Jamaica Plains.  316th F.A.
  BALDWIN, H.L., Malden.
  BURT, C.E., New Bedford.  121st F.A.
  CLEARY, JAS. P., Boston.  Personnel Off. Camp Upton.
  CUTLER, GEO. C., Jr., Boston.  U.S.N.
  DALTON, EDWARD P., Boston.  A.G.D.
  DOLAN, W.H., Fitchburg.  26th Div.
  FOY, F.H., Quincy.  82d Div. Inf.
  FROTHINGHAM, L.A., N. Easton.  Adj. Gen.
  GERMAIN, CHAS. F., Wollaston.  234th Eng.
  GILBODY, GEO. F., Boston.
  GREEN, DONALD R., Holyoke. 28th F.A.
  HERBERT, J.P.J., Worcester. 102d F.A.
  HOWARD, W.J., Whitman. 113th Eng.
  JACKSON, L.P., Athol. 74th Inf.
  MADDEN, MARCUS E., 64 N. Beacon St., 71 Art. C.A.C.
  MANIFF, HARRY, Revere. U.S.N.
  MARLEY, THOS. J., E. Boston. 104th Inf.
  MCGRATH, JAS. P., Roslindale. Hdq. 26th Div.
  MCINNIS, VICTOR A., Roxbury. 301st Inf.
  MOYNIHAN, NEIL P., Haverhill. C.O.T.S., Camp Lee, Va.
  NOLAN, DAVID J., Worcester. 52d Inf.
  O'ROURKE, JNO. J., Lowell, 101st Sup. Tr.
  PAGE, KENNETH B., Longmeadow. 104th Inf.
  PEABODY, J.C.R., Boston. Asst. to Dept. Insp., N.E. Dept. I.G. 5th Div.
  PRYOR, J.H., West Newton  372d Inf.
  ROSENFELD, JAY C., Pittsfield. 359th Inf.
  SAFFORD, RALPH K., Springfield. 104th Inf.
  SCOTT, H.J., Roxbury. 26th Div.
  SHINNICK, WM. T., Brockton. 55th Reg. C.A.C.
  SPILLANE, LEO A., Chelsea. Hdq. N.E. Dept.
  STEWART, H.J., Camp Devens. 36th Mis. Inf.
  STRANDQUIST, H.W., Newton. 102d M.G. Bn.
  THOMAS, H.C., Allston. 101st Eng.
  WHEELOCK, H.H., Fitchburg. 101st Sup. Tr.
  WILLIAMS, HARRY R., Boston. 101st Am. Tr.


  ALGER, FREDERICK M., Detroit. 310th Amun. Tr.
  ALLEN, CARLOS R., Detroit. 125th Inf.
  BALDWIN, PAUL R., Manistique. Air Service.
  BELLOWS, BENJ. B., Highland Park. Ordnance.
  BERSEY, JOHN S., Lansing. Adjt. Gen., Michigan.
  BOWDEN, ISAAC, Port Huron. Base Hosp. No. 73.
  BRINK, HOWARD C., Grand Rapids. 126th Inf.
  BURGESS, FRANK, Grand Rapids. 126th Inf.
  CHRISTIE, J.T.C., U.S.A. Gen. Hop., No. 36, Detroit. Q.M.C.
  CONWAY, BERTRAM, 33 Cardoma St., Detroit. 367th Inf.
  DOYLE, A.G., Grand Rapids. 126th Inf.
  ENGLISH, RAND P., Detroit. 125th Inf.
  EVANS, LYNN B., University Club, Detroit. U.S.N.R.F.
  FEHRENBOCHER, CHRISS, 271 Harrison St., Gary, Ind. 10th Inf.
  GILLEO, AVERY C., Grand Rapids. 126th Inf.
  GUELFF, JOHN J., Marquette. 328th F.A.
  HALL, WILLIAM D., Kalamazoo. 126th Inf.
  HANSEN, MYRON J., Laurium. S.A.T.C.
  HARRIS, H.H., Detroit. A.S.S.C. Aviation Training.
  HENRY, D.D., Grand Rapids. U.S.N.R.F.
  HULLFISH, HENRY G., Washington, D.C. Medical Dept.
  KELLEY, CHARLES D., West Detroit. 32d Div.
  KESL, G.M., Port Huron. M.D.
  KILMER, EDWARD H., Grand Rapids. 10th Inf.
  KING, WILLIAM, Detroit. 125th Inf.
  LARSON, WERNER R., Ironwood. Sanitary Squad No. 58.
  LAWSON, OTTO EMIL C.Y., Detroit. U.S.N.R.F.
  LOCKHART, ARTHUR, Grand Rapids. U.S.N.R.F.
  MAINES, GEORGE H., Battle Creek. 338th Inf.
  MCKEE, MARK T., Mt. Clemens. Chemical Warfare.
  MCMAHAN, F.V., 322 E. Grand Blvd., Detroit. U.S.N.R.F.
  MOERISCH, E.L., Escanaba. U.S.N.
  NICKEL, P.W., Grand Rapids. U.S.N.R.F.
  NORTON, ALBERT H., Detroit. 125th Inf.
  O'BRIEN, THOMAS, Grand Rapids. U.S.N.
  O'DELL, H.A., Detroit. Hdg. Chief Engr.
  QUASIGROCH, LEE J., Highland Park, Ill., Camp Custer.
  SMITH, GEORGE L., Detroit. 4th Tex. Inf.
  TABOR, LYLE D., Detroit. U.S.N.R.F.
  TARPESTRA, GEORGE, Grand Rapids. 154th Aero Squad.
  TAYLOR, W.J., Port Huron. Hdq. Det. 14th Div.
  TOBIN, FRANK J., Jackson. 126th Inf.
  VELDMAR, EDWIN, Grand Rapids. 26th Inf.
  WEIR, ORVILLE H., Detroit. 125th Inf.
  WILKIN, H.H., Detroit. U.S.N.
  YOUNG, JAY P., 706 Easterly Ave., 125th Inf.


  AHERN, JNO. J., St. Paul.  88th Inf.
  ANDERSON, S.E., Ruthton.  351st Inf.
  BALDWIN, C.H., Redwood Falls.  87th Inf.
  CALDWELL, JNO. C., Albert Lea.  127th F.A.
  CHAPIN, GEO. S., St. Paul.  167th Inf.
  CLARK, GORDON M., Duluth.  125th F.A.
  CLIPPER, GEO. A., St. Paul.  Q.M.C.
  COOK, PAUL B., Lowrny Blg., St. Paul.  Med. Corp.
  EATON, M.E., Minneapolis.  309th Fld. Sig. Bn.
  FOWLER, F.J., St. Paul.  Camp McArthur.
  FULLER, HARRISON, St. Paul.  163d F.A.
  HALL, LEVI M., Minneapolis. 124th F.A.
  HENDERSON, R.L., Minneapolis. C.A.
  KING, S.W., Austin. Motor Mechanic.
  LEWIS, H.B., Minneapolis. Dunwoody Tr. Det.
  LOWTHER, GEO., Minneapolis. Sig. Corp.
  MACMICHAEL, P.R., 119 N. 4th St., Minneapolis. I.C.O.T.S.
  MAGNUSSON, C.W., Hibbing. 85th F.A.
  MCCARTHY, E.D., St. Paul. 313th Eng.
  NELSON, A.M., Fairmont. 68th Inf. Br.
  NELSON, Roy, Minneapolis. M.G.S.
  NOLAN, M.C., Grand Meadow. Q.M.C.
  PAGE, RALPH W., Minneapolis. 303d Cav.
  PARKS, JNO. J., St. Paul. 101 Aero Squad.
  PARTRIDGE, C.A., Owatonna. 332d M.G. Bn.
  ROBERTS, LOREN B., Little Falls. 187 Aero Sq., A.E.F.
  ROGERS, M.J., St. Paul. 74th Eng.
  SCHAUB, H.W., St. Paul. 65th Pioneer Inf.
  SMITH, S.S., Worthington. 164th D. Brig.
  STROMGREN, E., Center City. Motor Amb. Sup. Dep. Louisville.
  STURTZ, WM. P., Albert Lea. U.S.N.R.F.
  TOMELTY, JAS. C., Little Falls. 337th F.A.
  USTRUCK, W.J., Montevideo. 346th Inf.
  VANCMA, GEO., Lakefield. 151st Aero Sq.
  VARNER, C.L., St. Cloud. Naval Aviation.
  VEIT, CON., 3733 Pleasant Ave., Minneapolis. 70th Inf.
  WARNER, LEE F., St. Paul. Chem. Warfare.
  WILLIAMS, W.A., 621 Byron St., Mankato. 2d Eng.


  ADAMS, WM. T., JR., Corinth, 115th F.A.
  ALEXANDER, JNO. M., Jackson. San. Corp.
  BURNETT, ROBT., Vicksburg. 334th M.G. Bn.
  CHAMBERS, PAUL, Jackson. U.S.N.R.F.
  CLARK, ARTHUR B., Indianola. 79th Div.
  DALBEY, CHAS. R., Jackson, 115th Inf.
  DUNN, ARTHUR JNO., Vicksburg. 162d Inf.
  FITZHUGH, ALEX., 1403 Baum St., Vicksburg. Comp Q.M., Camp Hancock, Ga.
  FLEMING, JAS. S., JR., Natchez. 52d Ammun. Tr.
  HOSKINS, GEO. C., Brookhaven. 162d Inf.
  SULLENS, FREDERICK, Jackson. Mil. Intell. Div. Gen. Staff.
  WHITING, JNO. S., JR., Farrell. 24th Co. C.O.T.S.


  ALBERT, WILFRED G., St. Louis. 57th F.A.
  ALEXANDER, F., St. Louis. 49th Inf.
  ALLEN, C.P., Trenton. Field Ord.
  BARCO, A.U., St. Louis. U.S.N.R.F.
  BENNETT, J.M., Neosho. S.M.A.
  BERNARD, J.A., St. Louis. 45th U.S. Inf. Medical Corps.
  BRADBURY, H.C., Jefferson City. U.S.M.C.
  BRUGGERE, W.H., St. Louis. 342d F.A.
  CAMBELL, C.W., Sedalia. 314th Eng.
  CARTER, A., Meadville. 18th Inf.
  CLARK, BENNETT, Bowling Green. 88th Div.
  CLARKE, HARVEY C., Jefferson City. 35th Div.
  CRONKITE, D.W., St. Joseph. Naval Aviation.
  DALLMEYER, PHIL. A., Jefferson City. I.C.O.T.S.
  DALY, RICHARD L., St. Louis. 12th F.A.
  DICKSON, J.T., Warrensburg. U.S.N.R.F.
  DIMMITT, C.P., St. Louis. Hosp. Guard.
  EGGER, E.R., St. Louis. 6th Reg. F.A.R.D.
  FIELD, ANDREW, Macon. 160th D.B.
  FOSTER, DICK B., Kansas City. 10th Div.
  FULLERTON, ROB., Louis, 111. 5th Mo. Inf.
  GARRETT, RUBY D., Kansas City. Signal Corps.
  GOOD, H.G., Carthage. 116th Engrs.
  GRAY, L.H., Carthage. 6th M.G.B. Marines.
  GREEN, FREDK. WM., St. Louis. 12th Engrs.
  GRIMSLEY, CLYDE I., Salina. 16th Inf.
  HAGNER, A.R., Hagerstown. Casual Air Serv.
  HAW, U.P., Benton. 90th Inf.
  HOLCOMB, H.W., Moberly. Q.M.C.S.C.
  HUBBARD, DOUGLAS, G., Versailles. 346th Inf.
  HUSTON, G.C., Troy. U.S.N.
  HYDE, L.M., Princeton. 338th Inf.
  JOHNSTON, GALE, Mexico. U.S.N.R.F.
  JOHNSTON, W.O., St. Louis. Bat. No. 60 Arty. C.A.C.
  KEALY, PHILIP J., Kansas City. 138th Inf.
  KLEMM, K.D., Kansas City. 106th F.A.
  KRECHEL, HENRY, Floissant. 128th F.A.
  LAFAYETTE, D. LYTLE, St. Louis. 332d Inf.
  LAYTON, CHAS. O., St. Louis. Naval Veteran Assn.
  LEACH, MERTON H., Jefferson Barracks. Q.M.C.
  LONERGAN, WM. J., St. Louis. 138th Inf.
  LOZIER, LUE C., Carrollton. 164th D.B.
  MCKINLEY, C.A., Clinton. 60th Pioneer Inf.
  MONOVILL, HAROLD P., St. Louis. Naval Overseas Trans. Serv.
  MONTGOMERY, P.S., St. Louis. 312th Inf.
  NEE, DAN M., Springfield. O.T.S.
  NEVILLE, J.H., Springfield. 41st Arty.
  RAUPP, WILLIAM, Pierce City. 2d Pioneer Inf.
  RAZOOSKY, JULIUS, St. Louis. Aero. Phot.
  ROBINETTE, P.J., Hartville. U.S.M.C.
  ROGERS, GEORGE, Missouri Ath. Assn. A.S. 133d Det.
  ROSEMANN, HENRY, St. Louis. Tank Corps.
  ROYAL, THOMAS V., St. Louis.
  SCHIELDS, GEO., St. Louis. Adj. Gen. Dept.
  TUCKER, PAUL, Lamar. 112th Inf.
  WANCHTES, GEO., St. Louis.
  WATKINS, CHARLES, St. Louis. Fort Sheridan.
  WHELESS, JOSEPH, St. Louis. Judge Adv.
  WHITE, J.M., St. Louis. Eng.
  WOODS, JOE, St. Louis. 354th Inf.
  YOUNT, M.P., Ironton. 3d O.T.L.


  ALMON, WORTH C., Helena. U.S.N.R.F.
  BARNETT, BEN W., Helena. 163d D.B.
  BARRY, ARTHUR N., Billings. A.S. Dept.
  BLOMQUIST, H.L., Great Falls.
  MCCALLUM, D.S., Helena. 163d Inf.
  PEW, CHAS. E., Helena. 44th Inf.
  SHERIDAN, CHAS. L., Bozeman. 49th Inf.


  COAD, RALPH G., Omaha. A.S.M.A.
  FISCHER, FRANK P., Scotts Bluff. 164th D.B.
  FITZSIMMONS, L.L., Fremont. M.O.T.C.
  GILLIGAN, GEO W., Lincoln. 41st Inf.
  GOODRICH, E.S., Fairbury. 305th Tank Corps.
  HOLDEMAN, GEO. H., York. 125th F.A.
  HOWARD, BERT, Tecumseh. U.S.N.
  KEARNEY, ORLANDO H., Morrill. 13th Inf.
  MCDERMOTT, ED. P., Kearney. C.M.G.O.T.S.
  MCGUIRE, L.J., Omaha. 3d Inf.
  MADDEN, RAY J., Omaha, U.S.N.
  MAHER, JOHN G., Lincoln. Chief Disb. Officer, Paris.
  MERSINGER, LEON, Plattsmouth. 222d Field Signal Bn.
  RADEMACHER, R.A., York. Unassigned.
  RITCHIE, WM., JR., Omaha. 69th Inf.
  ROBERTSON, HUGH C., Omaha. 356 San. Det.
  STIRCH, J.A., Lincoln, 350th Inf.
  STRYKER, HIRD, Omaha. 338th F.A.
  STUART, A.L., Fremont. 428 Eng., 109 Eng.
  TUKEY, ALLAN A., Omaha. 26th Inf.
  WEBB, ROBERT J., Omaha. 164th Depot Brig.


  MALSBARY, E.L., Reno. 218th Eng.
  SALTER, J.D., Winnemucca. 2d Co., 3d Bn. I.C.O.T.S.


  ABBOTT, F.J., Manchester. 103d F.A.
  DESCHEMS, HOMAR J., East Jaffey. Motor Supply Train.
  FISKE, GEORGE V., Manchester. 75th Div. San. Tr.
  HEUREUX, L'HERVE, Manchester. 103d Inf.
  HOGAN, WALTER J., Manchester. 103d Inf.
  KNOX, FRANK, Manchester. 303d Amm. Tr.
  MAHER, CHARLES F., 612 Main St., Laconia.
  MAHONEY, MATTHEW J., Manchester. 103d Inf.
  MURPHY, WM., 49 Alfred St., 103d Inf.
  SANTOR, JOHN, Manchester. 104th F.H.
  SULLIVAN, WM. E., Nashua, 102d Inf.
  TRUFANT, ARTHUR, Hudson. 103d Inf.


  BESSON, HARLAN, Hoboken. 5th A.C.
  BRADY, CHARLES S., Weehawken. 322d Sanitary Train.
  BROMLEY, HERBERT L., 127 Clinton Ave., Clifton. Camp Hdq., Camp Dix.
  CANGEMI, ANGELO, Newark. U.S. Nitrate Plant, No. 1.
  DEBEVOISE, PAUL, Elizabeth. 312th Inf.
  EGGERS, ALAN L., Summit. 107th Inf.
  EHRHARDT, PHILIP, Jersey City, 111th M.G. Bn.
  MCGRATH, EDWARD A., Elizabeth. U.S.N.
  MULLIK, D.B., Leonia. Eng. M.P.
  PANCOAST, JOHN M., Hancock's Bridge. U.S.N.R.F.
  RITTER, RALPH F., Rahway. Staff, Ft. Hancock.
  SCHENCK, R.P., Jersey City. Q.M.C.
  STRATTON, GERVAS, Vineland. U.S.N.R.F.
  TISCHBECK, JOHN D., Newark. 112th H.F.A.
  TOBIN, ED. A., 27 Broadway, Camden. U.S.N.
  WEED, NEWELL P., 65 Union, Montclair. 344th Ban. Tank Corps.
  WESCOAT, ABSALOM S., Atlantic City. M.C.


  BACA, HERMAN G., Belen. U.S.N.
  BACA, JESUS M., Santa Fe. 115th Pv. Hq.
  BLEVINS, DONALD L., Las Vegas. 82d F.A.
  CUTTING, B.M., Santa Fe. Mil. Attache, London.
  DILLARD, H. WYATT, Roswell. 358th Inf.
  DOLDWELL, C.S., Albuquerque. Inf. (?)
  FLAMM, ROY H., Alamogorda. 18th Eng. R.T.C. French Army.
  HUMPHREYS, FRED, B., Dayton. U.S.N.


  ALLEN, FREEMAN C., Rochester. Q.M.C.
  BALDWIN, FREDERIC W., Brooklyn. 308th Inf.
  BALL, GROSVENOR LOWREY, Lawrence. 306th Inf.
  BARNHILL, GEORGE B., New York. 820th Aero Squad.
  BARRETT, WALTER N., Saratoga Springs. U.S.M.C.
  BARUCK, S.L., New York. Q.M.C.
  BEERS, W.H., New York. 601st Eng.
  BERRY, CHARLES W., Brooklyn. 106th Inf.
  BLACK, JOHN, Brooklyn. Stars and Stripes Gen. Staff.
  BODAMER, HAROLD L., Buffalo. U.S.N.R.F.
  BOECKEL, FRED. W., Buffalo. 106th F.A.
  BOOTH, ROBERT C., Plattsburg. 303d Inf.
  BOYCE, A.L., New York. Q.M.C.
  BRADLEY, GOODYEAR, Buffalo. 106th Regt.
  BUNN, EARLE D., Newburgh. Train, and Unassign. Duty.
  BURRILL, Louis D., Syracuse. U.S.N.R.F.
  BUTLER, WILLIAM E., Brooklyn. Ambulance Service.
  CHURCH, ELIHU C., New York. 117th Eng.
  COMPTON, GEO. B., New York. 153d Depot Bri. F.A.
  CONWAY, THOMAS J., Ithaca. U.S. Marines.
  COOKE, JAMES P., New York. 106th Inf.
  COSBY, ARTHUR P., New York. A.G.O.
  DAGGETT, GEO. F., Brooklyn. Military Intell. Div.
  DAVIES, JULIEN L., New York. U.S.N.R.F.
  DEAN, CLARK M., New York. 107th Inf.
  DECLUCQ, FLOYD L., Cortland. 108th Inf.
  DERBY, RICHARD, New York. 2d Div.
  DEYO, HARRISON, Yonkers. S.A.T.C. Columbia Univ.
  DRAPER, WM. H., New York. Co. 2, N.Y. Reg.
  DUELL, CHARLES H., New York. U.S.N.
  ECKERT, J.A., New York. 105th F.A.
  ENGEL, NICHOLAS, New York. 107th Inf.
  FINELITE, A.C., New York. Q.M.C.
  FISH, HAMILTON, JR., New York. 369th Inf.
  FLOYD, CHAS. H., New York. 107th Inf.
  FOX, E.E., 58 W. 47th St., New York.
  FRANK, EUGENE, New York. E.O.T.S.
  GALLAGHER, F.T.C., Oswego. 108th Inf.
  GOERKE, JAMES P., Brooklyn. U.S.N.
  HAYES, WADE H., New York. 27th Div.
  HEALY, Jos. P., New York. U.S.N.
  HELWIG, A.L., 517 New York Eng. Corp.
  HUDSON, DONALD, New York. 27th Aero Squadron.
  HUNT, CLYDE R., Woodhaven. 7th Bt. Hdqrs.
  INGRAM, LEE, Gloversville. 105th Inf.
  JAY, DELANCEY K., Westbury. 307th Inf.
  JENNINGS, ALLEN D., Brooklyn. U.S.N.R.F.
  KINCAID, J. LESLIE, Syracuse. 27th Div.
  KITCHEL, LLOYD, Bronxville. 12th F.A.
  KNOB, FREDERICK J., New York. U.S.M.C.
  KRUMM, EDWARD DELOS, Rome. 10th Inf.
  LYONS, WILLIAM M., Brooklyn. 114th Inf.
  MCADOO, WILLIAM GIBBS, JR., New York. U.S.N. Air Service.
  MCALPIN, MILO F., New York. 37th Art.
  MCILVAINE, TOMPKINS, New York. Intell. Service.
  MCKLAINE, OSCEALA E., New York. 367th Inf.
  MARSH, ROBERT M.C., New York. 351st F.A.
  MELA, HARRY F., New York. 152d Depot Bdg.
  MILLER, LAWRENCE, New York, 305th F.A.
  MOSLE, C. FRED., New York. 33d Inf.
  MULLIN, R. JEROME, Brooklyn. 308th Inf.
  MUNSKE, CHARLES R., Brooklyn. 102d F.A.
  NICKERSON, HOFFMAN, New York. Ordnance.
  OKERLIND, MELIN A., Jamestown. U.S.N.T.S.
  OSBORNE, FAIRFIELD, New York. 351st F.A.
  PERRY, FRANCIS W., Brooklyn. 77th Div.
  PRESS, THOMAS C., Bronx. 105th F.A.
  PUTNAM, G.P., New York. F.A.C.O.T.S.
  RACKOFF, IRWIN IRA, New York. 152d Depot Brigade.
  REID, D. LINCOLN, New York. 369th Inf.
  RIDDER, JOSEPH E., New York. M.T.C.
  RIFFE, JAMES, Elmira. 108th Inf.
  ROBINSON, Fordham Road and Valentine Ave., New York. General Staff.
  ROOSEVELT, THEODORE, New York. 20th Inf.
  SCHMIDT, W.M., Pleasantville. 7th Inf.
  SELIGMAN, J.L., New York. 27th Div.
  SMITH, POWERS C., Watertown. 307th F.A.
  SMITH, THOMAS R., St. Louis. A.S.D.
  STONE, LAUE K., New York. 34th Aero Squadron.
  SWIFT, PARTON, Buffalo, 151st F.A. Bri.
  TAYLOR, H. IRV., New York. C.A.C.
  TOWNSON, K.C., Rochester. F.A.C.O.T.S.
  VAN BUREN, J.N., Dunkirk. Aviation.
  WELLS, JOHN, New York. 105th U.S. Inf.
  WHEAT, GEO. S., New York. U.S.N.
  WICKERSHAM, C.W., New York. 27th Div.
  WISEMAN, MARK H., New York. 7th Regt.
  WOOD, ERIC P., New York. 83d Div.
  WRIGHT, W.T., New York. 105th F.A.


  BAKER, JULIUS R., Fargo.  6th Corps M.P. Co.
  FRASER, G.A., Bismarck.  Inf. P.M.G.O.
  GORMAN, ARTHUR, Fargo.  26th Inf.
  HANLEY, J.M., Mandan.  148th M.G. Bn.
  MERRY, LYALL B., W. Dickinson.  116th Supply Train.
  SEMLING, H.V., Bismarck.  116th Tr. Hdqrs.
  STERN, WILLIAM, Fargo.  Q.M.C.
  TREACY, ROBT. H., Bismarck.  339th Inf. 160th Depot Brigade.
  WILLIAMS, J.P., No. Fargo.  3d Eng.


  BABCOCK, VEARNE C., Elyria. U.S. Naval Aviation.
  BETTMAN, GILBERT. 1114 Union Trust Bldg., Military Intell. Div.
  BIMM, HARRY L., Dayton. Air Service.
  BLACK, ROBERT L., Cincinnati. 37th Div. Military Intell.
  BRUML, MAURICE W., Cleveland. Air Serv.
  BUSH, H.M., Briggsdale. 134th F.A.
  CAMPBELL, L.J., Youngstown. 309th F.A.
  COBE, RALPH D., Findlay. 145th Inf.
  CONKLIN, WM. H., Columbus. Q.M.C.
  FESS, THOMAS L., Yellow Springs. 394th M.G. Bri.
  FUNM, NORBERT E., Sandusky. 147th Inf.
  GERLACK, F.C., Wooster. 146th Inf.
  HALL, JOSEPH L., Cincinnati, 5th Corps Artillery.
  HARD, DUDLEY J., Cleveland. 135th F.A.
  HORRELL, OLNEY W., Dayton. 134th F.A.
  HUSTON, C.H., Mansfield, 112th Am. Train.
  KING, E.L., Dayton. Air Service.
  KLINE, JOHN H., Dayton. 62d F.A.
  KOONS, JACK F., Cincinnati. 148th Inf.
  LEA, ANDREW B., Cleveland. 112th Engrs.
  MACDOUGAL, HARRY O., Akron. Ordn.
  MCGILL, DON. R., Nelsonville. 308th Tr. M. Btry.
  MURRAY, CHAS. J., Elyria. 42d Div.
  NICKLETT, A.P., Toledo. U.S.N.R.F.
  PERRY, GEORGE W., Youngstown. 1st Army, A.E.F.
  PHILLIPS, THOMAS A., Dayton. 812th Pio. Inf.
  PRIDDY, JOHN E., Findlay. F.A.C.O.T.S.
  RAMSEY, ANDREW M., Cincinnati. 26th Div.
  SEGAL, BEN M., Cleveland. 135th F.A.
  SONSLEY, HARRY J., Ada. 62d F.A.
  TURNER, CYRIL B., Columbus. 308th T.M. Btry.
  WILSON, CHALMERS, R., Columbus, 112th Field Sig. Bn.


  ADKINS, E.S., Muskogee. Hdq. 42d Div.
  BERRY, RALPH H., Tulsa. 173d Inf.
  BURLING, WM. T., Sapulpa. I.C.O.T.S.
  BUTTS, R.B., Muskogee. 162d D.B.
  CHASE, VAL D., Alva. U.S.N.
  FISCHER, F.W., Oklahoma City. Q.M.C.
  FOX, PHILIP A., Tulsa. 23d Engrs.
  GINGERICH, H.A., Okmulgee. 358th Inf.
  HAGAN, HORACE H., Tulsa. C.A.C.
  HOFFMAN, ROY, Oklahoma City. 93d Div.
  KEENAN, ROB. B., Sapulpa. 308th Aero Squad.
  MCNALLY, EARL, Okemah. 111th Amm. Train.
  MEYER, HOWARD W., U.S.S. Bank Bldg., U.S. Slipping Bd.
  NILES, ALVA J., Tulsa. 7th Div.
  NORWOOD, FRANK H., Prague. Ft. Riley.
  SAMS, VERNETT E., Wewoka. 49th Inf.
  SHEA, THOMAS J., Buffalo, N.Y. 56th F.A.
  TAYLOR, MAX A., Pryor. 330th Inf.
  THOMPSON, N.A., 111 E. Latimer St., Tulsa. 57th Inf.
  TULLY, B.L., 83d F.A.
  VIUER, WM., Tulsa. S.O.T.S.


  CRITCHLOW, HARRY, Portland. 363d Arab. Co.
  EIVERS, EDW. J., Portland. 162d Inf.
  FOLLETT, WILL. B., Eugene. 69th F.A.
  GRANT, RODERICK D., Portland. Air Service.
  LEONARD, BARGE E., Portland. 63d Inf.
  MAY, JOHN L., North Portland. 162d Inf.
  MULLEN, C.L., Portland. U.S. Marines.
  PARGON, JOSEPH A., Portland. M.C.


  AURAND, AMMON M., JR., Beaver Springs. Q.M.C.
  BEAMAN, JOSEPH W., Towanda. 140th Tank Corps.
  BECKER, H.M., Pittsburgh. (?)
  BIDDLE, CHARLES J., Philadelphia. Air Serv.
  BLANK, HARRY C., Allentown. C.O.T.S.
  BODIN, F.S., Wellsboro. B.E.F.
  BUCK, HOWARD, Philadelphia. 96 Aero Sq.
  BUETTNER, C.A., Johnstown. Amb. Co.
  COLLINS, J., East Pittsburgh. 371 Inf.
  DAVIS, SHANLEY, Pottsville. Aviation.
  DEARLOVE, CHAS., Philadelphia. 109th Inf.
  DETRICH, A., Philadelphia. School for A.R. & M.O.
  DIXON, F.E., Elkins Park. 318th F.A.
  DOBSON, W.F., 284 N. Main St., Wilkes-Barre. U.S.N.R.F.
  D'OLIER, FRANKLIN, Philadelphia. Q.M.C.
  DUNKLE, RAY, Dry Runn. 4th D.B.
  DUNN, STEWART, Pittsburgh. 83d F.A.
  EGLOFF, JOHN, East Pittsburgh. 8th Trench Mort. Bat.
  FISCHER, ANDREW, Johnstown. 7th Eng.
  FLOOD, FRANK, Pittsburgh. Chem. War. Service.
  FORESTER, I.G.. Philadelphia. 46th Inf.
  FOSTER, DAVID, Carnegie, 305th Field Sig. Bn.
  GEARY, JOHN W., Philadelphia. M.I.D.
  GENTZEL, PAUL, Bellefonte. 314th Inf.
  GREER, JOHN, New York City. Nat. Cath. War Council.
  HAUTH, M.L., Meadville. 29th Eng.
  HECHT, CARL C., c/o West Branch Knitting Co., U.S.M.C.
  HERBINE, A.P., Berwick. 314th Inf.
  HILL, FREDERICK, Pittsburgh, 90th Inf.
  HOEGER, ADELBERT, 1508 Sheffield St., Pittsburgh. 209th Eng.
  HOOPES, E.S., East End Ave., Beaver. Casual Air Service.
  HOSACK, GEORGE, 1415 Park Blg., Pittsburgh, 111th Inf.
  HOUCK, BYRON, Williamsport. 1st Reg. M.T.S.
  HUDOE, M.J., Uniontown. 306th Tank Corp.
  HULINGS, NORMAN, Oil City. 22d Aero Sq.
  HUNSICKER, STANLEY, Collegeville. Q.M.C.
  IVONY, LEO, East Pittsburgh. I.C.O.T.S.
  JOHNS, ALEXANDER, Monessen. 2d Eng. Tran. Regiment.
  JOHNSON, J.E., West Chester. 301st Tank Train.
  JOHNSON, MILLER A., Lewisburg. 162d Inf.
  JONES, WARREL, Clearfield. 38th Inf.
  KATZ, EDWARD, Honesdale. M.T.C.
  KELLER, OLIVER, Lancaster. Air Service.
  KNOX, ANDREW, Philadelphia. Med. Corps.
  KRUMBHAAR, EDWARD, Chestnut Hill. Base Hos. No. 10.
  LAMOND, JAMES, Philadelphia. Avia. A.S.A.
  LAUGHLIN, ALEX., JR., Sewickley. 88th Div.
  MCCALL, JOSEPH, Merion. 311th. F.A.
  MCRAE, A.K., Pittsburgh. M.T.C.T.S.
  METZ, BENJ., Pittsburgh. 124th Eng.
  MORGANROTH, C.K., Shamokin. 312th Inf.
  MUENCH, WILLIAM, JR., Philadelphia. 606th Eng.
  NEWCOMER, ROBERT, Pittsburgh. 76th Div.
  NOFER, GEO., 621 Belgrade St. 3d Div. Hdq.
  O'DONNEL, JAMES, Philadelphia. 315th Inf.
  PEARSON, ALFRED, JR., Somerset. 6th E.T.R.
  PENNEL, EDRED J., Norristown. 304th Ammun. Tr.
  PENNY, JOS. M., Philadelphia. U.S.N.
  PHELPS, L.M., Erie. 112th Inf.
  PUTLK, LAWHEND, Clearfield. Base Hosp. No. 4.
  REASA, THOMAS, Pottsville. 103d Eng.
  REHR, THOMAS, Pottsville. 103d Eng. Co. C.
  REIFSENDER, RUSSELL, Pottstown. 182d Aero Sq.
  RICK, GEO., Reading. 302 Guard and Fire Co.
  RIGBY, HOWARD, Pittsburgh. O.T.C.
  SAMSEL, HUGH, Stroudsburg. U.S.N.
  SAXE, MICHAEL, Philadelphia. 54th Inf.
  SEMBOWER, GUY, Reading, 114th Ord. Co.
  SHOEFFER, CLINTON, Pottsville. 103d Eng.
  SIMONSON, E.G., Philadelphia. 490 Aero Sq.
  SINGER, ROBERT, Stroudsburg. 109th Inf.
  SMYTH, WILLIAM, Philadelphia. Engrs. Adj. Gen. Dept.
  SPANGEL, LYELL, Williamsport. U.S.N.
  STEVENSON, RICHARD, Chester. Handley Page Training Dept.
  TYLER, GEORGE, Philadelphia, 311th F.A.
  WALSH, JOSEPH, Pittsburgh. 4th Eng.
  WEAR, BYRON, Hazleton. 146th Inf.


  LANDON, ROBERT R., Manila. 111th Corps and 2d Army.


  ANGELL, CARL H., Providence. F.A.C.O.T.S.
  CANTWELL, PERCEY, Providence. 351st P.A.
  ELEONISKEY, JAMES, Main Crompton. Sig. Corps.
  MCKANNAH, F., River Pt. Medical Corps.
  SAN SONEITR, JOS., 4 Claremont Ave., 103d F.A.
  SHARKEY, WALTER, Woonsocket. 151st D.B.
  SHUNNEY, WM. P., Woonsocket. 103d P.A.
  STURGES, RUSH, Providence. Ord.
  THURBER, FRED B., c/o Tilden Thurber Co. U.S.N.
  WEEDER, R.B., Providence. 103d F.A.


  FULTON, ROBERT, Florence. 105th Supply Tr.
  LACHICOTTE, N.S., Florence. U.S.N.R.F.
  REED, CHARLES, Charleston. 365th Inf.
  SMYSER, JOHN, Florence. Med. Corps.


  BUELL, WILLIAM, Rapid City. 335th Inf.
  DENNISON, JOHN, Vermillion. C.M.G.O.T.S.
  DOUD, F.R., Mobridge. 13th Eng.
  JOHNSON, T.R., Sioux Falls. 102d F.A.
  MALONEY, PAUL, Aberdeen. 163d F.A.
  PFEIFFER, JOSEPH, Rapid City. Ord.


  ANDERSON, GLENN, Nashville. C.A.C.
  BERRY, HARRY, Hendersonville. 115th F.A.
  BOLLING, W.E., Nashville. 114th F.A.
  BOWMAN, CHAS., Nashville. 2d Div.
  BROWN, BARTON, Nashville. 114th F.A.
  BUCKNER, ED., Thompson's Station. 114th F.A.
  BUFORD, NED, Nashville. Air Ser.
  CASON, WM., Nashville. 114th F.A.
  CORSON, HERBERT, Nashville. U.S.N.
  GLEASON, JAMES, Knoxville. 114th F.A.
  GRIFFEN, EUGENE, Nashville, 114th F.A.
  HAGER, RICHARD, Nashville, 115th F.A.
  HANDLER, WALTER C., Memphis. 55th P.A. Brig.
  HAYES, JOHN, Memphis. 114th F.A.
  KLEINE, KENNETH E., Memphis. Unassigned.
  LASON, WILLIAM, Nashville, 114th F.A.
  LEA, LUKE, Nashville. 114th F.A.
  MERNT, HENRY, Jacksonville, 115th F.A.
  MILLIGAN, G.C., Chattanooga. 156th Dept. Brig.
  MILLIKEN, Chattanooga. 81st Div.
  NAIVE, W.W., Clarkville. U.S.N.
  OXE, HOWARD, Nashville, 114th F.A.
  PALMER, ED., Nashville. 117th F.A.
  ROBERTSON, JOHN, Lebanon, 115th F.A.
  SHADOW, W.A., Winchester. Air Ser.
  SPENCE, CAREY, Knoxville. 117th Inf.
  WARNING, ROME, Memphis. 33d Div.
  WATSON, LAWRENCE, Columbia. 114th F.A.


  ALLEN, ARCH C., Dallas. 132d F.A.
  BACON, BENJAMIN, Wichita Falls. 360th Inf.
  BEAGLEY, JOHN, La Porte. Inf.
  BEAVENS, C., Houston. 357th Inf.
  BIRKHEAD, CLAUDE, San Antonio, 131st F.A.
  BOON, S.P., Brady, 111th Sup. Train.
  BRADLEY, ROLLAND, Houston. 132d F.A.
  CARREL, ALFRED, Austin. Air Ser.
  COHN, E.M., Dallas. U.S.M.C.
  FOY, HUGH, Dallas. Army Tran. Service.
  GAINES, J.P., Bay City. 26th Inf.
  GRUBBS, ROSCOE, Paris, 5th M.G. Bn.
  HOOVER, JOHN, Houston. 143d Inf.
  JACKSON, W.E., Hillboro. 141st Inf.
  JOHNSON, W.W., Galveston. U.S.N.
  KING, JOHN L., Ft. Worth, 111th Am. Train.
  LINDSLEY, HENRY, Dallas. Gen. Staff.
  NICHOLSON, LE ROY, Ballinger. U.S.N.
  SMITH, C., Galveston. Inf.
  TIPS, CHAS., Three Rivers, 90th Div. Inf.
  VAMESON, ROU A., Marlin. 143d Inf.
  YOUNG, JOHN, Austin. C.A.C.


  DOUGLAS, ROYAL, Ogden. 81st Inf.
  JURGENSEN, FRED, Salt Lake City. Gen.
  KUNDSON, J.C., Brigham City. 326th Inf.
  MCCARTY, RAY, Salt Lake City. U.S.N.
  MEEHAN, LEO, Salt Lake City. U.S.N.F.C.
  PARSONS, C., Salt Lake City. Sant. Corps.
  RHIVERS, DONALD, Ogden. 18th Eng.
  ROBERTSON, BALDWIN, Salt Lake City. 362d Inf.
  SEELY, L.J., Mt. Pleasant. 814th Aero Sq.
  SMOOT, H.R., Salt Lake City. P.S.&T.
  WOOLEY, JAS., Salt Lake City. U.S.M.C.


  FOUNTAIN, JOSEPH HARRY, Burlington. 101st Am. Tr.
  NASON, LEONARD, Norwich University. 76th F.A.
  VARNUM, GUY, Barre. Ordnance.


  COCKE, FRANCIS, Roanoke. 217th Aero Sq.
  ISAID, JAMES, Roanoke. 117th T.H. & M.P.
  NEI, D.D., Norfolk. U.S.N.R.F.
  PALLARD, C., Richmond. 30th Eng.
  POOL, GEORGE, Norfolk, 111th F.A.
  STUART, WM. A., Big Stone Gap. 44th Art. Brig.
  THOMPSON, JOHN, Petersburg. 248th Aero Sq.
  TROTTER, WM., Petersburg. U.S.N.R.F.
  WALLACE, R.R., Hampton. 11th F.A.
  WICKER, JOHN, Richmond. 499th Aero Sq.


  FEIN, FRED, 1131 Pleasant St. U.S.N.R.F.
  GORDON, R.S., Spokane. 54th F.A.
  JOHNSON, ALBERT, Aberdeen. M.S.
  MCDONALD, C.B. Camp Lewis, Signal Corps.
  MOSS, HARVEY, Seattle. I.G.D.
  REDINGER, FRED, Aberdeen. U.S.N.R.F.
  SAPP, C.S., Seattle. Ord.
  SIMENTON, RUSS, Seattle. U.S.N.R.F.
  SULLIVAN, JOHN, Seattle. M.I.B.
  THOMPSON, L.L., Olympia. U.S.N.R.F.


  ALDERSON, FLEMING, Charleston. A.G.O.
  ARNOLD, JACKSON, Weston. 150th Inf.
  BOND, JOHN, 317 Michigan Ave. Gen. Staff 38th Div.
  CROCKETT, JOSEPH, Welch. 315th F.A.
  DAVIS, RICHARD, Morgantown. A.S.A.
  FERGUSON, G.E., Charleston. 365th Inf.
  GODFREY, M.V., Charleston. Med. Corps.
  JACKSON, JOSEPH, Charleston. 365th Inf.
  JONES, CLARENCE, Hinton. 8th Inf.
  MCCAMIC, CHARLES, Wheeling. Ordn.
  REASS, JOS. H., Wheeling. Q.M.C.
  SHAW, HOUSTON GEO., Wheeling. R.I.C.
  SIMMONS, W.J., Hinton. 40th Inf.


  ACKLEY, JAMES, 417 Marston Ave., 168th Inf.
  BELLIS, NEWMAN, Wausau. 18th Inf.
  CHYBOWSKI, M.A., Milwaukee. M.O.T.C.
  CLARKE, ROBERT H., La Crosse. Development Bn.
  CLOW, WM. K., Milwaukee. U.S.N.
  CROSBY, H.S., Rhinelander.
  CUNNINGHAM, ROB., Janesville. Chemical Warfare.
  DAVIS, JOHN, Milwaukee. Train. Cp.
  DIETERIEN, W.H., Milwaukee. 120th F.A.
  DUTSCHER, GEO., Milwaukee. F.A.C.O.T.S.
  FERRIS, JOHN, Milwaukee. Gen. Staff.
  FOSTER, CARLTON, Oshkosh. 20th Eng.
  LACHENMAIER, FRED, 312 Caswel Blk., 100th Div.
  LEE, WILBUR, Oconto. 127th Inf.
  LYSTUD, ANDY, N. Hudson. 330th Mach. Gun.
  MERKEL, GEO., Appleton. 127th Inf.
  OWENS, ELMER, Milwaukee, 121st F.A.
  PFEIL, JAMES, Milwaukee. 340th Inf.
  PRANGE, HERBERT, Baraboo. 128th Inf.
  SALSMAN, JOHN, Madison. 32d Div.
  SMITH, B.L., Neenah. 18th Inf.
  STRAMPE, GEORGE, Janesville.
  SZULTEK, JOHN, Milwaukee. 121st F.A.
  WITTERSTAFFER, WALTER, Milwaukee. 340th Inf.
  WOODWORTH, LEIGH, Janesville.


  DINNEEN, M.A., Cheyenne. 116th Amm. Tr.
  GREGG, BEN, Worland. 49th Reg.
  JUNE, C.M., Cheyenne. 13th Div.
  MCCARTHY, D.C.M. Casper. U.S.N.
  MILLER, L.A., Cheyenne. U.S.M.C.
  POWERS, RALPH, Tarrington. 40th Inf.
  SHORTELL, WILLIAM, Buffalo. 116th Am. Tr.
  SWENSON, NELSY, Douglas, 1st Inf.






  H.W. HILLYER, 1215 Nat. Bank, Conwell Bldg., St. Louis, Co. B,
    49 Mo. G.B.
  T.R. SMITH, 2848 Lyon St., St. Louis, 11th Co. A., S.D., Garden City
  J.A. BERNARD, 706 Pearce Bldg., St. Louis. 45 U.S. Inf.

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by George Seay Wheat


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