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The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Travels of Marco Polo Volume 1
by Marco Polo and Rustichello of Pisa
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Title: The Travels of Marco Polo Volume 1
Author: Marco Polo and Rustichello of Pisa
Release Date: January 8, 2004 [EBook #10636]
Language: English
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*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE TRAVELS OF MARCO POLO VOLUME 1 ***
Produced by Charles Franks, Robert Connal, John Williams and PG
Distributed Proofreaders
THE TRAVELS OF MARCO POLO
THE COMPLETE YULE-CORDIER EDITION
[Illustration: H. Yule]
Including the unabridged third edition (1903) of Henry Yule's annotated
translation, as revised by Henri Cordier; together with Cordier's later
volume of notes and addenda (1920)
IN TWO VOLUMES
VOLUME I
_Containing the first volume of the 1903 edition_
DEDICATION.
TO THE MEMORY OF
SIR RODERICK I. MURCHISON, BART., K.C.B., G.C.ST.A., G.C.ST.S.,
ETC.
THE PERFECT FRIEND
WHO FIRST BROUGHT HENRY YULE AND JOHN MURRAY TOGETHER
(HE ENTERED INTO REST, OCTOBER 22ND, 1871,)
AND TO THAT OF HIS MUCH LOVED NIECE,
HARRIET ISABELLA MURCHISON,
WIFE OF KENNETH ROBERT MURCHISON, D.L., J.P.,
(SHE ENTERED INTO REST, AUGUST 9TH, 1902,)
UNDER WHOSE EVER HOSPITABLE ROOF MANY OF THE PROOF
SHEETS OF THIS EDITION WERE READ BY ME,
I DEDICATE THESE VOLUMES FROM
THE OLD MURCHISON HOME,
IN THANKFUL REMEMBRANCE OF ALL I OWE TO
THE ABIDING AFFECTION, SYMPATHY, AND EXAMPLE OF BOTH.
TARADALE, AMY FRANCES YULE.
ROSS-SHIRE, SEPTEMBER 11TH, 1902.
SCOTLAND.
* * * *
Ed e da noi si strano,
Che quando ne ragiono
I' non trovo nessuno,
Che l'abbia navicato,
* * * *
Le parti del Levante,
La dove sono tante
Gemme di gran valute
E di molta salute:
E sono in quello giro
Balsamo, e ambra, e tiro,
E lo pepe, e lo legno
Aloe, ch' e si degno,
E spigo, e cardamomo,
Giengiovo, e cennamomo;
E altre molte spezie,
Ciascuna in sua spezie,
E migliore, e piu fina,
E sana in medicina.
Appresso in questo loco
Mise in assetto loco
Li tigri, e li grifoni,
Leofanti, e leoni
Cammelli, e dragomene,
Badalischi, e gene,
E pantere, e castoro,
Le formiche dell' oro,
E tanti altri animali,
Ch' io non so ben dir quail,
Che son si divisati,
E si dissomigliati
Di corpo e di fazione,
Di si fera ragione,
E di si strana taglia,
Ch'io non credo san faglia,
Ch' alcun uomo vivente
Potesse veramente
Per lingua, o per scritture
Recitar le figure
Delle bestie, e gli uccelli....
--From _Il Tesoretto di Ser Brunetto Latini_ (circa MDCCLX.).
(_Florence_, 1824, pp. 83 seqq.)
[Illustration]
[Greek:
Andra moi hennepe, Mousa, polytropon, hos mala polla
Plagchthae . . . . . . .
Pollon d' anthropon iden astea kai noon egno].
_Odyssey_, I.
--"I AM BECOME A NAME;
FOR ALWAYS ROAMING WITH A HUNGRY HEART
MUCH HAVE I SEEN AND KNOWN; CITIES OF MEN,
AND MANNERS, CLIMATES, COUNCILS, GOVERNMENTS,
MYSELF NOT LEAST, BUT HONOURED OF THEM ALL."
TENNYSON.
"A SEDER CI PONEMMO IVI AMBODUI
VOLTI A LEVANTE, OND' ERAVAM SALITI;
CHE SUOLE A RIGUARDAR GIOVARE ALTRUI."
DANTE, _Purgatory_, IV.
[Illustration: Messer Marco Polo, with Messer Nicolo and Messer Maffeo,
returned from xxvi years' sojourn in the Orient, is denied entrance to the
Ca' Polo. (See _Int._ p. 4)]
CONTENTS OF VOL. I.
DEDICATION
NOTE BY MISS YULE
PREFACE TO THIRD EDITION
PREFACE TO SECOND EDITION
ORIGINAL PREFACE
ORIGINAL DEDICATION
MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY YULE BY AMY FRANCES YULE, L.A.SOC. ANT. SCOT.
A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF SIR HENRY YULE'S WRITINGS
SYNOPSIS OF CONTENTS
EXPLANATORY LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS TO VOL. I.
INTRODUCTORY NOTICES
THE BOOK OF MARCO POLO.
NOTE BY MISS YULE
I desire to take this opportunity of recording my grateful sense of the
unsparing labour, learning, and devotion, with which my father's valued
friend, Professor Henri Cordier, has performed the difficult and delicate
task which I entrusted to his loyal friendship.
Apart from Professor Cordier's very special qualifications for the work,
I feel sure that no other Editor could have been more entirely acceptable
to my father. I can give him no higher praise than to say that he has
laboured in Yule's own spirit.
The slight Memoir which I have contributed (for which I accept all
responsibility), attempts no more than a rough sketch of my father's
character and career, but it will, I hope, serve to recall pleasantly his
remarkable individuality to the few remaining who knew him in his prime,
whilst it may also afford some idea of the man, and his work and
environment, to those who had not that advantage.
No one can be more conscious than myself of its many shortcomings, which I
will not attempt to excuse. I can, however, honestly say that these have
not been due to negligence, but are rather the blemishes almost inseparable
from the fulfilment under the gloom of bereavement and amidst the pressure
of other duties, of a task undertaken in more favourable circumstances.
Nevertheless, in spite of all defects, I believe this sketch to be such
a record as my father would himself have approved, and I know also that he
would have chosen my hand to write it.
In conclusion, I may note that the first edition of this work was
dedicated to that very noble lady, the Queen (then Crown Princess)
Margherita of Italy. In the second edition the Dedication was reproduced
within brackets (as also the original preface), but not renewed. That
precedent is again followed.
I have, therefore, felt at liberty to associate the present edition of my
father's work with the Name MURCHISON, which for more than a generation
was the name most generally representative of British Science in Foreign
Lands, as of Foreign Science in Britain.
A. F. YULE.
PREFACE TO THIRD EDITION
Little did I think, some thirty years ago, when I received a copy of the
first edition of this grand work, that I should be one day entrusted with
the difficult but glorious task of supervising the third edition. When the
first edition of the _Book of Ser Marco Polo_ reached "Far Cathay," it
created quite a stir in the small circle of the learned foreigners, who
then resided there, and became a starting-point for many researches, of
which the results have been made use of partly in the second edition, and
partly in the present. The Archimandrite PALLADIUS and Dr. E.
BRETSCHNEIDER, at Peking, ALEX. WYLIE, at Shang-hai--friends of mine who
have, alas! passed away, with the exception of the Right Rev. Bishop G. E.
MOULE, of Hang-chau, the only survivor of this little group of
hard-working scholars,--were the first to explore the Chinese sources of
information which were to yield a rich harvest into their hands.
When I returned home from China in 1876, I was introduced to Colonel HENRY
YULE, at the India Office, by our common friend, Dr. REINHOLD ROST, and
from that time we met frequently and kept up a correspondence which
terminated only with the life of the great geographer, whose friend I had
become. A new edition of the travels of Friar Odoric of Pordenone, our
"mutual friend," in which Yule had taken the greatest interest, was
dedicated by me to his memory. I knew that Yule contemplated a third
edition of his _Marco Polo_, and all will regret that time was not allowed
to him to complete this labour of love, to see it published. If the duty
of bringing out the new edition of _Marco Polo_ has fallen on one who
considers himself but an unworthy successor of the first illustrious
commentator, it is fair to add that the work could not have been entrusted
to a more respectful disciple. Many of our tastes were similar; we had the
same desire to seek the truth, the same earnest wish to be exact, perhaps
the same sense of humour, and, what is necessary when writing on Marco
Polo, certainly the same love for Venice and its history. Not only am I,
with the late CHARLES SCHEFER, the founder and the editor of the _Recueil
de Voyages et de Documents pour servir a l'Histoire de la Geographie
depuis le XIII'e jusqu'a la fin du XVI'e siecle_, but I am also the
successor, at the Ecole des langues Orientales Vivantes, of G. PAUTHIER,
whose book on the Venetian Traveller is still valuable, so the mantle of
the last two editors fell upon my shoulders.
I therefore, gladly and thankfully, accepted Miss AMY FRANCIS YULE'S kind
proposal to undertake the editorship of the third edition of the _Book of
Ser Marco Polo_, and I wish to express here my gratitude to her for the
great honour she has thus done me.[1]
Unfortunately for his successor, Sir Henry Yule, evidently trusting to his
own good memory, left but few notes. These are contained in an interleaved
copy obligingly placed at my disposal by Miss Yule, but I luckily found
assistance from various other quarters. The following works have proved of
the greatest assistance to me:--The articles of General HOUTUM-SCHINDLER
in the _Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society_, and the excellent books of
Lord CURZON and of Major P. MOLESWORTH SYKES on Persia, M. GRENARD'S
account of DUTREUIL DE RHINS' Mission to Central Asia, BRETSCHNEIDER'S and
PALLADIUS' remarkable papers on Mediaeval Travellers and Geography, and
above all, the valuable books of the Hon. W. W. ROCKHILL on Tibet and
Rubruck, to which the distinguished diplomatist, traveller, and scholar
kindly added a list of notes of the greatest importance to me, for which I
offer him my hearty thanks.
My thanks are also due to H.H. Prince ROLAND BONAPARTE, who kindly gave me
permission to reproduce some of the plates of his _Recueil de Documents de
l'Epoque Mongole_, to M. LEOPOLD DELISLE, the learned Principal Librarian
of the Bibliotheque Nationale, who gave me the opportunity to study the
inventory made after the death of the Doge Marino Faliero, to the Count de
SEMALLE, formerly French Charge d'Affaires at Peking, who gave me for
reproduction a number of photographs from his valuable personal
collection, and last, not least, my old friend Comm. NICOLO BAROZZI, who
continued to lend me the assistance which he had formerly rendered to Sir
Henry Yule at Venice.
Since the last edition was published, more than twenty-five years ago,
Persia has been more thoroughly studied; new routes have been explored in
Central Asia, Karakorum has been fully described, and Western and
South-Western China have been opened up to our knowledge in many
directions. The results of these investigations form the main features of
this new edition of _Marco Polo_. I have suppressed hardly any of Sir Henry
Yule's notes and altered but few, doing so only when the light of recent
information has proved him to be in error, but I have supplemented them by
what, I hope, will be found useful, new information.[2]
Before I take leave of the kind reader, I wish to thank sincerely Mr. JOHN
MURRAY for the courtesy and the care he has displayed while this edition
was going through the press.
HENRI CORDIER.
PARIS, _1st of October, 1902_.
[1] Miss Yule has written the Memoir of her father and the new Dedication.
[2] Paragraphs which have been altered are marked thus +; my own additions
are placed between brackets [ ].--H. C.
[Illustration:
"Now strike your Sailes yee jolly Mariners,
For we be come into a quiet Rode"....
--THE FAERIE QUEENE, I. xii. 42.]
PREFACE TO SECOND EDITION.
The unexpected amount of favour bestowed on the former edition of this
Work has been a great encouragement to the Editor in preparing this second
one.
Not a few of the kind friends and correspondents who lent their aid before
have continued it to the present revision. The contributions of Mr. A.
WYLIE of Shang-hai, whether as regards the amount of labour which they
must have cost him, or the value of the result, demand above all others a
grateful record here. Nor can I omit to name again with hearty
acknowledgment Signor Comm. G. BERCHET of Venice, the Rev. Dr. CALDWELL,
Colonel (now Major-General) R. MACLAGAN, R.E., Mr. D. HANBURY, F.R.S., Mr.
EDWARD THOMAS, F.R.S. (Corresponding Member of the Institute), and Mr. R.
H. MAJOR.
But besides these old names, not a few new ones claim my thanks.
The Baron F. VON RICHTHOFEN, now President of the Geographical Society of
Berlin, a traveller who not only has trodden many hundreds of miles in the
footsteps of our Marco, but has perhaps travelled over more of the
Interior of China than Marco ever did, and who carried to that survey high
scientific accomplishments of which the Venetian had not even a
rudimentary conception, has spontaneously opened his bountiful stores of
new knowledge in my behalf. Mr. NEY ELIAS, who in 1872 traversed and
mapped a line of upwards of 2000 miles through the almost unknown tracts
of Western Mongolia, from the Gate in the Great Wall at Kalghan to the
Russian frontier in the Altai, has done likewise.[1] To the Rev. G. MOULE,
of the Church Mission at Hang-chau, I owe a mass of interesting matter
regarding that once great and splendid city, the KINSAY of our Traveller,
which has enabled me, I trust, to effect great improvement both in the
Notes and in the Map, which illustrate that subject. And to the Rev.
CARSTAIRS DOUGLAS, LL.D., of the English Presbyterian Mission at Amoy, I
am scarcely less indebted. The learned Professor BRUUN, of Odessa, whom I
never have seen, and have little likelihood of ever seeing in this world,
has aided me with zeal and cordiality like that of old friendship. To Mr.
ARTHUR BURNELL, Ph.D., of the Madras Civil Service, I am grateful for many
valuable notes bearing on these and other geographical studies, and
particularly for his generous communication of the drawing and photograph
of the ancient Cross at St. Thomas's Mount, long before any publication of
that subject was made on his own account. My brother officer, Major OLIVER
ST. JOHN, R.E., has favoured me with a variety of interesting remarks
regarding the Persian chapters, and has assisted me with new data, very
materially correcting the Itinerary Map in Kerman.
Mr. BLOCHMANN of the Calcutta Madrasa, Sir DOUGLAS FORSYTH, C.B., lately
Envoy to Kashgar, M. de MAS LATRIE, the Historian of Cyprus, Mr. ARTHUR
GROTE, Mr. EUGENE SCHUYLER of the U.S. Legation at St. Petersburg, Dr.
BUSHELL and Mr. W.F. MAYERS, of H.M.'s Legation at Peking, Mr. G. PHILLIPS
of Fuchau, Madame OLGA FEDTCHENKO, the widow of a great traveller too
early lost to the world, Colonel KEATINGE, V.C., C.S.I., Major-General
KEYES, C.B., Dr. GEORGE BIRDWOOD, Mr. BURGESS, of Bombay, my old and
valued friend Colonel W. H. GREATHED, C.B., and the Master of Mediaeval
Geography, M. D'AVEZAC himself, with others besides, have kindly lent
assistance of one kind or another, several of them spontaneously, and the
rest in prompt answer to my requests.
Having always attached much importance to the matter of illustrations,[2]
I feel greatly indebted to the liberal action of Mr. Murray in enabling me
largely to increase their number in this edition. Though many are
original, we have also borrowed a good many;[3] a proceeding which seems
to me entirely unobjectionable when the engravings are truly illustrative
of the text, and not hackneyed.
I regret the augmented bulk of the volumes. There has been some excision,
but the additions visibly and palpably preponderate. The truth is that
since the completion of the first edition, just four years ago, large
additions have been made to the stock of our knowledge bearing on the
subjects of this Book; and how these additions have continued to come in
up to the last moment, may be seen in Appendix L,[4] which has had to
undergo repeated interpolation after being put in type. KARAKORUM, for a
brief space the seat of the widest empire the world has known, has been
visited; the ruins of SHANG-TU, the "Xanadu of Cublay Khan," have been
explored; PAMIR and TANGUT have been penetrated from side to side; the
famous mountain Road of SHEN-SI has been traversed and described; the
mysterious CAINDU has been unveiled; the publication of my lamented friend
Lieutenant Garnier's great work on the French Exploration of Indo-China
has provided a mass of illustration of that YUN-NAN for which but the
other day Marco Polo was well-nigh the most recent authority. Nay, the
last two years have thrown a promise of light even on what seemed the
wildest of Marco's stories, and the bones of a veritable RUC from New
Zealand lie on the table of Professor Owen's Cabinet!
M. VIVIEN de St. MARTIN, during the interval of which we have been
speaking, has published a History of Geography. In treating of Marco Polo,
he alludes to the first edition of this work, most evidently with no
intention of disparagement, but speaks of it as merely a revision of
Marsden's Book. The last thing I should allow myself to do would be to
apply to a Geographer, whose works I hold in so much esteem, the
disrespectful definition which the adage quoted in my former Preface[5]
gives of the _vir qui docet quod non sapit_; but I feel bound to say that
on this occasion M. Vivien de St. Martin has permitted himself to
pronounce on a matter with which he had not made himself acquainted; for
the perusal of the very first lines of the Preface (I will say nothing of
the Book) would have shown him that such a notion was utterly unfounded.
In concluding these "forewords" I am probably taking leave of Marco
Polo,[6] the companion of many pleasant and some laborious hours, whilst I
have been contemplating with him ("_volti a levante_") that Orient in
which I also had spent years not a few.
* * * * *
And as the writer lingered over this conclusion, his thoughts wandered
back in reverie to those many venerable libraries in which he had formerly
made search for mediaeval copies of the Traveller's story; and it seemed
to him as if he sate in a recess of one of these with a manuscript before
him which had never till then been examined with any care, and which he
found with delight to contain passages that appear in no version of the
Book hitherto known. It was written in clear Gothic text, and in the Old
French tongue of the early 14th century. Was it possible that he had
lighted on the long-lost original of Ramusio's Version? No; it proved to
be different. Instead of the tedious story of the northern wars, which
occupies much of our Fourth Book, there were passages occurring in the
later history of Ser Marco, some years after his release from the Genoese
captivity. They appeared to contain strange anachronisms certainly; but we
have often had occasion to remark on puzzles in the chronology of Marco's
story![7] And in some respects they tended to justify our intimated
suspicion that he was a man of deeper feelings and wider sympathies than
the book of Rusticiano had allowed to appear.[8] Perhaps this time the
Traveller had found an amanuensis whose faculties had not been stiffened
by fifteen years of Malapaga?[9] One of the most important passages ran
thus:--
"Bien est voirs que, apres ce que _Messires Marc Pol_ avoit pris fame et
si estoit demoure plusours ans de sa vie a _Venysse_, il avint que
mourut _Messires Mafes_ qui oncles _Monseignour Marc_ estoit: (et mourut
ausi ses granz chiens mastins qu'avoit amenei dou Catai,[10] et qui
avoit non _Bayan_ pour l'amour au bon chievetain _Bayan Cent-iex_);
adonc n'avoit oncques puis _Messires Marc_ nullui, fors son esclave
_Piere le Tartar_, avecques lequel pouvoit penre soulas a s'entretenir
de ses voiages et des choses dou Levant. Car la gent de _Venysse_ si
avoit de grant piesce moult anuy pris des loncs contes _Monseignour
Marc_; et quand ledit _Messires Marc_ issoit de l'uys sa meson ou Sain
Grisostome, souloient li petit marmot es voies dariere-li courir en
cryant _Messer Marco Milion! cont' a nu un busion!_ que veult dire en
Francois 'Messires Marcs des millions di-nous un de vos gros mensonges.'
En oultre, la Dame _Donate_ fame anuyouse estoit, et de trop estroit
esprit, et plainne de couvoitise.[11] Ansi avint que _Messires Marc_
desiroit es voiages rantrer durement.
"Si se partist de _Venisse_ et chevaucha aux parties d'occident. Et
demoura mainz jours es contrees de _Provence_ et de _France_ et puys
fist passaige aux Ysles de la tremontaingne et s'en retourna par _la
Magne_, si comme vous orrez cy-apres. Et fist-il escripre son voiage
atout les devisements les contrees; mes de la France n'y parloit mie
grantment pour ce que maintes genz la scevent apertement. Et pour ce en
lairons atant, et commencerons d'autres choses, assavoir, de BRETAINGNE
LA GRANT."
_Cy devyse dou roiaume de Bretaingne la grant._
"Et sachies que quand l'en se part de _Cales_, et l'en nage XX ou XXX
milles a trop grant mesaise, si treuve l'en une grandisme Ysle qui
s'apelle _Bretaingne la Grant_. Elle est a une grant royne et n'en fait
treuage a nulluy. Et ensevelissent lor mors, et ont monnoye de chartres
et d'or et d'argent, et ardent pierres noyres, et vivent de marchandises
et d'ars, et ont toutes choses de vivre en grant habondance mais non pas
a bon marchie. Et c'est une Ysle de trop grant richesce, et li marinier
de celle partie dient que c'est li plus riches royaumes qui soit ou
monde, et qu'il y a li mieudre marinier dou monde et li mieudre coursier
et li mieudre chevalier (ains ne chevauchent mais lonc com Francois).
Ausi ont-il trop bons homes d'armes et vaillans durement (bien que maint
n'y ait), et les dames et damoseles bonnes et loialles, et belles com
lys souef florant. Et quoi vous en diroie-je? Il y a citez et chasteau
assez, et tant de marcheanz et si riches qui font venir tant d'avoir-de-
poiz et de toute espece de marchandise qu'il n'est hons qui la verite en
sceust dire. Font venir _d'Ynde_ et d'autres parties coton a grant
plante, et font venir soye de _Manzi_ et de _Bangala_, et font venir
laine des ysles de la Mer Occeane et de toutes parties. Et si labourent
maintz bouquerans et touailles et autres draps de coton et de laine et
de soye. Encores sachies que ont vaines d'acier assez, et si en
labourent trop soubtivement de tous hernois de chevalier, et de toutes
choses besoignables a ost; ce sont espees et glaive et esperon et heaume
et haches, et toute espece d arteillerie et de coutelerie, et en font
grant gaaigne et grant marchandise. Et en font si grant habondance que
tout li mondes en y puet avoir et a bon marchie".
_Encores cy devise dou dyt roiaume, et de ce qu'en dist Messires
Marcs._
"Et sachies que tient icelle Royne la seigneurie de _l'Ynde majeure_ et
de _Mutfili_ et de _Bangala_, et d'une moitie de _Mien_. Et moult est
saige et noble dame et pourveans, si que est elle amee de chascun. Et
avoit jadis mari; et depuys qu'il mourut bien _XIV_ ans avoit; adonc la
royne sa fame l'ama tant que oncques puis ne se voult marier a nullui,
pour l'amour le prince son baron, ancois moult maine quoye vie. Et tient
son royaume ausi bien ou miex que oncques le tindrent li roy si aioul.
Mes ores en ce royaume li roy n'ont guieres pooir, ains la poissance
commence a trespasser a la menue gent Et distrent aucun marinier de
celes parties a _Monseignour Marc_ que hui-et-le jour li royaumes soit
auques abastardi come je vous diroy. Car bien est voirs que ci-arrieres
estoit ciz pueple de _Bretaingne la Grant_ bonne et granz et loialle
gent qui servoit Diex moult volontiers selonc lor usaige; et tuit li
labour qu'il labouroient et portoient a vendre estoient honnestement
laboure, et dou greigneur vaillance, et chose pardurable; et se
vendoient a jouste pris sanz barguignier. En tant que se aucuns labours
portoit l'estanpille _Bretaingne la Grant_ c'estoit regardei com pleges
de bonne estoffe. Mes orendroit li labours n'est mie tousjourz si bons;
et quand l'en achate pour un quintal pesant de toiles de coton, adonc,
par trop souvent, si treuve l'en de chascun C pois de coton, bien XXX ou
XL pois de plastre de gifs, ou de blanc d'Espaigne, ou de choses
semblables. Et se l'en achate de cammeloz ou de tireteinne ou d'autre
dras de laine, cist ne durent mie, ains sont plain d'empoise, ou de glu
et de balieures.
"Et bien qu'il est voirs que chascuns hons egalement doit de son cors
servir son seigneur ou sa commune, pour aler en ost en tens de
besoingne; et bien que trestuit li autre royaume d'occident tieingnent
ce pour ordenance, ciz pueple de _Bretaingne la Grant_ n'en veult
nullement, ains si dient: 'Veez-la: n'avons nous pas la _Manche_ pour
fosse de nostre pourpris, et pourquoy nous penerons-nous pour nous faire
homes d'armes, en lessiant nos gaaignes et nos soulaz? Cela lairons aus
soudaiers.' Or li preudhome entre eulx moult scevent bien com tiex
paroles sont nyaises; mes si ont paour de lour en dire la verite pour ce
que cuident desplaire as bourjois et a la menue gent.
"Or je vous di sanz faille que, quand _Messires Marcs Pols_ sceust ces
choses, moult en ot pitie de cestui pueple, et il li vint a remembrance
ce que avenu estoit, ou tens _Monseignour Nicolas_ et _Monseignour
Mafe_, a l'ore quand _Alau_, frere charnel dou Grant Sire _Cublay_, ala
en ost seur _Baudas_, et print le _Calife_ et sa maistre cite, atout son
vaste tresor d'or et d'argent, et l'amere parolle que dist ledit Alau au
Calife, com l'a escripte li Maistres Rusticiens ou chief de cestui
livre.[12]
"Car sachies tout voirement que _Messires Marc_ moult se deleitoit a
faire appert combien sont pareilles au font les condicions des diverses
regions dou monde, et soloit-il clorre son discours si disant en son
language de _Venisse: 'Sto mondo xe fato tondo_, com uzoit dire mes
oncles Mafes.'
"Ore vous lairons a conter de ceste matiere et retournerons a parler de
la Loy des genz de _Bretaingne la Grant_.
_Cy devise des diverses creances de la gent Bretaingne la Grant et de
ce qu'en cuidoit Messires Marcs._
"Il est voirs que li pueples est Crestiens, mes non pour le plus selonc
la foy de l'Apostoille Rommain, ains tiennent le en mautalent assez.
Seulement il y en a aucun qui sont feoil du dit Apostoille et encore
plus forment que li nostre prudhome de _Venisse_. Car quand dit li
Papes: 'Telle ou telle chose est noyre,' toute ladite gent si en jure:
'Noyre est com poivre.' Et puis se dira li Papes de la dite chose: 'Elle
est blanche,' si en jurera toute ladite gent: 'Il est voirs qu'elle est
blanche; blanche est com noifs.' Et dist _Messires Marc Pol_: 'Nous
n'avons nullement tant de foy a _Venyse_, ne li prudhome de _Florence_
non plus, com l'en puet savoir bien apertement dou livre Monseignour
_Dantes Aldiguiere_, que j'ay congneu a _Padoe_ le meisme an que
Messires _Thibault de Cepoy_ a _Venisse_ estoit.[13] Mes c'est
joustement ce que j'ay veu autre foiz pres le Grant _Bacsi_ qui est com
li Papes des Ydres.'
"Encore y a une autre maniere de gent; ce sont de celz qui s'appellent
filsoufes;[14] et si il disent: 'S'il y a Diex n'en scavons nul, mes il
est voirs qu'il est une certeinne courance des choses laquex court
devers le bien.' Et fist _Messires Marcs_: 'Encore la creance des
_Bacsi_ qui dysent que n'y a ne Diex Eternel ne Juge des homes, ains il
est une certeinne chose laquex s'apelle _Kerma_.'[15]
"Une autre foiz avint que disoit un des filsoufes a _Monseignour Marc_:
'Diex n'existe mie jeusqu'ores, aincois il se fait desorendroit.' Et
fist encore _Messires Marcs_: 'Veez-la, une autre foiz la creance des
ydres, car dient que li seuz Diex est icil hons qui par force de ses
vertuz et de son savoir tant pourchace que d'home il se face Diex
presentement. Et li Tartar l'appelent _Borcan_. Tiex Diex _Sagamoni
Borcan_ estoit, dou quel parle li livres Maistre _Rusticien_.'[16]
"Encore ont une autre maniere de filsoufes, et dient-il: 'Il n'est mie
ne Diex ne _Kerma_ ne courance vers le bien, ne Providence, ne Creerres,
ne Sauvours, ne saintete ne pechies ne conscience de pechie, ne proyere
ne response a proyere, il n'est nulle riens fors que trop minime grain
ou paillettes qui ont a nom _atosmes_, et de tiex grains devient chose
qui vive, et chose qui vive devient une certeinne creature qui demoure
au rivaige de la Mer: et ceste creature devient poissons, et poissons
devient lezars, et lezars devient blayriaus, et blayriaus devient
gat-maimons, et gat-maimons devient hons sauvaiges qui menjue char
d'homes, et hons sauvaiges devient hons crestien.'
"Et dist _Messires Marc_: 'Encore une foiz, biaus sires, li _Bacsi_ de
_Tebet_ et de _Kescemir_ et li prestre de _Seilan_, qui si dient que
l'arme vivant doie trespasser par tous cez changes de vestemens; si com
se treuve escript ou livre _Maistre Rusticien_ que _Sagamoni Borcan_
mourut iiij vint et iiij foiz et tousjourz resuscita, et a chascune foiz
d'une diverse maniere de beste, et a la derreniere foyz mourut hons et
devint diex, selonc ce qu'il dient.'[17] Et fist encore _Messires Marc_:
'A moy pert-il trop estrange chose se juesques a toutes les creances des
ydolastres deust decheoir ceste grantz et saige nation. Ainsi peuent
jouer Misire li filsoufe atout lour propre perte, mes a l'ore quand tiex
fantaisies se respanderont es joenes bacheliers et parmy la menue gent,
celz averont pour toute Loy _manducemus et bibamus, cras enim moriemur_;
et trop isnellement l'en raccomencera la descente de l'eschiele, et
d'home crestien deviendra hons sauvaiges, et d'home sauvaige gat-
maimons, et de gat-maimon blayriaus.' Et fist encores _Messires Marc_:
'Maintes contrees et provinces et ysles et citez je _Marc Pol_ ay veues
et de maintes genz de maintes manieres ay les condicionz congneues, et
je croy bien que il est plus assez dedens l'univers que ce que li nostre
prestre n'y songent. Et puet bien estre, biaus sires, que li mondes n'a
estes crees a tous poinz com nous creiens, ains d'une sorte encore plus
merveillouse. Mes cil n'amenuise nullement nostre pensee de Diex et de
sa majeste, ains la fait greingnour. Et contree n'ay veue ou Dame Diex
ne manifeste apertement les granz euvres de sa tout-poissante saigesse;
gent n'ay congneue esquiex ne se fait sentir li fardels de pechie, et la
besoingne de Phisicien des maladies de l'arme tiex com est nostre
Seignours Ihesus Crist, Beni soyt son Non. Pensez doncques a cel qu'a
dit uns de ses Apostres: _Nolite esse prudentes apud vosmet ipsos_; et
uns autres: _Quoniam multi pseudo-prophetae exierint_; et uns autres:
_Quod benient in nobissimis diebus illusores ... dicentes, Ubi est
promissio?_ et encores aus parolles que dist li Signours meismes: _Vide
ergo ne lumen quod in te est tenebrae sint_.
_Commant Messires Marcs se partist de l'ysle de Bretaingne et de la
proyere que fist_.
"Et pourquoy vous en feroie-je lonc conte? Si print nef _Messires Marcs_
et se partist en nageant vers la terre ferme. Or _Messires Marc Pol_
moult ama cel roiaume de _Bretaingne la grant_ pour son viex renon et
s'ancienne franchise, et pour sa saige et bonne Royne (que Diex gart),
et pour les mainz homes de vaillance et bons chaceours et les maintes
bonnes et honnestes dames qui y estoient. Et sachies tout voirement que
en estant delez le bort la nef, et en esgardant aus roches blanches que
l'en par dariere-li lessoit, _Messires Marc_ prieoit Diex, et disoit-il:
'Ha Sires Diex ay merci de cestuy vieix et noble royaume; fay-en
pardurable forteresse de liberte et de joustice, et garde-le de tout
meschief de dedens et de dehors; donne a sa gent droit esprit pour ne
pas Diex guerroyer de ses dons, ne de richesce ne de savoir; et
conforte-les fermement en ta foy'...."
A loud _Amen_ seemed to peal from without, and the awakened reader started
to his feet. And lo! it was the thunder of the winter-storm crashing among
the many-tinted crags of Monte Pellegrino,--with the wind raging as it
knows how to rage here in sight of the Isles of Aeolus, and the rain
dashing on the glass as ruthlessly as it well could have done, if, instead
of Aeolic Isles and many-tinted crags, the window had fronted a dearer
shore beneath a northern sky, and looked across the grey Firth to the
rain-blurred outline of the Lomond Hills.
But I end, saying to Messer Marco's prayer, Amen.
PALERMO, _31st December, 1874_.
[1] It would be ingratitude if this Preface contained no acknowledgment of
the medals awarded to the writer, mainly for this work, by the Royal
Geographical Society, and by the Geographical Society of Italy, the
former under the Presidence of Sir Henry Rawlinson, the latter under
that of the Commendatore C. Negri. Strongly as I feel the too generous
appreciation of these labours implied in such awards, I confess to
have been yet more deeply touched and gratified by practical evidence
of the approval of the two distinguished Travellers mentioned above;
as shown by Baron von Richthofen in his spontaneous proposal to
publish a German version of the book under his own immediate
supervision (a project in abeyance, owing to circumstances beyond his
or my control); by Mr. Ney Elias in the fact of his having carried
these ponderous volumes with him on his solitary journey across the
Mongolian wilds!
[2] I am grateful to Mr. de Khanikoff for his especial recognition of
these in a kindly review of the first edition in the _Academy_.
[3] Especially from Lieutenant Garnier's book, mentioned further on; the
only existing source of illustration for many chapters of Polo.
[4] [Merged into the notes of the present edition.--H. C.]
[5] See page xxix.
[6] Writing in Italy, perhaps I ought to write, according to too prevalent
modern Italian custom, _Polo Marco_. I have already _seen_, and in the
work of a writer of reputation, the Alexandrian geographer styled
_Tolomeo Claudio!_ and if this preposterous fashion should continue to
spread, we shall in time have _Tasso Torquato_, _Jonson Ben_, Africa
explored by _Park Mungo_, Asia conquered by _Lane Tamer_, Copperfield
David by _Dickens Charles_, Homer Englished by _Pope Alexander_, and
the Roman history done into French from the original of _Live Tite_!
[7] Introduction p. 24, and _passim_ in the notes.
[8] Ibid., p. 112.
[9] See Introduction, pp. 51, 57.
[10] See Title of present volumes.
[11] Which quite agrees with the story of the document quoted at p. 77 of
Introduction.
[12] Vol. i. p. 64, and p. 67.
[13] I.e. 1306; see Introduction, pp. 68-69.
[14] The form which Marco gives to this word was probably a reminiscence
of the Oriental corruption _failsuf_. It recalls to my mind a Hindu
who was very fond of the word, and especially of applying it to
certain of his fellow-servants. But as he used it, _bara failsuf_,--
"great philosopher"--meant exactly the same as the modern slang
"_Artful Dodger_"!
[15] See for the explanation of _Karma_, "the power that controls the
universe," in the doctrine of atheistic Buddhism, Hardy's _Eastern
Monachism_, p. 5.
[16] Vol. ii. p. 316 (see also i. 348).
[17] Vol. ii. pp. 318-319.
ORIGINAL PREFACE.
The amount of appropriate material, and of acquaintance with the mediaeval
geography of some parts of Asia, which was acquired during the compilation
of a work of kindred character for the Hakluyt Society,[1] could hardly
fail to suggest as a fresh labour in the same field the preparation of
a new English edition of Marco Polo. Indeed one kindly critic (in the
_Examiner_) laid it upon the writer as a duty to undertake that task.
Though at least one respectable English edition has appeared since
Marsden's,[2] the latter has continued to be the standard edition, and
maintains not only its reputation but its market value. It is indeed the
work of a sagacious, learned, and right-minded man, which can never be
spoken of otherwise than with respect. But since Marsden published his
quarto (1818) vast stores of new knowledge have become available in
elucidation both of the contents of Marco Polo's book and of its literary
history. The works of writers such as Klaproth, Abel Remusat, D'Avezac,
Reinaud, Quatremere, Julien, I. J. Schmidt, Gildemeister, Ritter,
Hammer-Purgstall, Erdmann, D'Ohsson, Defremery, Elliot, Erskine, and many
more, which throw light directly or incidentally on Marco Polo, have, for
the most part, appeared since then. Nor, as regards the literary history of
the book, were any just views possible at a time when what may be called
the _Fontal_ MSS. (in French) were unpublished and unexamined.
Besides the works which have thus occasionally or incidentally thrown
light upon the Traveller's book, various editions of the book itself have
since Marsden's time been published in foreign countries, accompanied by
comments of more or less value. All have contributed something to the
illustration of the book or its history; the last and most learned of the
editors, M. Pauthier, has so contributed in large measure. I had occasion
some years ago[3] to speak freely my opinion of the merits and demerits of
M. Pauthier's work; and to the latter at least I have no desire to recur
here.
Another of his critics, a much more accomplished as well as more
favourable one,[4] seems to intimate the opinion that there would scarcely
be room in future for new commentaries. Something of the kind was said of
Marsden's at the time of its publication. I imagine, however, that whilst
our libraries endure the _Iliad_ will continue to find new translators,
and Marco Polo--though one hopes not so plentifully--new editors.
The justification of the book's existence must however be looked for, and
it is hoped may be found, in the book itself, and not in the Preface. The
work claims to be judged as a whole, but it may be allowable, in these
days of scanty leisure, to indicate below a few instances of what is
believed to be new matter in an edition of Marco Polo; by which however it
is by no means intended that all such matter is claimed by the editor as
his own.[5]
From the commencement of the work it was felt that the task was one which
no man, though he were far better equipped and much more conveniently
situated than the present writer, could satisfactorily accomplish from his
own resources, and help was sought on special points wherever it seemed
likely to be found. In scarcely any quarter was the application made in
vain. Some who have aided most materially are indeed very old and valued
friends; but to many others who have done the same the applicant was
unknown; and some of these again, with whom the editor began
correspondence on this subject as a stranger, he is happy to think that he
may now call friends.
To none am I more indebted than to the Comm. GUGLIELMO BERCHET, of Venice,
for his ample, accurate, and generous assistance in furnishing me with
Venetian documents, and in many other ways. Especial thanks are also due
to Dr. WILLIAM LOCKHART, who has supplied the materials for some of the
most valuable illustrations; to Lieutenant FRANCIS GARNIER, of the French
Navy. the gallant and accomplished leader (after the death of Captain
Doudart de la Gree) of the memorable expedition up the Mekong to Yun-nan;
to the Rev. Dr. CALDWELL, of the S.P.G. Mission in Tinnevelly, for copious
and valuable notes on Southern India; to my friends Colonel ROBERT
MACLAGAN, R.E., Sir ARTHUR PHAYRE, and Colonel HENRY MAN, for very
valuable notes and other aid; to Professor A. SCHIEFNER, of St.
Petersburg, for his courteous communication of very interesting
illustrations not otherwise accessible; to Major-General ALEXANDER
CUNNINGHAM, of my own corps, for several valuable letters; to my friends
Dr. THOMAS OLDHAM, Director of the Geological Survey of India, Mr. DANIEL
HANBURY, F.R.S., Mr. EDWARD THOMAS, Mr. JAMES FERGUSSON, F.R.S., Sir
BARTLE FRERE, and Dr. HUGH CLEGHORN, for constant interest in the work and
readiness to assist its progress; to Mr. A. WYLIE, the learned Agent of
the B. and F. Bible Society at Shang-hai, for valuable help; to the Hon.
G. P. MARSH, U.S. Minister at the Court of Italy, for untiring kindness in
the communication of his ample stores of knowledge, and of books. I have
also to express my obligations to Comm. NICOLO BAROZZI, Director of the
City Museum at Venice, and to Professor A. S. MINOTTO, of the same city;
to Professor ARMINIUS VAMBERY, the eminent traveller; to Professor
FLUeCKIGER of Bern; to the Rev. H. A. JAESCHKE, of the Moravian Mission in
British Tibet; to Colonel LEWIS PELLY, British Resident in the Persian
Gulf; to Pandit MANPHUL, C.S.I. (for a most interesting communication on
Badakhshan); to my brother officer, Major T. G. MONTGOMERIE, R.E., of the
Indian Trigonometrical Survey; to Commendatore NEGRI the indefatigable
President of the Italian Geographical Society; to Dr. ZOTENBERG, of the
Great Paris Library, and to M. CH. MAUNOIR, Secretary-General of the
Societe de Geographie; to Professor HENRY GIGLIOI, at Florence; to my old
friend Major-General ALBERT FYTCHE, Chief Commissioner of British Burma;
to DR. ROST and DR. FORBES-WATSON, of the India Office Library and Museum;
to Mr. R. H. MAJOR, and Mr. R. K. DOUGLAS, of the British Museum; to Mr.
N. B. DENNYS, of Hong-kong; and to Mr. C. GARDNER, of the Consular
Establishment in China. There are not a few others to whom my thanks are
equally due; but it is feared that the number of names already mentioned
may seem ridiculous, compared with the result, to those who do not
appreciate from how many quarters the facts needful for a work which in
its course intersects so many fields required to be collected, one by one.
I must not, however, omit acknowledgments to the present Earl of DERBY for
his courteous permission, when at the head of the Foreign Office, to
inspect Mr. Abbott's valuable unpublished Report upon some of the Interior
Provinces of Persia; and to Mr. T. T. COOPER, one of the most adventurous
travellers of modern times, for leave to quote some passages from his
unpublished diary.
PALERMO, _31st December, 1870_.
[_Original Dedication._]
TO
HER ROYAL HIGHNESS,
MARGHERITA,
_Princess of Piedmont_,
THIS ENDEAVOUR TO ILLUSTRATE THE LIFE AND WORK
OF A RENOWNED ITALIAN
IS
BY HER ROYAL HIGHNESS'S GRACIOUS PERMISSION
Dedicated
WITH THE DEEPEST RESPECT
BY
H. YULE.
[1] _Cathay and The Way Thither, being a Collection of Minor Medieval
Notices of China_. London, 1866. The necessities of the case have
required the repetition in the present work of the substance of some
notes already printed (but hardly published) in the other.
[2] Viz. Mr. Hugh Murray's. I mean no disrespect to Mr. T. Wright's
edition, but it is, and professes to be, scarcely other than
a reproduction of Marsden's, with abridgment of his notes.
[3] In the _Quarterly Review_ for July, 1868.
[4] M. Nicolas Khanikoff.
[5] In the Preliminary Notices will be found new matter on the Personal
and Family History of the Traveller, illustrated by Documents; and a
more elaborate attempt than I have seen elsewhere to classify and
account for the different texts of the work, and to trace their mutual
relation.
As regards geographical elucidations, I may point to the explanation
of the name _Gheluchelan_ (i. p. 58), to the discussion of the route
from Kerman to Hormuz, and the identification of the sites of Old
Hormuz, of _Cobinan_ and _Dogana_, the establishment of the position
and continued existence of _Keshm_, the note on _Pein_ and _Charchan_,
on _Gog_ and _Magog_, on the geography of the route from _Sindafu_ to
_Carajan_, on _Anin_ and _Coloman_, on _Mutafili_, _Cail_, and _Ely_.
As regards historical illustrations, I would cite the notes regarding
the Queens _Bolgana_ and _Cocachin_, on the _Karaunahs_, etc., on the
title of King of _Bengal_ applied to the K. of Burma, and those
bearing upon the Malay and Abyssinian chronologies.
In the interpretation of outlandish phrases, I may refer to the notes
on _Ondanique, Nono, Barguerlac, Argon, Sensin, Keshican, Toscaol,
Bularguchi, Gat-paul_, etc.
Among miscellaneous elucidations, to the disquisition on the _Arbre
Sol_ or _Sec_ in vol. i., and to that on Mediaeval Military Engines in
vol. ii.
In a variety of cases it has been necessary to refer to Eastern
languages for pertinent elucidations or etymologies. The editor would,
however, be sorry to fall under the ban of the mediaeval adage:
"_Vir qui docet quod non sapit
Definitur Bestia!_"
and may as well reprint here what was written in the Preface to
_Cathay_:
I am painfully sensible that in regard to many subjects dealt with in
the following pages, nothing can make up for the want of genuine
Oriental learning. A fair familiarity with Hindustani for many years,
and some reminiscences of elementary Persian, have been useful in
their degree; but it is probable that they may sometimes also have led
me astray, as such slender lights are apt to do.
TO HENRY YULE.
[Illustration]
Until you raised dead monarchs from the mould
And built again the domes of Xanadu,
I lay in evil case, and never knew
The glamour of that ancient story told
By good Ser Marco in his prison-hold.
But now I sit upon a throne and view
The Orient at my feet, and take of you
And Marco tribute from the realms of old.
If I am joyous, deem me not o'er bold;
If I am grateful, deem me not untrue;
For you have given me beauties to behold,
Delight to win, and fancies to pursue,
Fairer than all the jewelry and gold
Of Kublai on his throne in Cambalu.
E. C. BABER.
_20th July, 1884._
MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY YULE.
Henry Yule was the youngest son of Major William Yule, by his first wife,
Elizabeth Paterson, and was born at Inveresk, in Midlothian, on 1st May,
1820. He was named after an _aunt_ who, like Miss Ferrier's immortal
heroine, owned a man's name.
On his father's side he came of a hardy agricultural stock,[1] improved by
a graft from that highly-cultured tree, Rose of Kilravock.[2] Through his
mother, a somewhat prosaic person herself, he inherited strains from
Huguenot and Highland ancestry. There were recognisable traces of all
these elements in Henry Yule, and as was well said by one of his oldest
friends: "He was one of those curious racial compounds one finds on the
east side of Scotland, in whom the hard Teutonic grit is sweetened by the
artistic spirit of the more genial Celt."[3] His father, an officer of the
Bengal army (born 1764, died 1839), was a man of cultivated tastes and
enlightened mind, a good Persian and Arabic scholar, and possessed of much
miscellaneous Oriental learning. During the latter years of his career in
India, he served successively as Assistant Resident at the (then
independent) courts of Lucknow[4] and Delhi. In the latter office his
chief was the noble Ouchterlony. William Yule, together with his younger
brother Udny,[5] returned home in 1806. "A recollection of their voyage
was that they hailed an outward bound ship, somewhere off the Cape,
through the trumpet: 'What news?' Answer: 'The King's mad, and Humfrey's
beat Mendoza' (two celebrated prize-fighters and often matched). 'Nothing
more?' 'Yes, Bonapart_y_'s made his _Mother_ King of Holland!'
"Before his retirement, William Yule was offered the Lieut.-Governorship
of St. Helena. Two of the detailed privileges of the office were residence
at Longwood (afterwards the house of Napoleon), and the use of a certain
number of the Company's slaves. Major Yule, who was a strong supporter of
the anti-slavery cause till its triumph in 1834, often recalled both of
these offers with amusement."[6]
William Yule was a man of generous chivalrous nature, who took large views
of life, apt to be unfairly stigmatised as Radical in the narrow Tory
reaction that prevailed in Scotland during the early years of the 19th
century.[7] Devoid of literary ambition, he wrote much for his private
pleasure, and his knowledge and library (rich in Persian and Arabic MSS.)
were always placed freely at the service of his friends and
correspondents, some of whom, such as Major C. Stewart and Mr. William
Erskine, were more given to publication than himself. He never travelled
without a little 8vo MS. of Hafiz, which often lay under his pillow. Major
Yule's only printed work was a lithographed edition of the _Apothegms_ of
'Ali, the son of Abu Talib, in the Arabic, with an old Persian version and
an English translation interpolated by himself. "This was privately issued
in 1832, when the Duchesse d'Angouleme was living at Edinburgh, and the
little work was inscribed to her, with whom an accident of neighbourhood
and her kindness to the Major's youngest child had brought him into
relations of goodwill."[8]
Henry Yule's childhood was mainly spent at Inveresk. He used to say that
his earliest recollection was sitting with the little cousin, who long
after became his wife, on the doorstep of her father's house in George
Street, Edinburgh (now the Northern Club), listening to the performance of
a passing piper. There was another episode which he recalled with humorous
satisfaction. Fired by his father's tales of the jungle, Yule (then about
six years old) proceeded to improvise an elephant pit in the back garden,
only too successfully, for soon, with mingled terror and delight, he saw
his uncle John[9] fall headlong into the snare. He lost his mother before
he was eight, and almost his only remembrance of her was the circumstance
of her having given him a little lantern to light him home on winter
nights from his first school. On Sundays it was the Major's custom to lend
his children, as a picture-book, a folio Arabic translation of the Four
Gospels, printed at Rome in 1591, which contained excellent illustrations
from Italian originals.[10] Of the pictures in this volume Yule seems
never to have tired. The last page bore a MS. note in Latin to the effect
that the volume had been read in the Chaldaean Desert by _Georgius
Strachanus, Milnensis, Scotus_, who long remained unidentified, not to say
mythical, in Yule's mind. But George Strachan never passed from his
memory, and having ultimately run him to earth, Yule, sixty years later,
published the results in an interesting article.[11]
Two or three years after his wife's death, Major Yule removed to
Edinburgh, and established himself in Regent's Terrace, on the face of the
Calton Hill.[12] This continued to be Yule's home until his father's
death, shortly before he went to India. "Here he learned to love the wide
scenes of sea and land spread out around that hill--a love he never lost,
at home or far away. And long years after, with beautiful Sicilian hills
before him and a lovely sea, he writes words of fond recollection of the
bleak Fife hills, and the grey Firth of Forth."[13]
Yule now followed his elder brother, Robert, to the famous High School,
and in the summer holidays the two made expeditions to the West Highlands,
the Lakes of Cumberland, and elsewhere. Major Yule chose his boys to have
every reasonable indulgence and advantage, and when the British
Association, in 1834, held its first Edinburgh meeting, Henry received a
member's ticket. So, too, when the passing of the Reform Bill was
celebrated in the same year by a great banquet, at which Lord Grey and
other prominent politicians were present, Henry was sent to the dinner,
probably the youngest guest there.[14]
At this time the intention was that Henry should go to Cambridge (where
his name was, indeed, entered), and after taking his degree study for the
Bar. With this view he was, in 1833, sent to Waith, near Ripon, to be
coached by the Rev. H. P. Hamilton, author of a well-known treatise, _On
Conic Sections_, and afterwards Dean of Salisbury. At his tutor's
hospitable rectory Yule met many notabilities of the day. One of them was
Professor Sedgwick.
There was rumoured at this time the discovery of the first known (?)
fossil monkey, but its tail was missing. "Depend upon it, Daniel
O'Conell's got hold of it!" said 'Adam' briskly.[15] Yule was very happy
with Mr. Hamilton and his kind wife, but on his tutor's removal to
Cambridge other arrangements became necessary, and in 1835 he was
transferred to the care of the Rev. James Challis, rector of Papworth St.
Everard, a place which "had little to recommend it except a dulness which
made reading almost a necessity."[16] Mr. Challis had at this time two
other resident pupils, who both, in most diverse ways, attained
distinction in the Church. These were John Mason Neale, the future eminent
ecclesiologist and founder of the devoted Anglican Sisterhood of St.
Margaret, and Harvey Goodwin, long afterwards the studious and
large-minded Bishop of Carlisle. With the latter, Yule remained on terms of
cordial friendship to the end of his life. Looking back through more than
fifty years to these boyish days, Bishop Goodwin wrote that Yule then
"showed much more liking for Greek plays and for German than for
mathematics, though he had considerable geometrical ingenuity."[17] On one
occasion, having solved a problem that puzzled Goodwin, Yule thus
discriminated the attainments of the three pupils: "The difference between
you and me is this: You like it and can't do it; I don't like it and can do
it. Neale neither likes it nor can do it." Not bad criticism for a boy of
fifteen.[18]
On Mr. Challis being appointed Plumerian Professor at Cambridge, in the
spring of 1836, Yule had to leave him, owing to want of room at the
Observatory, and he became for a time, a most dreary time, he said,
a student at University College, London.
By this time Yule had made up his mind that not London and the Law, but
India and the Army should be his choice, and accordingly in Feb. 1837 he
joined the East India Company's Military College at Addiscombe. From
Addiscombe he passed out, in December 1838, at the head of the cadets of
his term (taking the prize sword[19]), and having been duly appointed to
the Bengal Engineers, proceeded early in 1839 to the Headquarters of the
Royal Engineers at Chatham, where, according to custom, he was enrolled as
a "local and temporary Ensign." For such was then the invidious
designation at Chatham of the young Engineer officers of the Indian army,
who ranked as full lieutenants in their own Service, from the time of
leaving Addiscombe.[20] Yule once audaciously tackled the formidable
Pasley on this very grievance. The venerable Director, after a minute's
pondering, replied: "Well, I don't remember what the reason was, but I
have _no_ doubt (_staccato_) it ... was ... a very ... _good_ reason."[21]
"When Yule appeared among us at Chatham in 1839," said his friend
Collinson, "he at once took a prominent place in our little Society by his
slightly advanced age [he was then 18-1/2], but more by his strong
character.... His earlier education ... gave him a better classical
knowledge than most of us possessed; then he had the reserve and
self-possession characteristic of his race; but though he took small part
in the games and other recreations of our time, his knowledge, his native
humour, and his good comradeship, and especially his strong sense of right
and wrong, made him both admired and respected.... Yule was not a
scientific engineer, though he had a good general knowledge of the
different branches of his profession; his natural capacity lay rather in
varied knowledge, combined with a strong understanding and an excellent
memory, and also a peculiar power as a draughtsman, which proved of great
value in after life.... Those were nearly the last days of the old
_regime_, of the orthodox double sap and cylindrical pontoons, when
Pasley's genius had been leading to new ideas, and when Lintorn Simmons'
power, G. Leach's energy, W. Jervois' skill, and R. Tylden's talent were
developing under the wise example of Henry Harness."[22]
In the Royal Engineer mess of those days (the present anteroom), the
portrait of Henry Yule now faces that of his first chief, Sir Henry
Harness. General Collinson said that the pictures appeared to eye each
other as if the subjects were continuing one of those friendly disputes in
which they so often engaged.[23]
It was in this room that Yule, Becher, Collinson, and other young R.E.'s,
profiting by the temporary absence of the austere Colonel Pasley, acted
some plays, including _Pizarro_. Yule bore the humble part of one of the
Peruvian Mob in this performance, of which he has left a droll
account.[24]
On the completion of his year at Chatham, Yule prepared to sail for India,
but first went to take leave of his relative, General White. An accident
prolonged his stay, and before he left he had proposed to and been refused
by his cousin Annie. This occurrence, his first check, seems to have cast
rather a gloom over his start for India. He went by the then newly-opened
Overland Route, visiting Portugal, stopping at Gibraltar to see his
cousin, Major (afterwards General) Patrick Yule, R.E.[25] He was under
orders "to stop at Aden (then recently acquired), to report on the water
supply, and to deliver a set of meteorological and magnetic instruments
for starting an observatory there. The overland journey then really meant
so; tramping across the desert to Suez with camels and Arabs, a proceeding
not conducive to the preservation of delicate instruments; and on arriving
at Aden he found that the intended observer was dead, the observatory not
commenced, and the instruments all broken. There was thus nothing left for
him but to go on at once" to Calcutta,[26] where he arrived at the end of
1840.
His first service lay in the then wild Khasia Hills, whither he was
detached for the purpose of devising means for the transport of the local
coal to the plains. In spite of the depressing character of the climate
(Cherrapunjee boasts the highest rainfall on record), Yule thoroughly
enjoyed himself, and always looked back with special pleasure on the time
he spent here. He was unsuccessful in the object of his mission, the
obstacles to cheap transport offered by the dense forests and mighty
precipices proving insurmountable, but he gathered a wealth of interesting
observations on the country and people, a very primitive Mongolian race,
which he subsequently embodied in two excellent and most interesting
papers (the first he ever published).[27]
In the following year, 1842, Yule was transferred to the irrigation canals
of the north-west with head-quarters at Kurnaul. Here he had for chief
Captain (afterwards General Sir William) Baker, who became his dearest and
most steadfast friend. Early in 1843 Yule had his first experience of
field service. The death without heir of the Khytul Rajah, followed by the
refusal of his family to surrender the place to the native troops sent to
receive it, obliged Government to send a larger force against it, and the
canal officers were ordered to join this. Yule was detailed to serve under
Captain Robert Napier (afterwards F.-M. Lord Napier of Magdala). Their
immediate duty was to mark out the route for a night march of the troops,
barring access to all side roads, and neither officer having then had any
experience of war, they performed the duty "with all the elaborate care of
novices." Suddenly there was an alarm, a light detected, and a night
attack awaited, when the danger resolved itself into Clerk Sahib's
_khansamah_ with welcome hot coffee![28] Their hopes were disappointed,
there was no fighting, and the Fort of Khytul was found deserted by the
enemy. It "was a strange scene of confusion--all the paraphernalia and
accumulation of odds and ends of a wealthy native family lying about and
inviting loot. I remember one beautiful crutch-stick of ebony with two
rams' heads in jade. I took it and sent it in to the political authority,
intending to buy it when sold. There was a sale, but my stick never
appeared. Somebody had a more developed taste in jade.... Amid the general
rummage that was going on, an officer of British Infantry had been put
over a part of the palace supposed to contain treasure, and they--officers
and all--were helping themselves. Henry Lawrence was one of the politicals
under George Clerk. When the news of this affair came to him I was
present. It was in a white marble loggia in the palace, where was a white
marble chair or throne on a basement. Lawrence was sitting on this throne
in great excitement. He wore an Afghan _choga_, a sort of dressing-gown
garment, and this, and his thin locks, and thin beard were streaming in
the wind. He always dwells in my memory as a sort of pythoness on her
tripod under the afflatus."[29]
During his Indian service, Yule had renewed and continued by letters his
suit to Miss White, and persistency prevailing at last, he soon after the
conclusion of the Khytul affair applied for leave to go home to be
married. He sailed from Bombay in May, 1843, and in September of the same
year was married, at Bath, to the gifted and large-hearted woman who, to
the end, remained the strongest and happiest influence in his life.[30]
Yule sailed for India with his wife in November 1843. The next two years
were employed chiefly in irrigation work, and do not call for special
note. They were very happy years, except in the one circumstance that the
climate having seriously affected his wife's health, and she having been
brought to death's door, partly by illness, but still more by the drastic
medical treatment of those days, she was imperatively ordered back to
England by the doctors, who forbade her return to India.
Having seen her on board ship, Yule returned to duty on the canals. The
close of that year, December, 1845, brought some variety to his work, as
the outbreak of the first Sikh War called nearly all the canal officers
into the field. "They went up to the front by long marches, passing
through no stations, and quite unable to obtain any news of what had
occurred, though on the 21st December the guns of Ferozshah were
distinctly heard in their camp at Pehoa, at a distance of 115 miles
south-east from the field, and some days later they came successively on
the fields of Moodkee and of Ferozshah itself, with all the recent traces
of battle. When the party of irrigation officers reached head-quarters, the
arrangements for attacking the Sikh army in its entrenchments at Sobraon
were beginning (though suspended till weeks later for the arrival of the
tardy siege guns), and the opposed forces were lying in sight of each
other."[31]
Yule's share in this campaign was limited to the sufficiently arduous task
of bridging the Sutlej for the advance of the British army. It is
characteristic of the man that for this reason he always abstained from
wearing his medal for the Sutlej campaign.
His elder brother, Robert Yule, then in the 16th Lancers, took part in
that magnificent charge of his regiment at the battle of Aliwal (Jan. 28,
1846) which the Great Duke is said to have pronounced unsurpassed in
history. From particulars gleaned from his brother and others present in
the action, Henry Yule prepared a spirited sketch of the episode, which
was afterwards published as a coloured lithograph by M'Lean (Haymarket).
At the close of the war, Yule succeeded his friend Strachey as Executive
Engineer of the northern division of the Ganges Canal, with his
head-quarters at Roorkee, "the division which, being nearest the hills and
crossed by intermittent torrents of great breadth and great volume when in
flood, includes the most important and interesting engineering works."[32]
At Roorkee were the extensive engineering workshops connected with the
canal. Yule soon became so accustomed to the din as to be undisturbed by
the noise, but the unpunctuality and carelessness of the native workmen
sorely tried his patience, of which Nature had endowed him with but a
small reserve. Vexed with himself for letting temper so often get the
better of him, Yule's conscientious mind devised a characteristic remedy.
Each time that he lost his temper, he transferred a fine of two rupees
(then about five shillings) from his right to his left pocket. When about
to leave Roorkee, he devoted this accumulation of self-imposed fines to
the erection of a sun-dial, to teach the natives the value of time. The
late Sir James Caird, who told this legend of Roorkee as he heard it there
in 1880, used to add, with a humorous twinkle of his kindly eyes, "It was
a _very_ handsome dial."[33]
From September, 1845, to March, 1847, Yule was much occupied
intermittently, in addition to his professional work, by service on a
Committee appointed by Government "to investigate the causes of the
unhealthiness which has existed at Kurnal, and other portions of the
country along the line of the Delhi Canal," and further, to report
"whether an injurious effect on the health of the people of the Doab is,
or is not, likely to be produced by the contemplated Ganges Canal."
"A very elaborate investigation was made by the Committee, directed
principally to ascertaining what relation subsisted between certain
physical conditions of the different districts, and the liability of their
inhabitants to miasmatic fevers." The principal conclusion of the
Committee was, "that in the extensive epidemic of 1843, when Kurnaul
suffered so seriously ... the greater part of the evils observed had not
been the necessary and unavoidable results of canal irrigation, but were
due to interference with the natural drainage of the country, to the
saturation of stiff and retentive soils, and to natural disadvantages of
site, enhanced by excess of moisture. As regarded the Ganges Canal, they
were of opinion that, with due attention to drainage, improvement rather
than injury to the general health might be expected to follow the
introduction of canal irrigation."[34] In an unpublished note written
about 1889, Yule records his ultimate opinion as follows: "At this day,
and after the large experience afforded by the Ganges Canal, I feel sure
that a verdict so favourable to the sanitary results of canal irrigation
would not be given." Still the fact remains that the Ganges Canal has been
the source of unspeakable blessings to an immense population.
The Second Sikh War saw Yule again with the army in the field, and on 13th
Jan. 1849, he was present at the dismal 'Victory' of Chillianwallah, of
which his most vivid recollection seemed to be the sudden apparition of
Henry Lawrence, fresh from London, but still clad in the legendary Afghan
cloak.
On the conclusion of the Punjab campaign, Yule, whose health had suffered,
took furlough and went home to his wife. For the next three years they
resided chiefly in Scotland, though paying occasional visits to the
Continent, and about 1850 Yule bought a house in Edinburgh. There he wrote
"The African Squadron vindicated" (a pamphlet which was afterwards
re-published in French), translated Schiller's _Kampf mit dem Drachen_ into
English verse, delivered Lectures on Fortification at the, now long
defunct, Scottish Naval and Military Academy, wrote on Tibet for his friend
Blackwood's Magazine, attended the 1850 Edinburgh Meeting of the British
Association, wrote his excellent lines, "On the Loss of the _Birkenhead_,"
and commenced his first serious study of Marco Polo (by whose wondrous
tale, however, he had already been captivated as a boy in his father's
library--in Marsden's edition probably). But the most noteworthy literary
result of these happy years was that really fascinating volume, entitled
_Fortification for Officers of the Army and Students of Military History_,
a work that has remained unique of its kind. This was published by
Blackwood in 1851, and seven years later received the honour of
(unauthorised) translation into French. Yule also occupied himself a good
deal at this time with the practice of photography, a pursuit to which he
never after reverted.
In the spring of 1852, Yule made an interesting little semi-professional
tour in company with a brother officer, his accomplished friend, Major R.
B. Smith. Beginning with Kelso, "the only one of the Teviotdale Abbeys
which I had not as yet seen," they made their way leisurely through the
north of England, examining with impartial care abbeys and cathedrals,
factories, brick-yards, foundries, timber-yards, docks, and railway works.
On this occasion Yule, contrary to his custom, kept a journal, and a few
excerpts may be given here, as affording some notion of his casual talk to
those who did not know him.
At Berwick-on-Tweed he notes the old ramparts of the town: "These, erected
in Elizabeth's time, are interesting as being, I believe, the only
existing sample in England of the bastioned system of the 16th century....
The outline of the works seems perfect enough, though both earth and stone
work are in great disrepair. The bastions are large with obtuse angles,
square orillons, and double flanks originally casemated, and most of them
crowned with cavaliers." On the way to Durham, "much amused by the
discussions of two passengers, one a smooth-spoken, semi-clerical looking
person; the other a brusque well-to-do attorney with a Northumbrian burr.
Subject, among others, Protection. The Attorney all for 'cheap bread'--
'You wouldn't rob the poor man of his loaf,' and so forth. 'You must go
with the _stgheam_, sir, you must go with the stgheam.' 'I never did, Mr
Thompson, and I never will,' said the other in an oily manner, singularly
inconsistent with the sentiment." At Durham they dined with a dignitary of
the Church, and Yule was roasted by being placed with his back to an
enormous fire. "Coals are cheap at Durham," he notes feelingly, adding,
"The party we found as heavy as any Edinburgh one. Smith, indeed,
evidently has had little experience of really stupid Edinburgh parties,
for he had never met with anything approaching to this before." (Happy
Smith!) But thanks to the kindness and hospitality of the astronomer, Mr.
Chevalier, and his gifted daughter, they had a delightful visit to
beautiful Durham, and came away full of admiration for the (then newly
established) University, and its grand _locale_. They went on to stay with
an uncle by marriage of Yule's, in Yorkshire. At dinner he was asked by
his host to explain Foucault's pendulum experiment. "I endeavoured to
explain it somewhat, I hope, to the satisfaction of his doubts, but not at
all to that of Mr. G. M., who most resolutely declined to take in _any_
elucidation, coming at last to the conclusion that he entirely differed
with me as to what North meant, and that it was useless to argue until we
could agree about that!" They went next to Leeds, to visit Kirkstall
Abbey, "a mediaeval fossil, curiously embedded among the squalid brickwork
and chimney stalks of a manufacturing suburb. Having established ourselves
at the hotel, we went to deliver a letter to Mr. Hope, the official
assignee, a very handsome, aristocratic-looking gentleman, who seemed as
much out of place at Leeds as the Abbey." At Leeds they visited the flax
mills of Messrs. Marshall, "a firm noted for the conscientious care they
take of their workpeople.... We mounted on the roof of the building, which
is covered with grass, and formerly was actually grazed by a few sheep,
until the repeated inconvenience of their tumbling through the glass domes
put a stop to this." They next visited some tile and brickworks on land
belonging to a friend. "The owner of the tile works, a well-to-do burgher,
and the apparent model of a West Riding Radical, received us in rather a
dubious way: 'There are a many people has come and brought introductions,
and looked at all my works, and then gone and set up for themselves close
by. Now des you mean to say that you be really come all the way from
Beng_u_l?' 'Yes, indeed we have, and we are going all the way back again,
though we didn't exactly come from there to look at your brickworks.'
'Then you're not in the brick-making line, are you?' 'Why we've had a good
deal to do with making bricks, and may have again; but we'll engage that
if we set up for ourselves, it shall be ten thousand miles from you.' This
seemed in some degree to set his mind at rest...."
"A dismal day, with occasional showers, prevented our seeing Sheffield to
advantage. On the whole, however, it is more cheerful and has more of a
country-town look than Leeds--a place utterly without beauty of aspect. At
Leeds you have vast barrack-like factories, with their usual suburbs of
squalid rows of brick cottages, and everywhere the tall spiracles of the
steam, which seems the pervading power of the place. Everything there is
machinery--the machine is the intelligent agent, it would seem, the man
its slave, standing by to tend it and pick up a broken thread now and
then. At Sheffield ... you might go through most of the streets without
knowing anything of the kind was going on. And steam here, instead of
being a ruler, is a drudge, turning a grindstone or rolling out a bar of
steel, but all the accuracy and skill of hand is the Man's. And
consequently there was, we thought, a healthier aspect about the men
engaged. None of the Rodgers remain who founded the firm in my father's
time. I saw some pairs of his scissors in the show-room still kept under
the name of _Persian_ scissors."[35]
From Sheffield Yule and his friend proceeded to Boston, "where there is
the most exquisite church tower I have ever seen," and thence to Lincoln,
Peterborough, and Ely, ending their tour at Cambridge, where Yule spent
a few delightful days.
In the autumn the great Duke of Wellington died, and Yule witnessed the
historic pageant of his funeral. His furlough was now nearly expired, and
early in December he again embarked for India, leaving his wife and only
child, of a few weeks old, behind him. Some verses dated "Christmas Day
near the Equator," show how much he felt the separation.
Shortly after his return to Bengal, Yule received orders to proceed to
Aracan, and to examine and report upon the passes between Aracan and
Burma, as also to improve communications and select suitable sites for
fortified posts to hold the same. These orders came to Yule quite
unexpectedly late one Saturday evening, but he completed all preparations
and started at daybreak on the following Monday, 24th Jan. 1853.
From Calcutta to Khyook Phyoo, Yule proceeded by steamer, and thence up
the river in the _Tickler_ gunboat to Krenggyuen. "Our course lay through
a wilderness of wooded islands (50 to 200 feet high) and bays, sailing
when we could, anchoring when neither wind nor tide served ... slow
progress up the river. More and more like the creeks and lagoons of the
Niger or a Guiana river rather than anything I looked for in India. The
densest tree jungle covers the shore down into the water. For miles no
sign of human habitation, but now and then at rare intervals one sees a
patch of hillside rudely cleared, with the bare stems of the burnt trees
still standing.... Sometimes, too, a dark tunnel-like creek runs back
beneath the thick vault of jungle, and from it silently steals out a slim
canoe, manned by two or three wild-looking Mugs or Kyens (people of the
Hills), driving it rapidly along with their short paddles held vertically,
exactly like those of the Red men on the American rivers."
At the military post of Bokhyong, near Krenggyuen, he notes (5th Feb.)
that "Captain Munro, the adjutant, can scarcely believe that I was present
at the Duke of Wellington's funeral, of which he read but a few days ago
in the newspapers, and here am I, one of the spectators, a guest in this
wild spot among the mountains--2-1/2 months since I left England."
Yule's journal of his arduous wanderings in these border wilds is full of
interest, but want of space forbids further quotation. From a note on the
fly-leaf it appears that from the time of quitting the gun-boat at
Krenggyuen to his arrival at Toungoop he covered about 240 miles on foot,
and that under immense difficulties, even as to food. He commemorated his
tribulations in some cheery humorous verse, but ultimately fell seriously
ill of the local fever, aided doubtless by previous exposure and
privation. His servants successively fell ill, some died and others had to
be sent back, food supplies failed, and the route through those dense
forests was uncertain; yet under all difficulties he seems never to have
grumbled or lost heart. And when things were nearly at the worst, Yule
restored the spirits of his local escort by improvising a wappenshaw, with
a Sheffield gardener's knife, which he happened to have with him, for
prize! When at last Yule emerged from the wilds and on 25th March marched
into Prome, he was taken for his own ghost! "Found Fraser (of the
Engineers) in a rambling phoongyee house, just under the great gilt
pagoda. I went up to him announcing myself, and his astonishment was so
great that he would scarcely shake hands!" It was on this occasion at
Prome that Yule first met his future chief Captain Phayre--"a very
young-looking man--very cordial," a description no less applicable to
General Sir Arthur Phayre at the age of seventy!
After some further wanderings, Yule embarked at Sandong, and returned by
water, touching at Kyook Phyoo and Akyab, to Calcutta, which he reached on
1st May--his birthday.
The next four months were spent in hard work at Calcutta. In August, Yule
received orders to proceed to Singapore, and embarked on the 29th. His
duty was to report on the defences of the Straits Settlements, with a view
to their improvement. Yule's recommendations were sanctioned by
Government, but his journal bears witness to the prevalence then, as
since, of the penny-wise-pound-foolish system in our administration. On
all sides he was met by difficulties in obtaining sites for batteries,
etc., for which heavy compensation was demanded, when by the exercise of
reasonable foresight, the same might have been secured earlier at a
nominal price.
Yule's journal contains a very bright and pleasing picture of Singapore,
where he found that the majority of the European population "were
evidently, from their tongues, from benorth the Tweed, a circumstance
which seems to be true of four-fifths of the Singaporeans. Indeed, if I
taught geography, I should be inclined to class Edinburgh, Glasgow,
Dundee, and Singapore together as the four chief towns of Scotland."
Work on the defences kept Yule in Singapore and its neighbourhood until
the end of November, when he embarked for Bengal. On his return to
Calcutta, Yule was appointed Deputy Consulting Engineer for Railways at
Head-quarters. In this post he had for chief his old friend Baker, who had
in 1851 been appointed by the Governor-General, Lord Dalhousie, Consulting
Engineer for Railways to Government. The office owed its existence to the
recently initiated great experiment of railway construction under
Government guarantee.
The subject was new to Yule, "and therefore called for hard and anxious
labour. He, however, turned his strong sense and unbiased view to the
general question of railway communication in India, with the result that
he became a vigorous supporter of the idea of narrow gauge and cheap lines
in the parts of that country outside of the main trunk lines of
traffic."[36]
The influence of Yule, and that of his intimate friends and ultimate
successors in office, Colonels R. Strachey and Dickens, led to the
adoption of the narrow (metre) gauge over a great part of India. Of this
matter more will be said further on; it is sufficient at this stage to
note that it was occupying Yule's thoughts, and that he had already taken
up the position in this question that he thereafter maintained through
life. The office of Consulting Engineer to Government for Railways
ultimately developed into the great Department of Public Works.
As related by Yule, whilst Baker "held this appointment, Lord Dalhousie
was in the habit of making use of his advice in a great variety of matters
connected with Public Works projects and questions, but which had nothing
to do with guaranteed railways, there being at that time no officer
attached to the Government of India, whose proper duty it was to deal with
such questions. In August, 1854, the Government of India sent home to the
Court of Directors a despatch and a series of minutes by the
Governor-General and his Council, in which the constitution of the Public
Works Department as a separate branch of administration, both in the local
governments and the government of India itself, was urged on a detailed
plan."
In this communication Lord Dalhousie stated his desire to appoint Major
Baker to the projected office of Secretary for the Department of Public
Works. In the spring of 1855 these recommendations were carried out by the
creation of the Department, with Baker as Secretary and Yule as Under
Secretary for Public Works.
Meanwhile Yule's services were called to a very different field, but
without his vacating his new appointment, which he was allowed to retain.
Not long after the conclusion of the second Burmese War, the King of Burma
sent a friendly mission to the Governor-General, and in 1855 a return
Embassy was despatched to the Court of Ava, under Colonel Arthur Phayre,
with Henry Yule as Secretary, an appointment the latter owed as much to
Lord Dalhousie's personal wish as to Phayre's good-will. The result of
this employment was Yule's first geographical book, a large volume
entitled _Mission to the Court of Ava in 1855_, originally printed in
India, but subsequently re-issued in an embellished form at home (see over
leaf). To the end of his life, Yule looked back to this "social progress
up the Irawady, with its many quaint and pleasant memories, as to a bright
and joyous holiday."[37] It was a delight to him to work under Phayre,
whose noble and lovable character he had already learned to appreciate two
years before in Pegu. Then, too, Yule has spoken of the intense relief it
was to escape from the monotonous scenery and depressing conditions of
official life in Bengal (Resort to Simla was the exception, not the rule,
in these days!) to the cheerfulness and unconstraint of Burma, with its
fine landscapes and merry-hearted population. "It was such a relief to
find natives who would laugh at a joke," he once remarked in the writer's
presence to the lamented E. C. Baber, who replied that he had experienced
exactly the same sense of relief in passing from India to China.
Yule's work on Burma was largely illustrated by his own sketches. One of
these represents the King's reception of the Embassy, and another, the
King on his throne. The originals were executed by Yule's ready pencil,
surreptitiously within his cocked hat, during the audience.
From the latter sketch Yule had a small oil-painting executed under his
direction by a German artist, then resident in Calcutta, which he gave to
Lord Dalhousie.[38]
The Government of India marked their approval of the Embassy by an unusual
concession. Each of the members of the mission received a souvenir of the
expedition. To Yule was given a very beautiful and elaborately chased
small bowl, of nearly pure gold, bearing the signs of the Zodiac in
relief.[39]
On his return to Calcutta, Yule threw himself heart and soul into the work
of his new appointment in the Public Works Department. The nature of his
work, the novelty and variety of the projects and problems with which this
new branch of the service had to deal, brought Yule into constant, and
eventually very intimate association with Lord Dalhousie, whom he
accompanied on some of his tours of inspection. The two men thoroughly
appreciated each other, and, from first to last, Yule experienced the
greatest kindness from Lord Dalhousie. In this intimacy, no doubt the fact
of being what French soldiers call _pays_ added something to the warmth of
their mutual regard: their forefathers came from the same _airt_, and
neither was unmindful of the circumstance. It is much to be regretted that
Yule preserved no sketch of Lord Dalhousie, nor written record of his
intercourse with him, but the following lines show some part of what he
thought:
"At this time [1849] there appears upon the scene that vigorous and
masterful spirit, whose arrival to take up the government of India had
been greeted by events so inauspicious. No doubt from the beginning the
Governor-General was desirous to let it be understood that although new to
India he was, and meant to be, master;... Lord Dalhousie was by no means
averse to frank dissent, provided _in the manner_ it was never forgotten
that he was Governor-General. Like his great predecessor Lord Wellesley,
he was jealous of all familiarity and resented it.... The general
sentiment of those who worked under that [Greek: anax andron] was one of
strong and admiring affection ... and we doubt if a Governor-General ever
embarked on the Hoogly amid deeper feeling than attended him who,
shattered by sorrow and physical suffering, but erect and undaunted,
quitted Calcutta on the 6th March 1856."[40]
His successor was Lord Canning, whose confidence in Yule and personal
regard for him became as marked as his predecessor's.
In the autumn of 1856, Yule took leave and came home. Much of his time
while in England was occupied with making arrangements for the production
of an improved edition of his book on Burma, which so far had been a mere
government report. These were completed to his satisfaction, and on the
eve of returning to India, he wrote to his publishers[41] that the
correction of the proof sheets and general supervision of the publication
had been undertaken by his friend the Rev. W. D. Maclagan, formerly an
officer of the Madras army (and now Archbishop of York).
Whilst in England, Yule had renewed his intimacy with his old friend
Colonel Robert Napier, then also on furlough, a visitor whose kindly
sympathetic presence always brought special pleasure also to Yule's wife
and child. One result of this intercourse was that the friends decided to
return together to India. Accordingly they sailed from Marseilles towards
the end of April, and at Aden were met by the astounding news of the
outbreak of the Mutiny.
On his arrival in Calcutta Yule, who retained his appointment of Under
Secretary to Government, found his work indefinitely increased. Every
available officer was called into the field, and Yule's principal centre
of activity was shifted to the great fortress of Allahabad, forming the
principal base of operations against the rebels. Not only had he to
strengthen or create defences at Allahabad and elsewhere, but on Yule
devolved the principal burden of improvising accommodation for the
European troops then pouring into India, which ultimately meant providing
for an army of 100,000 men. His task was made the more difficult by the
long-standing chronic friction, then and long after, existing between the
officers of the Queen's and the Company's services. But in a far more
important matter he was always fortunate. As he subsequently recorded in a
Note for Government: "Through all consciousness of mistakes and
shortcomings, I have felt that I had the confidence of those whom I
served, a feeling which has lightened many a weight."
It was at Allahabad that Yule, in the intervals of more serious work, put
the last touches to his Burma book. The preface of the English edition is
dated, "Fortress of Allahabad, Oct. 3, 1857," and contains a passage
instinct with the emotions of the time. After recalling the "joyous
holiday" on the Irawady, he goes on: "But for ourselves, standing here on
the margin of these rivers, which a few weeks ago were red with the blood
of our murdered brothers and sisters, and straining the ear to catch the
echo of our avenging artillery, it is difficult to turn the mind to what
seem dreams of past days of peace and security; and memory itself grows
dim in the attempt to repass the gulf which the last few months has
interposed between the present and the time to which this narrative
refers."[42]
When he wrote these lines, the first relief had just taken place, and the
second defence of Lucknow was beginning. The end of the month saw Sir
Colin Campbell's advance to the second--the real--relief of Lucknow. Of
Sir Colin, Yule wrote and spoke with warm regard: "Sir Colin was
delightful, and when in a good humour and at his best, always reminded me
very much, both in manner and talk, of the General (i.e. General White,
his wife's father). The voice was just the same and the quiet gentle
manner, with its underlying keen dry humour. But then if you did happen to
offend Sir Colin, it was like treading on crackers, which was not our
General's way."
When Lucknow had been relieved, besieged, reduced, and finally remodelled
by the grand Roads and Demolitions Scheme of his friend Napier, the latter
came down to Allahabad, and he and Yule sought diversion in playing quoits
and skittles, the only occasion on which either of them is known to have
evinced any liking for games.
Before this time Yule had succeeded his friend Baker as _de facto_
Secretary to Government for Public Works, and on Baker's retirement in
1858, Yule was formally appointed his successor.[43] Baker and Yule had,
throughout their association, worked in perfect unison, and the very
differences in their characters enhanced the value of their co-operation;
the special qualities of each friend mutually strengthened and completed
each other. Yule's was by far the more original and creative mind, Baker's
the more precise and, at least in a professional sense, the more
highly-trained organ. In chivalrous sense of honour, devotion to duty, and
natural generosity, the men stood equal; but while Yule was by nature
impatient and irritable, and liable, until long past middle age, to
occasional sudden bursts of uncontrollable anger, generally followed by
periods of black depression and almost absolute silence,[44] Baker was the
very reverse. Partly by natural temperament, but also certainly by severe
self-discipline, his manner was invincibly placid and his temper
imperturbable.[45] Yet none was more tenacious in maintaining whatever he
judged right.
Baker, whilst large-minded in great matters, was extremely conventional in
small ones, and Yule must sometimes have tried his feelings in this
respect. The particulars of one such tragic occurrence have survived.
Yule, who was colour-blind,[46] and in early life whimsically obstinate in
maintaining his own view of colours, had selected some cloth for trousers
undeterred by his tailor's timid remonstrance of "Not _quite_ your usual
taste, sir." The result was that the Under-Secretary to Government
startled official Calcutta by appearing in brilliant claret-coloured
raiment. Baker remonstrated: "Claret-colour! Nonsense, my trousers are
silver grey," said Yule, and entirely declined to be convinced. "I think I
_did_ convince him at last," said Baker with some pride, when long after
telling the story to the present writer. "And _then_ he gave them up?"
"Oh, no," said Sir William ruefully, "he wore those claret-coloured
trousers to the very end." That episode probably belonged to the Dalhousie
period.
When Yule resumed work in the Secretariat at Calcutta at the close of the
Mutiny, the inevitable arrears of work were enormous. This may be the
proper place to notice more fully his action with respect to the choice of
gauge for Indian railways already adverted to in brief. As we have seen,
his own convictions led to the adoption of the metre gauge over a great
part of India. This policy had great disadvantages not at first foreseen,
and has since been greatly modified. In justice to Yule, however, it
should be remembered that the conditions and requirements of India have
largely altered, alike through the extraordinary growth of the Indian
export, especially the grain, trade, and the development of new
necessities for Imperial defence. These new features, however, did but
accentuate defects inherent in the system, but which only prolonged
practical experience made fully apparent.
At the outset the supporters of the narrow gauge seemed to have the
stronger position, as they were able to show that the cost was much less,
the rails employed being only about 2/3rds the weight of those required by
the broad gauge, and many other subsidiary expenses also proportionally
less. On the other hand, as time passed and practical experience was
gained, its opponents were able to make an even stronger case against the
narrow gauge. The initial expenses were undoubtedly less, but the
durability was also less. Thus much of the original saving was lost in the
greater cost of maintenance, whilst the small carrying capacity of the
rolling stock and loss of time and labour in shifting goods at every break
of gauge, were further serious causes of waste, which the internal
commercial development of India daily made more apparent. Strategic needs
also were clamant against the dangers of the narrow gauge in any general
scheme of Indian defence. Yule's connection with the Public Works
Department had long ceased ere the question of the gauges reached its most
acute stage, but his interest and indirect participation in the conflict
survived. In this matter a certain parental tenderness for a scheme which
he had helped to originate, combined with his warm friendship for some of
the principal supporters of the narrow gauge, seem to have influenced his
views more than he himself was aware. Certainly his judgment in this
matter was not impartial, although, as always in his case, it was
absolutely sincere and not consciously biased.
In reference to Yule's services in the period following the Mutiny, Lord
Canning's subsequent Minute of 1862 may here be fitly quoted. In this the
Governor-General writes: "I have long ago recorded my opinion of the value
of his services in 1858 and 1859, when with a crippled and overtaxed staff
of Engineer officers, many of them young and inexperienced, the G.-G. had
to provide rapidly for the accommodation of a vast English army, often in
districts hitherto little known, and in which the authority of the
Government was barely established, and always under circumstances of
difficulty and urgency. I desire to repeat that the Queen's army in India
was then greatly indebted to Lieut.-Colonel Yule's judgment, earnestness,
and ability; and this to an extent very imperfectly understood by many of
the officers who held commands in that army.
"Of the manner in which the more usual duties of his office have been
discharged it is unnecessary for me to speak. It is, I believe, known and
appreciated as well by the Home Government as by the Governor-General in
Council."
In the spring of 1859 Yule felt the urgent need of a rest, and took the,
at that time, most unusual step of coming home on three months' leave,
which as the voyage then occupied a month each way, left him only one
month at home. He was accompanied by his elder brother George, who had not
been out of India for thirty years. The visit home of the two brothers was
as bright and pleasant as it was brief, but does not call for further
notice.
In 1860, Yule's health having again suffered, he took short leave to Java.
His journal of this tour is very interesting, but space does not admit of
quotation here. He embodied some of the results of his observations in a
lecture he delivered on his return to Calcutta.
During these latter years of his service in India, Yule owed much
happiness to the appreciative friendship of Lord Canning and the ready
sympathy of Lady Canning. If he shared their tours in an official
capacity, the intercourse was much more than official. The noble character
of Lady Canning won from Yule such wholehearted chivalrous devotion as,
probably, he felt for no other friend save, perhaps in after days, Sir
Bartle Frere. And when her health failed, it was to Yule's special care
that Lord Canning entrusted his wife during a tour in the Hills. Lady
Canning was known to be very homesick, and one day as the party came in
sight of some ilexes (the evergreen oak), Yule sought to cheer her by
calling out pleasantly: "Look, Lady Canning! There are _oaks_!" "No, no,
Yule, _not_ oaks," cried Sir C. B. "They are (solemnly) IBEXES." "No,
_not_ Ibexes, Sir C., you mean SILEXES," cried Capt. ----, the A.D.C.;
Lady Canning and Yule the while almost choking with laughter.
On another and later occasion, when the Governor-General's camp was
peculiarly dull and stagnant, every one yawning and grumbling, Yule
effected a temporary diversion by pretending to tap the telegraph wires,
and circulating through camp, what purported to be, the usual telegraphic
abstract of news brought to Bombay by the latest English mail. The news
was of the most astounding character, with just enough air of probability,
in minor details, to pass muster with a dull reader. The effect was all he
could wish--or rather more--and there was a general flutter in the camp.
Of course the Governor-General and one or two others were in the secret,
and mightily relished the diversion. But this pleasant and cheering
intercourse was drawing to its mournful close. On her way back from
Darjeeling, in November, 1861, Lady Canning (not then in Yule's care) was
unavoidably exposed to the malaria of a specially unhealthy season. A few
days' illness followed, and on 18th November, 1861, she passed calmly to
"That remaining rest where night and tears are o'er."[47]
It was to Yule that Lord Canning turned in the first anguish of his loss,
and on this faithful friend devolved the sad privilege of preparing her
last resting-place. This may be told in the touching words of Lord
Canning's letter to his only sister, written on the day of Lady Canning's
burial, in the private garden at Barrackpoor[48]:--
"The funeral is over, and my own darling lies buried in a spot which I am
sure she would have chosen of all others.... From the grave can be seen
the embanked walk leading from the house to the river's edge, which she
made as a landing-place three years ago, and from within 3 or 4 paces of
the grave there is a glimpse of the terrace-garden and its balustrades,
which she made near the house, and of the part of the grounds with which
she most occupied herself.... I left Calcutta yesterday ... and on
arriving here, went to look at the precise spot chosen for the grave. I
could see by the clear full moon ... that it was exactly right. Yule was
there superintending the workmen, and before daylight this morning a solid
masonry vault had been completely finished.
"Bowie [Military Secretary] and Yule have done all this for me. It has all
been settled since my poor darling died. She liked Yule. They used to
discuss together her projects of improvement for this place, architecture,
gardening, the Cawnpore monument, etc., and they generally agreed. He knew
her tastes well...."
The coffin, brought on a gun-carriage from Calcutta, "was carried by
twelve soldiers of the 6th Regiment (Queen's), the A.D.C.'s bearing the
pall. There were no hired men or ordinary funeral attendants of any kind
at any part of the ceremony, and no lookers-on.... Yule was the only
person not of the household staff. Had others who had asked" to attend
"been allowed to do so, the numbers would have been far too large.
"On coming near the end of the terrace walk I saw that the turf between
the walk and the grave, and for several yards all round the grave, was
strewed thick with palm branches and bright fresh-gathered flowers--quite
a thick carpet. It was a little matter, but so exactly what she would have
thought of."[49]
And, therefore, Yule thought of this for her! He also recorded the scene
two days later in some graceful and touching lines, privately printed,
from which the following may be quoted:
"When night lowered black, and the circling shroud
Of storm rolled near, and stout hearts learned dismay;
Not Hers! To her tried Lord a Light and Stay
Even in the Earthquake and the palpable cloud
Of those dark months; and when a fickle crowd
Panted for blood and pelted wrath and scorn
On him she loved, her courage never stooped:
But when the clouds were driven, and the day
Poured Hope and glorious Sunshine, she who had borne,
The night with such strong Heart, withered and drooped,
Our queenly lily, and smiling passed away.
Now! let no fouling touch profane her clay,
Nor odious pomps and funeral tinsels mar
Our grief. But from our England's cannon car
Let England's soldiers bear her to the tomb
Prepared by loving hands. Before her bier
Scatter victorious palms; let Rose's bloom
Carpet its passage...."
Yule's deep sympathy in this time of sorrow strengthened the friendship
Lord Canning had long felt for him, and when the time approached for the
Governor-General to vacate his high office, he invited Yule, who was very
weary of India, to accompany him home, where his influence would secure
Yule congenial employment. Yule's weariness of India at this time was
extreme. Moreover, after serving under such leaders as Lord Dalhousie and
Lord Canning, and winning their full confidence and friendship, it was
almost repugnant to him to begin afresh with new men and probably new
measures, with which he might not be in accord. Indeed, some little clouds
were already visible on the horizon. In these circumstances, it is not
surprising that Yule, under an impulse of lassitude and impatience, when
accepting Lord Canning's offer, also 'burnt his boats' by sending in his
resignation of the service. This decision Yule took against the earnest
advice of his anxious and devoted wife, and for a time the results
justified all her misgivings. She knew well, from past experience, how
soon Yule wearied in the absence of compulsory employment. And in the
event of the life in England not suiting him, for even Lord Canning's
good-will might not secure perfectly congenial employment for his talents,
she knew well that his health and spirits would be seriously affected.
She, therefore, with affectionate solicitude, urged that he should adopt
the course previously followed by his friend Baker, that is, come home on
furlough, and only send in his resignation after he saw clearly what his
prospects of home employment were, and what he himself wished in the
matter.
Lord Canning and Yule left Calcutta late in March, 1862; at Malta they
parted never to meet again in this world. Lord Canning proceeded to
England, and Yule joined his wife and child in Rome. Only a few weeks
later, at Florence, came as a thunderclap the announcement of Lord
Canning's unexpected death in London, on 17th June. Well does the present
writer remember the day that fatal news came, and Yule's deep anguish, not
assuredly for the loss of his prospects, but for the loss of a most noble
and magnanimous friend, a statesman whose true greatness was, both then
and since, most imperfectly realised by the country for which he had worn
himself out.[50] Shortly after Yule went to England,[51] where he was
cordially received by Lord Canning's representatives, who gave him a
touching remembrance of his lost friend, in the shape of the silver
travelling candlesticks, which had habitually stood on Lord Canning's
writing-table.[52] But his offer to write Lord Canning's _Life_ had no
result, as the relatives, following the then recent example of the
Hastings family, in the case of another great Governor-General, refused to
revive discussion by the publication of any Memoir.
Nor did Yule find any suitable opening for employment in England, so after
two or three months spent in visiting old friends, he rejoined his family
in the Black Forest, where he sought occupation in renewing his knowledge
of German. But it must be confessed that his mood both then and for long
after was neither happy nor wholesome. The winter of 1862 was spent
somewhat listlessly, partly in Germany and partly at the Hotel des
Bergues, Geneva, where his old acquaintance Colonel Tronchin was
hospitably ready to open all doors. The picturesque figure of John Ruskin
also flits across the scene at this time. But Yule was unoccupied and
restless, and could neither enjoy Mr. Ruskin's criticism of his sketches
nor the kindly hospitality of his Genevan hosts. Early in 1863 he made
another fruitless visit to London, where he remained four or five months,
but found no opening. Though unproductive of work, this year brought Yule
official recognition of his services in the shape of the C.B., for which
Lord Canning had long before recommended him.[53]
On rejoining his wife and child at Mornex in Savoy, Yule found the health
of the former seriously impaired. During his absence, the kind and able
English Doctor at Geneva had felt obliged to inform Mrs. Yule that she was
suffering from disease of the heart, and that her life might end suddenly
at any moment. Unwilling to add to Yule's anxieties, she made all
necessary arrangements, but did not communicate this intelligence until he
had done all he wished and returned, when she broke it to him very gently.
Up to this year Mrs. Yule, though not strong and often ailing, had not
allowed herself to be considered an invalid, but from this date doctor's
orders left her no choice in the matter.[54]
About this time, Yule took in hand the first of his studies of mediaeval
travellers. His translation of the _Travels of Friar Jordanus_ was
probably commenced earlier; it was completed during the leisurely journey
by carriage between Chambery and Turin, and the Dedication to Sir Bartle
Frere written during a brief halt at Genoa, from which place it is dated.
Travelling slowly and pleasantly by _vetturino_ along the Riviera di
Levante, the family came to Spezzia, then little more than a quiet
village. A chance encounter with agreeable residents disposed Yule
favourably towards the place, and a few days later he opened negotiations
for land to build a house! Most fortunately for himself and all concerned
these fell through, and the family continued their journey to Tuscany, and
settled for the winter in a long rambling house, with pleasant garden, at
Pisa, where Yule was able to continue with advantage his researches into
mediaeval travel in the East. He paid frequent visits to Florence, where
he had many pleasant acquaintances, not least among them Charles Lever
("Harry Lorrequer"), with whom acquaintance ripened into warm and enduring
friendship. At Florence he also made the acquaintance of the celebrated
Marchese Gino Capponi, and of many other Italian men of letters. To this
winter of 1863-64 belongs also the commencement of a lasting friendship
with the illustrious Italian historian, Villari, at that time holding an
appointment at Pisa. Another agreeable acquaintance, though less intimate,
was formed with John Ball, the well-known President of the Alpine Club,
then resident at Pisa, and with many others, among whom the name of a very
cultivated German scholar, H. Meyer, specially recurs to memory.
In the spring of 1864, Yule took a spacious and delightful old villa,
situated in the highest part of the Bagni di Lucca,[55] and commanding
lovely views over the surrounding chestnut-clad hills and winding river.
Here he wrote much of what ultimately took form in _Cathay, and the Way
Thither_. It was this summer, too, that Yule commenced his investigations
among the Venetian archives, and also visited the province of Friuli in
pursuit of materials for the history of one of his old travellers, the
_Beato Odorico_. At Verona--then still Austrian--he had the amusing
experience of being arrested for sketching too near the fortifications.
However, his captors had all the usual Austrian _bonhomie_ and courtesy,
and Yule experienced no real inconvenience. He was much more disturbed
when, a day or two later, the old mother of one of his Venetian
acquaintances insisted on embracing him on account of his supposed
likeness to Garibaldi!
As winter approached, a warmer climate became necessary for Mrs. Yule, and
the family proceeded to Sicily, landing at Messina in October, 1864. From
this point, Yule made a very interesting excursion to the then little
known group of the Lipari Islands, in the company of that eminent
geologist, the late Robert Mallet, F.R.S., a most agreeable companion.
On Martinmas Day, the Yules reached the beautiful capital of Sicily,
Palermo, which, though they knew it not, was to be their home--a very
happy one--for nearly eleven years.
During the ensuing winter and spring, Yule continued the preparation of
_Cathay_, but his appetite for work not being satisfied by this, he, when
in London in 1865, volunteered to make an Index to the third decade of the
_Journal of the Royal Geographical Society_, in exchange for a set of such
volumes as he did not possess. That was long before any Index Society
existed; but Yule had special and very strong views of his own as to what
an Index should be, and he spared no labour to realise his ideal.[56] This
proved a heavier task than he had anticipated, and he got very weary
before the Index was completed.
In the spring of 1866, _Cathay and the Way Thither_ appeared, and at once
took the high place which it has ever since retained. In the autumn of the
same year Yule's attention was momentarily turned in a very different
direction by a local insurrection, followed by severe reprisals, and the
bombardment of Palermo by the Italian Fleet. His sick wife was for some
time under rifle as well as shell fire; but cheerfully remarking that
"every bullet has its billet," she remained perfectly serene and
undisturbed. It was the year of the last war with Austria, and also of the
suppression of the Monastic Orders in Sicily; two events which probably
helped to produce the outbreak, of which Yule contributed an account to
_The Times_, and subsequently a more detailed one to the _Quarterly
Review_.[57]
Yule had no more predilection for the Monastic Orders than most of his
countrymen, but his sense of justice was shocked by the cruel incidence of
the measure in many cases, and also by the harshness with which both it
and the punishment of suspected insurgents was carried out. Cholera was
prevalent in Italy that year, but Sicily, which had maintained stringent
quarantine, entirely escaped until large bodies of troops were landed to
quell the insurrection, when a devastating epidemic immediately ensued,
and re-appeared in 1867. In after years, when serving on the Army Sanitary
Committee at the India Office, Yule more than once quoted this experience
as indicating that quarantine restrictions may, in some cases, have more
value than British medical authority is usually willing to admit.
In 1867, on his return from London, Yule commenced systematic work on his
long projected new edition of the _Travels of Marco Polo_. It was
apparently in this year that the scheme first took definite form, but it
had long been latent in his mind. The Public Libraries of Palermo afforded
him much good material, whilst occasional visits to the Libraries of
Venice, Florence, Paris, and London, opened other sources. But his most
important channel of supply came from his very extensive private
correspondence, extending to nearly all parts of Europe and many centres
in Asia. His work brought him many new and valued friends, indeed too many
to mention, but amongst whom, as belonging specially to this period, three
honoured names must be recalled here: Commendatore (afterwards Baron)
CRISTOFORO NEGRI, the large-hearted Founder and First President of the
Geographical Society of Italy, from whom Yule received his first public
recognition as a geographer, Commendatore GUGLIELMO BERCHET
(affectionately nicknamed _il Bello e Buono_), ever generous in learned
help, who became a most dear and honoured friend, and the Hon. GEORGE P.
MARSH, U.S. Envoy to the Court of Italy, a man, both as scholar and
friend, unequalled in his nation, perhaps almost unique anywhere.
Those who only knew Yule in later years, may like some account of his
daily life at this time. It was his custom to rise fairly early; in summer
he sometimes went to bathe in the sea,[58] or for a walk before breakfast;
more usually he would write until breakfast, which he preferred to have
alone. After breakfast he looked through his notebooks, and before ten
o'clock was usually walking rapidly to the library where his work lay. He
would work there until two or three o'clock, when he returned home, read
the _Times_, answered letters, received or paid visits, and then resumed
work on his book, which he often continued long after the rest of the
household were sleeping. Of course his family saw but little of him under
these circumstances, but when he had got a chapter of _Marco_ into shape,
or struck out some new discovery of interest, he would carry it to his
wife to read. She always took great interest in his work, and he had great
faith in her literary instinct as a sound as well as sympathetic critic.
The first fruits of Yule's Polo studies took the form of a review of
Pauthier's edition of _Marco Polo_, contributed to the _Quarterly Review_
in 1868.
In 1870 the great work itself appeared, and received prompt generous
recognition by the grant of the very beautiful gold medal of the
Geographical Society of Italy,[59] followed in 1872 by the award of the
Founder's Medal of the Royal Geographical Society, while the Geographical
and Asiatic Societies of Paris, the Geographical Societies of Italy and
Berlin, the Academy of Bologna, and other learned bodies, enrolled him as
an Honorary Member.
Reverting to 1869, we may note that Yule, when passing through Paris early
in the spring, became acquainted, through his friend M. Charles Maunoir,
with the admirable work of exploration lately performed by Lieut. Francis
Garnier of the French Navy. It was a time of much political excitement in
France, the eve of the famous _Plebiscite_, and the importance of
Garnier's work was not then recognised by his countrymen. Yule saw its
value, and on arrival in London went straight to Sir Roderick Murchison,
laid the facts before him, and suggested that no other traveller of the
year had so good a claim to one of the two gold medals of the R.G.S. as
this French naval Lieutenant. Sir Roderick was propitious, and accordingly
in May the Patron's medal was assigned to Garnier, who was touchingly
grateful to Yule; whilst the French Minister of Marine marked his
appreciation of Yule's good offices by presenting him with the magnificent
volumes commemorating the expedition.[60]
Yule was in Paris in 1871, immediately after the suppression of the
Commune, and his letters gave interesting accounts of the extraordinary
state of affairs then prevailing. In August, he served as President of the
Geographical Section of the British Association at its Edinburgh meeting.
On his return to Palermo, he devoted himself specially to the geography of
the Oxus region, and the result appeared next year in his introduction and
notes to Wood's _Journey_. Soon after his return to Palermo, he became
greatly interested in the plans, about which he was consulted, of an
English church, the gift to the English community of two of its oldest
members, Messrs Ingham and Whitaker. Yule's share in the enterprise
gradually expanded, until he became a sort of volunteer clerk of the
works, to the great benefit of his health, as this occupation during the
next three years, whilst adding to his interests, also kept him longer in
the open air than would otherwise have been the case. It was a real
misfortune to Yule (and one of which he was himself at times conscious)
that he had no taste for any out-of-door pursuits, neither for any form of
natural science, nor for gardening, nor for any kind of sport nor games.
Nor did he willingly ride.[61] He was always restless away from his books.
There can be no doubt that want of sufficient air and exercise, reacting
on an impaired liver, had much to do with Yule's unsatisfactory state of
health and frequent extreme depression. There was no lack of agreeable and
intelligent society at Palermo (society that the present writer recalls
with cordial regard), to which every winter brought pleasant temporary
additions, both English and foreign, the best of whom generally sought
Yule's acquaintance. Old friends too were not wanting; many found their
way to Palermo, and when such came, he was willing to show them
hospitality and to take them excursions, and occasionally enjoyed these.
But though the beautiful city and surrounding country were full of charm
and interest, Yule was too much pre-occupied by his own special engrossing
pursuits ever really to get the good of his surroundings, of which indeed
he often seemed only half conscious.
By this time Yule had obtained, without ever having sought it, a distinct
and, in some respects, quite unique position in geographical science.
Although his _Essay on the Geography of the Oxus Region_ (1872) received
comparatively little public attention at home, it had yet made its mark
once for all,[62] and from this time, if not earlier, Yule's high
authority in all questions of Central Asian geography was generally
recognised. He had long ere this, almost unconsciously, laid the broad
foundations of that "Yule method," of which Baron von Richthofen has
written so eloquently, declaring that not only in his own land, "but also
in the literatures of France, Italy, Germany, and other countries, the
powerful stimulating influence of the Yule method is visible."[63] More
than one writer has indeed boldly compared Central Asia before Yule to
Central Africa before Livingstone!
Yule had wrought from sheer love of the work and without expectation of
public recognition, and it was therefore a great surprise as well as
gratification to him, to find that the demand for his _Marco Polo_ was
such as to justify the appearance of a second edition only a few years
after the first. The preparation of this enlarged edition, with much other
miscellaneous work (see subjoined bibliography), and the superintendence
of the building of the church already named, kept him fully occupied for
the next three years.
Amongst the parerga and miscellaneous occupations of Yule's leisure hours
in the period 1869-74, may be mentioned an interesting correspondence with
Professor W. W. Skeat on the subject of _William of Palerne_ and Sicilian
examples of the Werwolf; the skilful analysis and exposure of Klaproth's
false geography;[64] the purchase and despatch of Sicilian seeds and young
trees for use in the Punjab, at the request of the Indian Forestry
Department; translations (prepared for friends) of tracts on the
cultivation of Sumach and the collection of Manna as practised in Sicily;
also a number of small services rendered to the South Kensington Museum,
at the request of the late Sir Henry Cole. These latter included obtaining
Italian and Sicilian bibliographic contributions to the Science and Art
Department's _Catalogue of Books on Art_, selecting architectural subjects
to be photographed;[65] negotiating the purchase of the original drawings
illustrative of Padre B. Gravina's great work on the Cathedral of
Monreale; and superintending the execution of a copy in mosaic of the
large mosaic picture (in the Norman Palatine Chapel, Palermo,) of the
Entry of our Lord into Jerusalem.
In the spring of 1875, just after the publication of the second edition of
_Marco Polo_, Yule had to mourn the loss of his noble wife. He was absent
from Sicily at the time, but returned a few hours after her death on 30th
April. She had suffered for many years from a severe form of heart
disease, but her end was perfect peace. She was laid to rest, amid
touching tokens of both public and private sympathy, in the beautiful
camposanto on Monte Pellegrino. What her loss was to Yule only his oldest
and closest friends were in a position to realise. Long years of suffering
had impaired neither the soundness of her judgment nor the sweetness, and
even gaiety, of her happy, unselfish disposition. And in spirit, as even
in appearance, she retained to the very last much of the radiance of her
youth. Nor were her intellectual gifts less remarkable. Few who had once
conversed with her ever forgot her, and certainly no one who had once
known her intimately ever ceased to love her.[66]
Shortly after this calamity, Yule removed to London, and on the retirement
of his old friend, Sir William Baker, from the India Council early that
autumn, Lord Salisbury at once selected him for the vacant seat. Nothing
would ever have made him a party-man, but he always followed Lord
Salisbury with conviction, and worked under him with steady confidence.
In 1877 Yule married, as his second wife, the daughter of an old
friend,[67] a very amiable woman twenty years his junior, who made him
very happy until her untimely death in 1881. From the time of his joining
the India Council, his duties at the India Office of course occupied a
great part of his time, but he also continued to do an immense amount of
miscellaneous literary work, as may be seen by reference to the subjoined
bibliography, (itself probably incomplete). In Council he invariably
"showed his strong determination to endeavour to deal with questions on
their own merits and not only by custom and precedent."[68] Amongst
subjects in which he took a strong line of his own in the discussions of
the Council, may be specially instanced his action in the matter of the
cotton duties (in which he defended native Indian manufactures as against
hostile Manchester interests); the Vernacular Press Act, the necessity for
which he fully recognised; and the retention of Kandahar, for which he
recorded his vote in a strong minute. In all these three cases, which are
typical of many others, his opinion was overruled, but having been
carefully and deliberately formed, it remained unaffected by defeat.
In all matters connected with Central Asian affairs, Yule's opinion always
carried great weight; some of his most competent colleagues indeed
preferred his authority in this field to that of even Sir Henry Rawlinson,
possibly for the reason given by Sir M. Grant Duff, who has
epigrammatically described the latter as good in Council but dangerous in
counsel.[69]
Yule's courageous independence and habit of looking at all public
questions by the simple light of what appeared to him right, yet without
fads or doctrinairism, earned for him the respect of the successive
Secretaries of State under whom he served, and the warm regard and
confidence of his other colleagues. The value attached to his services in
Council was sufficiently shown by the fact that when the period of ten
years (for which members are usually appointed), was about to expire, Lord
Hartington (now Duke of Devonshire), caused Yule's appointment to be
renewed for life, under a special Act of Parliament passed for this
purpose in 1885.
His work as a member of the Army Sanitary Committee, brought him into
communication with Miss Florence Nightingale, a privilege which he greatly
valued and enjoyed, though he used to say: "She is worse than a Royal
Commission to answer, and, in the most gracious charming manner possible,
immediately finds out all I don't know!" Indeed his devotion to the
"Lady-in-Chief" was scarcely less complete than Kinglake's.
In 1880, Yule was appointed to the Board of Visitors of the Government
Indian Engineering College at Cooper's Hill, a post which added to his
sphere of interests without materially increasing his work. In 1882, he
was much gratified by being named an Honorary Fellow of the Society of
Antiquaries of Scotland, more especially as it was to fill one of the two
vacancies created by the deaths of Thomas Carlyle and Dean Stanley.
Yule had been President of the Hakluyt Society from 1877, and in 1885 was
elected President also of the Royal Asiatic Society. He would probably
also have been President of the Royal Geographical Society, but for an
untoward incident. Mention has already been made of his constant
determination to judge all questions by the simple touchstone of what he
believed to be right, irrespective of personal considerations. It was in
pursuance of these principles that, at the cost of great pain to himself
and some misrepresentation, he in 1878 sundered his long connection with
the Royal Geographical Society, by resigning his seat on their Council,
solely in consequence of their adoption of what he considered a wrong
policy. This severance occurred just when it was intended to propose him
as President. Some years later, at the personal request of the late Lord
Aberdare, a President in all respects worthy of the best traditions of
that great Society, Yule consented to rejoin the Council, which he
re-entered as a Vice-President.
In 1883, the University of Edinburgh celebrated its Tercentenary, when
Yule was selected as one of the recipients of the honorary degree of LL.D.
His letters from Edinburgh, on this occasion, give a very pleasant and
amusing account of the festivity and of the celebrities he met. Nor did he
omit to chronicle the envious glances cast, as he alleged, by some British
men of science on the splendours of foreign Academic attire, on the yellow
robes of the Sorbonne, and the Palms of the Institute of France! Pasteur
was, he wrote, the one most enthusiastically acclaimed of all who received
degrees.
I think it was about the same time that M. Renan was in England, and
called upon Sir Henry Maine, Yule, and others at the India Office. On
meeting just after, the colleagues compared notes as to their
distinguished but unwieldy visitor. "It seems that _le style n'est pas
l'homme meme_ in _this_ instance," quoth "Ancient Law" to "Marco Polo."
And here it may be remarked that Yule so completely identified himself
with his favourite traveller that he frequently signed contributions to
the public press as MARCUS PAULUS VENETUS or M.P.V. His more intimate
friends also gave him the same _sobriquet_, and once, when calling on his
old friend, Dr. John Brown (the beloved chronicler of _Rab and his
Friends_), he was introduced by Dr. John to some lion-hunting American
visitors as "our Marco Polo." The visitors evidently took the statement in
a literal sense, and scrutinised Yule closely.[70]
In 1886 Yule published his delightful _Anglo-Indian Glossary_, with the
whimsical but felicitous sub-title of _Hobson-Jobson_ (the name given by
the rank and file of the British Army in India to the religious festival
in celebration of Hassan and Husain).
This _Glossary_ was an abiding interest to both Yule and the present
writer. Contributions of illustrative quotations came from most diverse
and unexpected sources, and the arrival of each new word or happy
quotation was quite an event, and gave such pleasure to the recipients as
can only be fully understood by those who have shared in such pursuits.
The volume was dedicated in affecting terms to his elder brother, Sir
George Yule, who, unhappily, did not survive to see it completed.
In July 1885, the two brothers had taken the last of many happy journeys
together, proceeding to Cornwall and the Scilly Isles. A few months later,
on 13th January 1886, the end came suddenly to the elder, from the effects
of an accident at his own door.[71]
It may be doubted if Yule ever really got over the shock of this loss,
though he went on with his work as usual, and served that year as a Royal
Commissioner on the occasion of the Indian and Colonial Exhibition of
1886.
From 1878, when an accidental chill laid the foundations of an exhausting,
though happily quite painless, malady, Yule's strength had gradually
failed, although for several years longer his general health and energies
still appeared unimpaired to a casual observer. The condition of public
affairs also, in some degree, affected his health injuriously. The general
trend of political events from 1880 to 1886 caused him deep anxiety and
distress, and his righteous wrath at what he considered the betrayal of
his country's honour in the cases of Frere, of Gordon, and of Ireland,
found strong, and, in a noble sense, passionate expression in both prose
and verse. He was never in any sense a party man, but he often called
himself "one of Mr. Gladstone's converts," i.e. one whom Gladstonian
methods had compelled to break with liberal tradition and prepossessions.
Nothing better expresses Yule's feeling in the period referred to than the
following letter, written in reference to the R. E. Gordon Memorial,[72]
but of much wider application: "Will you allow me an inch or two of space
to say to my brother officers, 'Have nothing to do with the proposed
Gordon Memorial.'
"That glorious memory is in no danger of perishing and needs no memorial.
Sackcloth and silence are what it suggests to those who have guided the
action of England; and Englishmen must bear the responsibility for that
action and share its shame. It is too early for atoning memorials; nor is
it possible for those who take part in them to dissociate themselves from
a repulsive hypocrisy.
"Let every one who would fain bestow something in honour of the great
victim, do, in silence, some act of help to our soldiers or their
families, or to others who are poor and suffering.
"In later days our survivors or successors may look back with softened
sorrow and pride to the part which men of our corps have played in these
passing events, and Charles Gordon far in the front of all; and then they
may set up our little tablets, or what not--not to preserve the memory of
our heroes, but to maintain the integrity of our own record of the
illustrious dead."
Happily Yule lived to see the beginning of better times for his country.
One of the first indications of that national awakening was the right
spirit in which the public, for the most part, received Lord Wolseley's
stirring appeal at the close of 1888, and Yule was so much struck by the
parallelism between Lord Wolseley's warning and some words of his own
contained in the pseudo-Polo fragment (see above, end of Preface), that he
sent Lord Wolseley the very last copy of the 1875 edition of _Marco Polo_,
with a vigorous expression of his sentiments.
That was probably Yule's last utterance on a public question. The sands of
life were now running low, and in the spring of 1889, he felt it right to
resign his seat on the India Council, to which he had been appointed for
life. On this occasion Lord Cross, then Secretary of State for India,
successfully urged his acceptance of the K.C.S.I., which Yule had refused
several years before.
In the House of Lords, Viscount Cross subsequently referred to his
resignation in the following terms. He said: "A vacancy on the Council had
unfortunately occurred through the resignation from ill-health of Sir
Henry Yule, whose presence on the Council had been of enormous advantage
to the natives of the country. A man of more kindly disposition, thorough
intelligence, high-minded, upright, honourable character, he believed did
not exist; and he would like to bear testimony to the estimation in which
he was held, and to the services which he had rendered in the office he
had so long filled."[73]
This year the Hakluyt Society published the concluding volume of Yule's
last work of importance, the _Diary of Sir William Hedges_. He had for
several years been collecting materials for a full memoir of his great
predecessor in the domain of historical geography, the illustrious
Rennell.[74] This work was well advanced as to preliminaries, but was not
sufficiently developed for early publication at the time of Yule's death,
and ere it could be completed its place had been taken by a later
enterprise.
During the summer of 1889, Yule occupied much of his leisure by collecting
and revising for re-issue many of his miscellaneous writings. Although not
able to do much at a time, this desultory work kept him occupied and
interested, and gave him much pleasure during many months. It was,
however, never completed. Yule went to the seaside for a few weeks in the
early summer, and subsequently many pleasant days were spent by him among
the Surrey hills, as the guest of his old friends Sir Joseph and Lady
Hooker. Of their constant and unwearied kindness, he always spoke with
most affectionate gratitude. That autumn he took a great dislike to the
English climate; he hankered after sunshine, and formed many plans, eager
though indefinite, for wintering at Cintra, a place whose perfect beauty
had fascinated him in early youth. But increasing weakness made a journey
to Portugal, or even the South of France, an alternative of which he also
spoke, very inexpedient, if not absolutely impracticable. Moreover, he
would certainly have missed abroad the many friends and multifarious
interests which still surrounded him at home. He continued to take drives,
and occasionally called on friends, up to the end of November, and it was
not until the middle of December that increasing weakness obliged him to
take to his bed. He was still, however, able to enjoy seeing his
friends--some to the very end, and he had a constant stream of visitors,
mostly old friends, but also a few newer ones, who were scarcely less
welcome. He also kept up his correspondence to the last, three attached
brother R.E.'s, General Collinson, General Maclagan, and Major W.
Broadfoot, taking it in turn with the present writer to act as his
amanuensis.
On Friday, 27th December, Yule received a telegram from Paris, announcing
his nomination that day as Corresponding Member of the Institute of France
(Academie des Inscriptions), one of the few distinctions of any kind of
which it can still be said that it has at no time lost any of its exalted
dignity.
An honour of a different kind that came about the same time, and was
scarcely less prized by him, was a very beautiful letter of farewell and
benediction from Miss Florence Nightingale,[75] which he kept under his
pillow and read many times. On the 28th, he dictated to the present writer
his acknowledgment, also by telegraph, of the great honour done him by the
Institute. The message was in the following words: "Reddo gratias,
Illustrissimi Domini, ob honores tanto nimios quanto immeritos! Mihi
robora deficiunt, vita collabitur, accipiatis voluntatem pro facto. Cum
corde pleno et gratissimo moriturus vos, Illustrissimi Domini, saluto.
YULE."
Sunday, 29th December, was a day of the most dense black fog, and he felt
its oppression, but was much cheered by a visit from his ever faithful
friend, Collinson, who, with his usual unselfishness, came to him that day
at very great personal inconvenience.
On Monday, 30th December, the day was clearer, and Henry Yule awoke much
refreshed, and in a peculiarly happy and even cheerful frame of mind. He
said he felt so comfortable. He spoke of his intended book, and bade his
daughter write about the inevitable delay to his publisher: "Go and write
to John Murray," were indeed his last words to her. During the morning he
saw some friends and relations, but as noon approached his strength
flagged, and after a period of unconsciousness, he passed peacefully away
in the presence of his daughter and of an old friend, who had come from
Edinburgh to see him, but arrived too late for recognition. Almost at the
same time that Yule fell asleep, his "stately message,"[76] was being read
under the great Dome in Paris. Some two hours after Yule had passed away,
F.-M. Lord Napier of Magdala, called on an errand of friendship, and at
his desire was admitted to see the last of his early friend. When Lord
Napier came out, he said to the present writer, in his own reflective way:
"He looks as if he had just settled to some great work." With these
suggestive words of the great soldier, who was so soon, alas, to follow
his old friend to the work of another world, this sketch may fitly close.
* * * * *
The following excellent verses (of unknown authorship) on Yule's death,
subsequently appeared in the _Academy_:[77]
"'Moriturus vos saluto'
Breathes his last the dying scholar--
Tireless student, brilliant writer;
He 'salutes his age' and journeys
To the Undiscovered Country.
There await him with warm welcome
All the heroes of old Story--
The Venetians, the Ca Polo,
Marco, Nicolo, Maffeo,
Odoric of Pordenone,
Ibn Batuta, Marignolli,
Benedict de Goes--'Seeking
Lost Cathay and finding Heaven.'
Many more whose lives he cherished
With the piety of learning;
Fading records, buried pages,
Failing lights and fires forgotten,
By his energy recovered,
By his eloquence re-kindled.
'Moriturus vos saluto'
Breathes his last the dying scholar,
And the far off ages answer:
_Immortales te salutant_. D. M."
The same idea had been previously embodied, in very felicitous language,
by the late General Sir William Lockhart, in a letter which that noble
soldier addressed to the present writer a few days after Yule's death. And
Yule himself would have taken pleasure in the idea of those meetings with
his old travellers, which seemed so certain to his surviving friends.[78]
He rests in the old cemetery at Tunbridge Wells, with his second wife, as
he had directed. A great gathering of friends attended the first part of
the burial service which was held in London on 3rd January, 1890. Amongst
those present were witnesses of every stage of his career, from his boyish
days at the High School of Edinburgh downwards. His daughter, of course,
was there, led by the faithful, peerless friend who was so soon to follow
him into the Undiscovered Country.[79] She and his youngest nephew, with
two cousins and a few old friends, followed his remains over the snow to
the graveside. The epitaph subsequently inscribed on the tomb was penned
by Yule himself, but is by no means representative of his powers in a kind
of composition in which he had so often excelled in the service of others.
As a composer of epitaphs and other monumental inscriptions few of our
time have surpassed, if any have equalled him, in his best efforts.
SIR GEORGE UDNY YULE, C.B., K.C.S.I.[80]
George Udny Yule, born at Inveresk in 1813, passed through Haileybury into
the Bengal Civil Service, which he entered at the age of 18 years. For
twenty-five years his work lay in Eastern Bengal. He gradually became
known to the Government for his activity and good sense, but won a far
wider reputation as a mighty hunter, alike with hog-spear and double
barrel. By 1856 the roll of his slain tigers exceeded four hundred, some
of them of special fame; after that he continued slaying his tigers, but
ceased to count them. For some years he and a few friends used annually to
visit the plains of the Brahmaputra, near the Garrow Hills--an entirely
virgin country then, and swarming with large game. Yule used to describe
his once seeing seven rhinoceroses at once on the great plain, besides
herds of wild buffalo and deer of several kinds. One of the party started
the theory that Noah's Ark had been shipwrecked there! In those days
George Yule was the only man to whom the Maharajah of Nepaul, Sir Jung
Bahadur, conceded leave to shoot within his frontier.
Yule was first called from his useful obscurity in 1856. The year before,
the Sonthals in insurrection disturbed the long unbroken peace of the
Delta. These were a numerous non-Aryan, uncivilised, but industrious race,
driven wild by local mismanagement, and the oppressions of Hindoo usurers
acting through the regulation courts. After the suppression of their
rising, Yule was selected by Sir F. Halliday, who knew his man, to be
Commissioner of the Bhagulpoor Division, containing some six million
souls, and embracing the hill country of the Sonthals. He obtained
sanction to a code for the latter, which removed these people entirely
from the Court system, and its tribe of leeches, and abolished all
intermediaries between the Sahib and the Sonthal peasant. Through these
measures, and his personal influence, aided by picked assistants, he was
able to effect, with extraordinary rapidity, not only their entire
pacification, but such a beneficial change in their material condition,
that they have risen from a state of barbarous penury to comparative
prosperity and comfort.
George Yule was thus engaged when the Mutiny broke out, and it soon made
itself felt in the districts under him. To its suppression within his
limits, he addressed himself with characteristic vigour. Thoroughly
trusted by every class--by his Government, by those under him, by planters
and by Zemindars--he organised a little force, comprising a small
detachment of the 5th Regiment, a party of British sailors, mounted
volunteers from the districts, etc., and of this he became practically the
captain. Elephants were collected from all quarters to spare the legs of
his infantry and sailors; while dog-carts were turned into limbers for the
small three-pounders of the seamen. And with this little army George Yule
scoured the Trans-Gangetic districts, leading it against bodies of the
Mutineers, routing them upon more than one occasion, and out-manoeuvring
them by his astonishing marches, till he succeeded in driving them across
the Nepaul frontier. No part of Bengal was at any time in such danger, and
nowhere was the danger more speedily and completely averted.
After this Yule served for two or three years as Chief Commissioner of
Oudh, where in 1862 he married Miss Pemberton, the daughter of a very able
father, and the niece of Sir Donald MacLeod, of honoured and beloved
memory. Then for four or five years he was Resident at Hyderabad, where he
won the enduring friendship of Sir Salar Jung. "Everywhere he showed the
same characteristic firm but benignant justice. Everywhere he gained the
lasting attachment of all with whom he had intimate dealings--except
tigers and scoundrels."
Many years later, indignant at the then apparently supine attitude of the
British Government in the matter of the Abyssinian captives, George Yule
wrote a letter (necessarily published without his name, as he was then on
the Governor-General's Council), to the editor of an influential Indian
paper, proposing a private expedition should be organised for their
delivery from King Theodore, and inviting the editor (Dr. George Smith) to
open a list of subscriptions in his paper for this purpose, to which Yule
offered to contribute L2000 by way of beginning. Although impracticable in
itself, it is probable that, as in other cases, the existence of such a
project may have helped to force the Government into action. The
particulars of the above incident were printed by Dr. Smith in his _Memoir
of the Rev. John Wilson_, but are given here from memory.
From Hyderabad he was promoted in 1867 to the Governor-General's Council,
but his health broke down under the sedentary life, and he retired and
came home in 1869.
After some years of country life in Scotland, where he bought a small
property, he settled near his brother in London, where he was a principal
instrument in enabling Sir George Birdwood to establish the celebration of
Primrose Day (for he also was "one of Mr. Gladstone's converts"). Sir
George Yule never sought 'London Society' or public employment, but in
1877 he was offered and refused the post of Financial Adviser to the
Khedive under the Dual control. When his feelings were stirred he made
useful contributions to the public press, which, after his escape from
official trammels, were always signed. The very last of these (_St. James
Gazette_, 24th February 1885) was a spirited protest against the snub
administered by the late Lord Derby, as Secretary of State, to the
Colonies, when they had generously offered assistance in the Soudan
campaign. He lived a quiet, happy, and useful life in London, where he was
the friend and unwearied helper of all who needed help. He found his chief
interests in books and flowers, and in giving others pleasure. Of rare
unselfishness and sweet nature, single in mind and motive, fearing God and
knowing no other fear, he was regarded by a large number of people with
admiring affection. He met his death by a fall on the frosty pavement at
his door, in the very act of doing a kindness. An interesting sketch of
Sir George Yule's Indian career, by one who knew him thoroughly, is to be
found in Sir Edward Braddon's _Thirty Years of Shikar_. An account of his
share in the origin of Primrose Day appeared in the _St. James' Gazette_
during 1891.
[1] There is a vague tradition that these Yules descend from the same
stock as the Scandinavian family of the same name, which gave Denmark
several men of note, including the great naval hero Niels Juel. The
portraits of these old Danes offer a certain resemblance of type to
those of their Scots namesakes, and Henry Yule liked to play with the
idea, much in the same way that he took humorous pleasure in his
reputed descent from Michael Scott, the Wizard! (This tradition was
more historical, however, and stood thus: Yule's great grandmother was
a Scott of Ancrum, and the Scotts of Ancrum had established their
descent from Sir Michael Scott of Balwearie, reputed to be the
Wizard.) Be their origin what it may, Yule's forefathers had been
already settled on the Border hills for many generations, when in the
time of James VI. they migrated to the lower lands of East Lothian,
where in the following reign they held the old fortalice of Fentoun
Tower of Nisbet of Dirleton. When Charles II. empowered his Lord Lyon
to issue certificates of arms (in place of the Lyon records removed
and lost at sea by the Cromwellian Government), these Yules were among
those who took out confirmation of arms, and the original document is
still in the possession of the head of the family.
Though Yules of sorts are still to be found in Scotland, the present
writer is the only member of the Fentoun Tower family now left in the
country, and of the few remaining out of it most are to be found in
the Army List.
[2] The literary taste which marked William Yule probably came to him from
his grandfather, the Rev. James Rose, Episcopal Minister of Udny, in
Aberdeenshire. James Rose, a non-jurant (i.e. one who refused to
acknowledge allegiance to the Hanoverian King), was a man of devout,
large, and tolerant mind, as shown by writings still extant. His
father, John Rose, was the younger son of the 14th Hugh of Kilravock.
He married Margaret Udny of Udny, and was induced by her to sell his
pleasant Ross-shire property and invest the proceeds in her own bleak
Buchan. When George Yule (about 1759) brought home Elizabeth Rose as
his wife, the popular feeling against the Episcopal Church was so
strong and bitter in Lothian, that all the men of the family--
themselves Presbyterians--accompanied Mrs. Yule as a bodyguard on the
occasion of her first attendance at the Episcopal place of worship.
Years after, when dissensions had arisen in the Church of Scotland,
Elizabeth Yule succoured and protected some of the dissident
Presbyterian ministers from their persecutors.
[3] General Collinson in _Royal Engineers' Journal_ 1st Feb. 1890. The
gifted author of this excellent sketch himself passed away on 22nd
April 1902.
[4] The grave thoughtful face of William Yule was conspicuous in the
picture of a Durbar (by an Italian artist, but _not_ Zoffany), which
long hung on the walls of the Nawab's palace at Lucknow. This picture
disappeared during the Mutiny of 1857.
[5] Colonel Udny Yule, C.B. "When he joined, his usual _nomen_ and
_cognomen_ puzzled the staff-sergeant at Fort-William, and after much
boggling on the cadet parade, the name was called out _Whirly Wheel_,
which produced no reply, till some one at a venture shouted, 'sick in
hospital.'" (_Athenaeum_, 24th Sept. 1881.) The ship which took Udny
Yule to India was burnt at sea. After keeping himself afloat for
several hours in the water, he was rescued by a passing ship and taken
back to the Mauritius, whence, having lost everything but his
cadetship, he made a fresh start for India, where he and William for
many years had a common purse. Colonel Udny Yule commanded a brigade
at the Siege of Cornelis (1811), which gave us Java, and afterwards
acted as Resident under Sir Stamford Raffles. Forty-five years after
the retrocession of Java, Henry Yule found the memory of his uncle
still cherished there.
[6] Article on the Oriental Section of the British Museum Library in
_Athenaeum_, 24th Sept. 1881. Major Yule's Oriental Library was
presented by his sons to the British Museum a few years after his
death.
[7] It may be amusing to note that he was considered an almost dangerous
person because he read the _Scotsman_ newspaper!
[8] _Athenaeum_, 24th Sept. 1881. A gold chain given by the last
Dauphiness is in the writer's possession.
[9] Dr. John Yule (b. 176-d. 1827), a kindly old _savant_. He was one of
the earliest corresponding members of the Society of Antiquaries of
Scotland, and the author of some botanical tracts.
[10] According to Brunet, by Lucas Pennis after Antonio Tempesta.
[11] _Concerning some little-known Travellers in the East_. ASIATIC
QUARTERLY, vol. v. (1888).
[12] William Yule died in 1839, and rests with his parents, brothers, and
many others of his kindred, in the ruined chancel of the ancient
Norman Church of St. Andrew, at Gulane, which had been granted to the
Yule family as a place of burial by the Nisbets of Dirleton, in
remembrance of the old kindly feeling subsisting for generations
between them and their tacksmen in Fentoun Tower. Though few know its
history, a fragrant memorial of this wise and kindly scholar is still
conspicuous in Edinburgh. The magnificent wall-flower that has, for
seventy summers, been a glory of the Castle rock, was originally all
sown by the patient hand of Major Yule, the self-sowing of each
subsequent year, of course, increasing the extent of bloom. Lest the
extraordinarily severe spring of 1895 should have killed off much of
the old stock, another (but much more limited) sowing on the northern
face of the rock was in that year made by his grand-daughter, the
present writer, with the sanction and active personal help of the
lamented General (then Colonel) Andrew Wauchope of Niddrie Marischal.
In Scotland, where the memory of this noble soldier is so greatly
revered, some may like to know this little fact. May the wall-flower
of the Castle rock long flourish a fragrant memorial of two faithful
soldiers and true-hearted Scots.
[13] Obituary notice of Yule, by Gen. R. Maclagan, R.E. _Proceedings, R.
G. S._ 1890.
[14] This was the famous "Grey Dinner," of which The Shepherd made grim
fun in the _Noctes_.
[15] Probably the specimen from South America, of which an account was
published in 1833.
[16] Rawnsley, _Memoir of Harvey Goodwin, Bishop of Carlisle_.
[17] Biog. Sketch of Yule, by C. Trotter, _Proceedings, R.S.E._ vol. xvii.
[18] Biog. Sketch of Yule, by C. Trotter, _Proceedings, R.S.E._ vol. xvii.
[19] After leaving the army, Yule always used this sword when wearing
uniform.
[20] The Engineer cadets remained at Addiscombe a term (= 6 months) longer
than the Artillery cadets, and as the latter were ordinarily gazetted
full lieutenants six months after passing out, unfair seniority was
obviated by the Engineers receiving the same rank on passing out of
Addiscombe.
[21] Yule, in _Memoir of General Becher_.
[22] Collinson's _Memoir of Yule_ in _R. E. Journal_.
[23] The picture was subscribed for by his brother officers in the corps,
and painted in 1880 by T. B. Wirgman. It was exhibited at the Royal
Academy in 1881. A reproduction of the artist's etching from it forms
the frontispiece of this volume.
[24] In _Memoir of Gen. John Becher_.
[25] General Patrick Yule (b. 1795, d. 1873) was a thorough soldier, with
the repute of being a rigid disciplinarian. He was a man of
distinguished presence, and great charm of manner to those whom he
liked, which were by no means all. The present writer holds him in
affectionate remembrance, and owes to early correspondence with him
much of the information embodied in preceding notes. He served on the
Canadian Boundary Commission of 1817, and on the Commission of
National Defence of 1859, was prominent in the Ordnance Survey, and
successively Commanding R.E. in Malta and Scotland. He was Engineer to
Sir C. Fellows' Expedition, which gave the nation the Lycian Marbles,
and while Commanding R.E. in Edinburgh, was largely instrumental in
rescuing St. Margaret's Chapel in the Castle from desecration and
oblivion. He was a thorough Scot, and never willingly tolerated the
designation N.B. on even a letter. He had cultivated tastes, and under
a somewhat austere exterior he had a most tender heart. When already
past sixty, he made a singularly happy marriage to a truly good woman,
who thoroughly appreciated him. He was the author of several Memoirs
on professional subjects. He rests in St. Andrew's, Gulane.
[26] Collinson's _Memoir of Yule_.
[27] Notes on the Iron of the Khasia Hills and Notes on the Khasia Hills
and People both in Journal of the R. Asiatic Society of Bengal, vols.
xi. and xiii.
[28] Mr. (afterwards Sir) George Clerk, Political Officer with the
expedition. Was twice Governor of Bombay and once Governor of the
Cape: "A diplomatist of the true English stamp--undaunted in
difficulties and resolute to maintain the honour of his country." (Sir
H. B. Edwardes, _Life of Henry Lawrence_, i. 267). He died in 1889.
[29] Note by Yule, communicated by him to Mr. R. B. Smith and printed by
the latter in _Life of Lord Lawrence_.
[30] And when nearing his own end, it was to her that his thoughts turned
most constantly.
[31] Yule and Maclagan's _Memoir of Sir W. Baker_.
[32] Maclagan's _Memoir of Yule, P.R.G.S._, Feb. 1890.
[33] On hearing this, Yule said to him, "Your story is quite correct
except in one particular; you understated the _amount_ of the fine."
[34] Yule and Maclagan's _Memoir of Baker_.
[35] It would appear that Major Yule had presented the Rodgers with some
specimens of Indian scissors, probably as suggestions in developing
that field of export. Scissors of elaborate design, usually damascened
or gilt, used to form a most important item in every set of Oriental
writing implements. Even long after adhesive envelopes had become
common in European Turkey, their use was considered over familiar, if
not actually disrespectful, for formal letters, and there was a
particular traditional knack in cutting and folding the special
envelope for each missive, which was included in the instruction given
by every competent _Khoja_ as the present writer well remembers in the
quiet years that ended with the disasters of 1877.
[36] Collinson's _Memoir of Yule, Royal Engineer Journal_.
[37] Extract from Preface to _Ava_, edition of 1858.
[38] The present whereabouts of this picture is unknown to the writer. It
was lent to Yule in 1889 by Lord Dalhousie's surviving daughter (for
whom he had strong regard and much sympathy), and was returned to her
early in 1890, but is not named in the catalogue of Lady Susan's
effects, sold at Edinburgh in 1898 after her death. At that sale the
present writer had the satisfaction of securing for reverent
preservation the watch used throughout his career by the great
Marquess.
[39] Now in the writer's possession. It was for many years on exhibition
in the Edinburgh and South Kensington Museums.
[40] Article by Yule on Lord Lawrence, _Quarterly Review_ for April, 1883.
[41] Messrs. Smith & Elder.
[42] Preface to _Narrative of a Mission to the Court of Ava_. Before these
words were written, Yule had had the sorrow of losing his elder
brother Robert, who had fallen in action before Delhi (19th June,
1857), whilst in command of his regiment, the 9th Lancers. Robert
Abercromby Yule (born 1817) was a very noble character and a fine
soldier. He had served with distinction in the campaigns in
Afghanistan and the Sikh Wars, and was the author of an excellent
brief treatise on Cavalry Tactics. He had a ready pencil and a happy
turn for graceful verse. In prose his charming little allegorical tale
for children, entitled _The White Rhododendron_, is as pure and
graceful as the flower whose name it bears. Like both his brothers, he
was at once chivalrous and devout, modest, impulsive, and impetuous.
No officer was more beloved by his men than Robert Yule, and when some
one met them carrying back his covered body from the field and
enquired of the sergeant: "Who have you got there?" the reply was:
"Colonel Yule, and better have lost half the regiment, sir." It was in
the chivalrous effort to extricate some exposed guns that he fell.
Some one told afterwards that when asked to go to the rescue, he
turned in the saddle, looked back wistfully on his regiment, well
knowing the cost of such an enterprise, then gave the order to advance
and charge. "No stone marks the spot where Yule went down, but no
stone is needed to commemorate his valour" (Archibald Forbes, in
_Daily News_, 8th Feb. 1876). At the time of his death Colonel R. A.
Yule had been recommended for the C.B. His eldest son, Colonel J. H.
Yule, C.B., distinguished himself in several recent campaigns (on the
Burma-Chinese frontier, in Tirah, and South Africa).
[43] Baker went home in November, 1857, but did not retire until the
following year.
[44] Nothing was more worthy of respect in Yule's fine character than the
energy and success with which he mastered his natural temperament in
the last ten years of his life, when few would have guessed his
original fiery disposition.
[45] Not without cause did Sir J. P. Grant officially record that "to his
imperturbable temper the Government of India owed much."
[46] Yule's colour-blindness was one of the cases in which Dalton, the
original investigator of this optical defect, took special interest.
At a later date (1859) he sent Yule, through Professor Wilson, skeins
of coloured silks to name. Yule's elder brother Robert had the same
peculiarity of sight, and it was also present in two earlier and two
later generations of their mother's family--making five generations in
all. But in no case did it pass from parent to child, always passing
in these examples, by a sort of Knight's move, from uncle to nephew.
Another peculiarity of Yule's more difficult to describe was the
instinctive association of certain architectural forms or images with
the days of the week. He once, and once only (in 1843), met another
person, a lady who was a perfect stranger, with the same peculiarity.
About 1878-79 he contributed some notes on this obscure subject to one
of the newspapers, in connection with the researches of Mr. Francis
Galton, on Visualisation, but the particulars are not now accessible.
[47] From Yule's verses on her grave.
[48] Lord Canning to Lady Clanricarde: Letter dated Barrackpoor, 19th Nov.
1861, 7 A.M., printed in _Two Noble Lives_, by A. J. C. Hare, and here
reproduced by Mr. Hare's permission.
[49] Lord Canning's letter to Lady Clanricarde. He gave to Yule Lady
Canning's own silver drinking-cup, which she had constantly used. It
is carefully treasured, with other Canning and Dalhousie relics, by
the present writer.
[50] Many years later Yule wrote of Lord Canning as follows: "He had his
defects, no doubt. He had not at first that entire grasp of the
situation that was wanted at such a time of crisis. But there is a
virtue which in these days seems unknown to Parliamentary statesmen in
England--Magnanimity. Lord Canning was an English statesman, and he
was surpassingly magnanimous. There is another virtue which in Holy
Writ is taken as the type and sum of all righteousness--Justice--and
he was eminently just. The misuse of special powers granted early in
the Mutiny called for Lord Canning's interference, and the consequence
was a flood of savage abuse; the violence and bitterness of which it
is now hard to realise." (_Quarterly Review_, April, 1883, p. 306.)
[51] During the next ten years Yule continued to visit London annually for
two or three months in the spring or early summer.
[52] Now in the writer's possession. They appear in the well-known
portrait of Lord Canning reading a despatch.
[53] Lord Canning's recommendation had been mislaid, and the India Office
was disposed to ignore it. It was Lord Canning's old friend and Eton
chum, Lord Granville, who obtained this tardy justice for Yule,
instigated thereto by that most faithful friend, Sir Roderick
Murchison.
[54] I cannot let the mention of this time of lonely sickness and trial
pass without recording here my deep gratitude to our dear and honoured
friend, John Ruskin. As my dear mother stood on the threshold between
life and death at Mornex that sad spring, he was untiring in all
kindly offices of friendship. It was her old friend, Principal A. J.
Scott (then eminent, now forgotten), who sent him to call. He came to
see us daily when possible, sometimes bringing MSS. of Rossetti and
others to read aloud (and who could equal his reading?), and when she
was too ill for this, or himself absent, he would send not only books
and flowers to brighten the bare rooms of the hillside inn (then very
primitive), but his own best treasures of Turner and W. Hunt, drawings
and illuminated missals. It was an anxious solace; and though most
gratefully enjoyed, these treasures were never long retained.
[55] Villa Mansi, nearly opposite the old Ducal Palace. With its private
chapel, it formed three sides of a small _place_ or court.
[56] He also at all times spared no pains to enforce that ideal on other
index-makers, who were not always grateful for his sound doctrine!
[57] He saw a good deal of the outbreak when taking small comforts to a
friend, the Commandent of the Military School, who was captured and
imprisioned by the insurgents.
[58] After 1869 he discontinued sea-bathing.
[59] This was Yule's first geographical honour, but he had been elected
into the Athenaeum Club, under "Rule II.," in January, 1867.
[60] Garnier took a distinguished part in the Defence of Paris in 1870-71,
after which he resumed his naval service in the East, where he was
killed in action. His last letter to Yule contained the simple
announcement "_J'ai pris Hanoi_" a modest terseness of statement
worthy of the best naval traditions.
[61] One year the present writer, at her mother's desire, induced him to
take walks of 10 to 12 miles with her, but interesting and lovely as
the scenery was, he soon wearied for his writing-table (even bringing
his work with him), and thus little permanent good was effected. And
it was just the same afterwards in Scotland, where an old Highland
gillie, describing his experience of the Yule brothers, said: "I was
liking to take out Sir George, for _he_ takes the time to enjoy the
hills, but (plaintively), the Kornel is no good, for he's just as
restless as a water-wagtail!" If there be any _mal de l'ecritoire_
corresponding to _mal du pays_, Yule certainly had it.
[62] The Russian Government in 1873 paid the same work the very practical
compliment of circulating it largely amongst their officers in Central
Asia.
[63] "Auch in den Literaturen von Frankreich, Italien, Deutschland und
andere Laendern ist der maechtig treibende Einfluss der Yuleschen
Methode, welche wissenschaftliche Grundlichkeit mit anmuthender Form
verbindet, bemerkbar." (_Verhandlungen der Gesellschaft fuer Erdkunde
zu
Berlin_, Band XVII. No. 2.)
[64] This subject is too lengthy for more than cursory allusion here, but
the patient analytic skill and keen venatic instinct with which Yule
not only proved the forgery of the alleged _Travels of Georg Ludwig
von ----_ (that had been already established by Lord Strangford, whose
last effort it was, and Sir Henry Rawlinson), but step by step traced
it home to the arch-culprit Klaproth, was nothing less than masterly.
[65] This is probably the origin of the odd misstatement as to Yule
occupying himself at Palermo with photography, made in the delightful
_Reminiscences_ of the late Colonel Balcarres Ramsay. Yule never
attempted photography after 1852.
[66] She was a woman of fine intellect and wide reading; a skilful
musician, who also sang well, and a good amateur artist in the style
of Aug. Delacroix (of whom she was a favourite pupil). Of French and
Italian she had a thorough and literary mastery, and how well she knew
her own language is shown by the sound and pure English of a story she
published in early life, under the pseudonym of Max Lyle (_Fair Oaks,
or The Experiences of Arnold Osborne, M.D._, 2 vols., 1856). My mother
was partly of Highland descent on both sides, and many of her fine
qualities were very characteristic of that race. Before her marriage
she took an active part in many good works, and herself originated the
useful School for the Blind at Bath, in a room which she hired with
her pocket-money, where she and her friend Miss Elwin taught such of
the blind poor as they could gather together.
In the tablet which he erected to her memory in the family
burial-place of St. Andrew's, Gulane, her husband described her
thus:--"A woman singular in endowments, in suffering, and in faith; to
whom to live was Christ, to die was gain."
[67] Mary Wilhelmina, daughter of F. Skipwith, Esq., B.C.S.
[68] Collinson's _Memoir of Yule_.
[69] See _Notes from a Diary_, 1888-91.
[70] The identification was not limited to Yule, for when travelling in
Russia many years ago, the present writer was introduced by an
absent-minded Russian _savant_ to his colleagues as _Mademoiselle
Marco Paulovna_!
[71] See Note on Sir George Yule's career at the end of this Memoir.
[72] Addressed to the Editor, _Royal Engineers' Journal_, who did not,
however, publish it.
[73] Debate of 27th August, 1889, as reported in _The Times_ of 28th
August.
[74] Yule had published a brief but very interesting Memoir of Major
Rennell in the _R. E. Journal_ in 1881. He was extremely proud of the
circumstance that Rennell's surviving grand-daughter presented to him
a beautiful wax medallion portrait of the great geographer. This
wonderfully life-like presentment was bequeathed by Yule to his friend
Sir Joseph Hooker, who presented it to the Royal Society.
[75] Knowing his veneration for that noble lady, I had written to tell her
of his condition, and to ask her to give him this last pleasure of a
few words. The response was such as few but herself could write. This
letter was not to be found after my father's death, and I can only
conjecture that it must either have been given away by himself (which
is most improbable), or was appropriated by some unauthorised
outsider.
[76] So Sir M. E. Grant Duff well calls it.
[77] _Academy_, 19th March, 1890.
[78] He was much pleased, I remember, by a letter he once received from a
kindly Franciscan friar, who wrote: "You may rest assured that the
Beato Odorico will not forget all you have done for him."
[79] F.-M. Lord Napier of Magdala, died 14th January, 1890.
[80] This notice includes the greater part of an article written by my
father, and published in the _St. James' Gazette_ of 18th January,
1886, but I have added other details from personal recollection and
other sources.--A. F. Y.
A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF SIR HENRY YULE'S WRITINGS
COMPILED BY H. CORDIER AND A. F. YULE[1]
1842 Notes on the Iron of the Kasia Hills. (_Jour. Asiatic Soc. Bengal_,
XI. Part II. July-Dec. 1842, pp. 853-857.)
Reprinted in _Proceedings of the Museum of Economic Geology_, 1852.
1844 Notes on the Kasia Hills and People. By Lieut. H. Yule. (_Jour.
Asiatic Soc. Bengal_, XII. Part II. July-Dec. 1844, pp. 612-631.)
1846 A Canal Act of the Emperor Akbar, with some notes and remarks on the
History of the Western Jumna Canals. By Lieut. Yule. (_Jour. Asiatic
Society Bengal_, XV. 1846, pp. 213-223.)
1850 The African Squadron vindicated. By Lieut. H. Yule. Second Edition.
London, J. Ridgway, 1850, 8vo, pp. 41.
Had several editions. Reprinted in the Colonial Magazine of March,
1850.
---- L'Escadre Africaine vengee. Par le lieutenant H. Yule. Traduit du
_Colonial Magazine_ de Mars, 1850. (_Revue Coloniale_, Mai, 1850.)
1851 Fortification for Officers of the Army and Students of Military
History, with Illustrations and Notes. By Lieut. H. Yule, Blackwood,
MDCCCLI. 8vo, pp. xxii.-210. (There had been a previous edition
privately printed.)
---- La Fortification mise a la portee des Officiers de l'Armee et des
personnes qui se livrent a l'etude de l'histoire militaire (avec
Atlas). Par H. Yule. Traduit de l'Anglais par M. Sapia, Chef de
Bataillon d'Artillerie de Marine et M. Masselin, Capitaine du Genie.
Paris, J. Correard, 1858, 8vo, pp. iii.-263, and Atlas.
1851 The Loss of the _Birkenhead_ (Verses). (_Edinburgh Courant_, Dec.
1851.)
Republished in Henley's _Lyra Heroica_, a Book of Verse for Boys.
London, D. Nutt, 1890.
1852 Tibet. (_Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine_, 1852.)
1856 Narrative of Major Phayre's Mission to the Court of Ava, with Notices
of the Country, Government, and People. Compiled by Capt. H. Yule.
Printed for submission to the Government of India. Calcutta, J.
Thomas,... 1856, 4to, pp. xxix. + 1 f. n. ch. p. l. er. + pp. 315 +
pp. cxiv. + pp. iv. and pp. 70.
The last pp. iv.-70 contain: Notes on the Geological features of the
banks of the River Irawadee and on the Country north of the
Amarapoora, by Thomas Oldham ... Calcutta, 1856.
---- A Narrative of the Mission sent by the Governor-General of India to
the Court of Ava in 1855, with Notices of the Country, Government,
and People. By Capt. H. Yule. With Numerous Illustrations. London,
Smith, Elder & Co., 1858, 4to.
1857 On the Geography of Burma and its Tributary States, in illustration
of a New Map of those Regions. (_Journal, R.G.S._, XXVII. 1857, pp.
54-108.)
---- Notes on the Geography of Burma, in illustration of a Map of that
Country. (_Proceedings R. G. S._, vol. i. 1857, pp. 269-273.)
1857 An Account of the Ancient Buddhist Remains at Pagan on the Irawadi.
By Capt. H. Yule. (_Jour. Asiatic Society, Bengal_, XXVI. 1857,
pp. 1-51.)
1861 A few notes on Antiquities near Jubbulpoor. By Lieut.-Col. H. Yule.
(_Journal Asiatic Society, Bengal_, XXX. 1861, pp. 211-215.)
---- Memorandum on the Countries between Thibet, Yunan, and Burmah. By the
Very Rev. Thomine D'Mazure (sic), communicated by Lieut.-Col. A. P.
Phayre (with notes and a comment by Lieut.-Col. H. Yule) With a Map
of
the N. E. Frontier, prepared in the Office of the Surveyor-Gen. of
India, Calcutta, Aug. 1861. (_Jour. Asiatic Soc. Bengal_, XXX. 1861,
pp. 367-383.)
1862 Notes of a brief Visit to some of the Indian Remains in Java.
By Lieut.-Col. H. Yule. (_Jour. Asiatic Society, Bengal_, XXXI.
1862, pp. 16-31.)
---- Sketches of Java. A Lecture delivered at the Meeting of the Bethune
Society, Calcutta, 13th Feb. 1862.
---- Fragments of Unprofessional Papers gathered from an Engineer's
portfolio after twenty-three years of service. Calcutta, 1862.
Ten copies printed for private circulation.
1863 _Mirabilia descripta_. The Wonders of the East. By Friar Jordanus, of
the Order of Preachers and Bishop of Columbum in India the Greater
(circa 1330). Translated from the Latin original, as published at
Paris in 1839, in the _Recueil de Voyages et de Memoires_, of the
Society of Geography, with the addition of a Commentary, by Col. H.
Yule, London.
Printed for the Hakluyt Society, M.DCCC.LXIII, 8vo, p. iv.-xvii.-68.
---- Report on the Passes between Arakan and Burma [written in 1853].
(_Papers on Indian Civil Engineering_, vol. i. Roorkee.)
1866 Notices of Cathay. (_Proceedings, R.G.S._, X. 1866, pp. 270-278.)
---- Cathay and the Way Thither, being a Collection of Mediaeval Notices
of China. Translated and Edited by Col. H. Yule With a Preliminary
Essay on the Intercourse between China and the Western Nations
previous to the Discovery of the Cape route. London, printed for the
Hakluyt Society. M.DCCC.LXVI. 2 vols. 8vo.
1866 The Insurrection at Palermo. (_Times_, 29th Sep., 1866.)
---- Lake People. (_The Athenaeum_, No. 2042, 15th Dec. 1866, p. 804.)
Letter dated Palermo, 3rd Dec. 1866.
1867 General Index to the third ten Volumes of the Journal of the Royal
Geographical Society. Compiled by Col. H. Yule. London, John Murray,
M.DCCCLXVII, 8vo, pp. 228.
---- A Week's Republic at Palermo. (_Quarterly Review_, Jan. 1867.)
---- On the Cultivation of Sumach (_Rhus coriaria_), in the Vicinity of
Colli, near Palermo. By Prof. Inzenga. Translated by Col. H. Yule.
Communicated by Dr. Cleghorn. _From the Trans. Bot. Society_, vol.
ix., 1867-68, ppt. 8vo, p. 15.
Original first published in the _Annali di Agricoltura Siciliana,
redatti per l'Istituzione del Principe di Castelnuovo_. Palermo,
1852.
1868 Marco Polo and his Recent Editors. (_Quarterly Review_, vol. 125,
July and Oct. 1868, pp. 133 and 166.)
1870 An Endeavour to Elucidate Rashiduddin's Geographical Notices of
India. (_Journal R. Asiatic Society_, N.S. iv. 1870, pp. 340-356.)
---- Some Account of the Senbyu Pagoda at Mengun, near the Burmese
Capital, in a Memorandum by Capt. E. H. Sladen, Political Agent at
Mandale; with Remarks on the Subject, by Col. H. Yule. (Ibid. pp.
406-429.)
---- Notes on Analogies of Manners between the Indo-Chinese and the Races
of the Malay Archipelago. (_Report Fortieth Meeting British
Association, Liverpool_, Sept. 1870, p. 178.)
1871 The Book of Ser Marco Polo, the Venetian, Concerning the Kingdoms and
Marvels of the East. Newly translated and edited with notes. By Col.
H. Yule. In two volumes. With Maps and other Illustrations. London,
John Murray, 1871, 2 vols. 8vo.
---- The Book of Ser Marco Polo, the Venetian, concerning the Kingdoms and
Marvels of the East. Newly translated and edited, with Notes, Maps,
and other Illustrations. By Col. H. Yule. Second edition. London,
John Murray, 1875, 2 vols. 8vo.
1871 Address by Col. H. Yule (_Report Forty-First Meeting British
Association, Edinburgh_, Aug. 1871, pp. 162-174.)
1872 A Journey to the Source of the River Oxus. By Captain John Wood,
Indian Navy. New edition, edited by his Son. With an Essay on the
Geography of the Valley of the Oxus. By Col. H. Yule. With maps.
London, John Murray, 1872. In-8, pp. xc.-280.
---- Papers connected with the Upper Oxus Regions. (_Journal_, xlii. 1872,
pp. 438-481.)
---- Letter [on Yule's edition of Wood's _Oxus_]. (_Ocean Highways_, Feb.
1874, p. 475.)
Palermo, 9th Jan. 1874.
1873 Letter [about the route of M. Polo through Southern Kerman]. (_Ocean
Highways_, March, 1873, p. 385.)
Palermo, 11th Jan. 1873.
---- On Northern Sumatra and especially Achin. (_Ocean Highways_, Aug.
1873, pp. 177-183.)
---- Notes on Hwen Thsang's Account of the Principalities of Tokharistan,
in which some previous Geographical Identifications are reconsidered.
(_Jour. Royal Asiatic Society_, N.S. vi. 1873, pp, 92-120 and p.
278.)
1874 Francis Garnier (In Memoriam). (_Ocean Highways_, pp. 487-491.)
March, 1874.
---- Remarks on Mr. Phillips's Paper [_Notices of Southern Mangi_].
(_Journal_, XLIV. 1874, pp. 103-112.)
Palermo, 22nd Feb. 1874.
---- [Sir Frederic Goldsmid's] "Telegraph and Travel." (_Geographical
Magazine_, April, 1874, p. 34; Oct. 1874, pp. 300-303.)
---- Geographical Notes on the Basins of the Oxus and the Zarafshan. By
the late Alexis Fedchenko. (_Geog. Mag._, May, 1874, pp. 46-54.)
---- [Mr. Ashton Dilke on the Valley of the Ili.] (_Geog. Mag._, June,
1874, p. 123.) Palermo, 16th May, 1874.
---- The _Atlas Sinensis_ and other Sinensiana. (_Geog. Mag._, 1st July,
1847, pp. 147-148.)
---- Letter [on Belasaghun]. (_Geog. Mag._, 1st July, 1874, p. 167; Ibid.
1st Sept. 1874, p. 254.)
Palermo, 17th June, 1874; 8th Aug. 1874.
1874 Bala Sagun and Karakorum. By Eugene Schuyler. With note by Col. Yule.
(_Geog. Mag._, 1st Dec. 1874, p. 389.)
---- M. Khanikoff's Identifications of Names in Clavijo. (Ibid. pp.
389-390.)
1875 Notes [to the translation by Eugene Schuyler of Palladius's version
of _The Journey of the Chinese Traveller, Chang Fe-hui_]. (_Geog.
Mag._, 1st Jan. 1875, pp. 7-11).
---- Some Unscientific Notes on the History of Plants. (_Geog. Mag._, 1st
Feb. 1875, pp. 49-51)
---- Trade Routes to Western China. (_Geog. Mag._, April, 1875, pp.
97-101.)
---- Garden of Transmigrated Souls [Friar Odoric]. (_Geog. Mag._, 1st May,
1875, pp. 137-138.)
---- A Glance at the Results of the Expedition to Hissar. By Herr P.
Lerch. (_Geog. Mag._, 1st Nov. 1875, pp. 334-339.)
---- Kathay or Cathay. (_Johnson's American Cyclopaedia_.)
---- Achin. (_Encycl. Brit._ 9th edition, 1875, I. pp. 95-97.)
---- Afghanistan. (Ibid. pp. 227-241.)
---- Andaman Islands. (Ibid. II. 1875, pp. 11-13.)
---- India [Ancient]. (Map No. 31, 1874, in _An Atlas of Ancient
Geography, edited by William Smith and George Grove_. London, John
Murray, 1875.)
1876 Mongolia, the Tangut Country, and the Solitudes of Northern Tibet,
being a Narrative of Three Years' Travel in Eastern High Asia. By
Lieut.-Col. N. Prejevalsky, of the Russian Staff Corps; Mem. of the
Imp. Russ. Geog. Soc. Translated by E. Delmar Morgan, F.R.G.S. With
Introduction and Notes by Col. H. Yule. With Maps and Illustrations.
London, Sampson Low, 1876, 8vo.
---- _Tibet_ ... Edited by C. R. Markham. Notice of. (_Times_, 1876,
----?)
---- Eastern Persia. Letter. (_The Athenaeum_, No. 2559, 11th Nov. 1876.)
---- Review of _H. Howorth's History of the Mongols_, Part I. (The
Athenaeum, No. 2560, 18th Nov. 1876, pp. 654-656.) Correspondence.
(Ibid. No. 2561, 25th Nov. 1876.)
---- Review of _T. E. Gordon's Roof of the World_. (_The Academy_, 15th
July, 1876, pp. 49-50.)
1876 Cambodia. (_Encycl. Brit._ IV. 1876, pp. 723-726.)
1877 Champa. (_Geog. Mag._, 1st March, 1877, pp. 66-67.)
Article written for the _Encycl. Brit._ 9th edition, but omitted for
reasons which the writer did not clearly understand.
---- _Quid, si Mundus evolvatur?_ (_Spectator_, 24th March, 1877.)
Written in 1875.--Signed MARCUS PAULUS VENETUS.
---- On Louis de Backer's _L'Extreme-Orient au Moyen-Age_. (_The
Athenaeum_, No. 2598, 11th Aug. 1877, pp. 174-175.)
---- On P. Dabry de Thiersant's _Catholicisme en Chine_. (_The Athenaeum_,
No. 2599, 18th Aug. 1877, pp. 209-210.)
---- Review of _Thomas de Quincey, His Life and Writings. By H. A. Page_.
(_Times_, 27th Aug. 1877.)
---- Companions of Faust. Letter on the Claims of P. Castaldi.
(_Times_, Sept. 1877.)
1878 The late Col. T. G. Montgomerie, R.E. (Bengal). (_R. E. Journal_,
April, 1878.) 8vo, pp. 8.
---- Mr. Henry M. Stanley and the Royal Geographical Society; being the
Record of a Protest. By Col. H. Yule and H. M. Hyndman B.A., F.R.G.S.
London: Bickers and Son, 1878, 8vo, pp. 48
---- Review of _Burma, Past and Present; with Personal Reminiscences of
the Country_. By Lieut.-Gen. Albert Fytche. (_The Athenaeum_, No.
2634, 20th April, 1878, pp. 499-500.)
---- Kayal. (_The Athenaeum_, No. 2634, 20th April, 1878, p. 515.)
Letter dated April, 1878.
---- Missions in Southern India. (Letter to _Pall Mall Gazette_, 20th
June, 1878.)
---- Mr. Stanley and his Letters of 1875. (Letter to _Pall Mall Gazette_,
30th Jan. 1878.)
---- Review of _Richthofen's China_, Bd. I. (_The Academy_, 13th April,
1878, pp. 315-316.)
---- [A foreshadowing of the Phonograph.] (_The Athenaeum_, No. 2636,
4th May, 1878.)
1879 A Memorial of the Life and Services of Maj.-Gen. W. W. H. Greathed,
C.B., Royal Engineers (Bengal), (1826-1878). Compiled by a Friend and
Brother Officer. London, printed for private circulation, 1879, 8vo,
pp. 57.
---- Review of _Gaur: its Ruins and Inscriptions_. By John Henry
Ravenshaw. (_The Athenaeum_, No. 2672, 11th Jan. 1879, pp. 42-44.)
---- Wellington College. (Letter to _Pall Mall Gazette_, 14th April,
1879.)
---- Dr. Holub's Travels. (_The Athenaeum_, No. 2710, 4th Oct. 1879,
pp. 436-437.)
---- Letter to Comm. Berchet, dated 2nd Dec. 1878. (_Archivio Veneto_
XVII. 1879, pp. 360-362.)
Regarding some documents discovered by the Ab. Cav. V. Zanetti.
---- Gaur. (_Encyclop. Brit._ X. 1879, pp. 112-116.)
---- Ghazni. (Ibid. pp. 559-562.)
---- Gilgit. (Ibid. pp. 596-599.)
---- Singular Coincidences. (_The Athenaeum_, No. 2719, 6th Dec. 1879.)
1880 [Brief Obituary Notice of] General W. C. Macleod. (_Pall Mall
Gazette_, 10th April, 1880.)
---- [Obituary Notice of] Gen. W. C. Macleod. (_Proc. R. Geog. Soc._,
June, 1880.)
---- An Ode in Brown Pig. Suggested by reading Mr. Lang's _Ballades in
Blue China_. [Signed MARCUS PAULUS VENETUS.] (_St. James' Gazette_,
17th July, 1880.)
---- Notes on Analogies of Manners between the Indo-Chinese Races and the
Races of the Indian Archipelago. By Col. Yule (_Journ. Anthrop. Inst.
of Great Britain and Ireland_, vol. ix., 1880, pp. 290-301.)
---- Sketches of Asia in the Thirteenth Century and of Marco Polo's
Travels, delivered at Royal Engineer Institute, 18th Nov. 1880.
[This Lecture, with slight modification, was also delivered on other
occasions both before and after. Doubtful if ever fully reported.]
---- Dr. Holub's Collections. (_The Athenaeum_, No. 2724, 10th Jan. 1880.)
---- Prof. Max Mueller's Paper at the Royal Asiatic Society. (_The
Athenaeum_, No. 2731, 28th Feb. 1880, p. 285.)
---- The Temple of Buddha Gaya. (Review of _Dr. Rajendralala Mitra's
Buddha Gaya_.) (_Sat. Rev._, 27th March, 1870.)
---- Mr. Gladstone and Count Karoiyi. (Letter to _The Examiner_, 22nd May,
1880, signed TRISTRAM SHANDY.)
1880 Stupa of Barhut. [Review of Cunningham's work.] (_Sat. Rev._, 5th
June, 1880.)
---- From Africa: Southampton, Fifth October, 1880.
[Verses to Sir Bartle Frere.] (_Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine_, Nov.
1880.)
---- Review of _H. Howorth's History of the Mongols_, Part II. (_The
Athenaeum_, No. 2762, 2nd Oct. 1880, pp. 425-427.)
---- _Verboten ist_, a Rhineland Rhapsody. (Printed for private
circulation only.)
---- Hindu-Kush. (_Encyclop. Brit._ XI. 1880, pp. 837-839.)
---- The River of Golden Sand, the Narrative of a Journey through China
and Eastern Tibet to Burmah, With Illustrations and ten Maps from
Original Surveys. By Capt. W. Gill, Royal Engineers. With an
Introductory Essay. By Col. H. Yule, London, John Murray,... 1880,
2 vols. 8vo, pp. 95-420, 11-453;
---- The River of Golden Sand: Being the Narrative of a Journey through
China and Eastern Tibet to Burmah. By the late Capt. W. Gill, R.E.
Condensed by Edward Colborne Baber, Chinese Secretary to H.M.'s
Legation at Peking. Edited, with a Memoir and Introductory Essay, by
Col. H. Yule. With Portrait, Map, and Woodcuts. London, John Murray,
1883, 8vo., pp. 141-332.
---- Memoir of Captain W. Gill, R.E., and Introductory Essay as prefixed
to the New Edition of the "River of Golden Sand." By Col. H. Yule.
London, John Murray,... 1884, 8vo. [Paged 19-141.]
1881 [Notice on William Yule] in Persian Manuscripts in the British
Museum. By Sir F. J. Goldsmid. (_The Athenaeum_, No. 2813, 24th Sept.
1881, pp. 401-403.)
---- Il Beato Odorico di Pordenone, ed i suoi Viaggi: Cenni dettati dal
Col. Enrico Yule, quando s'inaugurava in Pordenone il Busto di
Odorico il giorno, 23 deg. Settembre, MDCCCLXXXI, 8vo. pp. 8.
---- Hwen T'sang. (_Encyclop. Brit._ XII. 1881, pp. 418-419.)
---- Ibn Batuta. (Ibid. pp. 607-609.)
---- Kafiristan. (Ibid. XIII. 1881, pp. 820-823.)
---- Major James Rennell, F.R.S., of the Bengal Engineers. [Reprinted from
the _Royal Engineers' Journal_], 8vo., pp. 16.
(Dated 7th Dec. 1881.)
1881 Notice of Sir William E. Baker. (_St. James' Gazette_, 27th Dec.
1881.)
---- Parallels [Matthew Arnold and de Barros]. (_The Athenaeum_, No. 2790,
16th April, 1881, pp. 536.)
1882 Memoir of Gen. Sir William Erskine Baker, K.C.B., Royal Engineers
(Bengal). Compiled by two old friends, brother officers and pupils.
London. Printed for private circulation, 1882, 8vo., pp. 67.
By H. Y[ule] and R. M. [Gen. R. Maclagan].
---- Etymological Notes. (_The Athenaeum_, No. 2837, 11th March, 1882; No.
2840, 1st April, 1882, p. 413.)
---- Lhasa. (_Encyclop. Brit._ XIV. 1882, pp. 496-503.)
---- _Wadono_. (_The Athenaeum_, No. 2846, 13th May, 1882, p. 602.)
---- Dr. John Brown. (_The Athenaeum_, No. 2847, 20th May, 1882, pp.
635-636.)
---- A Manuscript of Marco Polo. (_The Athenaeum_, No. 2851, 17th June,
1882, pp. 765-766.)
[About Baron Nordenskioeld's Facsimile Edition.]
---- Review of _Ancient India as described by Ktesias the Knidian_, etc.
By J. W. M'Crindle. (_The Athenaeum_, No. 2860, 19th Aug. 1882,
pp. 237-238.)
---- The Silver Coinage of Thibet. (Review of Terrien de Lacouperie's
Paper.) (_The Academy_, 19th Aug. 1882, pp 140-141.)
---- Review of _The Indian Balhara and the Arabian Intercourse with
India_. By Edward Thomas. (_The Athenaeum_, No. 2866, 30th Sept.
1882, pp. 428-429.)
---- The Expedition of Professor Palmer, Capt. Gill, and Lieut.
Charrington. (Letter in _The Times_, 16th Oct. 1882.)
---- Obituary Notice of Dr. Arthur Burnell. (_Times_, 20th Oct. 1882.)
---- Capt. William Gill, R.E. [Notice of]. (_The Times_, 31st Oct. 1882.)
See supra, first col. of this page.
---- Notes on the Oldest Records of the Sea Route to China from Western
Asia. By Col. Yule. _Proc. of the Royal Geographical Society, and
Monthly Record of Geography_, Nov. No. 1882, 8vo.
_Proceedings_, N.S. IV. 1882, pp. 649-660. Read at the Geographical
Section, Brit. Assoc., Southampton Meeting, augmented and revised by
the author.
1883 Lord Lawrence. [Review of _Life of Lord Lawrence_. By R. Bosworth
Smith.] (_Quarterly Review_, vol. 155, April, 1883, pp. 289-326.)
---- Review of _Across Chryse_. By A. R. Colquhoun. (_The Athenaeum_, No.
2900, 26th May, 1883, pp. 663-665.)
---- La Terra del Fuoco e Carlo Darwin. (Extract from Letter published by
the _Fanfulla_, Rome 2nd June, 1883.)
---- How was the Trireme rowed? (_The Academy_, 6th Oct. 1883, p. 237.)
---- _Across Chryse_. (_The Athenaeum_, No. 2922, 27th Oct. 1883.)
---- Political Fellowship in the India Council. (Letter in _The Times_,
15th Dec. 1883.) [Heading was not Yule's.]
---- Maldive Islands. (_Encyclop. Brit._ XV. 1883, pp. 327-332.)
---- Mandeville. (Ibid. pp. 473-475.)
1884 A Sketch of the Career of Gen. John Reid Becher, C.B., Royal
Engineers (Bengal). By an old friend and brother officer. Printed for
private circulation, 1884, 8vo, pp. 40.
---- Rue Quills. (_The Academy_, No. 620, 22nd March, 1884, pp. 204-205.)
Reprinted in present ed. of Marco Polo, vol. ii. p. 596.
---- Lord Canning. (Letter in _The Times_, 2nd April, 1884.)
---- Sir Bartle Frere [Letter respecting Memorial of]. (_St. James'
Gazette_, 27th July, 1884.)
---- Odoric. (_Encyclop. Brit._ XVIII. 1884, pp. 728-729.)
---- Ormus. (Ibid. pp. 856-858.)
1885 Memorials of Gen. Sir Edward Harris Greathed, K.C.B. Compiled by the
late Lieut.-Gen. Alex. Cunningham Robertson, C.B. Printed for private
circulation. (With a prefatory notice of the compiler.) London,
Harrison & Sons,... 1885, 8vo, pp. 95.
The Prefatory Notice of Gen. A. C. Robertson is by H. Yule, June,
1885, p. iii.-viii.
---- Anglo-Indianisms. (Letter in the _St. James' Gazette_, 30th July,
1885.)
---- Obituary Notice of Col. Grant Allan, Madras Army. (_From the Army and
Navy Gazette_, 22nd Aug. 1885.)
---- Shameless Advertisements. (Letter in _The Times_, 28th Oct. 1885.)
1886 Marco Polo. (_Encyclop. Brit._ XIX. 1885, pp. 404-409.)
---- Prester John. (Ibid. pp. 714-718.)
---- Brief Notice of Sir Edward Clive Bayley. Pages ix.-xiv. [Prefixed to
_The History of India as told by its own Historians: Gujarat_. By the
late Sir Edward Clive Bayley.] London, Allen, 1886, 8vo.
---- Sir George Udny Yule. In Memoriam (_St. James' Gazette_, 18th Jan.
1886.)
---- Cacothanasia. [Political Verse, Signed [Greek: Maenin AEIDE]]
(_St. James' Gazette_, 1st Feb. 1886.)
---- William Kay, D.D. [Notice of]. (Letter to _The Guardian_, 3rd Feb.
1886.)
---- Col. George Thomson, C.B., R.E. (_Royal Engineers' Journal_, 1886.)
---- Col. George Thomson, C.B. [Note]. (_St. James' Gazette_, 16th Feb.
1886.)
---- Hidden Virtues [A Satire on W. E. Gladstone]. (Letter to the _St.
James' Gazette_, 21st March, 1886. Signed M. P. V.)
---- Burma, Past and Present. (_Quart. Rev._ vol. 162, Jan. and April,
1886, pp. 210-238.)
---- Errors of Facts, in two well-known Pictures.
(_The Athenaeum_, No. 3059, 12th June, 1886, p. 788.)
---- [Obituary Notice of] Lieut.-Gen. Sir Arthur Phayre, C.B., K.C.S.I.,
G.C.M.G. (_Proc. R.G.S._, N.S. 1886, VIII. pp. 103-112.)
---- "Lines suggested by a Portrait in the Millais Exhibition."
Privately printed and (though never published) widely circulated.
These powerful verses on Gladstone are those several times referred
to by Sir Mountstuart Grant Duff, in his published Diaries.
---- Introductory Remarks on _The Rock-Cut Caves and Statues of Bamian_.
By Capt. the Hon. M. G. Talbot. (_Journ. R. As. Soc._ N.S. XVIII.
1886, pp. 323-329.)
---- Opening Address. (Ibid. pp. i.-v.)
---- Opening Address. (Ibid. xix. pp. i.-iii.)
---- Hobson-Jobsoniana. By H. Yule (_Asiatic Quarterly Review_, vol. i.
1886, pp. 119-140.)
---- HOBSON-JOBSON: Being a Glossary of Anglo-Indian Colloquial Words and
Phrases, and of Kindred Terms; etymological, historical,
geographical, and discursive. By Col. H. Yule, and the late Arthur
Coke Burnell, Ph.D., C.I.E., author of "The Elements of South Indian
Palaeography," etc., London, John Murray, 1886. (All rights
reserved), 8vo, p. xliii.-870. Preface, etc.
A new edition is in preparation under the editorship of Mr. William
Crooke (1902).
1886 John Bunyan. (Letter in _St. James' Gazette_, circa 31st Dec. 1886.
Signed M. P. V.)
---- Rennell. (_Encyclop. Brit._ XX. 1886, pp. 398-401.)
---- Rubruquis (Ibid. XXI. 1886, pp. 46-47.)
1887 Lieut.-Gen. W. A. Crommelen, C.B., R.E. (_Royal Engineers' Journal_,
1887.)
---- [Obituary Notice] Col. Sir J. U. Bateman Champain. (_Times_, 2nd Feb.
1887).
---- "Pulping Public Records." (_Notes and Queries_, 19th March, 1887.)
---- A Filial Remonstrance (Political Verses). Signed M. P. V. (_St.
James' Gazette_, 8th Aug. 1887.)
---- Memoir of Major-Gen. J. T. Boileau, R.E., F.R.S. By C. R. Low, I.N.,
F.R.G.S. With a Preface by Col. H. Yule, C.B., London, Allen, 1887.
---- The Diary of William Hedges, Esq. (afterwards Sir William Hedges),
during his Agency in Bengal; as well as on his voyage out and return
overland (1681-1687). Transcribed for the Press, with Introductory
Notes, etc., by R. Barlow, Esq., and illustrated by copious extracts
from unpublished records, etc., by Col. H. Yule. Pub. for Hakluyt
Society. London, 1887-1889, 3 vols. 8vo.
1888 Concerning some little known Travellers in the East. (_Asiatic
Quarterly Review_, V. 1888, pp. 312-335.)
No. I.--George Strachan.
---- Concerning some little known Travellers in the East. (_Asiatic
Quarterly Review_, VI. 1888, pp. 382-398.)
No. II.--William, Earl of Denbigh; Sir Henry Skipwith; and others.
---- Notes on the St. James's of the 6th Jan. [A Budget of Miscellaneous
interesting criticism.] (Letter to _St. James' Gazette_, 9th Jan.
1888.)
---- Deflections of the Nile. (Letter in _The Times_, 15th Oct. 1888.)
---- The History of the Pitt Diamond, being an excerpt from Documentary
Contributions to a Biography of Thomas Pitt, prepared for issue [in
Hedges' Diary] by the Hakluyt Society. London, 1888, 8vo. pp. 23.
Fifty Copies printed for private circulation.
1889 The Remains of Pagan. By H. Yule. (_Truebner's Record_, 3rd ser.
vol. i. pt. i. 1889, p. 2.)
To introduce notes by Dr. E Forchammer.
---- A Coincident Idiom. By H. Yule. (_Truebner's Record_, 3rd ser. vol. i.
pt. iii. pp. 84-85.)
---- The Indian Congress [a Disclaimer], (Letter to _The Times_, 1st Jan.
1889.)
---- Arrowsmith, the Friend of Thomas Poole. (Letter in _The Academy_,
9th Feb. 1889, p. 96.)
BIOGRAPHIES OF SIR HENRY YULE.
---- Colonel Sir Henry Yule, K.C.S.I., C.B., LL.D., R.E. By General Robert
Maclagan, R.E. (_Proceed. Roy. Geog. Soc._ XII. 1890, pp. 108-113.)
---- Colonel Sir Henry Yule, K.C.S.I., C.B., LL.D., R.E., etc. (With a
Portrait). By E. Delmar Morgan. (_Scottish Geographical Magazine_,
VI. 1890, pp. 93-98.) Contains a very good Bibliography.
---- Col. Sir H. Yule, R.E., C.B., K.C.S.I., by Maj.-Gen. T. B. Collinson,
R.E., _Royal Engineers' Journal_, March, 1890. [This is the best of
the Notices of Yule which appeared at the time of his death.]
---- Sir Henry Yule, K.C.S.I, C.B., LL.D., R.E., by E. H. Giglioli. Roma,
1890, ppt. 8vo, pp. 8.
Estratto dal _Bollettino della Societa Geografica Italiana_, Marzo,
1890.
---- Sir Henry Yule. By J. S. C[otton]. (_The Academy_, 11th Jan. 1890,
No. 923, pp. 26-27.)
---- Sir Henry Yule. (_The Athenaeum_, No. 3245, 4th Jan. 1900, p. 17;
No. 3246, 11th Jan. p. 53; No. 3247, 18th Jan. p. 88.)
---- _In Memoriam_. Sir Henry Yule. By D. M. (_The Academy_, 29th March,
1890, p. 222.)
See end of _Memoir_ in present work.
---- Le Colonel Sir Henry Yule. Par M. Henri Cordier. Extrait du _Journal
Asiatique_. Paris, Imprimerie nationale, MDCCCXC, in-8, pp. 26.
---- The same, _Bulletin de la Societe de Geographie_. Par M. Henri
Cordier. 1890, 8vo, pp. 4.
Meeting 17th Jan. 1890.
1889 Baron F. von Richthofen. (_Verhandlungen der Gesellschaft fuer
Erdkunde zu Berlin_, xvii. 2.)
---- Colonel Sir Henry Yule, R.E., C.B., K.C.S.I. Memoir by General R.
Maclagan, _Journ. R. Asiatic Society_, 1890.
---- Memoir of Colonel Sir Henry Yule, R.E., C.B., K.C.S.I., LL.D., etc.
By Coutts Trotter. (_Proceedings of the Royal Society of Edinburgh_,
1891. p. xliii. to p. lvi.)
1889 Sir Henry Yule (1820-1889). By Coutts Trotter. (_Dict. of National
Biography_, lxiii. pp. 405-407.)
1903 Memoir of Colonel Sir Henry Yule, R.E., C.B., K.C.S.I., Corr. Inst.
France, by his daughter, Amy Frances Yule, L.A.Soc. Ant. Scot., etc.
Written for third edition of Yule's Marco Polo. Reprinted for private
circulation only.
[1] This list is based on the excellent preliminary List compiled by E.
Delmar Morgan, published in the _Scottish Geographical Magazine_, vol.
vi., pp. 97-98, but the present compilers have much more than doubled
the number of entries. It is, however, known to be still incomplete,
and any one able to add to the list, will greatly oblige the compilers
by sending additions to the Publisher.--A. F. Y.
SYNOPSIS OF CONTENTS.
MARCO POLO AND HIS BOOK.
INTRODUCTORY NOTICES.
I. OBSCURITIES IN THE HISTORY OF HIS LIFE AND BOOK. RAMUSIO'S STATEMENTS
Sec. 1. Obscurities, etc. 2. Ramusio his earliest Biographer; his Account
of Polo. 3. He vindicates Polo's Geography. 4. Compares him with
Columbus. 5. Recounts a Tradition of the Traveller's Return to Venice.
6. Recounts Marco's Capture by the Genoese. 7. His statements about
Marco's liberation and marriage. 8. His account of the Family Polo and
its termination.
II. SKETCH OF THE STATE OF THE EAST AT THE TIME OF THE JOURNEYS OF THE
POLO FAMILY
Sec. 9. State of the Levant. 10. The various Mongol Sovereignties in Asia
and Eastern Europe. 11. China. 12. India and Indo-China.
III. THE POLO FAMILY. PERSONAL HISTORY OF THE TRAVELLERS TILL THEIR FINAL
RETURN FROM THE EAST
Sec. 13. Alleged origin of the Polos. 14. Claims to Nobility. 15. The Elder
Marco Polo. 16. Nicolo and Maffeo Polo commence their Travels. 17. Their
intercourse with Kublai Kaan. 18. Their return home, and Marco's
appearance on the scene. 19. Second Journey of the Polo Brothers,
accompanied by Marco. (See App. L. 1.) 20. Marco's Employment by Kublai
Kaan; and his Journeys. 21. Circumstances of the departure of the Polos
from the Kaan's Court. 22. They pass by Persia to Venice. Their
relations there.
IV. DIGRESSION CONCERNING THE MANSION OF THE POLO FAMILY AT S. GIOVANNI
GRISOSTOMO
Sec. 23. Probable period of their establishment at S. Giovanni Grisostomo.
24. Relics of the Casa Polo in the Corte Sabbionera. 24a. Recent
corroboration as to traditional site of the Casa Polo.
V. DIGRESSION CONCERNING THE WAR-GALLEYS OF THE MEDITERRANEAN STATES IN
THE MIDDLE AGES.
Sec. 25. Arrangement of the Rowers in Mediaeval Galleys; a separate Oar to
every Man. 26. Change of System in 16th Century. 27. Some details of
13th-Century Galleys. 28. Fighting Arrangements. 29. Crew of a Galley
and Staff of a Fleet. 30. Music and miscellaneous particulars.
VI. THE JEALOUSIES AND NAVAL WARS OF VENICE AND GENOA. LAMBA DORIA'S
EXPEDITION TO THE ADRIATIC; BATTLE OF CURZOLA; AND IMPRISONMENT OF MARCO
POLO BY THE GENOESE
Sec. 31. Growing Jealousies and Outbreaks between the Republics. 32. Battle
in Bay of Ayas in 1294. 33. Lamba Doria's Expedition to the Adriatic.
34. The Fleets come in sight of each other at Curzola. 35. The Venetians
defeated, and Marco Polo a Prisoner. 36. Marco Polo in Prison dictates
his Book to Rusticiano of Pisa. Release of Venetian Prisoners. 37.
Grounds on which the story of Marco Polo's capture at Curzola rests.
VII. RUSTICIANO OR RUSTICHELLO OF PISA, MARCO POLO'S FELLOW-PRISONER AT
GENOA, THE SCRIBE WHO WROTE DOWN THE TRAVELS
Sec. 38. Rusticiano, perhaps a Prisoner from Meloria. 39. A Person known
from other sources. 40. Character of his Romance Compilations.
41. Identity of the Romance Compiler with Polo's Fellow-Prisoner.
42. Further particulars regarding Rusticiano.
VIII. NOTICES OF MARCO POLO'S HISTORY AFTER THE TERMINATION OF HIS
IMPRISONMENT AT GENOA
Sec. 43. Death of Marco's Father before 1300. Will of his Brother Maffeo.
44. Documentary Notices of Polo at this time. The Sobriquet of
_Milione_. 45. Polo's relations with Thibault de Cepoy. 46. His
Marriage, and his Daughters. Marco as a Merchant. 47. His Last Will; and
Death. 48. Place of Sepulture. Professed Portraits of Polo. 49. Further
History of the Polo Family. 49 _bis_. Reliques of Marco Polo.
IX. MARCO POLO'S BOOK; AND THE LANGUAGE IN WHICH IT WAS FIRST WRITTEN
Sec. 50. General Statement of what the Book contains. 51. Language of the
original Work. 52. Old French Text of the Societe de Geographie.
53. Conclusive proof that the Old French Text is the source of all the
others. 54. Greatly diffused employment of French in that age.
X. VARIOUS TYPES OF TEXT OF MARCO POLO'S BOOK
Sec. 55. Four Principal Types of Text. _First_, that of the Geographic or
Oldest French. 56. _Second_, the Remodelled French Text; followed by
Pauthier. 57. The Bern MS. and two others form a sub-class of this type.
58. _Third_, Friar Pipino's Latin. 59. The Latin of Grynaeus,
a Translation at Fifth Hand. 60. _Fourth_, Ramusio's Italian.
61. Injudicious Tamperings in Ramusio. 62. Genuine Statements peculiar
to Ramusio. 63. Hypothesis of the Sources of the Ramusian Version. 64.
Summary in regard to Text of Polo. 65. Notice of a curious Irish
Version.
XI. SOME ESTIMATE OF THE CHARACTER OF POLO AND HIS BOOK
Sec. 66. Grounds of Polo's Pre-eminence among Mediaeval Travellers.
67. His true claims to glory. 68. His personal attributes seen but
dimly. 69. Absence of scientific notions. 70. Map constructed on Polo's
data. 71. Singular omissions of Polo in regard to China; historical
inaccuracies. 72. Was Polo's Book materially affected by the Scribe
Rusticiano? 73. Marco's reading embraced the Alexandrian Romances.
Examples. 74. Injustice long done to Polo. Singular Modern Example.
XII. CONTEMPORARY RECOGNITION OF POLO AND HIS BOOK.
Sec. 75. How far was there diffusion of his Book in his own day?
76. Contemporary References to Polo. T. de Cepoy; Pipino; Jacopo
d'Acqui; Giov. Villani. 77. Pietro d'Abano; Jean le Long of Ypres.
78. Curious borrowings from Polo in the Romance of Bauduin de Sebourc.
78 _bis._ Chaucer and Marco Polo.
XIII. NATURE OF POLO'S INFLUENCE ON GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE
Sec. 79. Tardy operation, and causes thereof. 80. General characteristics
of Mediaeval Cosmography. 81. Roger Bacon as a Geographer. 82. Arab
Geography. 83. Marino Sanudo the Elder. 84. The Catalan Map of 1375, the
most complete mediaeval embodiment of Polo's Geography. 85. Fra Mauro's
Map. Confusions in Cartography of the 16th Century from the endeavour to
combine new and old information. 86. Gradual disappearance of Polo's
nomenclature. 87. Alleged introduction of Block-printed Books into
Europe by Marco Polo in connexion with the fiction of the invention of
Printing by Castaldi of Feltre. 88. Frequent opportunities for such
introduction in the Age following Polo's.
XIV. EXPLANATIONS REGARDING THE BASIS ADOPTED FOR THE PRESENT TRANSLATION
Sec. 89. Texts followed by Marsden and by Pauthier. 90. Eclectic Formation
of the English Text of this Translation. 91. Mode of rendering Proper
Names.
THE BOOK OF MARCO POLO.
PROLOGUE.
PRELIMINARY ADDRESS OF RUSTICIANO OF PISA
I.--HOW THE TWO BROTHERS POLO SET FORTH FROM CONSTANTINOPLE TO TRAVERSE
THE WORLD
NOTES.--1. Chronology. 2. "The Great Sea." The Port of Soldaia.
II.--HOW THE TWO BROTHERS WENT ON BEYOND SOLDAIA
NOTES.--1. Site and Ruins of Sarai. 2. City of Bolghar. 3. Alau Lord of
the Levant (i.e. _Hulaku_). 4. Ucaca on the Volga. 5. River Tigeri.
III.--HOW THE TWO BROTHERS, AFTER CROSSING A DESERT, CAME TO THE CITY OF
BOCARA, AND FELL IN WITH CERTAIN ENVOYS THERE
NOTES.--1. "Bocara a City of Persia." 2. The Great Kaan's Envoys.
IV.--HOW THE TWO BROTHERS TOOK THE ENVOYS' COUNSEL, AND WENT TO THE COURT
OF THE GREAT KAAN
V.--HOW THE TWO BROTHERS ARRIVED AT THE COURT OF THE GREAT KAAN
VI.--HOW THE GREAT KAAN ASKED ALL ABOUT THE MANNERS OF THE CHRISTIANS, AND
PARTICULARLY ABOUT THE POPE OF ROME
NOTE.--Apostoille. The name _Tartar_.
VII.--HOW THE GREAT KAAN SENT THE TWO BROTHERS AS HIS ENVOYS TO THE POPE
NOTES.--1. The Great Kaan's Letter. 2. The Seven Arts. 3. Religious
Indifference of the Mongol Princes.
VIII.--HOW THE GREAT KAAN GAVE THEM A TABLET OF GOLD, BEARING HIS ORDERS
IN THEIR BEHALF
NOTES.--1. The Tablet. 2. The Port of Ayas.
IX.--HOW THE TWO BROTHERS CAME TO THE CITY OF ACRE; AND THENCE TO VENICE
NOTES.--1. Names of the deceased Pope and of the Legate. 2. Negropont.
3. Mark's age.
X.--HOW THE TWO BROTHERS AGAIN DEPARTED FROM VENICE, ON THEIR WAY BACK TO
THE GREAT KAAN, AND TOOK WITH THEM MARK, THE SON OF MESSER NICOLO
NOTE.--Oil from the Holy Sepulchre.
XI.--HOW THE TWO BROTHERS SET OUT FROM ACRE, AND MARK ALONG WITH THEM
NOTE.--Pope Gregory X. and his Election.
XII.--HOW THE TWO BROTHERS PRESENTED THEMSELVES BEFORE THE NEW POPE
NOTES.--1. William of Tripoli. 2. Powers conceded to Missionary Friars.
3. Bundukdar and his Invasion of Armenia; his character. 4. The Templars
in Cilician Armenia.
XIII.--HOW MESSER NICOLO AND MESSER MAFFEO POLO, ACCOMPANIED BY MARK,
TRAVELLED TO THE COURT OF THE GREAT KAAN
NOTE.--The City of Kemenfu, Summer Residence of Kublai.
XIV.--HOW MESSER NICOLO AND MESSER MAFFEO POLO AND MARCO PRESENTED
THEMSELVES BEFORE THE GREAT KAAN
NOTES.--1. Verbal. 2. "Vostre Homme."
XV.--HOW THE LORD SENT MARK ON AN EMBASSY OF HIS
NOTES.--1. The four Characters learned by Marco, what? 2. Ramusio's
addition. 3. Nature of Marco's employment.
XVI.--HOW MARK RETURNED FROM THE MISSION WHEREON HE HAD BEEN SENT
XVII.--HOW MESSER NICOLO, MESSER MAFFEO, AND MESSER MARCO, ASKED LEAVE OF
THE GREAT KAAN TO GO THEIR WAY
NOTES.--1. Risks to Foreigners on a change of Sovereign. 2. The Lady
Bolgana. 3. Passage from Ramusio.
XVIII.--HOW THE TWO BROTHERS AND MESSER MARCO TOOK LEAVE OF THE GREAT
KAAN, AND RETURNED TO THEIR OWN COUNTRY
NOTES.--1. Mongol Royal Messengers. 2. Mongol communication with the
King of England. 3. Mediaeval Ships of China. 4. Passage from China
to Sumatra. 5. Mortality among the party. 6. The Lady Cocachin in
Persian History. 7. Death of the Kaan. 8. The Princess of Manzi.
BOOK FIRST.
_Account of Regions Visited or heard of on the Journey from the Lesser
Armenia to the Court of the Great Kaan at Chandu._
I.--HERE THE BOOK BEGINS; AND FIRST IT SPEAKS OF THE LESSER HERMENIA
NOTES.--1. Little Armenia. 2. Meaning of _Chasteaux_. 3. Sickliness of
Cilician Coast. 4. The phrase "_fra terre_."
II.--CONCERNING THE PROVINCE OF TURCOMANIA
NOTES.--1. Brutality of the people. 2. Application of name _Turcomania_.
Turcoman Hordes.
III.--DESCRIPTION OF THE GREATER HERMENIA
NOTES.--1. Erzingan. _Buckrams_, what were they? 2. Erzrum. 3. Baiburt.
4. Ararat. 5. Oil wells of Baku.
IV.--OF GEORGIANIA AND THE KINGS THEREOF
NOTES.--1. Georgian Kings. 2. The Georgians. 3. The Iron Gates and Wall
of Alexander. 4. Box forests. 5. Goshawks. 6. Fish Miracle. 7. Sea of
Ghel or Ghelan. Names ending in _-an_. 8. Names of the Caspian, and
navigation thereon. 9. Fish in the Caspian.
V.--OF THE KINGDOM OF MAUSUL
NOTES.--1. Atabeks of Mosul. 2. Nestorian and Jacobite Christians.
3. Mosolins. 4. The Kurds. 5. Mush and Mardin.
VI.--OF THE GREAT CITY OF BAUDAS, AND HOW IT WAS TAKEN
NOTES.--1. Baudas, or Baghdad. 2. Island of Kish. 3. Basra.
4. Baldachins and other silk textures; Animal patterns. 5, 6. Hulaku's
Expedition. 7. The Death of the Khalif Mosta'sim. 8. Froissart.
VII.--HOW THE CALIF OF BAUDAS TOOK COUNSEL TO SLAY ALL THE CHRISTIANS IN
HIS LAND
NOTES.--1. Chronology. 2. "Ses _Regisles_ et ses _Casses_."
VIII.--HOW THE CHRISTIANS WERE IN GREAT DISMAY BECAUSE OF WHAT THE CALIF
HAD SAID
NOTE.--The word "_cralantur_."
IX.--HOW THE ONE-EYED COBLER WAS DESIRED TO PRAY FOR THE CHRISTIANS
X.--HOW THE PRAYER OF THE ONE-EYED COBLER CAUSED THE MOUNTAIN TO MOVE
NOTE.--The Mountain Miracle.
XI.--OF THE NOBLE CITY OF TAURIS
NOTES.--1. Tabriz. 2. Cremesor. 3. Traffic at Tabriz. 4. The _Torizi_.
5. Character of City and People.
XII.--OF THE MONASTERY OF SAINT BARSAMO ON THE BORDERS OF TAURIS
NOTE.--The Monastery of Barsauma.
XIII.--OF THE GREAT COUNTRY OF PERSIA; WITH SOME ACCOUNT OF THE THREE
KINGS
NOTES.--1. Kala' Atishparastan. 2. The Three Kings.
XIV.--HOW THE THREE KINGS RETURNED TO THEIR OWN COUNTRY
NOTES.--1. The three mystic Gifts. 2. The Worshipped Fire. 3. Savah and
Avah. The Legend in Mas'udi. Embellishments of the Story of the Magi.
XV.--OF THE EIGHT KINGDOMS OF PERSIA, AND HOW THEY ARE NAMED
NOTES.--1. The Eight Kingdoms. 2. Export of Horses, and Prices.
3. Persian Brigands. 4. Persian wine.
XVI.--CONCERNING THE GREAT CITY OF YASDI
NOTES.--1. Yezd. 2. Yezd to Kerman. The Woods spoken of.
XVII.--CONCERNING THE KINGDOM OF KERMAN
NOTES.--1. City and Province of Kerman. 2. Turquoises. 3. _Ondanique_ or
Indian Steel. 4. Manufactures of Kerman. 5. Falcons.
XVIII.--OF THE CITY OF CAMADI AND ITS RUINS; ALSO TOUCHING THE CARAUNA
ROBBERS
NOTES.--1. Products of the warmer plains. 2. Humped oxen and fat-tailed
sheep. 3. _Scarani_. 4. The Karaunahs and Nigudarian Bands.
5. Canosalmi.
XIX.--OF THE DESCENT TO THE CITY OF HORMOS
NOTES.--1. Site of Old Hormuz and Geography of the route from Kerman to
Hormuz. 2. Dates and Fish Diet. 3. Stitched Vessels. "_One rudder_," why
noticed as peculiar. 4. Great heat at Hormuz. 5. The Simum. 6. History
of Hormuz, and Polo's Ruomedan Acomat. 7. Second Route between Hormuz
and Kerman.
XX.--OF THE WEARISOME AND DESERT ROAD THAT HAS NOW TO BE TRAVELLED
NOTES.--1. Kerman to Kubenan. 2. Desert of Lut. 3. Subterraneous Canals.
XXI.--CONCERNING THE CITY OF COBINAN AND THE THINGS THAT ARE MADE THERE
NOTES.--1. Kuh-Banan. 2. Production of Tutia.
XXII.--OF A CERTAIN DESERT THAT CONTINUES FOR EIGHT DAYS' JOURNEY
NOTES.--1. Deserts of Khorasan. 2. The _Arbre Sol_ or _Arbre Sec_.
XXIII.--CONCERNING THE OLD MAN OF THE MOUNTAIN
NOTE.--The Assassins, Hashishin, or Mulahidah.
XXIV.--HOW THE OLD MAN USED TO TRAIN HIS ASSASSINS
NOTES.--1. The story widely spread. Notable murders by the Sectaries.
2. Their different branches.
XXV.--HOW THE OLD MAN CAME BY HIS END
NOTE.--History of the apparent Destruction of the Sect by Hulaku; its
survival to the present time. Castles of Alamut and Girdkuh.
XXVI.--CONCERNING THE CITY OF SAPURGAN
NOTE.--Shibrgan, and the route followed. Dried Melons.
XXVII.--OF THE CITY OF BALC
NOTES.--1. Balkh. 2. Country meant by Dogana. 3. Lions in the Oxus
Valley.
XXVIII.--OF TAICAN, AND THE MOUNTAINS OF SALT. ALSO OF THE PROVINCE OF
CASEM
NOTES.--1. Talikan. 2. Mines of Rock-salt. 3. Ethnological
characteristics. 4. Kishm. 5. Porcupines. 6. Cave dwellings. 7. Old and
New Capitals of Badakhshan.
XXIX.--OF THE PROVINCE OF BADASHAN
NOTES.--1. Dialects of Badakhshan. Alexandrian lineage of the Princes.
2. Badakhshan and the Balas Ruby. 3. Azure Mines. 4. Horses of
Badakhshan. 5. Naked Barley. 6. Wild sheep. 7. Scenery of Badakhshan.
8. Repeated devastation of the Country from War. 9. Amplitude of
feminine garments.
XXX.--OF THE PROVINCE OF PASHAI
NOTE.--On the country intended by this name.
XXXI.--OF THE PROVINCE OF KESHIMUR
NOTES.--1. Kashmir language. 2. Kashmir Conjurers. (_See App. L. 2._)
3. Importance of Kashmir in History of Buddhism. 4. Character of the
People. 5. Vicissitudes of Buddhism in Kashmir. 6. Buddhist practice
as to slaughter of animals. 7. Coral.
XXXII.--OF THE GREAT RIVER OF BADASHAN; AND PLAIN OF PAMIER
NOTES.--1. The Upper Oxus and Wakhan. The title _Nono_, (_See App. L.
3._) 2. The Plateau of Pamir. (_See App. L. 4 and 5._) The Great Wild
Sheep. Fire at great altitudes. 3. Bolor.
XXXIII.--OF THE KINGDOM OF CASCAR
NOTE.--Kashgar.
XXXIV.--OF THE GREAT CITY OF SAMARCAN
NOTES.--1. Christians in Samarkand. 2. Chagatai's relation to Kublai
mis-stated. 3. The Miracle of the Stone.
XXXV.--OF THE PROVINCE OF YARCAN
NOTE.--Yarkand. Goitre prevalent there.
XXXVI.--OF A PROVINCE CALLED COTAN
NOTES.--1. Government. 2. "Adoration of Mahommet." 3. Khotan.
XXXVII.--OF THE PROVINCE OF PEIN
NOTES.--1. Position of Pein (App. L. 6.) 2. The Yu or Jade. 3. Temporary
marriages.
XXXVIII.--OF THE PROVINCE OF CHARCHAN
NOTE.--Position of Charchan and Lop.
XXXIX.--OF THE CITY OF LOP, AND THE GREAT DESERT
NOTES.--1. Geographical discrepancy. 2. Superstitions as to Deserts:
their wide diffusion. The Sound of Drums on certain sandy acclivities.
3. Sha-chau to Lob-nor.
XL.--CONCERNING THE GREAT PROVINCE OF TANGUT
NOTES.--1. Tangut. 2. Buddhism encountered here. 3. Kalmak superstition,
the "_Heaven's Ram_." 4. Chinese customs described here. 5. Mongol
disposal of the Dead. 6. Superstitious practice of avoiding to carry out
the dead by the house-door; its wide diffusion.
XLI.--OF THE PROVINCE OF CAMUL
NOTES.--1. Kamul. 2. Character of the people. 3. Shameless custom.
4. Parallel.
XLII.--OF THE PROVINCE OF CHINGINTALAS
NOTES.--1. The Country intended. 2. Ondanique. 3. Asbestos Mountain.
4. The four elements. 5 and 6. The Story of the Salamander. Asbestos
fabrics.
XLIII.--OF THE PROVINCE OF SUKCHUR
NOTES.--1. Explanatory. 2. The City of Suhchau. 3. Rhubarb country.
4. Poisonous pasture.
XLIV.--OF THE CITY OF CAMPICHU
NOTES.--1. The City of Kanchau. 2. Recumbent Buddhas. 3. Buddhist Days
of
Special Worship. 4. Matrimonial Customs. 5. Textual.
XLV.--OF THE CITY OF ETZINA
NOTES.--1. Position of Yetsina. 2. Textual. 3. The Wild Ass of Mongolia.
XLVI.--OF THE CITY OF CARACORON
NOTES.--1. Karakorum. 2. Tartar. 3. Chorcha. 4. Prester John.
XLVII.--OF CHINGHIS, AND HOW HE BECAME THE FIRST KAAN OF THE TARTARS
NOTES.--1. Chronology. 2. Relations between Chinghiz and Aung Khan, the
Prester John of Polo.
XLVIII.--HOW CHINGHIS MUSTERED HIS PEOPLE TO MARCH AGAINST PRESTER JOHN
XLIX.--HOW PRESTER JOHN MARCHED TO MEET CHINGHIS
NOTES.--1. Plain of Tanduc. 2. Divination by Twigs and Arrows.
L.--THE BATTLE BETWEEN CHINGHIS KAAN AND PRESTER JOHN. DEATH OF CHINGHIS
NOTE.--Real circumstances and date of the Death of Chinghiz.
LI.--OF THOSE WHO DID REIGN AFTER CHINGHIS KAAN, AND OF THE CUSTOMS OF THE
TARTARS
NOTES.--1. Origin of the _Cambuscan_ of Chaucer. 2. Historical Errors.
3. The Place of Sepulture of Chinghiz. 4. Barbarous Funeral
Superstition.
LII.--CONCERNING THE CUSTOMS OF THE TARTARS
NOTES.--1. Tartar Huts. 2. Tartar Waggons. 3. Pharaoh's Rat. 4. Chastity
of the Women. 5. Polygamy and Marriage Customs.
LIII.--CONCERNING THE GOD OF THE TARTARS
NOTES.--1. The old Tartar idols. 2. Kumiz.
LIV.--CONCERNING THE TARTAR CUSTOMS OF WAR
NOTES.--1. Tartar Arms. 2. The Decimal Division of their Troops.
3. Textual. 4. Blood-drinking. 5. _Kurut_, or Tartar Curd. 6. The Mongol
military rapidity and terrorism. 7. Corruption of their Nomade
simplicity.
LV.--CONCERNING THE ADMINISTERING OF JUSTICE AMONG THE TARTARS
NOTES.--1. The Cudgel. 2. Punishment of Theft. 3. Marriage of the Dead.
4. Textual.
LVI.--SUNDRY PARTICULARS ON THE PLAIN BEYOND CARACORON
NOTES.--1. Textual. 2. Bargu, the Mecrit, the Reindeer, and Chase of
Water-fowl. 3. The bird _Barguerlac_, the Syrrhaptes. 4. Gerfalcons.
LVII.--OF THE KINGDOM OF ERGUIUL, AND PROVINCE OF SINJU
NOTES.--1. Erguiul. 2. Siningfu. 3. The Yak. 4. The Musk Deer.
5. Reeves's Pheasant.
LVIII.--OF THE KINGDOM OF EGRIGAIA
NOTES.--1. Egrigaia. 2. Calachan 3. White Camels, and Camlets:
Siclatoun.
LIX.--CONCERNING THE PROVINCE OF TENDUC, AND THE DESCENDANTS OF PRESTER
JOHN
NOTES.--1. The name and place Tenduc. King George. 2. Standing Marriage
Compact. The title _Gurgan_. 3. Azure. 4. The terms _Argon_ and
_Guasmul_. The _Dungens_. 5. The Rampart of Gog and Magog. 6. Tartary
cloths. 7. Siuen-hwa fu.
LX.--CONCERNING THE KAAN'S PALACE OF CHAGANNOR.
NOTES.--1. Palace. 2. The word _Sesnes_. 3. Chagan-nor. 4. The five
species of Crane described by Polo. 5. The word _Cator_.
LXI.--OF THE CITY OF CHANDU, AND THE KAAN'S PALACE THERE
NOTES.--1. Two Roads. 2. Chandu, properly Shangtu. 3. Leopards. 4. The
Bamboo Palace. Uses of the Bamboo. 5. Kublai's Annual Migration to
Shangtu. 6. The White Horses. The Oirad Tribe. 7. The Mare's Milk
Festival. 8. Weather Conjuring. 9. Ascription of Cannibalism to
Tibetans, etc. 10. The term _Bacsi_. 11. Magical Feats ascribed to the
Lamas. 12. Lamas. 13. Vast extent of Lama Convents. 14. Married Lamas.
15. Bran. 16. Patarins. 17. The Ascetics called _Sensin_. 18. Textual.
19. Tao-sze Idols.
BOOK SECOND.
PART I.
I.--OF CUBLAY KAAN, THE GREAT KAAN NOW REIGNING, AND OF HIS GREAT
PUISSANCE
NOTE.--Eulogies of Kublai.
II.--CONCERNING THE REVOLT OF NAYAN, WHO WAS UNCLE TO THE GREAT KAAN
CUBLAY
NOTES.--1. Chronology. 2. Kublai's Age. 3. His Wars. 4. Nayan and his
true relationship to Kublai.
III.--HOW THE GREAT KAAN MARCHED AGAINST NAYAN
NOTE.--Addition from Ramusio.
IV.--OF THE BATTLE THAT THE GREAT KAAN FOUGHT WITH NAYAN
NOTES.--1. The word _Bretesche_. 2. Explanatory. 3. The Nakkara.
4. Parallel Passages. 5. Verbal. 6. The Story of Nayan. (_See App. L.
7._)
V.--HOW THE GREAT KAAN CAUSED NAYAN TO BE PUT TO DEATH
NOTES.--1. The Shedding of Royal blood avoided. 2. Chorcha, Kaoli,
Barskul, Sikintinju. 3. Jews in China.
VI.--HOW THE GREAT KAAN WENT BACK TO THE CITY OF CAMBALUC
NOTE.--Passage from Ramusio respecting the Kaan's views of Religion.
Remarks.
VII.--HOW THE KAAN REWARDED THE VALOUR OF HIS CAPTAINS
NOTES.--1. Parallel from Sanang Setzen. 2. The Golden Honorary Tablets
or _Paizah_ of the Mongols. 3. Umbrellas. 4. The Gerfalcon Tablets.
VIII.--CONCERNING THE PERSON OF THE GREAT KAAN
NOTES.--1. Colour of his Eyes. 2. His Wives. 3. The Kungurat Tribe.
Competitive Examination in Beauty.
IX.--CONCERNING THE GREAT KAAN'S SONS
NOTES.--1. Kublai's intended Heir. 2. His other Sons.
X.--CONCERNING THE PALACE OF THE GREAT KAAN
NOTES.--1. Palace Wall. 2. The word _Tarcasci_ 3. Towers. 4. Arsenals of
the Palace. 5. The Gates. 6. Various Readings. 7. Barracks. 8. Wide
diffusion of the kind of Palace here described. 9. Parallel description.
10. "Divine" Park. 11. Modern account of the Lake, etc. 12. "_Roze de
l'acur_." 13. The Green Mount. 14. Textual. 15. Bridge.
XI.--CONCERNING THE CITY OF CAMBALUC
NOTES.--1. Chronology, etc., of Peking. 2. The City Wall. 3. Changes in
the Extent of the City. 4. Its ground plan. 5. Aspect. 6. Public Towers.
7. Addition from Ramusio.
XII.--HOW THE GREAT KAAN MAINTAINS A GUARD OF TWELVE THOUSAND HORSE, WHICH
ARE CALLED KESHICAN
NOTE.--The term _Quescican_.
XIII.--THE FASHION OF THE GREAT KAAN'S TABLE AT HIS HIGH FEASTS
NOTES.--1. Order of the Tables. 2. The word _Vernique_. 3. The Buffet of
Liquors. 4. The superstition of the Threshold. 5. Chinese Etiquettes.
6. Jugglers at the Banquet.
XIV.--CONCERNING THE GREAT FEAST HELD BY THE GRAND KAAN EVERY YEAR ON HIS
BIRTHDAY
NOTES.--1. The Chinese Year. 2. "Beaten Gold." 3. Textual. Festal
changes of costume. 4. Festivals.
XV.--OF THE GREAT FESTIVAL WHICH THE KAAN HOLDS ON NEW YEAR'S DAY
NOTES.--1. The White Month. 2. Mystic value of the number 9. 3.
Elephants at Peking. 4. Adoration of Tablets. K'o-tow.
XVI.--CONCERNING THE TWELVE THOUSAND BARONS WHO RECEIVE ROBES OF CLOTH OF
GOLD FROM THE EMPEROR ON THE GREAT FESTIVALS, THIRTEEN CHANGES A-PIECE
NOTES.--1. Textual. 2. The words _Camut_ and _Borgal_. 3. Tame Lions.
XVII.--HOW THE GREAT KAAN ENJOINETH HIS PEOPLE TO SUPPLY HIM WITH GAME
NOTE.--Parallel Passage.
XVIII.--OF THE LIONS AND LEOPARDS AND WOLVES THAT THE KAAN KEEPS FOR THE
CHASE
NOTES.--1. The Cheeta or Hunting Leopard. 2. Lynxes. 3. The Tiger,
termed _Lion_ by Polo. 4. The Burgut Eagle.
XIX.--CONCERNING THE TWO BROTHERS WHO HAVE CHARGE OF THE KAAN'S HOUNDS
NOTE.--The Masters of the Hounds, and their title.
XX.--HOW THE EMPEROR GOES ON A HUNTING EXPEDITION
NOTES.--1. Direction of the Tour. 2. Hawking Establishments. 3. The word
_Toskaul_. 4. The word _Bularguchi_. 5. Kublai's Litter. 6. Kachar
Modun. 7. The Kaan's Great Tents. 8. The Sable and Ermine. 9. Petis de
la Croix.
XXI.--HOW THE GREAT KAAN, ON RETURNING FROM HIS HUNTING EXPEDITION, HOLDS
A GREAT COURT AND ENTERTAINMENT
NOTE.--This chapter peculiar to the 2nd Type of MSS.
XXII.--CONCERNING THE CITY OF CAMBALUC, AND ITS GREAT TRAFFIC AND
POPULATION
NOTES.--1. Suburbs of Peking. 2. The word _Fondaco_.
XXIII.--[CONCERNING THE OPPRESSIONS OF ACHMATH THE BAILO, AND THE PLOT
THAT WAS FORMED AGAINST HIM]
NOTES.--1. Chapter peculiar to Ramusio. 2. Kublai's Administration. The
Rise of Ahmad. 3. The term _Bailo_. 4. The Conspiracy against Ahmad as
related by Gaubil from the Chinese. 5. Marco's presence and upright
conduct commemorated in the Chinese Annals. The Kaan's prejudice against
Mahomedans.
XXIV.--HOW THE GREAT KAAN CAUSETH THE BARK OF TREES, MADE INTO SOMETHING
LIKE PAPER, TO PASS FOR MONEY OVER ALL HIS COUNTRY
NOTE.--Chinese Paper Currency.
XXV.--CONCERNING THE TWELVE BARONS WHO ARE SET OVER ALL THE AFFAIRS OF THE
GREAT KAAN
NOTE.--The Ministers of the Mongol Dynasty. The term _Sing_.
XXVI.--HOW THE KAAN'S POSTS AND RUNNERS ARE SPED THROUGH MANY LANDS AND
PROVINCES
NOTES.--1. Textual. 2. The word _Yam_. 3. Government Hostelries.
4. Digression from Ramusio. 5. Posts Extraordinary. 6. Discipline of the
Posts. 7. Antiquity of Posts in China, etc.
XXVII.--HOW THE EMPEROR BESTOWS HELP ON HIS PEOPLE, WHEN THEY ARE
AFFLICTED WITH DEARTH OR MURRAIN
NOTE.--Kublai's remissions, and justice.
XXVIII.--HOW THE GREAT KAAN CAUSES TREES TO BE PLANTED BY THE HIGHWAYS
NOTE.--Kublai's Avenues.
XXIX.--CONCERNING THE RICE-WINE DRUNK BY THE PEOPLE OF CATHAY
NOTE.--Rice-wine.
XXX.--CONCERNING THE BLACK STONES THAT ARE DUG IN CATHAY, AND ARE BURNT
FOR FUEL
NOTE.--Distribution and Consumption of Coal in China.
XXXI.--HOW THE GREAT KAAN CAUSES STORES OF CORN TO BE MADE, TO HELP HIS
PEOPLE WITHAL IN TIME OF DEARTH
NOTE.--The Chinese Public Granaries.
XXXII.--OF THE CHARITY OF THE EMPEROR TO THE POOR.
NOTE.--Buddhist influence, and Chinese Charities.
XXXIII.--[CONCERNING THE ASTROLOGERS IN THE CITY OF CAMBALUC]
NOTES.--1. The word _Tacuin_.--The Chinese Almanacs. The Observatory.
2. The Chinese and Mongol Cycle.
XXXIV.--[CONCERNING THE RELIGION OF THE CATHAYANS; THEIR VIEWS AS TO THE
SOUL; AND THEIR CUSTOMS]
NOTES.--1. Textual. 2. Do. 3. Exceptions to the general charge of
Irreligion brought against the Chinese. 4. Politeness. 5. Filial Piety.
6. Pocket Spitoons.
EXPLANATORY LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS TO VOLUME I.
INSERTED PLATES AND MAPS.
Portrait of Sir HENRY YULE. From the Painting by Mr. T. B. Wirgman, in the
Royal Engineers' Mess House at Chatham.
Illuminated Title, with Medallion representing the POLOS ARRIVING AT
VENICE after 26 years' absence, and being refused admittance to the Family
Mansion; as related by Ramusio, p. 4 of Introductory Essay. Drawn by
Signor QUINTO CENNI, No. 7 Via Solferino, Milan; from a Design by the
Editor.
DOORWAY of the HOUSE of MARCO POLO in the Corte Sabbionera at Venice.
Woodcut from a drawing by Signor L. ROSSO, Venice.
_Corte del Milione_, Venice.
_Malibran Theatre_, Venice.
Entrance to the Corte del Milione, Venice. From photographs taken for the
present editor, by Signor NAYA.
Figures from St. Sabba's, sent to Venice. From a photograph of Signor
NAYA.
Church of SAN MATTEO, at Genoa.
_Palazzo di S. Giorgio_, at Genoa.
_Miracle of S. Lorenzo_. From the Painting by V. CARPACCIO.
Facsimile of the WILL of MARCO POLO, preserved in St. Mark's Library.
Lithographed from a photograph specially taken by Bertani at Venice.
Pavement in front of S. Lorenzo.
Mosaic Portrait of Marco Polo, at Genoa.
The Pseudo Marco Polo at Canton.
Porcelain Incense-Burner, from the Louvre.
Temple of 500 Genii, at Canton, after a drawing by FELIX REGAMEY.
Probable view of MARCO POLO'S OWN GEOGRAPHY: a Map of the World, formed as
far as possible from the Traveller's own data. Drawn by the Editor.
Part of the _Catalan Map_ of 1375.
Marco Polo's Itineraries, No. 1. WESTERN ASIA. This includes also "Sketch
showing the chief Monarchies of Asia, in the latter part of the 13th
century."
Map illustrating the geographical position of the CITY of SARAI. Plan of
part of the remains of the same city. Reduced from a Russian plan
published by _M. Grigorieff_.
Reduced FACSIMILE of the BUDDHIST INSCRIPTION of the Mongol Era, on the
Archway at KIU-YONG KWAN in the Pass of Nan-k'au, north-west of Peking,
showing the characters in use under the Mongol Dynasty. Photogravure from
the _Recueil des documents de l'Epoque Mongole_, by H.H. Prince ROLAND
BONAPARTE. _See an Article by_ Mr. Wylie _in the J. R. A. S. for 1870, p.
14._
Plan of AYAS, the Laias of Polo. _From an Admiralty Chart_. Plan of
position of DILAWAR, the supposed site of the Dilavar of Polo. _Ext.
from a Survey by Lt.-Col. D. G. Robinson, R.E._
Marco Polo's Itineraries, No. II. Routes between KERMAN and HORMUZ.
Marco Polo's Itineraries, No. III. Regions on and near the UPPER OXUS.
Heading, in the old Chinese seal-character, of an INSCRIPTION on a
Memorial raised by Kublai Kaan to a Buddhist Ecclesiastic, in the vicinity
of his summer-palace at SHANGTU in Mongolia. Reduced from a facsimile
obtained on the spot by _Dr. S. W. Bushell_, 1872, and by him lent to the
Editor.
The CHO-KHANG. The grand Temple of Buddha at _Lhasa_, from _The Journey to
Lhasa_, by SARAT CHANDRA DAS, by kind permission of the Royal Geographical
Society.
"_Table d'Or de Commandement_;" the PAIZA of the MONGOLS, from a specimen
found in Siberia. _Reduced to one-half the scale of the original, from an
engraving in a paper by_ I. J. Schmidt _in the_ Bulletin de la Classe
Historico-Philologique de l'Acad. Imp. des Sciences, St. Petersbourg, tom.
iv. No. 9.
Second Example of a Mongol Paiza with superscription in the Uighur
character, found near the Dnieper River, 1845. From _Trans. of the
Oriental Section, Imp. Soc. of Archaeology_ of St. Petersburg, vol. v. The
Inscription on this runs: "_By the strength of Eternal Heaven, and thanks
to Its Great Power, the Man who obeys not the order of Abdullah shall be
guilty, shall die._"
Plan of PEKING as it is, and as it was about A.D. 1290.
BANK-NOTE of the MING Dynasty, on one-half the scale of the original.
Reduced from a genuine note in the possession of the British Museum. Was
brought back from Peking after the siege of the Legations in 1900.
Mongol "Compendium Instrument."
Mongol Armillary Sphere.
Observatory Terrace.
Observatory Instruments of the Jesuits. All these from photographs kindly
lent to the present Editor by Count de Semalle.
Marco Polo's Itineraries. No. IV. EASTERN ASIA. This includes also Sketch
Map of the Ruins of SHANGTU, after Dr. BUSHELL; and Enlarged Sketch of the
Passage of the Hwang-ho or Karamoran on the road to Si-ngan fu (see vol.
ii. pp. 25-27) from the data of _Baron von Richthofen_.
WOODCUTS PRINTED WITH THE TEXT.
INTRODUCTORY NOTICES.
A MEDIAEVAL SHIP.
COAT OF ARMS of SIR HENRY YULE.
ARMS of the POLO family, according to Priuli.
ARMS of the POLO family, according to Marco Barbaro. (See p. 7, note.)
Autograph of HETHUM or HAYTON I. King of (Cicilian) Armenia; copied from
_Codice Diplomatico del Sacro Militare Ordine Gerosolemitano_, I. 135. The
signature is attached to a French document without date, granting the
King's Daughter "Damoiselle Femie" (Euphemia) in marriage to Sire Julian,
son of the Lady of Sayete (Sidon). The words run: _Thagavor Haiwetz_ ("Rex
Armenorum"), followed by the King's cypher or monogram; but the initial
letter is absent, probably worn off the original document.
The PIAZZETTA at VENICE in the 14th century. From a portion of the
Frontispiece Miniature of the MS. of Marco Polo in the Bodleian. (Borrowed
from the _National Miscellany_, published by J. H. Parker, Oxford, for
1853-55; and see _Street's Brick and Marble_, etc., 1855, pp. 150-151.)
[See vol. ii. p. 529.]
Three extracts from MAPS of VENICE, showing the site of the CA' POLO at
three different periods, (1) From the great woodcut Map or View of Venice,
dated 1500, and commonly called Albert Duerer's. (2) From a Plan by Cav.
Ludovico Ughi, 1729. (3) From the Modern Official Plan of the City.
Diagram of arrangement of oars in galleys.
Extract from a fresco by SPINELLO ARETINI, in the Municipal Palace at
Siena, representing a GALLEY FIGHT (perhaps imaginary) between the
Venetians and the fleet of the Emperor Frederick Barbarossa, and
illustrating the arrangements of mediaeval galleys. Drawn from a very dim
and imperfect photograph, after personal study of the original, by the
Editor.
Extract from a picture by DOMENICO TINTORETTO in the Ducal Palace at
Venice, representing the same GALLEY-FIGHT. After an engraving in the
_Theatrum Venetum_.
MARCO POLO'S GALLEY going into action at CURZOLA. Drawn by Signor Q.
CENNI, from a design by the Editor.
Map to illustrate the SEA-FIGHT at CURZOLA, where Marco Polo was taken
prisoner.
SEAL of the PISAN PRISONERS in Genoa, after the battle of Meloria (1284).
From _Manni, Osservazioni Storiche sopra Sigilli Antichi_, tom. xii.
Engraved by T. ADENEY.
The Convent and CHURCH of S. LORENZO, the burial-place of Marco Polo, as
it existed in the 15th century. From the Map of 1500 (see above). Engraved
by the same.
Arms of the TREVISAN family, according to Priuli.
TAILED STAR near the Antarctic, as Marco Polo drew it for Pietro d'Abano.
From the _Conciliator_ of Pietro d'Abano.
PROLOGUE.
Remains of the Castle of SOLDAIA or Sudak. After _Dubois de Montpereux,
Voyage autour du Caucase_, Atlas, 3d s. Pl. 64.
Ruins of BOLGHAR. After _Demidoff, Voyage dans la Russie Meridionale_, Pl.
75.
The GREAT KAAN delivering a GOLDEN TABLET to the two elder Polos. From a
miniature in the _Livre des Merveilles du Monde_ (Fr. 2810) in the Library
at Paris, fol. 3 verso.
Castle of AYAS. After _Langlois, Voyage en Cilicie._
Plan of ACRE as it was when lost (A.D. 1291). Reduced and translated from
the contemporary plan in the _Secreta Fidelium Crucis_ of Marino Sanudo
the Elder, engraved in _Bongars, Gesta Dei per Francos_, vol. ii.
Portrait of Pope GREGORY X. After _J. B. de Cavaleriis Pontificum
Romanorum Effigies_, etc. Romae, 1580.
Ancient CHINESE WAR VESSEL. From the Chinese Encyclopaedia called
_San-Thsai-Thou-Hoei_, in the Paris Library.
BOOK FIRST.
Coin of King HETUM I. and Queen ISABEL of Cilician Armenia. From an
original in the British Museum. Engraved by ADENEY.
Castle of BAIBURT. After _Texier, L'Armenie_, Pl. 3.
Mediaeval GEORGIAN FORTRESS. From a drawing by Padre CRISTOFORO DI
CASTELLI of the Theatine Mission, made in 1634, and now in the Communal
Library at Palermo. The name of the place has been eaten away, and I have
not yet been able to ascertain it.
View of DERBEND. After a cut from a drawing by M. Moynet in the _Tour du
Monde_, vol. i.
Coin of BADRUDDIN LOLO of Mosul (A.H. 620). After _Marsden's Numismata
Orientalia_, No. 164. By ADENEY.
GHAZAN Khan's Mosque at TABRIZ. Borrowed from _Fergusson's History of
Architecture._
KASHMIR SCARF with animals, etc. After photograph from the scarf in the
Indian Museum.
Humped Oxen from the Assyrian Sculptures at Kouyunjik. From _Rawlinson's
Ancient Monarchies._
Portrait of a Hazara. From a Photograph, kindly taken for the purpose, by
M.-Gen. _C. P. Keyes_, C.B., Commanding the Panjab Frontier Force.
Illustrations of the use of the DOUBLE RUDDER in the Middle Ages. 7
figures, viz., No. 1, The Navicello of Giotto in the Porch of St. Peter's.
From _Eastlake's H. of Painting_; Nos. 2 and 3, from _Pertz, Scriptores_,
tom. xviii. after a Genoese Chronicle; No. 4, Sketch from fresco of
Spinello Aretini at Siena; No. 5, Seal of Port of Winchelsea, from _Sussex
Archaeological Collections_, vol. i. 1848; No. 6, Sculpture on Leaning
Tower at Pisa, after _Jal, Archeologie Navale_; No. 7, from the Monument
of Peter Martyr, the persecutor of the Lombard _Patarini_, in the Church
of St. Eustorgius at Milan, after _Le Tombe ed i Monumenti Illustri
d'Italia_, Mil. 1822-23.
The _ARBRE SEC_, and _ARBRES DU SOLEIL ET DE LA LUNE_. From a miniature in
the Prose Romance of Alexander, in the Brit. Museum MS. called the
_Shrewsbury Book_ (Reg. xv. e. 6).
The CHINAR or Oriental Plane, viz., that called the Tree of Godfrey of
Boulogne at Buyukdere, near Constantinople. Borrowed from _Le Monde
Vegetal_ of Figuier.
Portrait of H. H. AGHA KHAN MEHELATI, late representative of the OLD MAN
of the MOUNTAIN. From a photograph by Messrs. SHEPHERD and BOURNE.
Ancient SILVER PATERA of debased Greek Art, formerly in the possession of
the Princes of BADAKHSHAN, now in the India Museum.
Ancient BUDDHIST Temple at Pandrethan in KASHMIR. Borrowed from
_Fergusson's History of Architecture_.
Horns of the _OVIS POLI_, or Great Sheep of Pamir. Drawn by the Editor
from the specimen belonging to the Royal Asiatic Society.
Figure of the _OVIS POLI_ or Great Sheep of Pamir. From a drawing by Mr.
Severtsof in a Russian publication.
Head of a native of KASHGAR. After Verchaguine. From the _Tour du Monde_.
View of KASHGAR. From _Mr. R. Shaw's Tartary_.
View of SAMARKAND. From a Sketch by Mr. D. IVANOFF, engraved in a Russian
Illustrated Paper (kindly sent by Mr. I. to the editor).
Colossal Figure; BUDDHA entering NIRVANA. Sketched by the Editor at Pagan
in Burma.
Great LAMA MONASTERY, viz., that at Jehol. After _Staunton's Narrative of
Lord Macartney's Embassy_.
The _Kyang_, or WILD ASS of Mongolia. After a plate by Wolf in the
_Journal of the Royal Zoological Society_.
The Situation of Karakorum.
Entrance to the Erdeni Tso, Great Temple. From MARCEL MONNIER'S _Tour d'
Asie_, by kind permission of M. PLON.
Death of Chinghiz Khan. From a Miniature in the _Livre des Merveilles_.
Dressing up a Tent, from MARCEL MONNIER'S _Tour d' Asie_, by kind
permission of M. PLON.
Mediaeval TARTAR HUTS and WAGGONS. Drawn by Sig. QUINTO CENNI, on a design
compiled by the Editor from the descriptions of mediaeval and later
travellers.
Tartar IDOLS and KUMIS Churn. Drawn by the Editor after data in _Pallas_
and _Zaleski_ (_Vie des Steppes Kirghiz_).
The _SYRRHAPTES PALLASII; Bargherlac_ of Marco Polo. From a plate by Wolf
in the _Ibis_ for April, 1860.
REEVES'S PHEASANT. After an engraving in _Wood's Illustrated Natural
History_.
The RAMPART of GOG and MAGOG. From a photograph of the Great Wall of
China. Borrowed from _Dr. Rennie's Peking and the Pekingese_.
A PAVILION at Yuen-Ming-Yuen, to illustrate the probable style of Kublai
Kaan's Summer Palace. Borrowed from _Michie's Siberian Overland Route_.
CHINESE CONJURING Extraordinary. Extracted from an engraving in _Edward
Melton's Zeldzaame Reizen_, etc. Amsterdam, 1702.
A MONASTERY of LAMAS. Borrowed from the _Tour du Monde_.
A TIBETAN BACSI. Sketched from the life by the Editor.
BOOK SECOND.--PART FIRST.
NAKKARAS. From a Chinese original in the _Lois des Empereurs Mandchous_
(_Thai-Thsing-Hoei-Tien-Thou_), in the Paris Library.
NAKKARAS. After one of the illustrations in Blochmann's edition of the
_Ain-i-Akbari_.
Seljukian Coin, with the LION and the SUN (A.H. 640). After _Marsden's
Numismata Orientalia_, No. 98. Engraved by Adeney.
Sculptured GERFALCON from the Gate of Iconium. Copied from _Hammer's
Falknerklee_.
Portrait of the Great KAAN KUBLAI. From a Chinese engraving in the
Encyclopaedia called _San Thsai-Thou-Hoei_; in the Paris Library.
Ideal Plan of the Ancient Palaces of the Mongol Emperors at Khanbaligh,
according to Dr. Bretschneider.
Palace at Khan-baligh. From the _Livre des Merveilles_.
The WINTER PALACE at PEKING. Borrowed from _Fergusson's History of
Architecture_.
View of the "GREEN MOUNT." From a photograph kindly lent to the present
Editor by Count de SEMALLE.
The _Yuean ch'eng_. From a photograph kindly lent to the present Editor by
Count de SEMALLE.
South GATE of the "IMPERIAL CITY" at Peking. From an original sketch
belonging to the late _Dr. W. Lockhart_.
The BUGUT EAGLE. After _Atkinson's Oriental and Western Siberia_.
The TENTS of the EMPEROR K'ien-lung. From a drawing in the _Staunton
Collection_ in the British Museum.
Plain of CAMBALUC; the City in the distance; from the hills on the
north-west. From a photograph. Borrowed from _Dr. Rennie's Peking_.
The Great TEMPLE OF HEAVEN at Peking. From _Michie's Siberian Overland
Route_.
MARBLE ARCHWAY erected under the MONGOL DYNASTY at Kiu-Yong Kwan in the
Nan-k'au Pass, N.W. of Peking. From a photograph in the possession of the
present Editor.
MARCO POLO AND HIS BOOK.
INTRODUCTORY NOTICES.
I. OBSCURITIES IN THE HISTORY OF HIS LIFE AND BOOK. RAMUSIO'S STATEMENTS.
[Illustration: Doorway of the House of Marco Polo in the Corte Sabbionera,
at Venice]
[Sidenote: Obscurities of Polo's Book, and personal History.]
1. With all the intrinsic interest of Marco Polo's Book it may perhaps be
doubted if it would have continued to exercise such fascination on many
minds through succesive generations were it not for the difficult
questions which it suggests. It is a great book of puzzles, whilst our
confidence in the man's veracity is such that we feel certain every puzzle
has a solution.
And such difficulties have not attached merely to the identification of
places, the interpretation of outlandish terms, or the illustration of
obscure customs; for strange entanglements have perplexed also the chief
circumstances of the Traveller's life and authorship. The time of the
dictation of his Book and of the execution of his Last Will have been
almost the only undisputed epochs in his biography. The year of his birth
has been contested, and the date of his death has not been recorded; the
critical occasion of his capture by the Genoese, to which we seem to owe
the happy fact that he did not go down mute to the tomb of his fathers,
has been made the subject of chronological difficulties; there are in the
various texts of his story variations hard to account for; the very tongue
in which it was written down has furnished a question, solved only in our
own age, and in a most unexpected manner.
[Sidenote: Ramusio, his earliest biographer. His account of Polo.]
2. The first person who attempted to gather and string the facts of Marco
Polo's personal history was his countryman, the celebrated John Baptist
Ramusio. His essay abounds in what we now know to be errors of detail,
but, prepared as it was when traditions of the Traveller were still rife
in Venice, a genuine thread runs through it which could never have been
spun in later days, and its presentation seems to me an essential element
in any full discourse upon the subject.
Ramusio's preface to the Book of Marco Polo, which opens the second volume
of his famous Collection of Voyages and Travels, and is addressed to his
learned friend Jerome Fracastoro, after referring to some of the most
noted geographers of antiquity, proceeds:[1]--
"Of all that I have named, Ptolemy, as the latest, possessed the
greatest extent of knowledge. Thus, towards the North, his knowledge
carries him beyond the Caspian, and he is aware of its being shut in all
round like a lake,--a fact which was unknown in the days of Strabo and
Pliny, though the Romans were already lords of the world. But though his
knowledge extends so far, a tract of 15 degrees beyond that sea he can
describe only as Terra Incognita; and towards the South he is fain to
apply the same character to all beyond the Equinoxial. In these unknown
regions, as regards the South, the first to make discoveries have been
the Portuguese captains of our own age; but as regards the North and
North-East the discoverer was the Magnifico Messer Marco Polo, an
honoured nobleman of Venice, nearly 300 years since, as may be read more
fully in his own Book. And in truth it makes one marvel to consider the
immense extent of the journeys made, first by the Father and Uncle of
the said Messer Marco, when they proceeded continually towards the East-
North-East, all the way to the Court of the Great Can and the Emperor of
the Tartars; and afterwards again by the three of them when, on their
return homeward, they traversed the Eastern and Indian Seas. Nor is that
all, for one marvels also how the aforesaid gentleman was able to give
such an orderly description of all that he had seen; seeing that such an
accomplishment was possessed by very few in his day, and he had had a
large part of his nurture among those uncultivated Tartars, without any
regular training in the art of composition. His Book indeed, owing to
the endless errors and inaccuracies that had crept into it, had come for
many years to be regarded as fabulous; and the opinion prevailed that
the names of cities and provinces contained therein were all fictitious
and imaginary, without any ground in fact, or were (I might rather say)
mere dreams.
[Sidenote: Ramusio vindicates Polo's Geography.]
3. "Howbeit, during the last hundred years, persons acquainted with
Persia have begun to recognise the existence of Cathay. The voyages of
the Portuguese also towards the North-East, beyond the Golden
Chersonese, have brought to knowledge many cities and provinces of
India, and many islands likewise, with those very names which our Author
applies to them; and again, on reaching the Land of China, they have
ascertained from the people of that region (as we are told by Sign. John
de Barros, a Portuguese gentleman, in his Geography) that Canton, one of
the chief cities of that kingdom, is in 30-2/3 deg. of latitude, with the
coast running N.E. and S.W.; that after a distance of 275 leagues the
said coast turns towards the N.W.; and that there are three provinces
along the sea-board, Mangi, Zanton, and Quinzai, the last of which is
the principal city and the King's Residence, standing in 46 deg. of
latitude. And proceeding yet further the coast attains to 50 deg..[2] Seeing
then how many particulars are in our day becoming known of that part of
the world concerning which Messer Marco has written, I have deemed it
reasonable to publish his book, with the aid of several copies written
(as I judge) more than 200 years ago, in a perfectly accurate form, and
one vastly more faithful than that in which it has been heretofore read.
And thus the world shall not lose the fruit that may be gathered from so
much diligence and industry expended upon so honourable a branch of
knowledge."
4. Ramusio, then, after a brief apologetic parallel of the marvels related
by Polo with those related by the Ancients and by the modern discoverers
in the West, such as Columbus and Cortes, proceeds:--
[Sidenote: Ramusio compares Polo with Columbus.]
And often in my own mind, comparing the land explorations of these our
Venetian gentlemen with the sea explorations of the aforesaid Signor Don
Christopher, I have asked myself which of the two were really the more
marvellous. And if patriotic prejudice delude me not, methinks good
reason might be adduced for setting the land journey above the sea
voyage. Consider only what a height of courage was needed to undertake
and carry through so difficult an enterprise, over a route of such
desperate length and hardship, whereon it was sometimes necessary to
carry food for the supply of man and beast, not for days only but for
months together. Columbus, on the other hand, going by sea, readily
carried with him all necessary provision; and after a voyage of some 30
or 40 days was conveyed by the wind whither he desired to go, whilst the
Venetians again took a whole year's time to pass all those great deserts
and mighty rivers. Indeed that the difficulty of travelling to Cathay
was so much greater than that of reaching the New World, and the route
so much longer and more perilous, may be gathered from the fact that,
since those gentlemen twice made this journey, no one from Europe has
dared to repeat it,[3] whereas in the very year following the discovery
of the Western Indies many ships immediately retraced the voyage
thither, and up to the present day continue to do so, habitually and in
countless numbers. Indeed those regions are now so well known, and so
thronged by commerce, that the traffic between Italy, Spain, and England
is not greater.
[Sidenote: Recounts a tradition of the travellers' return to Venice.]
5. Ramusio goes on to explain the light regarding the first part or
prologue of Marco Polo's book that he had derived from a recent piece of
luck which had made him partially acquainted with the geography of
Abulfeda, and to make a running commentary on the whole of the preliminary
narrative until the final return of the travellers to Venice:--
"And when they got thither the same fate befel them as befel Ulysses,
who, when he returned, after his twenty years' wanderings, to his native
Ithaca, was recognized by nobody. Thus also those three gentlemen who
had been so many years absent from their native city were recognized by
none of their kinsfolk, who were under the firm belief that they had all
been dead for many a year past, as indeed had been reported. Through the
long duration and the hardships of their journeys, and through the many
worries and anxieties that they had undergone, they were quite changed
in aspect, and had got a certain indescribable smack of the Tartar both
in air and accent, having indeed all but forgotten their Venetian
tongue. Their clothes too were coarse and shabby, and of a Tartar cut.
They proceeded on their arrival to their house in this city in the
confine of St. John Chrysostom, where you may see it to this day. The
house, which was in those days a very lofty and handsome palazzo, is now
known by the name of the _Corte del Millioni_ for a reason that I will
tell you presently. Going thither they found it occupied by some of
their relatives, and they had the greatest difficulty in making the
latter understand who they should be. For these good people, seeing them
to be in countenance so unlike what they used to be, and in dress so
shabby, flatly refused to believe that they were those very gentlemen of
the Ca' Polo whom they had been looking upon for ever so many years as
among the dead.[4] So these three gentlemen,--this is a story I have
often heard when I was a youngster from the illustrious Messer GASPARO
MALPIERO, a gentleman of very great age, and a Senator of eminent virtue
and integrity, whose house was on the Canal of Santa Marina, exactly at
the corner over the mouth of the Rio di S. Giovanni Chrisostomo, and
just midway among the buildings of the aforesaid Corte del Millioni, and
he said he had heard the story from his own father and grandfather, and
from other old men among the neighbours,--the three gentlemen, I say,
devised a scheme by which they should at once bring about their
recognition by their relatives, and secure the honourable notice of the
whole city; and this was it:--
"They invited a number of their kindred to an entertainment, which they
took care to have prepared with great state and splendour in that house
of theirs; and when the hour arrived for sitting down to table they came
forth of their chamber all three clothed in crimson satin, fashioned in
long robes reaching to the ground such as people in those days wore
within doors. And when water for the hands had been served, and the
guests were set, they took off those robes and put on others of crimson
damask, whilst the first suits were by their orders cut up and divided
among the servants. Then after partaking of some of the dishes they went
out again and came back in robes of crimson velvet, and when they had
again taken their seats, the second suits were divided as before. When
dinner was over they did the like with the robes of velvet, after they
had put on dresses of the ordinary fashion worn by the rest of the
company.[5] These proceedings caused much wonder and amazement among the
guests. But when the cloth had been drawn, and all the servants had been
ordered to retire from the dining hall, Messer Marco, as the youngest of
the three, rose from table, and, going into another chamber, brought
forth the three shabby dresses of coarse stuff which they had worn when
they first arrived. Straightway they took sharp knives and began to rip
up some of the seams and welts, and to take out of them jewels of the
greatest value in vast quantities, such as rubies, sapphires,
carbuncles, diamonds and emeralds, which had all been stitched up in
those dresses in so artful a fashion that nobody could have suspected
the fact. For when they took leave of the Great Can they had changed all
the wealth that he had bestowed upon them into this mass of rubies,
emeralds, and other jewels, being well aware of the impossibility of
carrying with them so great an amount in gold over a journey of such
extreme length and difficulty. Now this exhibition of such a huge
treasure of jewels and precious stones, all tumbled out upon the table,
threw the guests into fresh amazement, insomuch that they seemed quite
bewildered and dumbfounded. And now they recognized that in spite of all
former doubts these were in truth those honoured and worthy gentlemen of
the Ca' Polo that they claimed to be; and so all paid them the greatest
honour and reverence. And when the story got wind in Venice, straightway
the whole city, gentle and simple, flocked to the house to embrace them,
and to make much of them, with every conceivable demonstration of
affection and respect. On Messer Maffio, who was the eldest, they
conferred the honours of an office that was of great dignity in those
days; whilst the young men came daily to visit and converse with the
ever polite and gracious Messer Marco, and to ask him questions about
Cathay and the Great Can, all which he answered with such kindly
courtesy that every man felt himself in a manner his debtor. And as it
happened that in the story, which he was constantly called on to repeat,
of the magnificence of the Great Can, he would speak of his revenues as
amounting to ten or fifteen _millions_ of gold; and in like manner, when
recounting other instances of great wealth in those parts, would always
make use of the term _millions_, so they gave him the nickname of MESSER
MARCO MILLIONI: a thing which I have noted also in the Public Books of
this Republic where mention is made of him.[6] The Court of his House,
too, at S. Giovanni Chrisostomo, has always from that time been
popularly known as the Court of the Millioni.
[Sidenote: Recounts Marco's capture by the Genoese.]
6. "Not many months after the arrival of the travellers at Venice, news
came that LAMPA DORIA, Captain of the Genoese Fleet, had advanced with
70 galleys to the Island of Curzola, upon which orders were issued by
the Prince of the Most Illustrious Signory for the arming of 90 galleys
with all the expedition possible, and Messer Marco Polo for his valour
was put in charge of one of these. So he with the others, under the
command of the Most Illustrious MESSER ANDREA DANDOLO, Procurator of St.
Mark's, as Captain General, a very brave and worthy gentleman, set out
in search of the Genoese Fleet. They fought on the September feast of
Our Lady, and, as is the common hazard of war, our fleet was beaten, and
Polo was made prisoner. For, having pressed on in the vanguard of the
attack, and fighting with high and worthy courage in defence of his
country and his kindred, he did not receive due support, and being
wounded, he was taken, along with Dandolo, and immediately put in irons
and sent to Genoa.
"When his rare qualities and marvellous travels became known there, the
whole city gathered to see him and to speak with him, and he was no
longer entreated as a prisoner but as a dear friend and honoured
gentleman. Indeed they showed him such honour and affection that at all
hours of the day he was visited by the noblest gentlemen of the city,
and was continually receiving presents of every useful kind. Messer
Marco finding himself in this position, and witnessing the general
eagerness to hear all about Cathay and the Great Can, which indeed
compelled him daily to repeat his story till he was weary, was advised
to put the matter in writing. So having found means to get a letter
written to his father here at Venice, in which he desired the latter to
send the notes and memoranda which he had brought home with him, after
the receipt of these, and assisted by a Genoese gentleman, who was a
great friend of his, and who took great delight in learning about the
various regions of the world, and used on that account to spend many
hours daily in the prison with him, he wrote this present book (to
please him) in the Latin tongue.
"To this day the Genoese for the most part write what they have to write
in that language, for there is no possibility of expressing their
natural dialect with the pen.[7] Thus then it came to pass that the Book
was put forth at first by Messer Marco in Latin; but as many copies were
taken, and as it was rendered into our vulgar tongue, all Italy became
filled with it, so much was this story desired and run after.
[Sidenote: Ramusio's account of Marco's liberation and marriage.]
7. "The captivity of Messer Marco greatly disturbed the minds of Messer
Maffio and his father Messer Nicolo. They had decided, whilst still on
their travels, that Marco should marry as soon as they should get to
Venice; but now they found themselves in this unlucky pass, with so much
wealth and nobody to inherit it. Fearing that Marco's imprisonment might
endure for many years, or, worse still, that he might not live to quit
it (for many assured them that numbers of Venetian prisoners had been
kept in Genoa a score of years before obtaining liberty); seeing too no
prospect of being able to ransom him,--a thing which they had attempted
often and by various channels,--they took counsel together, and came to
the conclusion that Messer Nicolo, who, old as he was, was still hale
and vigorous, should take to himself a new wife. This he did; and at the
end of four years he found himself the father of three sons, Stefano,
Maffio, and Giovanni. Not many years after, Messer Marco aforesaid,
through the great favour that he had acquired in the eyes of the first
gentlemen of Genoa, and indeed of the whole city, was discharged from
prison and set free. Returning home he found that his father had in the
meantime had those three other sons. Instead of taking this amiss, wise
and discreet man that he was, he agreed also to take a wife of his own.
He did so accordingly, but he never had any son, only two girls, one
called Moreta and the other Fantina.
"When at a later date his father died, like a good and dutiful son he
caused to be erected for him a tomb of very honourable kind for those
days, being a great sarcophagus cut from the solid stone, which to this
day may be seen under the portico before the Church of S. Lorenzo in
this city, on the right hand as you enter, with an inscription denoting
it to be the tomb of Messer Nicolo Polo of the contrada of S. Gio.
Chrisostomo. The arms of his family consist of a _Bend_ with three birds
on it, and the colours, according to certain books of old histories in
which you see all the coats of the gentlemen of this city emblazoned,
are the field _azure_, the bend _argent_, and the three birds _sable_.
These last are birds of that kind vulgarly termed _Pole_,[8] or, as the
Latins call them, _Gracculi_.
[Sidenote: Ramusio's account of the Family Polo and its termination.]
8. "As regards the after duration of this noble and worthy family, I
find that Messer Andrea Polo of San Felice had three sons, the first of
whom was Messer Marco, the second Maffio, the third Nicolo. The two last
were those who went to Constantinople first, and afterwards to Cathay,
as has been seen. Messer Marco the elder being dead, the wife of Messer
Nicolo who had been left at home with child, gave birth to a son, to
whom she gave the name of Marco in memory of the deceased, and this is
the Author of our Book. Of the brothers who were born from his father's
second marriage, viz. Stephen, John, and Matthew, I do not find that any
of them had children, except Matthew. He had five sons and one daughter
called Maria; and she, after the death of her brothers without
offspring, inherited in 1417 all the property of her father and her
brothers. She was honourably married to Messer AZZO TREVISANO of the
parish of Santo Stazio in this city, and from her sprung the fortunate
and honoured stock of the Illustrious Messer DOMENICO TREVISANO,
Procurator of St. Mark's, and valorous Captain General of the Sea Forces
of the Republic, whose virtue and singular good qualities are
represented with augmentation in the person of the Most Illustrious
Prince Ser MARC' ANTONIO TREVISANO, his son.[9]
"Such has been the history of this noble family of the Ca' Polo, which
lasted as we see till the year of our Redemption 1417, in which year
died childless Marco Polo, the last of the five sons of Maffeo, and so
it came to an end. Such be the chances and changes of human affairs!"
[Illustration: Arms of the Ca' Polo.]
[1] The Preface is dated Venice, 7th July, 1553. Fracastorius died in the
same year, and Ramusio erected a statue of him at Padua. Ramusio
himself died in July, 1557.
[2] The Geography of De Barros, from which this is quoted, has never been
printed. I can find nothing corresponding to this passage in the
Decades.
[3] A grievous error of Ramusio's.
[4] See the decorated title-page of this volume for an attempt to realise
the scene.
[5] At first sight this fantastic tradition seems to have little
verisimilitude; but when we regard it in the light of genuine Mongol
custom, such as is quoted from Rubruquis, at p. 389 of this volume, we
shall be disposed to look on the whole story with respect.
[6] This curious statement is confirmed by a passage in the records of the
Great Council, which, on a late visit to Venice, I was enabled to
extract, through an obliging communication from Professor Minotto.
(See below, p. 67.)
[7] This rather preposterous skit at the Genoese dialect naturally excites
a remonstrance from the Abate Spotorno. (_Storia Letteraria della
Liguria_, II. 217.)
[8] _Jackdaws_, I believe, in spite of some doubt from the imbecility of
ordinary dictionaries in such matters.
They are under this name made the object of a similitude by Dante
(surely a most unhappy one) in reference to the resplendent spirits
flitting on the celestial stairs in the sphere of Saturn:--
"E come per lo natural costume
_Le Pole_ insieme, al cominciar del giorno,
Si muovono a scaldar le fredde piume:
Poi altre vanno via senza ritorno,
Altre rivolgon se, onde son mosse,
Ed altre roteando fan soggiorno."--_Parad._ XXI. 34.
There is some difference among authorities as to the details of the
Polo blazon. According to a MS. concerning the genealogies of Venetian
families written by Marco Barbaro in 1566, and of which there is a
copy in the Museo Civico, the field is _gules_, the bend _or_. And
this I have followed in the cut. But a note by S. Stefani of Venice,
with which I have been favoured since the cut was made, informs me
that a fine 15th-century MS. in his possession gives the field as
_argent_, with no _bend_, and the three birds _sable_ with beaks
_gules_, disposed thus ***.
[Illustration: Arms of the Polo[A]]
[A] [This coat of arms is reproduced from the Genealogies of
Priuli, Archivio di Stato, Venice.--H. C.]
[9] Marco Antonio Trevisano was elected Doge, 4th June, 1553, but died on
the 31st of May following. We do not here notice Ramusio's numerous
errors, which will be corrected in the sequel. [See p. 78.]
II. SKETCH OF THE STATE OF THE EAST AT THE TIME OF THE JOURNEYS OF THE
POLO FAMILY.
9. The story of the travels of the Polo family opens in 1260.
[Sidenote: State of the Levant.]
Christendom had recovered from the alarm into which it had been thrown
some 18 years before when the Tartar cataclysm had threatened to engulph
it. The Tartars themselves were already becoming an object of curiosity
rather than of fear, and soon became an object of hope, as a possible help
against the old Mahomedan foe. The frail Latin throne in Constantinople
was still standing, but tottering to its fall. The successors of the
Crusaders still held the Coast of Syria from Antioch to Jaffa, though a
deadlier brood of enemies than they had yet encountered was now coming to
maturity in the Dynasty of the Mamelukes, which had one foot firmly
planted in Cairo, the other in Damascus. The jealousies of the commercial
republics of Italy were daily waxing greater. The position of Genoese
trade on the coasts of the Aegean was greatly depressed, through the
predominance which Venice had acquired there by her part in the expulsion
of the Greek Emperors, and which won for the Doge the lofty style of Lord
of Three-Eighths of the Empire of Romania. But Genoa was biding her time
for an early revenge, and year by year her naval strength and skill were
increasing. Both these republics held possessions and establishments in
the ports of Syria, which were often the scene of sanguinary conflicts
between their citizens. Alexandria was still largely frequented in the
intervals of war as the great emporium of Indian wares, but the facilities
afforded by the Mongol conquerors who now held the whole tract from the
Persian Gulf to the shores of the Caspian and of the Black Sea, or nearly
so, were beginning to give a great advantage to the caravan routes which
debouched at the ports of Cilician Armenia in the Mediterranean and at
Trebizond on the Euxine. Tana (or Azov) had not as yet become the outlet
of a similar traffic; the Venetians had apparently frequented to some
extent the coast of the Crimea for local trade, but their rivals appear to
have been in great measure excluded from this commerce, and the Genoese
establishments which so long flourished on that coast, are first heard of
some years after a Greek dynasty was again in possession of
Constantinople.[1]
[Sidenote: The various Mongol Sovereignties in Asia and Eastern Europe.]
10. In Asia and Eastern Europe scarcely a dog might bark without Mongol
leave, from the borders of Poland and the Gulf of Scanderoon to the Amur
and the Yellow Sea. The vast empire which Chinghiz had conquered still
owned a nominally supreme head in the Great Kaan,[2] but practically it
was splitting up into several great monarchies under the descendants of
the four sons of Chinghiz, Juji, Chaghatai, Okkodai, and Tuli; and wars on
a vast scale were already brewing between them. Hulaku, third son of Tuli,
and brother of two Great Kaans, Mangku and Kublai, had become practically
independent as ruler of Persia, Babylonia, Mesopotamia, and Armenia,
though he and his sons, and his sons' sons, continued to stamp the name of
the Great Kaan upon their coins, and to use the Chinese seals of state
which he bestowed upon them. The Seljukian Sultans of Iconium, whose
dominion bore the proud title of Rum (Rome), were now but the struggling
bondsmen of the Ilkhans. The Armenian Hayton in his Cilician Kingdom had
pledged a more frank allegiance to the Tartar, the enemy of his Moslem
enemies.
Barka, son of Juji, the first ruling prince of the House of Chinghiz to
turn Mahomedan, reigned on the steppes of the Volga, where a standing
camp, which eventually became a great city under the name of Sarai, had
been established by his brother and predecessor Batu.
The House of Chaghatai had settled upon the pastures of the Ili and the
valley of the Jaxartes, and ruled the wealthy cities of Sogdiana.
Kaidu, the grandson of Okkodai who had been the successor of Chinghiz in
the Kaanship, refused to acknowledge the transfer of the supreme authority
to the House of Tuli, and was through the long life of Kublai a thorn in
his side, perpetually keeping his north-western frontier in alarm. His
immediate authority was exercised over some part of what we should now
call Eastern Turkestan and Southern Central Siberia; whilst his hordes of
horsemen, force of character, and close neighbourhood brought the Khans of
Chaghatai under his influence, and they generally acted in concert with
him.
The chief throne of the Mongol Empire had just been ascended by Kublai,
the most able of its occupants after the Founder. Before the death of his
brother and predecessor Mangku, who died in 1259 before an obscure
fortress of Western China, it had been intended to remove the seat of
government from Kara Korum on the northern verge of the Mongolian Desert
to the more populous regions that had been conquered in the further East,
and this step, which in the end converted the Mongol Kaan into a Chinese
Emperor,[3] was carried out by Kublai.
[Sidenote: China.]
11. For about three centuries the Northern provinces of China had been
detached from native rule, and subject to foreign dynasties; first to the
_Khitan_, a people from the basin of the Sungari River, and supposed (but
doubtfully) to have been akin to the Tunguses, whose rule subsisted for
200 years, and originated the name of KHITAI, Khata, or CATHAY, by which
for nearly 1000 years China has been known to the nations of Inner Asia,
and to those whose acquaintance with it was got by that channel.[4] The
Khitan, whose dynasty is known in Chinese history as the _Liao_ or "Iron,"
had been displaced in 1123 by the Churches or Niu-chen, another race of
Eastern Tartary, of the same blood as the modern Manchus, whose Emperors
in their brief period of prosperity were known by the Chinese name of
Tai-_Kin_, by the Mongol name of the _Altun_ Kaans, both signifying
"Golden." Already in the lifetime of Chinghiz himself the northern
Provinces of China Proper, including their capital, known as Chung-tu or
Yen-King, now Peking, had been wrenched from them, and the conquest of the
dynasty was completed by Chinghiz's successor Okkodai in 1234.
Southern China still remained in the hands of the native dynasty of the
Sung, who had their capital at the great city now well known as Hang-chau
fu. Their dominion was still substantially untouched, but its subjugation
was a task to which Kublai before many years turned his attention, and
which became the most prominent event of his reign.
[Sidenote: India, and Indo-China.]
12. In India the most powerful sovereign was the Sultan of Delhi,
Nassiruddin Mahmud of the Turki House of Iltitmish;[5] but, though both
Sind and Bengal acknowledged his supremacy, no part of Peninsular India had
yet been invaded, and throughout the long period of our Traveller's
residence in the East the Kings of Delhi had their hands too full, owing to
the incessant incursions of the Mongols across the Indus, to venture on
extensive campaigning in the south. Hence the Dravidian Kingdoms of
Southern India were as yet untouched by foreign conquest, and the
accumulated gold of ages lay in their temples and treasuries, an easy prey
for the coming invader.
In the Indo-Chinese Peninsula and the Eastern Islands a variety of
kingdoms and dynasties were expanding and contracting, of which we have at
best but dim and shifting glimpses. That they were advanced in wealth and
art, far beyond what the present state of those regions would suggest, is
attested by vast and magnificent remains of Architecture, nearly all
dating, so far as dates can be ascertained, from the 12th to the 14th
centuries (that epoch during which an architectural afflatus seems to have
descended on the human race), and which are found at intervals over both
the Indo-Chinese continent and the Islands, as at Pagan in Burma, at
Ayuthia in Siam, at Angkor in Kamboja, at Borobodor and Brambanan in Java.
All these remains are deeply marked by Hindu influence, and, at the same
time, by strong peculiarities, both generic and individual.
[Illustration: Autograph of Hayton, King of Armenia, circa A.D. 1243.
"... e por so qui cestes lettres soient fermes e establis ci avuns escrit
l'escrit de notre main vermoil e sayele de notre ceau pendant...."]
[1] See Heyd, _Le Colonie Commerciali degli Italiani_, etc., passim.
[2] We endeavour to preserve throughout the book the distinction that was
made in the age of the Mongol Empire between _Khan_ and _Kaan_
([Arabic] and [Arabic] as written by Arabic and Persian authors). The
former may be rendered _Lord_, and was applied generally to Tartar
chiefs whether sovereign or not; it has since become in Persia, and
especially in Afghanistan, a sort of "Esq.," and in India is now a
common affix in the names of (Musulman) Hindustanis of all classes;
in Turkey alone it has been reserved for the Sultan. _Kaan_, again,
appears to be a form of _Khakan_, the [Greek: Chaganos] of the
Byzantine historians, and was the peculiar title of the supreme
sovereign of the Mongols; the Mongol princes of Persia, Chaghatai,
etc., were entitled only to the former affix (Khan), though _Kaan_ and
_Khakan_ are sometimes applied to them in adulation. Polo always
writes _Kaan_ as applied to the Great Khan, and does not, I think, use
_Khan_ in any form, styling the subordinate princes by their name
only, as _Argon, Alau_, etc. _Ilkhan_ was a special title assumed by
Hulaku and his successors in Persia; it is said to be compounded from
a word _Il_, signifying tribe or nation. The relation between _Khan_
and _Khakan_ seems to be probably that the latter signifies "_Khan of
Khans_" Lord of Lords. Chinghiz, it is said, did not take the higher
title; it was first assumed by his son Okkodai. But there are doubts
about this. (See _Quatremere's Rashid_, pp. 10 seqq. and _Pavet de
Courteille, Dict. Turk-Oriental._) The tendency of swelling titles is
always to degenerate, and when the value of Khan had sunk, a new form,
_Khan-khanan_, was devised at the Court of Delhi, and applied to one
of the high officers of state.
[Mr. Rockhill writes (_Rubruck_, p. 108, note): "The title _Khan_,
though of very great antiquity, was only used by the Turks after A.D.
560, at which time the use of the word _Khatun_ came in use for the
wives of the Khan, who himself was termed _Ilkhan_. The older title of
_Shan-yue_ did not, however, completely disappear among them, for
Albiruni says that in his time the chief of the Ghuz Turks, or
Turkomans, still bore the title of _Jenuyeh_, which Sir Henry
Rawlinson (_Proc. R. G. S._, v. 15) takes to be the same word as that
transcribed _Shan-yue_ by the Chinese (see _Ch'ien Han shu_, Bk. 94,
and _Chou shu_, Bk. 50, 2). Although the word _Khakhan_ occurs in
Menander's account of the embassy of Zemarchus, the earliest mention I
have found of it in a Western writer is in the _Chronicon_ of
Albericus Trium Fontium, where (571), under the year 1239, he uses it
in the form _Cacanus_"--Cf. _Terrien de Lacouperie, Khan, Khakan, and
other Tartar Titles_. Lond., Dec. 1888.--H. C.]
[3] "China is a sea that salts all the rivers that flow into it."--_P.
Parrenin_ in _Lett. Edif._ XXIV. 58.
[4] E.g. the Russians still call it Khitai. The pair of names, _Khitai_
and _Machin_, or Cathay and China, is analogous to the other pair,
_Seres_ and _Sinae_. _Seres_ was the name of the great nation in the
far East as known by land, _Sinae_ as known by sea; and they were
often supposed to be diverse, just as Cathay and China were
afterwards.
[5] There has been much doubt about the true form of this name.
_Iltitmish_ is that sanctioned by Mr. Blochmann (see _Proc. As. Soc.
Bengal_, 1870, p. 181).
III. THE POLO FAMILY. PERSONAL HISTORY OF THE TRAVELLERS DOWN TO THEIR
FINAL RETURN FROM THE EAST.
[Sidenote: Alleged origin of the Polos.]
13. In days when History and Genealogy were allowed to draw largely on the
imagination for the _origines_ of states and families, it was set down by
one Venetian Antiquary that among the companions of King Venetus, or of
Prince Antenor of Troy, when they settled on the northern shores of the
Adriatic, there was one LUCIUS POLUS, who became the progenitor of our
Traveller's Family;[1] whilst another deduces it from PAOLO the first
Doge[2] (Paulus Lucas Anafestus of Heraclea, A.D. 696).
More trustworthy traditions, recorded among the Family Histories of
Venice, but still no more it is believed than traditions, represent the
Family of Polo as having come from Sebenico in Dalmatia, in the 11th
century.[3] Before the end of the century they had taken seats in the
Great Council of the Republic; for the name of Domenico Polo is said to be
subscribed to a grant of 1094, that of Pietro Polo to an act of the time
of the Doge Domenico Michiele in 1122, and that of a Domenico Polo to an
acquittance granted by the Doge Domenico Morosini and his Council in
1153.[4]
The ascertained genealogy of the Traveller, however, begins only with his
grandfather, who lived in the early part of the 13th century.
Two branches of the Polo Family were then recognized, distinguished by the
_confini_ or Parishes in which they lived, as Polo of S. Geremia, and Polo
of S. Felice. ANDREA POLO of S. Felice was the father of three sons,
MARCO, NICOLO, and MAFFEO. And Nicolo was the Father of our Marco.
[Sidenote: Claims to be styled noble.]
14. Till quite recently it had never been precisely ascertained whether
the immediate family of our Traveller belonged to the _Nobles_ of Venice
properly so called, who had seats in the Great Council and were enrolled
in the Libro d'Oro. Ramusio indeed styles our Marco _Nobile_ and
_Magnifico_, and Rusticiano, the actual scribe of the Traveller's
recollections, calls him "_sajes et noble citaiens de Venece_," but
Ramusio's accuracy and Rusticiano's precision were scarcely to be depended
on. Very recently, however, since the subject has been discussed with
accomplished students of the Venice Archives, proofs have been found
establishing Marco's personal claim to nobility, inasmuch as both in
judicial decisions and in official resolutions of the Great Council, he is
designated _Nobilis Vir_, a formula which would never have been used in
such documents (I am assured) had he not been technically noble.[5]
[Sidenote: Marco the Elder.]
15. Of the three sons of Andrea Polo of S. Felice, Marco seems to have
been the eldest, and Maffeo the youngest.[6] They were all engaged in
commerce, and apparently in a partnership, which to some extent held good
even when the two younger had been many years absent in the Far East.[7]
Marco seems to have been established for a time at Constantinople,[8] and
also to have had a house (no doubt of business) at Soldaia, in the Crimea,
where his son and daughter, Nicolo and Maroca by name, were living in
1280. This year is the date of the Elder Marco's Will, executed at Venice,
and when he was "weighed down by bodily ailment." Whether he survived for
any length of time we do not know.
[Sidenote: Nicolo and Maffeo commence their travels.]
16. Nicolo Polo, the second of the Brothers, had two legitimate sons,
MARCO, the Author of our Book, born in 1254,[9] and MAFFEO, of whose place
in the family we shall have a few words to say presently. The story opens,
as we have said, in 1260, when we find the two brothers, Nicolo and Maffeo
the Elder, at Constantinople. How long they had been absent from Venice we
are not distinctly told. Nicolo had left his wife there behind him; Maffeo
apparently was a bachelor. In the year named they started on a trading
venture to the Crimea, whence a succession of openings and chances,
recounted in the Introductory chapters of Marco's work, carried them far
north along the Volga, and thence first to Bokhara, and then to the Court
of the Great Kaan Kublai in the Far East, on or within the borders of
CATHAY. That a great and civilized country so called existed in the
extremity of Asia had already been reported in Europe by the Friars Plano
Carpini (1246) and William Rubruquis (1253), who had not indeed reached
its frontiers, but had met with its people at the Court of the Great Kaan
in Mongolia; whilst the latter of the two with characteristic acumen had
seen that they were identical with the Seres of classic fame.
[Sidenote: Their intercourse with Kublai Kaan.]
17. Kublai had never before fallen in with European gentlemen. He was
delighted with these Venetians, listened with strong interest to all that
they had to tell him of the Latin world, and determined to send them back
as his ambassadors to the Pope, accompanied by an officer of his own
Court. His letters to the Pope, as the Polos represent them, were mainly
to desire the despatch of a large body of educated missionaries to convert
his people to Christianity. It is not likely that religious motives
influenced Kublai in this, but he probably desired religious aid in
softening and civilizing his rude kinsmen of the Steppes, and judged, from
what he saw in the Venetians and heard from them, that Europe could afford
such aid of a higher quality than the degenerate Oriental Christians with
whom he was familiar, or the Tibetan Lamas on whom his patronage
eventually devolved when Rome so deplorably failed to meet his advances.
[Sidenote: Their return home, and Marco's appearance on the scene.]
18. The Brothers arrived at Acre in April,[10] 1269, and found that no
Pope existed, for Clement IV. was dead the year before, and no new
election had taken place. So they went home to Venice to see how things
stood there after their absence of so many years.
The wife of Nicolo was no longer among the living, but he found his son
Marco a fine lad of fifteen.
The best and most authentic MSS. tell us no more than this. But one class
of copies, consisting of the Latin version made by our Traveller's
contemporary, Francesco Pipino, and of the numerous editions based
indirectly upon it, represents that Nicolo had left Venice when Marco was
as yet unborn, and consequently had never seen him till his return from
the East in 1269.[11]
We have mentioned that Nicolo Polo had another legitimate son, by name
Maffeo, and him we infer to have been younger than Marco, because he is
named last (_Marcus et Matheus_) in the Testament of their uncle Marco the
Elder. We do not know if they were by the same mother. They could not have
been so if we are right in supposing Maffeo to have been the younger, and
if Pipino's version of the history be genuine. If however we reject the
latter, as I incline to do, no ground remains for supposing that Nicolo
went to the East much before we find him there viz., in 1260, and Maffeo
may have been born of the same mother during the interval between 1254 and
1260. If on the other hand Pipino's version be held to, we must suppose
that Maffeo (who is named by his uncle in 1280, during his father's second
absence in the East) was born of a marriage contracted during Nicolo's
residence at home after his first journey, a residence which lasted from
1269 to 1271.[12]
[Illustration: The Piazzetta at Venice. (From the Bodleian MS. of Polo.)]
[Sidenote: Second Journey of the Polo Brothers, accompanied by Marco.]
19. The Papal interregnum was the longest known, at least since the dark
ages. Those two years passed, and yet the Cardinals at Viterbo had come to
no agreement. The brothers were unwilling to let the Great Kaan think them
faithless, and perhaps they hankered after the virgin field of speculation
that they had discovered; so they started again for the East, taking young
Mark with them. At Acre they took counsel with an eminent churchman,
TEDALDO (or Tebaldo) VISCONTI, Archdeacon of Liege, whom the Book
represents to have been Legate in Syria, and who in any case was a
personage of much gravity and influence. From him they got letters to
authenticate the causes of the miscarriage of their mission, and started
for the further East. But they were still at the port of Ayas on the Gulf
of Scanderoon, which was then becoming one of the chief points of arrival
and departure for the inland trade of Asia, when they were overtaken by
the news that a Pope was at last elected, and that the choice had fallen
upon their friend Archdeacon Tedaldo. They immediately returned to Acre,
and at last were able to execute the Kaan's commission, and to obtain a
reply. But instead of the hundred able teachers of science and religion
whom Kublai is said to have asked for, the new Pope, Gregory X., could
supply but two Dominicans; and these lost heart and drew back when they
had barely taken the first step of the journey.
Judging from certain indications we conceive it probable that the three
Venetians, whose second start from Acre took place about November 1271,
proceeded by Ayas and Sivas, and then by Mardin, Mosul, and Baghdad, to
Hormuz at the mouth of the Persian Gulf, with the view of going on by sea,
but that some obstacle arose which compelled them to abandon this project
and turn north again from Hormuz.[13] They then traversed successively
Kerman and Khorasan, Balkh and Badakhshan, whence they ascended the Panja
or upper Oxus to the Plateau of Pamir, a route not known to have been
since followed by any European traveller except Benedict Goes, till the
spirited expedition of Lieutenant John Wood of the Indian Navy in
1838.[14] Crossing the Pamir highlands the travellers descended upon
Kashgar, whence they proceeded by Yarkand and Khotan, and the vicinity of
Lake Lob, and eventually across the Great Gobi Desert to Tangut, the name
then applied by Mongols and Persians to territory at the extreme
North-west of China, both within and without the Wall. Skirting the
northern frontier of China they at last reached the presence of the Kaan,
who was at his usual summer retreat at Kai-ping fu, near the base of the
Khingan Mountains, and nearly 100 miles north of the Great Wall at Kalgan.
If there be no mistake in the time (three years and a half) ascribed to
this journey in all the existing texts, the travellers did not reach the
Court till about May of 1275.[15]
[Sidenote: Marco's employment by Kublai Kaan; and his journeys.]
20. Kublai received the Venetians with great cordiality, and took kindly
to young Mark, who must have been by this time one-and-twenty. The _Joenne
Bacheler_, as the story calls him, applied himself to the acquisition of
the languages and written characters in chief use among the multifarious
nationalities included in the Kaan's Court and administration; and Kublai
after a time, seeing his discretion and ability, began to employ him in
the public service. M. Pauthier has found a record in the Chinese Annals
of the Mongol Dynasty, which states that in the year 1277, a certain POLO
was nominated a second-class commissioner or agent attached to the Privy
Council, a passage which we are happy to believe to refer to our young
traveller.[16]
His first mission apparently was that which carried him through the
provinces of Shan-si, Shen-si, and Sze-ch'wan, and the wild country on the
East of Tibet, to the remote province of Yun-nan, called by the Mongols
Karajang, and which had been partially conquered by an army under Kublai
himself in 1253, before his accession to the throne.[17] Mark, during his
stay at court, had observed the Kaan's delight in hearing of strange
countries, their marvels, manners, and oddities, and had heard his
Majesty's frank expressions of disgust at the stupidity of his
commissioners when they could speak of nothing but the official business
on which they had been sent. Profiting by these observations, he took care
to store his memory or his note-books with all curious facts that were
likely to interest Kublai, and related them with vivacity on his return to
Court. This first journey, which led him through a region which is still
very nearly a _terra incognita_, and in which there existed and still
exists, among the deep valleys of the Great Rivers flowing down from
Eastern Tibet, and in the rugged mountain ranges bordering Yun-nan and
Kwei-chau, a vast Ethnological Garden, as it were, of tribes of various
race and in every stage of uncivilisation, afforded him an acquaintance
with many strange products and eccentric traits of manners, wherewith to
delight the Emperor.
Mark rose rapidly in favour, and often served Kublai again on distant
missions, as well as in domestic administration, but we gather few details
as to his employments. At one time we know that he held for three years
the government of the great city of Yang-chau, though we need not try to
magnify this office, as some commentators have done, into the viceroyalty
of one of the great provinces of the Empire; on another occasion we find
him with his uncle Maffeo, passing a year at Kan-chau in Tangut; again, it
would appear, visiting Kara Korum, the old capital of the Kaans in
Mongolia; on another occasion in Champa or Southern Cochin China; and
again, or perhaps as a part of the last expedition, on a mission to the
Indian Seas, when he appears to have visited several of the southern
states of India. We are not informed whether his father and uncle shared
in such employments;[18] and the story of their services rendered to the
Kaan in promoting the capture of the city of Siang-yang, by the
construction of powerful engines of attack, is too much perplexed by
difficulties of chronology to be cited with confidence. Anyhow they were
gathering wealth, and after years of exile they began to dread what might
follow old Kublai's death, and longed to carry their gear and their own
grey heads safe home to the Lagoons. The aged Emperor growled refusal to
all their hints, and but for a happy chance we should have lost our
mediaeval Herodotus.
[Sidenote: Circumstances of the Departure of the Polos from the Kaan's
Court.]
21. Arghun Khan of Persia, Kublai's great-nephew, had in 1286 lost his
favourite wife the Khatun Bulughan; and, mourning her sorely, took steps
to fulfil her dying injunction that her place should be filled only by a
lady of her own kin, the Mongol Tribe of Bayaut. Ambassadors were
despatched to the Court of Kaan-baligh to seek such a bride. The message
was courteously received, and the choice fell on the lady Kokachin, a
maiden of 17, "_moult bele dame et avenant_." The overland road from
Peking to Tabriz was not only of portentous length for such a tender
charge, but was imperilled by war, so the envoys desired to return by sea.
Tartars in general were strangers to all navigation; and the envoys, much
taken with the Venetians, and eager to profit by their experience,
especially as Marco had just then returned from his Indian mission, begged
the Kaan as a favour to send the three _Firinghis_ in their company. He
consented with reluctance, but, having done so, fitted the party out nobly
for the voyage, charging the Polos with friendly messages for the
potentates of Europe, including the King of England. They appear to have
sailed from the port of Zayton (as the Westerns called T'swan-chau or
Chin-cheu in Fo-kien) in the beginning of 1292. It was an ill-starred
voyage, involving long detentions on the coast of Sumatra, and in the
South of India, to which, however, we are indebted for some of the best
chapters in the book; and two years or upwards passed before they arrived
at their destination in Persia.[19] The three hardy Venetians survived all
perils, and so did the lady, who had come to look on them with filial
regard; but two of the three envoys, and a vast proportion of the suite,
had perished by the way.[20] Arghun Khan too had been dead even before
they quitted China;[21] his brother Kaikhatu reigned in his stead; and his
son Ghazan succeeded to the lady's hand. We are told by one who knew both
the princes well that Arghun was one of the handsomest men of his time,
whilst Ghazan was, among all his host, one of the most insignificant in
appearance. But in other respects the lady's change was for the better.
Ghazan had some of the highest qualities of a soldier, a legislator and a
king, adorned by many and varied accomplishments; though his reign was too
short for the full development of his fame.
[Sidenote: They pass by Persia to Venice. Their relations there.]
22. The princess, whose enjoyment of her royalty was brief, wept as she
took leave of the kindly and noble Venetians. They went on to Tabriz, and
after a long halt there proceeded homewards, reaching Venice, according to
all the texts some time in 1295.[22]
We have related Ramusio's interesting tradition, like a bit out of the
Arabian Nights, of the reception that the Travellers met with from their
relations, and of the means that they took to establish their position
with those relations, and with Venetian society.[23] Of the relations,
Marco the Elder had probably been long dead;[24] Maffeo the brother of our
Marco was alive, and we hear also of a cousin (_consanguineus_) Felice
Polo, and his wife Fiordelisa, without being able to fix their precise
position in the family. We know also that Nicolo, who died before the end
of the century, left behind him two illegitimate sons, Stefano and
Zannino. It is not unlikely that these were born from some connection
entered into during the long residence of the Polos in Cathay, though
naturally their presence in the travelling company is not commemorated in
Marco's Prologue.[25]
[1] _Zurla_, I. 42, quoting a MS. entitled _Petrus Ciera S. R. E. Card, de
Origine Venetorum et de Civitate Venetiarum_. Cicogna says he could
not find this MS. as it had been carried to England; and then breaks
into a diatribe against foreigners who purchase and carry away such
treasures, "not to make a serious study of them, but for mere
vain-glory ... or in order to write books contradicting the very MSS.
that they have bought, and with that dishonesty and untruth which are
so notorious!" (IV. 227.)
[2] _Campidoglio Veneto_ of Cappellari (MS. in St. Mark's Lib.), quoting
"the Venetian Annals of Giulio Faroldi."
[3] The _Genealogies_ of Marco Barbaro specify 1033 as the year of the
migration to Venice; on what authority does not appear (MS. copy in
_Museo Civico_ at Venice).
[4] _Cappellari_, u.s., and _Barbaro_. In the same century we find (1125,
1195) indications of Polos at Torcello, and of others (1160) at
Equileo, and (1179, 1206) Lido Maggiore; in 1154 a Marco Polo of
Rialto. Contemporary with these is a family of Polos (1139, 1183,
1193, 1201) at Chioggia (_Documents and Lists of Documents from
various Archives at_ Venice).
[5] See Appendix C, Nos. 4, 5, and 16. It was supposed that an autograph
of Marco as member of the Great Council had been discovered, but this
proves to be a mistake, as will be explained further on (see p. 74,
note). In those days the demarcation between Patrician and
non-Patrician at Venice, where all classes shared in commerce, all
were (generally speaking) of one race, and where there were neither
castles, domains, nor trains of horsemen, formed no wide gulf. Still
it is interesting to establish the verity of the old tradition of
Marco's technical nobility.
[6] Marco's seniority rests only on the assertion of Ramusio, who also
calls Maffeo older than Nicolo. But in Marco the Elder's Will these
two are always (3 times) specified as "_Nicolaus et Matheus_."
[7] This seems implied in the Elder Marco's Will (1280): "_Item de bonis
quae me habere contingunt_ de fraterna Compagnia _a suprascriptis
Nicolao et Matheo Paulo_," etc.
[8] In his Will he terms himself "Ego Marcus Polo quondam de
Constantinopoli."
[9] There is no real ground for doubt as to this. All the extant MSS.
agree in making Marco fifteen years old when his father returned to
Venice in 1269.
[10] Baldelli and Lazari say that the Bern MS. specifies 30th April; but
this is a mistake.
[11] Pipino's version runs: "Invenit Dominus Nicolaus Paulus uxorem suam
esse de functam, quae in recessu suo fuit praegnans. Invenitque
filium, Marcum nomine, qui jam annos xv. habebat aetatis, qui post
discessum ipsius de Venetiis natus fuerat de uxore sua praefata." To
this Ramusio adds the further particular that the mother died in
giving birth to Mark.
The interpolation is older even than Pipino's version, for we find in
the rude Latin published by the Societe de Geographie "quam cum
Venetiis primo recessit praegnantem dimiserat." But the statement is
certainly an _interpolation_, for it does not exist in any of the
older texts; nor have we any good reason for believing that it was an
_authorised_ interpolation. I suspect it to have been introduced to
harmonise with an erroneous date for the commencement of the travels
of the two brothers.
Lazari prints: "Messer Nicolo trovo che la sua donna era morta, e
n'era rimasto un fanciullo di _dodici_ anni per nome Marco, _che il
padre non avea veduto mai, perche non era ancor nato quando egli
parti_." These words have no equivalent in the French Texts, but are
taken from one of the Italian MSS. in the Magliabecchian Library, and
are I suspect also interpolated. The _dodici_ is pure error (see p. 21
infra).
[12] The last view is in substance, I find, suggested by Cicogna (ii.
389).
The matter is of some interest, because in the Will of the younger
Maffeo, which is extant, he makes a bequest to his uncle (_Avunculus_)
Jordan Trevisan. This seems an indication that his mother's name may
have been Trevisan. The same Maffeo had a daughter _Fiordelisa_. And
Marco the Elder, in his Will (1280), appoints as his executors, during
the absence of his brothers, the same Jordan Trevisan and his own
sister-in-law _Fiordelisa_ ("Jordanum Trivisanum de confinio S.
Antonini: et Flordelisam cognatam meam"). Hence I conjecture that this
_cognata Fiordelisa_ (Trevisan?) was the wife of the absent Nicolo,
and the mother of Maffeo. In that case of course Maffeo and Marco were
the sons of different mothers. With reference to the above suggestion
of Nicolo's second marriage in 1269 there is a curious variation in a
fragmentary Venetian Polo in the Barberini Library at Rome. It runs,
in the passage corresponding to the latter part of ch. ix. of
Prologue: "i qual do fratelli steteno do anni in Veniezia aspettando
la elletion de nuovo Papa, _nel qual tempo Mess. Nicolo si tolse moier
et si la laso graveda._" I believe, however, that it is only a
careless misrendering of Pipino's statement about Marco's birth.
[13] [Major Sykes, in his remarkable book on _Persia_, ch. xxiii. pp.
262-263, does not share Sir Henry Yule's opinion regarding this
itinerary, and he writes:
"To return to our travellers, who started on their second great
journey in 1271, Sir Henry Yule, in his introduction,[A] makes them
travel via Sivas to Mosul and Baghdad, and thence by sea to Hormuz,
and this is the itinerary shown on his sketch map. This view I am
unwilling to accept for more than one reason. In the first place, if,
with Colonel Yule, we suppose that Ser Marco visited Baghdad, is it
not unlikely that he should term the River Volga the Tigris,[B] and
yet leave the river of Baghdad nameless? It may be urged that Marco
believed the legend of the reappearance of the Volga in Kurdistan, but
yet, if the text be read with care and the character of the traveller
be taken into account, this error is scarcely explicable in any other
way, than that he was never there.
"Again, he gives no description of the striking buildings of Baudas,
as he terms it, but this is nothing to the inaccuracy of his supposed
onward journey. To quote the text, 'A very great river flows through
the city,... and merchants descend some eighteen days from Baudas, and
then come to a certain city called Kisi,[C] where they enter the Sea
of India.' Surely Marco, had he travelled down the Persian Gulf, would
never have given this description of the route, which is so untrue as
to point to the conclusion that it was vague information given by some
merchant whom he met in the course of his wanderings.
"Finally, apart from the fact that Baghdad, since its fall, was rather
off the main caravan route, Marco so evidently travels east from Yezd
and thence south to Hormuz, that unless his journey be described
backwards, which is highly improbable, it is only possible to arrive
at one conclusion, namely, that the Venetians entered Persia near
Tabriz, and travelled to Sultania, Kashan, and Yezd. Thence they
proceeded to Kerman and Hormuz, where, probably fearing the sea
voyage, owing to the manifest unseaworthiness of the ships, which he
describes as 'wretched affairs,' the Khorasan route was finally
adopted. Hormuz, in this case, was not visited again until the return
from China, when it seems probable that the same route was retraced to
Tabriz, where their charge, the Lady Kokachin, 'moult bele dame et
avenant,' was married to Ghazan Khan, the son of her fiance Arghun. It
remains to add that Sir Henry Yule may have finally accepted this view
in part, as in the plate showing _Probable View of Marco Polo's own
Geography_,[D] the itinerary is not shown as running to Baghdad."
I may be allowed to answer that when Marco Polo _started_ for the
East, Baghdad was not rather off the main caravan route. The fall of
Baghdad was not immediately followed by its decay, and we have proof
of its prosperity at the beginning of the 14th century. Tauris had not
yet the importance it had reached when the Polos visited it on their
_return_ journey. We have the will of the Venetian Pietro Viglioni,
dated from Tauris, 10th December, 1264 (_Archiv. Veneto_, xxvi. 161-
165), which shows that he was but a pioneer. It was only under Arghun
Khan (1284-1291) that Tauris became the great market for foreign,
especially Genoese, merchants, as Marco Polo remarks on his return
journey; with Ghazan and the new city built by that prince, Tauris
reached a very high degree of prosperity, and was then really the
chief emporium on the route from Europe to Persia and the far East.
Sir Henry Yule had not changed his views, and if in the plate showing
_Probable View of Marco Polo's own Geography_, the itinerary is not
shown as running to Baghdad, it is mere neglect on the part of the
draughtsman.--H. C.]
[A] Page 19.
[B] _Vide Yule_, vol. i. p. 5. It is noticeable that John of Pian
de Carpine, who travelled 1245 to 1247, names it correctly.
[C] The modern name is Keis, an island lying off Linga.
[D] Vol. i. p. 110 (Introduction).
[14] It is stated by Neumann that this most estimable traveller once
intended to have devoted a special work to the elucidation of Marco's
chapters on the Oxus Provinces, and it is much to be regretted that
this intention was never fulfilled. Pamir has been explored more
extensively and deliberately, whilst this book was going through the
press, by Colonel Gordon, and other officers, detached from Sir
Douglas Forsyth's Mission. [We have made use of the information given
by these officers and by more recent travellers.--H. C.]
[15] Half a year earlier, if we suppose the three years and a half to
count from Venice rather than Acre. But at that season (November)
Kublai would not have been at Kai-ping fu (otherwise Shang-tu).
[16] _Pauthier_, p. ix., and p. 361.
[17] That this was Marco's first mission is positively stated in the
Ramusian edition; and though this may be only an editor's gloss it
seems well-founded. The French texts say only that the Great Kaan,
"l'envoia en un message en une terre ou bien avoit vj. mois de
chemin." The traveller's actual Itinerary affords to Vochan
(Yung-ch'ang), on the frontier of Burma, 147 days' journey, which with
halts might well be reckoned six months in round estimate. And we are
enabled by various circumstances to fix the date of the Yun-nan
journey between 1277 and 1280. The former limit is determined by
Polo's account of the battle with the Burmese, near Vochan, which took
place according to the Chinese Annals in 1277. The latter is fixed by
his mention of Kublai's son, Mangalai, as governing at Kenjanfu
(Si-ngan fu), a prince who died in 1280. (See vol. ii. pp. 24, 31,
also 64, 80.)
[18] Excepting in the doubtful case of Kan-chau, where one reading says
that the three Polos were there on business of their own not necessary
to mention, and another, that only Maffeo and Marco were there, "_en
legation_."
[19] Persian history seems to fix the arrival of the lady Kokachin in the
North of Persia to the winter of 1293-1294. The voyage to Sumatra
occupied three months (vol. i. p. 34); they were five months detained
there (ii. 292); and the remainder of the voyage extended to eighteen
more (i. 35),--twenty-six months in all.
The data are too slight for unexceptional precision, but the following
adjustment will fairly meet the facts. Say that they sailed from
Fo-kien in January 1292. In April they would be in Sumatra, and find
the S.W. Monsoon too near to admit of their crossing the Bay of
Bengal. They remain in port till September (five months), and then
proceed, touching (perhaps) at Ceylon, at Kayal, and at several ports
of Western India. In one of these, e.g. Kayal or Tana, they pass the
S.W. Monsoon of 1293, and then proceed to the Gulf. They reach Hormuz
in the winter, and the camp of the Persian Prince Ghazan, the son of
Arghun, in March, twenty-six months from their departure.
I have been unable to trace Hammer's authority (not Wassaf I find),
which perhaps gives the precise date of the Lady's arrival in Persia
(see infra, p. 38). From his narrative, however (_Gesch. der Ilchane_,
ii. 20), March 1294 is perhaps too late a date. But the five months'
stoppage in Sumatra _must_ have been in the S.W. Monsoon; and if the
arrival in Persia is put earlier, Polo's numbers can scarcely be held
to. Or, the eighteen months mentioned at vol. i. p. 35, must _include_
the five months' stoppage. We may then suppose that they reached
Hormuz about November 1293, and Ghazan's camp a month or two later.
[20] The French text which forms the _basis_ of my translation says that,
excluding mariners, there were 600 souls, out of whom only 8 survived.
The older MS. which I quote as G. T., makes the number 18, a fact that
I had overlooked till the sheets were printed off.
[21] Died 12th March, 1291.
[22] All dates are found so corrupt that even in this one I do not feel
absolute confidence. Marco in dictating the book is aware that Ghazan
had attained the throne of Persia (see vol. i. p. 36, and ii. pp. 50
and 477), an event which did not occur till October, 1295. The date
assigned to it, however, by Marco (ii. 477) is 1294, or the year
_before_ that assigned to the return home.
The travellers may have stopped some time at Constantinople on their
way, or even may have visited the northern shores of the Black Sea;
otherwise, indeed, how did Marco acquire his knowledge of that Sea
(ii. 486-488) and of events in Kipchak (ii. 496 seqq.)? If 1296 was
the date of return, moreover, the six-and-twenty years assigned in the
preamble as the period of Marco's absence (p. 2) would be nearer
accuracy. For he left Venice in the spring or summer of 1271.
[23] Marco Barbaro, in his account of the Polo family, tells what seems to
be the same tradition in a different and more mythical version:--
"From ear to ear the story has past till it reached mine, that when
the three Kinsmen arrived at their home they were dressed in the most
shabby and sordid manner, insomuch that the wife of one of them gave
away to a beggar that came to the door one of those garments of his,
all torn, patched, and dirty as it was. The next day he asked his wife
for that mantle of his, in order to put away the jewels that were sewn
up in it; but she told him she had given it away to a poor man, whom
she did not know. Now, the stratagem he employed to recover it was
this. He went to the Bridge of Rialto, and stood there turning a
wheel, to no apparent purpose, but as if he were a madman, and to all
those who crowded round to see what prank was this, and asked him why
he did it, he answered: 'He'll come if God pleases.' So after two or
three days he recognised his old coat on the back of one of those who
came to stare at his mad proceedings, and got it back again. Then,
indeed, he was judged to be quite the reverse of a madman! And from
those jewels he built in the contrada of S. Giovanni Grisostomo a very
fine palace for those days; and the family got among the vulgar the
name of the _Ca' Million_, because the report was that they had jewels
to the value of a million of ducats; and the palace has kept that name
to the present day--viz., 1566." (_Genealogies_, MS. copy in _Museo
Civico_; quoted also by _Baldelli Boni, Vita_, p. xxxi.)
[24] The Will of the Elder Marco, to which we have several times referred,
is dated at Rialto 5th August, 1280.
The testator describes himself as formerly of Constantinople, but now
dwelling in the confine of S. Severo.
His brothers _Nicolo_ and _Maffeo_, if at Venice, are to be his sole
trustees and executors, but in case of their continued absence he
nominates _Jordano Trevisano_, and his sister-in-law _Fiordelisa_ of
the confine of S. Severo.
The proper tithe to be paid. All his clothes and furniture to be sold,
and from the proceeds his funeral to be defrayed, and the balance to
purchase masses for his soul at the discretion of his trustees.
Particulars of money due to him from his partnership with Donato
Grasso, now of Justinople (Capo d'Istria), 1200 _lire_ in all.
(Fifty-two lire due by said partnership to Angelo di Tumba of S.
Severo.)
The above money bequeathed to his son _Nicolo_, living at _Soldachia_,
or failing him, to his beloved brothers _Nicolo_ and _Maffeo_. Failing
them, to the sons of his said brothers (_sic_) _Marco_ and _Maffeo_.
Failing them, to be spent for the good of his soul at the discretion
of his trustees.
To his son Nicolo he bequeaths a silver-wrought girdle of vermilion
silk, two silver spoons, a silver cup without cover (or saucer? _sine
cembalo_), his desk, two pairs of sheets, a velvet quilt, a
counterpane, a feather-bed--all on the same conditions as above, and
to remain with the trustees till his son returns to Venice.
Meanwhile the trustees are to invest the money at his son's risk and
benefit, but only here in Venice (_investiant seu investire,
faciant_).
From the proceeds to come in from his partnership with his brothers
Nicolo and Maffeo, he bequeaths 200 lire to his daughter Maroca.
From same source 100 lire to his natural son Antony.
Has in his desk (_capsella_) two hyperperae (Byzantine gold coins),
and three golden florins, which he bequeaths to the sister-in-law
_Fiordelisa_.
Gives freedom to all his slaves and handmaidens.
Leaves his house in Soldachia to the Minor Friars of that place,
reserving life-occupancy to his son Nicolo and daughter Maroca.
The rest of his goods to his son Nicolo.
[25] The terms in which the younger Maffeo mentions these half-brothers in
his Will (1300) seem to indicate that they were still young.
IV. DIGRESSION CONCERNING THE MANSION OF THE POLO FAMILY AT VENICE.
[Illustration: Corte del Milione, Venice.]
[Illustration: Malibran Theatre Venice]
[Sidenote: Probable period of their establishment at S. Giovanni
Grisostomo.]
23. We have seen that Ramusio places the scene of the story recently
alluded to at the mansion in the parish of S. Giovanni Grisostomo, the
court of which was known in his time as the Corte del Millioni; and indeed
he speaks of the Travellers as at once on their arrival resorting to that
mansion as their family residence. Ramusio's details have so often proved
erroneous that I should not be surprised if this also should be a mistake.
At least we find (so far as I can learn) no previous intimation that the
family were connected with that locality. The grandfather Andrea is styled
of _San Felice_. The will of Maffeo Polo the younger, made in 1300, which
we shall give hereafter in abstract, appears to be the first document that
connects the family with S. Giovanni Grisostomo. It indeed styles the
testator's father "the late Nicolo Paulo of the confine of St. John
Chrysostom," but that only shows what is not disputed, that the Travellers
after their return from the East settled in this locality. And the same
will appears to indicate a surviving connexion with S. Felice, for the
priests and clerks who drew it up and witness it are all of the church of
S. Felice, and it is to the parson of S. Felice and his successor that
Maffeo bequeaths an annuity to procure their prayers for the souls of his
father, his mother, and himself, through after the successor the annuity
is to pass on the same condition to the senior priest of S. Giovanni
Grisostomo. Marco Polo the Elder is in his will described as of _S.
Severo_, as is also his sister-in-law Fiordelisa, and the document
contains no reference to S. Giovanni. On the whole therefore it seems
probable that the Palazzo in the latter parish was purchased by the
Travellers after their return from the East.[1]
[Sidenote: Relic of the Casa Polo in the Corte Sabbionera.]
24. The Court which was known in the 16th century as the Corte del
Millioni has been generally understood to be that now known as the Corte
Sabbionera, and here is still pointed out a relic of Marco Polo's mansion.
[Indeed it is called now (1899) _Corte del Milione_; see p. 30.--H. C.]
M. Pauthier's edition is embellished with a good engraving which purports
to represent the House of Marco Polo. But he has been misled. His
engraving in fact exhibits, at least as the prominent feature, an
embellished representation of a small house which exists on the _west
side_ of the Sabbionera, and which had at one time perhaps that pointed
style of architecture which his engraving shows, though its present
decoration is paltry and unreal. But it is on the _north side_ of the
Court, and on the foundations now occupied by the Malibran theatre, that
Venetian tradition and the investigations of Venetian antiquaries concur
in indicating the site of the Casa Polo. At the end of the 16th century a
great fire destroyed the Palazzo,[2] and under the description of "an old
mansion ruined from the foundation" it passed into the hands of one
Stefano Vecchia, who sold it in 1678 to Giovanni Carlo Grimani. He built
on the site of the ruins a theatre which was in its day one of the largest
in Italy, and was called the Theatre of S. Giovanni Grisostomo; afterwards
the _Teatro Emeronitio_. When modernized in our own day the proprietors
gave it the name of Malibran, in honour of that famous singer, and this it
still bears.[3]
[In 1881, the year of the Venice International Geographical Congress,
a Tablet was put up on the Theatre with the following inscription:--
QVI FURONO LE CASE
DI
MARCO POLO
CHE VIAGGIO LE PIU LONTANE REGIONI DELL' ASIA
E LE DESCRISSE
PER DECRETO DEL COMUNE
MDCCCLXXXI].
There is still to be seen on the north side of the Court an arched doorway
in Italo-Byzantine style, richly sculptured with scrolls, disks, and
symbolical animals, and on the wall above the doorway is a cross similarly
ornamented.[4] The style and the decorations are those which were usual in
Venice in the 13th century. The arch opens into a passage from which a
similar doorway at the other end, also retaining some scantier relics of
decoration, leads to the entrance of the Malibran Theatre. Over the
archway in the Corte Sabbionera the building rises into a kind of tower.
This, as well as the sculptured arches and cross, Signor Casoni, who gave
a good deal of consideration to the subject, believed to be a relic of the
old Polo House. But the tower (which Pauthier's view does show) is now
entirely modernized.[5]
[Illustration: The site of the CA' POLO.
Fig. A. From the Diner Map A. D. 1500.
Fig. B. From Map by Ludovico Ughi A.D. 1729 Scale 1 to 2500.
Fig. C. From Recent Map. Scale 1 to 1315.]
Other remains of Byzantine sculpture, which are probably fragments of the
decoration of the same mansion, are found imbedded in the walls of
neighbouring houses.[6] It is impossible to determine anything further as
to the form or extent of the house of the time of the Polos, but some
slight idea of its appearance about the year 1500 may be seen in the
extract (fig. A) which we give from the famous pictorial map of Venice
attributed erroneously to Albert Duerer. The state of the buildings in the
last century is shown in (fig. B) an extract from the fine Map of Ughi;
and their present condition in one (fig. C) reduced from the Modern
Official Map of the Municipality.
[Coming from the Church of S. G. Grisostomo to enter the calle del Teatro
on the left and the passage (_Sottoportico_) leading to the _Corte del
Milione_, one has in front of him a building with a door of the epoch of
the Renaissance; it was the office of the _provveditori_ of silk; on the
architrave are engraved the words:
PROVISORES SERICI
and below, above the door, is the Tablet which] in the year 1827 the Abate
Zenier caused to be put up with this inscription:--
AEDES PROXIMA THALIAE CVLTVI MODO ADDICTA
MARCI POLO P. V. ITINERVM FAMA PRAECLARI
JAM HABITATIO FVIT.
[Illustration: Entrance to the Corte del Milione Venice]
[Sidenote: Recent corroboration as to the traditional site of the Casa
Polo.]
24a. I believe that of late years some doubts have been thrown on the
tradition of the site indicated as that of the Casa Polo, though I am not
aware of the grounds of such doubts. But a document recently discovered at
Venice by Comm. Barozzi, one of a series relating to the testamentary
estate of Marco Polo, goes far to confirm the tradition. This is the copy
of a technical definition of two pieces of house property adjoining the
property of Marco Polo and his brother Stephen, which were sold to Marco
Polo by his wife Donata[7] in June 1321. Though the definition is not
decisive, from the rarity of topographical references and absence of
points of the compass, the description of Donata's tenements as standing
on the Rio (presumably that of S. Giovanni Grisostomo) on one side,
opening by certain porticoes and stairs on the other to the Court and
common alley leading to the Church of S. Giovanni Grisostomo, and abutting
in two places on the Ca' Polo, the property of her husband and Stefano,
will apply perfectly to a building occupying the western portion of the
area on which now stands the Theatre, and perhaps forming the western side
of a Court of which Casa Polo formed the other three sides.[8]
We know nothing more of Polo till we find him appearing a year or two
later in rapid succession as the Captain of a Venetian Galley, as a
prisoner of war, and as an author.
[1] Marco Barbaro's story related at p. 25 speaks of the Ca' Million as
_built_ by the travellers.
From a list of parchments existing in the archives of the _Casa di
Ricovero_, or Great Poor House, at Venice, Comm. Berchet obtained the
following indication:--
"_No. 94. Marco Galetti invests_ Marco Polo _S. of_ Nicolo _with the
ownership of his possessions_ (beni) _in_ S. Giovanni Grisostomo; _10
September, 1319; drawn up by the Notary Nicolo, priest of S.
Canciano._"
This document would perhaps have thrown light on the matter, but
unfortunately recent search by several parties has failed to trace it.
[The document has been discovered since: see vol. ii., _Calendar_,
No. 6.--H. C.]
[2] --"Sua casa che era posta nel confin di S. Giovanni Chrisostomo,
_che hor fa l'anno s'abbrugio totalmente_, con gran danno di molti."
(_Doglioni, Hist. Venetiana_, Ven. 1598, pp. 161-162.)
"1596. 7 _Nov. Senato_ (Arsenal ... ix c. 159 t).
"Essendo conveniente usar qualche ricognizione a quelli della
maestranza del-l'Arsenal nostro, che prontamente sono concorsi all'
incendio occorso ultimamente a S. Zuane Grizostomo nelli stabeli detti
di CA' MILION dove per la relazion fatta nell collegio nostro dalli
patroni di esso Arsenal hanno nell' estinguere il foco prestato ogni
buon servitio...."--(Comm. by Cav. Cecchetti through Comm. Berchet.)
[3] See a paper by G. C. (the Engineer Giovanni Casoni) in _Teatro
Emeronitio Almanacco par l'Anno 1835_.
[4] This Cross is engraved by Mr. Ruskin in vol. ii. of the _Stones of
Venice_: see p. 139, and Pl. xi. Fig. 4.
[5] Casoni's only doubt was whether the _Corte del Millioni_ was what is
now the Sabbionera, or the interior area of the theatre. The latter
seems most probable.
One Illustration of this volume, p. 1, shows the archway in the Corte
Sabbionera, and also the decorations of the soffit.
[6] See _Ruskin_, iii. 320.
[7] Comm. Barozzi writes: "Among us, contracts between husband and wife
are and were very common, and recognized by law. The wife sells to the
husband property not included in dowry, or that she may have
inherited, just as any third person might."
[8] See Appendix C, No. 16.
V. DIGRESSION CONCERNING THE WAR-GALLEYS OF THE MEDITERRANEAN STATES IN
THE MIDDLE AGES.
[Sidenote: Arrangement of the Rowers in Mediaeval Galleys: a separate oar
to every man.]
25. And before entering on this new phase of the Traveller's biography it
may not be without interest that we say something regarding the equipment
of those galleys which are so prominent in the mediaeval history of the
Mediterranean.[1]
Eschewing that "Serbonian Bog, where armies whole have sunk" of Books and
Commentators, the theory of the classification of the Biremes and Triremes
of the Ancients, we can at least assert on secure grounds that in
_mediaeval_ armament, up to the middle of the 16th century or thereabouts,
the characteristic distinction of galleys of different calibres, so far as
such differences existed, was based _on the number of rowers that sat on
one bench pulling each his separate oar, but through one_ portella _or
rowlock-port_.[2] And to the classes of galleys so distinguished the
Italians, of the later Middle Age at least, did certainly apply, rightly
or wrongly, the classical terms of _Bireme_, _Trireme_, and _Quinquereme_,
in the sense of galleys having two men and two oars to a bench, three men
and three oars to a bench, and five men and five oars to a bench.[3]
That this was the mediaeval arrangement is very certain from the details
afforded by Marino Sanudo the Elder, confirmed by later writers and by
works of art. Previous to 1290, Sanudo tells us, almost all the galleys
that went to the Levant had but two oars and men to a bench; but as it had
been found that three oars and men to a bench could be employed with great
advantage, after that date nearly all galleys adopted this arrangement,
which was called _ai Terzaruoli_.[4]
Moreover experiments made by the Venetians in 1316 had shown that four
rowers to a bench could be employed still more advantageously. And where
the galleys could be used on inland waters, and could be made more bulky,
Sanudo would even recommend five to a bench, or have gangs of rowers on
two decks with either three or four men to the bench on each deck.
[Sidenote: Change of System in the 16th century.]
26. This system of grouping the oars, and putting only one man to an oar,
continued down to the 16th century, during the first half of which came in
the more modern system of using great oars, equally spaced, and requiring
from four to seven men each to ply them, in the manner which endured till
late in the last century, when galleys became altogether obsolete. Captain
Pantero Pantera, the author of a work on Naval Tactics (1616), says he had
heard, from veterans who had commanded galleys equipped in the antiquated
fashion, that _three_ men to a bench, with separate oars, answered better
than three men to one great oar, but four men to one great oar (he says)
were certainly more efficient than four men with separate oars. The
new-fashioned great oars, he tells us, were styled _Remi di Scaloccio_, the
old grouped oars _Remi a Zenzile_,--terms the etymology of which I cannot
explain.[5]
It may be doubted whether the four-banked and five-banked galleys, of
which Marino Sanudo speaks, really then came into practical use. A great
five-banked galley on this system, built in 1529 in the Venice Arsenal by
Vettor Fausto, was the subject of so much talk and excitement, that it
must evidently have been something quite new and unheard of.[6] So late as
1567 indeed the King of Spain built at Barcelona a galley of thirty-six
benches to the side, and seven men to the bench, with a separate oar to
each in the old fashion. But it proved a failure.[7]
Down to the introduction of the great oars the usual system appears to
have been three oars to a bench for the larger galleys, and two oars for
lighter ones. The _fuste_ or lighter galleys of the Venetians, even to
about the middle of the 16th century, had their oars in pairs from the
stern to the mast, and single oars only from the mast forward.[8]
[Sidenote: Some details of the 13th century Galleys.]
27. Returning then to the three-banked and two-banked galleys of the
latter part of the 13th century, the number of benches on each side seems
to have run from twenty-five to twenty-eight, at least as I interpret
Sanudo's calculations. The 100-oared vessels often mentioned (e.g. by
_Muntaner_, p. 419) were probably two-banked vessels with twenty-five
benches to a side.
[Illustration]
The galleys were very narrow, only 15-1/2 feet in beam.[9] But to give
room for the play of the oars and the passage of the fighting-men, &c.,
this width was largely augmented by an _opera-morta_, or outrigger deck,
projecting much beyond the ship's sides and supported by timber
brackets.[10] I do not find it stated how great this projection was in the
mediaeval galleys, but in those of the 17th century it was _on each side_
as much as 2/9ths of the true beam. And if it was as great in the
13th-century galleys the total width between the false gunnels would be
about 22-1/4 feet.
In the centre line of the deck ran, the whole length of the vessel,
a raised gangway called the _corsia_, for passage clear of the oars.
[Illustration]
The benches were arranged as in this diagram. The part of the bench next
the gunnel was at right angles to it, but the other two-thirds of the
bench were thrown forward obliquely, _a, b, c_, indicate the position of
the three rowers. The shortest oar _a_ was called _Terlicchio_, the middle
one _b Posticcio_, the long oar _c Piamero_.[11]
[Illustration: Galley-Fight, from a Mediaeval Fresco at Siena. (See p.
36)]
I do not find any information as to how the oars worked on the gunnels.
The Siena fresco (see p. 35) appears to show them attached by loops and
pins, which is the usual practice in boats of the Mediterranean now. In
the cut from D. Tintoretto (p. 37) the groups of oars protrude through
regular ports in the bulwarks, but this probably represents the use of a
later day. In any case the oars of each bench must have worked in very
close proximity. Sanudo states the length of the galleys of his time
(1300-1320) as 117 feet. This was doubtless length of _keel_, for that is
specified ("_da ruoda a ruoda_") in other Venetian measurements, but the
whole oar space could scarcely have been so much, and with twenty-eight
benches to a side there could not have been more than 4 feet gunnel-space
to each bench. And as one of the objects of the grouping of the oars was
to allow room between the benches for the action of cross-bowmen, &c., it
is plain that the rowlock space for the three oars must have been very
much compressed.[12]
The rowers were divided into three classes, with graduated pay. The
highest class, who pulled the poop or stroke oars, were called
_Portolati_; those at the bow, called _Prodieri_, formed the second
class.[13]
Some elucidation of the arrangements that we have tried to describe will
be found in our cuts. That at p. 35 is from a drawing, by the aid of a
very imperfect photograph, of part of one of the frescoes of Spinello
Aretini in the Municipal Palace at Siena, representing a victory of the
Venetians over the Emperor Frederick Barbarossa's fleet, commanded by his
son Otho, in 1176; but no doubt the galleys, &c., are of the artist's own
age, the middle of the 14th century.[14] In this we see plainly the
projecting _opera-morta_, and the rowers sitting two to a bench, each with
his oar, for these are two-banked. We can also discern the Latin rudder on
the quarter. (See this volume, p. 119.) In a picture in the Uffizj, at
Florence, of about the same date, by Pietro Laurato (it is in the corridor
near the entrance), may be seen a small figure of a galley with the oars
also very distinctly coupled.[15] Casoni has engraved, after Cristoforo
Canale, a pictorial plan of a Venetian trireme of the 16th century, which
shows the arrangement of the oars in _triplets_ very plainly.
The following cut has been sketched from an engraving of a picture by
Domenico Tintoretto in the Doge's palace, representing, I believe, the
same action (real or imaginary) as Spinello's fresco, but with the costume
and construction of a later date. It shows, however, very plainly, the
projecting _opera-morta_ and the arrangement of the oars in fours, issuing
through row-ports in high bulwarks.
[Illustration: Part of a Sea Fight, after Dom. Tintoretto]
[Sidenote: Fighting Arrangements.]
28. Midships in the mediaeval galley a castle was erected, of the width of
the ship, and some 20 feet in length; its platform being elevated
sufficiently to allow of free passage under it and over the benches. At
the bow was the battery, consisting of mangonels (see vol. ii. p. 161
seqq.) and great cross-bows with winding gear,[16] whilst there were
shot-ports[17] for smaller cross-bows along the gunnels in the intervals
between the benches. Some of the larger galleys had openings to admit
horses at the stern, which were closed and caulked for the voyage, being
under water when the vessel was at sea.[18]
It seems to have been a very usual piece of tactics, in attacking as well
as in awaiting attack, to connect a large number of galleys by hawsers,
and sometimes also to link the oars together, so as to render it difficult
for the enemy to break the line or run aboard. We find this practised by
the Genoese on the defensive at the battle of Ayas (infra, p. 43), and it
is constantly resorted to by the Catalans in the battles described by
Ramon de Muntaner.[19]
Sanudo says the toil of rowing in the galleys was excessive, almost
unendurable. Yet it seems to have been performed by freely-enlisted men,
and therefore it was probably less severe than that of the great-oared
galleys of more recent times, which it was found impracticable to work by
free enlistment, or otherwise than by slaves under the most cruel
driving.[20] I am not well enough read to say that war-galleys were never
rowed by slaves in the Middle Ages, but the only doubtful allusion to such
a class that I have met with is in one passage of Muntaner, where he says,
describing the Neapolitan and Catalan fleets drawing together for action,
that the gangs of the galleys had to toil _like_ "forcats" (p. 313).
Indeed, as regards Venice at least, convict rowers are stated to have been
first introduced in 1549, previous to which the gangs were of _galeotti
assoldati_.[21]
[Sidenote: Crew of a Galley and Staff of a Fleet.]
29. We have already mentioned that Sanudo requires for his three-banked
galley a ship's company of 250 men. They are distributed as follows:--
_Comito_ or Master 1
Quartermasters 8
Carpenters 2
Caulkers 2
In charge of stores and arms 4
Orderlies 2
Cook 1
Arblasteers 50
Rowers 180
-----
250 [22]
This does not include the _Sopracomito_, or Gentleman-Commander, who was
expected to be _valens homo et probus_, a soldier and a gentleman, fit to
be consulted on occasion by the captain-general. In the Venetian fleet he
was generally a noble.[23]
The aggregate pay of such a crew, not including the sopracomito, amounted
monthly to 60 _lire de' grossi_, or 600 florins, equivalent to 280_l._ at
modern gold value; and the cost for a year to nearly 3160_l._, exclusive
of the victualling of the vessel and the pay of the gentleman-commander.
The build or purchase of a galley complete is estimated by the same author
at 15,000 florins, or 7012_l._
We see that war cost a good deal in money even then.
Besides the ship's own complement Sanudo gives an estimate for the general
staff of a fleet of 60 galleys. This consists of a captain-general, two
(vice) admirals, and the following:--
6 _Probi homines_, or gentlemen of character, forming a council to the
Captain-General;
4 Commissaries of Stores;
2 Commissaries over the Arms;
3 Physicians;
3 Surgeons;
5 Master Engineers and Carpenters;
15 Master Smiths;
12 Master Fletchers;
5 Cuirass men and Helmet-makers;
15 Oar-makers and Shaft-makers;
10 Stone cutters for stone shot;
10 Master Arblast-makers;
20 Musicians;
20 Orderlies, &c.
[Sidenote: Music; and other particulars.]
30. The musicians formed an important part of the equipment. Sanudo says
that in going into action every vessel should make the greatest possible
display of colours; gonfalons and broad banners should float from stem to
stern, and gay pennons all along the bulwarks; whilst it was impossible to
have too much of noisy music, of pipes, trumpets, kettle-drums, and what
not, to put heart into the crew and strike fear into the enemy.[24]
So Joinville, in a glorious passage, describes the galley of his kinsman,
the Count of Jaffa, at the landing of St. Lewis in Egypt:--
"That galley made the most gallant figure of them all, for it was
painted all over, above water and below, with scutcheons of the count's
arms, the field of which was _or_ with a cross _patee gules_.[25] He had
a good 300 rowers in his galley, and every man of them had a target
blazoned with his arms in beaten gold. And, as they came on, the galley
looked to be some flying creature, with such spirit did the rowers spin
it along;--or rather, with the rustle of its flags, and the roar of its
nacaires and drums and Saracen horns, you might have taken it for a
rushing bolt of heaven."[26]
The galleys, which were very low in the water,[27] could not keep the sea
in rough weather, and in winter they never willingly kept the sea at
night, however fair the weather might be. Yet Sanudo mentions that he had
been with armed galleys to Sluys in Flanders.
I will mention two more particulars before concluding this digression.
When captured galleys were towed into port it was stern foremost, and with
their colours dragging on the surface of the sea.[28] And the custom of
saluting at sunset (probably by music) was in vogue on board the galleys
of the 13th century.[29]
We shall now sketch the circumstances that led to the appearance of our
Traveller in the command of a war-galley.
[1] I regret not to have had access to Jal's learned memoirs (_Archeologie
Navale_, Paris, 1839) whilst writing this section, nor since, except
for a hasty look at his Essay on the difficult subject of the oar
arrangements. I see that he rejects so great a number of oars as
I deduce from the statements of Sanudo and others, and that he regards
a large number of the rowers as supplementary.
[2] It seems the more desirable to elucidate this, because writers on
mediaeval subjects so accomplished as Buchon and Capmany have (it
would seem) entirely misconceived the matter, assuming that all the
men on one bench pulled at one oar.
[3] See _Coronelli, Atlante Veneto_, I. 139, 140. Marino Sanudo the Elder,
though not using the term _trireme_, says it was well understood from
ancient authors that the Romans employed their rowers _three to
a bench_ (p. 59).
[4] "_Ad terzarolos_" (_Secreta Fidelium Crucis_, p. 57). The Catalan
Worthy, Ramon de Muntaner, indeed constantly denounces the practice of
manning _all_ the galleys with _terzaruoli_, or _tersols_, as his term
is. But his reason is that these thirds-men were taken from the oar
when crossbowmen were wanted, to act in that capacity, and as such
they were good for nothing; the crossbowmen, he insists, should be men
specially enlisted for that service and kept to that. He would have
some 10 or 20 per cent, only of the fleet built very light and manned
in threes. He does not seem to have contemplated oars three-banked,
and crossbowmen _besides_, as Sanudo does. (See below; and _Muntaner_,
pp. 288, 323, 525, etc.)
In Sanudo we have a glimpse worth noting of the word _soldiers_
advancing towards the modern sense; he expresses a strong preference
for _soldati_ (viz. _paid_ soldiers) over _crusaders_ (viz.
volunteers), p. 74.
[5] _L'Armata Navale_, Roma, 1616, pp. 150-151.
[6] See a work to which I am indebted for a good deal of light and
information, the Engineer Giovanni Casoni's Essay: "_Dei Navigli
Poliremi usati nella Marina dagli Antichi Veneziani_," in
"_Esercitazioni dell' Ateneo Veneto_," vol. ii. p. 338. This great
_Quinquereme_, as it was styled, is stated to have been struck by
a fire-arrow, and blown up, in January 1570.
[7] _Pantera_, p. 22.
[8] _Lazarus Bayfius de Re Navali Veterum_, in _Gronovii Thesaurus_, Ven.
1737, vol. xi. p. 581. This writer also speaks of the Quinquereme
mentioned above (p. 577).
[9] _Marinus Sanutius_, p. 65.
[10] See the woodcuts opposite and at p. 37; also _Pantera_, p. 46
(who is here, however, speaking of the great-oared galleys), and
_Coronelli_, i. 140.
[11] _Casoni_, p. 324. He obtains these particulars from a manuscript work
of the 16th century by Cristoforo Canale.
[12] Signor Casoni (p. 324) expresses his belief that no galley of the
14th century had more than 100 oars. I differ from him with
hesitation, and still more as I find M. Jal agrees in this view. I
will state the grounds on which I came to a different conclusion. (1)
Marino Sanudo assigns 180 rowers for a galley equipped _ai Terzaruoli_
(p. 75). This seemed to imply something near 180 oars, for I do not
find any allusion to reliefs being provided. In the French galleys of
the 18th century there were no reliefs except in this way, that in
long runs without urgency only half the oars were pulled. (See _Mem.
d'un Protestant condamne aux Galeres_, etc., Reimprimes, Paris, 1865,
p. 447.) If four men to a bench were to be employed, then Sanudo seems
to calculate for his smaller galleys 220 men actually rowing (see pp.
75-78). This seems to assume 55 benches, i.e., 28 on one side and 27
on the other, which with 3-banked oars would give 165 rowers. (2)
Casoni himself refers to Pietro Martire d'Anghieria's account of a
Great Galley of Venice in which he was sent ambassador to Egypt from
the Spanish Court in 1503. The crew amounted to 200, of whom 150 were
for working the sails and oars, _that being the number of oars in each
galley_, one man to each oar and three to each bench. Casoni assumes
that this vessel must have been much larger than the galleys of the
14th century; but, however that may have been, Sanudo to his galley
assigns the larger crew of 250, of whom almost exactly the same
proportion (180) were rowers. And in he _galeazza_ described by Pietro
Martire the oars were used only as an occasional auxiliary. (See his
_Legationis Babylonicae Libri Tres_, appended to his 3 Decads
concerning the New World; _Basil_. 1533, f. 77 _ver._) (3) The galleys
of the 18th century, with their great oars 50 feet long pulled by six
or seven men each, had 25 benches to the side, and only 4' 6" (French)
gunnel-space to each oar. (See _Mem. d'un Protest._, p. 434.) I
imagine that a smaller space would suffice for the 3 light oars of the
mediaeval system, so that this need scarcely be a difficulty in the
face of the preceding evidence. Note also the _three hundred rowers_
in Joinville's description quoted at p. 40. The great galleys of the
Malay Sultan of Achin in 1621 had, according to Beaulieu, from 700 to
800 rowers, but I do not know on what system.
[13] _Marinus Sanutius_, p. 78. These titles occur also in the _Documenti
d'Amore_ of Fr. Barberino referred to at p. 117 of this volume:--
"Convienti qui manieri
_Portolatti e prodieri_
E presti galeotti
Aver, e forti e dotti."
[14] Spinello's works, according to Vasari, extended from 1334 till late
in the century. A religious picture of his at Siena is assigned to
1385, so the frescoes may probably be of about the same period. Of the
battle represented I can find no record.
[15] Engraved in Jal, i. 330; with other mediaeval illustrations of the
same points.
[16] To these Casoni adds _Sifoni_ for discharging Greek fire; but this he
seems to take from the Greek treatise of the Emperor Leo. Though I
have introduced Greek fire in the cut at p. 49, I doubt if there is
evidence of its use by the Italians in the thirteenth century.
Joinville describes it like something strange and new.
In after days the artillery occupied the same position, at the bow of
the galley.
Great beams, hung like battering rams, are mentioned by Sanudo, as
well as iron crow's-feet with fire attached, to shoot among the
rigging, and jars of quick-lime and soft soap to fling in the eyes of
the enemy. The lime is said to have been used by Doria against the
Venetians at Curzola (infra, p. 48), and seems to have been a usual
provision. Francesco Barberini specifies among the stores for his
galley: "_Calcina_, con lancioni, Pece, pietre, e ronconi" (p. 259.)
And Christine de Pisan, in her _Faiz du Sage Roy Charles_ (V. of
France), explains also the use of the soap: "_Item_, on doit avoir
pluseurs vaisseaulx legiers a rompre, comme _poz plains de chauls_ ou
pouldre, et gecter dedens; et, par ce, seront comme avuglez, au
brisier des poz. _Item_, on doit avoir autres _poz de mol savon_ et
gecter es nefzs des adversaires, et quant les vaisseaulx brisent, le
savon est glissant, si ne se peuent en piez soustenir et chieent en
l'eaue" (pt. ii. ch. 38).
[17] _Balislariae_, whence no doubt _Balistrada_ and our _Balustrade_.
Wedgwood's etymology is far-fetched. And in his new edition (1872),
though he has shifted his ground, he has not got nearer the truth.
[18] _Sanutius_, p. 53; _Joinville_, p. 40; _Muntaner_, 316, 403.
[19] See pp. 270, 288, 324, and especially 346.
[20] See the _Protestant_, cited above, p. 441, et seqq.
[21] _Venezia e le sue Lagune_, ii. 52.
[22] _Mar. Sanut._ p. 75.
[23] _Mar. Sanut._, p. 30.
[24] The Catalan Admiral Roger de Loria, advancing at daybreak to attack
the Provencal Fleet of Charles of Naples (1283) in the harbour of
Malta, "did a thing which should be reckoned to him rather as an act
of madness," says Muntaner, "than of reason. He said, 'God forbid that
I should attack them, all asleep as they are! Let the trumpets and
nacaires sound to awaken them, and I will tarry till they be ready for
action. No man shall have it to say, if I beat them, that it was by
catching them asleep.'" (_Munt._ p. 287.) It is what Nelson might have
done!
The Turkish admiral Sidi 'Ali, about to engage a Portuguese squadron
in the Straits of Hormuz, in 1553, describes the Franks as "dressing
their vessels with flags and coming on." (_J. As._ ix. 70.)
[25] A cross _patee_, is one with the extremities broadened out into
_feet_ as it were.
[26] Page 50.
[27] The galley at p. 49 is somewhat too high; and I believe it should
have had no _shrouds_.
[28] See _Muntaner_, passim, e.g. 271, 286, 315, 349.
[29] Ibid. 346.
VI. THE JEALOUSIES AND NAVAL WARS OF VENICE AND GENOA. LAMBA DORIA'S
EXPEDITION TO THE ADRIATIC; BATTLE OF CURZOLA; AND IMPRISONMENT OF MARCO
POLO BY THE GENOESE.
[Sidenote: Growing jealousies and outbreaks between the Republics.]
31. Jealousies, too characteristic of the Italian communities, were, in
the case of the three great trading republics of Venice, Genoa, and Pisa,
aggravated by commercial rivalries, whilst, between the two first of those
states, and also between the two last, the bitterness of such feelings had
been augmenting during the whole course of the 13th century.[1]
The brilliant part played by Venice in the conquest of Constantinople
(1204), and the preponderance she thus acquired on the Greek shores,
stimulated her arrogance and the resentment of her rivals. The three
states no longer stood on a level as bidders for the shifting favour of
the Emperor of the East. By treaty, not only was Venice established as the
most important ally of the empire and as mistress of a large fraction of
its territory, but all members of nations at war with her were prohibited
from entering its limits. Though the Genoese colonies continued to exist,
they stood at a great disadvantage, where their rivals were so predominant
and enjoyed exemption from duties, to which the Genoese remained subject.
Hence jealousies and resentments reached a climax in the Levantine
settlements, and this colonial exacerbation reacted on the mother States.
A dispute which broke out at Acre in 1255 came to a head in a war which
lasted for years, and was felt all over Syria. It began in a quarrel about
a very old church called St. Sabba's, which stood on the common boundary
of the Venetian and Genoese estates in Acre,[2] and this flame was blown
by other unlucky occurrences. Acre suffered grievously.[3] Venice at this
time generally kept the upper hand, beating Genoa by land and sea, and
driving her from Acre altogether. + Four ancient porphyry figures from St.
Sabba's were sent in triumph to Venice, and with their strange devices
still stand at the exterior corner of St. Mark's, towards the Ducal
Palace.[4]
But no number of defeats could extinguish the spirit of Genoa, and the
tables were turned when in her wrath she allied herself with Michael
Palaeologus to upset the feeble and tottering Latin Dynasty, and with it
the preponderance of Venice on the Bosphorus. The new emperor handed over
to his allies the castle of their foes, which they tore down with
jubilations, and now it was their turn to send its stones as trophies to
Genoa. Mutual hate waxed fiercer than ever; no merchant fleet of either
state could go to sea without convoy, and wherever their ships met they
fought.[5] It was something like the state of things between Spain and
England in the days of Drake.
[Illustration: Figures from St. Sabba's, sent to Venice.]
The energy and capacity of the Genoese seemed to rise with their success,
and both in seamanship and in splendour they began almost to surpass their
old rivals. The fall of Acre (1291), and the total expulsion of the Franks
from Syria, in great measure barred the southern routes of Indian trade,
whilst the predominance of Genoa in the Euxine more or less obstructed the
free access of her rival to the northern routes by Trebizond and Tana.
[Sidenote: Battle in Bay of Ayas in 1294.]
32. Truces were made and renewed, but the old fire still smouldered. In
the spring of 1294 it broke into flame, in consequence of the seizure in
the Grecian seas of three Genoese vessels by a Venetian fleet. This led to
an action with a Genoese convoy which sought redress. The fight took place
off Ayas in the Gulf of Scanderoon,[6] and though the Genoese were
inferior in strength by one-third they gained a signal victory, capturing
all but three of the Venetian galleys, with rich cargoes, including that
of Marco Basilio (or Basegio), the commodore.
This victory over their haughty foe was in its completeness evidently a
surprise to the Genoese, as well as a source of immense exultation, which
is vigorously expressed in a ballad of the day, written in a stirring
salt-water rhythm.[7] It represents the Venetians, as they enter the bay,
in arrogant mirth reviling the Genoese with very unsavoury epithets as
having deserted their ships to skulk on shore. They are described as
saying:--
"'Off they've slunk! and left us nothing;
We shall get nor prize nor praise;
Nothing save those crazy timbers
Only fit to make a blaze.'"
So they advance carelessly--
"On they come! But lo their blunder!
When our lads start up anon,
Breaking out like unchained lions,
With a roar, 'Fall on! Fall on!'"[8]
After relating the battle and the thoroughness of the victory, ending in
the conflagration of five-and-twenty captured galleys, the poet concludes
by an admonition to the enemy to moderate his pride and curb his arrogant
tongue, harping on the obnoxious epithet _porci leproxi_, which seems to
have galled the Genoese.[9] He concludes:--
"Nor can I at all remember
Ever to have heard the story
Of a fight wherein the Victors
Reaped so rich a meed of glory!"[10]
The community of Genoa decreed that the victory should be commemorated by
the annual presentation of a golden pall to the monastery of St. German's,
the saint on whose feast (28th May) it had been won.[11]
The startling news was received at Venice with wrath and grief, for the
flower of their navy had perished, and all energies were bent at once to
raise an overwhelming force.[12] The Pope (Boniface VIII.) interfered as
arbiter, calling for plenipotentiaries from both sides. But spirits were
too much inflamed, and this mediation came to nought.
Further outrages on both sides occurred in 1296. The Genoese residences at
Pera were fired, their great alum works on the coast of Anatolia were
devastated, and Caffa was stormed and sacked; whilst on the other hand a
number of the Venetians at Constantinople were massacred by the Genoese,
and Marco Bembo, their Bailo, was flung from a house-top. Amid such events
the fire of enmity between the cities waxed hotter and hotter.
[Sidenote: Lamba Doria's Expedition to the Adriatic.]
33. In 1298 the Genoese made elaborate preparations for a great blow at
the enemy, and fitted out a powerful fleet which they placed under the
command of LAMBA DORIA, a younger brother of Uberto of that illustrious
house, under whom he had served fourteen years before in the great rout of
the Pisans at Meloria.
The rendezvous of the fleet was in the Gulf of Spezia, as we learn from
the same pithy Genoese poet who celebrated Ayas. This time the Genoese
were bent on bearding St. Mark's Lion in his own den; and after touching
at Messina they steered straight for the Adriatic:--
"Now, as astern Otranto bears,
Pull with a will! and, please the Lord,
Let them who bragged, with fire and sword,
To waste our homesteads, look to theirs!"[13]
On their entering the gulf a great storm dispersed the fleet The admiral
with twenty of his galleys got into port at Antivari on the Albanian
coast, and next day was rejoined by fifty-eight more, with which he
scoured the Dalmatian shore, plundering all Venetian property. Some
sixteen of his galleys were still missing when he reached the island of
Curzola, or Scurzola as the more popular name seems to have been, the
Black Corcyra of the Ancients--the chief town of which, a rich and
flourishing place, the Genoese took and burned.[14] Thus they were engaged
when word came that the Venetian fleet was in sight.
Venice, on first hearing of the Genoese armament, sent Andrea Dandolo with
a large force to join and supersede Maffeo Quirini, who was already
cruising with a squadron in the Ionian sea; and, on receiving further
information of the strength of the hostile expedition, the Signory hastily
equipped thirty-two more galleys in Chioggia and the ports of Dalmatia,
and despatched them to join Dandolo, making the whole number under his
command up to something like ninety-five. Recent drafts had apparently
told heavily upon the Venetian sources of enlistment, and it is stated
that many of the complements were made up of rustics swept in haste from
the Euganean hills. To this the Genoese poet seems to allude, alleging
that the Venetians, in spite of their haughty language, had to go begging
for men and money up and down Lombardy. "Did _we_ do like that, think
you?" he adds:--
"Beat up for aliens? _We_ indeed?
When lacked we homeborn Genoese?
Search all the seas, no salts like these,
For Courage, Seacraft, Wit at need."[15]
Of one of the Venetian galleys, probably in the fleet which sailed under
Dandolo's immediate command, went Marco Polo as _Sopracomito_ or
Gentleman-Commander.[16]
[Sidenote: The Fleets come in sight of each other at Curzola.]
34. It was on the afternoon of Saturday the 6th September that the Genoese
saw the Venetian fleet approaching, but, as sunset was not far off, both
sides tacitly agreed to defer the engagement.[17]
The Genoese would appear to have occupied a position near the eastern end
of the Island of Curzola, with the Peninsula of Sabbioncello behind them,
and Meleda on their left, whilst the Venetians advanced along the south
side of Curzola. (See map on p. 50).
According to Venetian accounts the Genoese were staggered at the sight of
the Venetian armaments, and sent more than once to seek terms, offering
finally to surrender galleys and munitions of war, if the crews were
allowed to depart. This is an improbable story, and that of the Genoese
ballad seems more like truth. Doria, it says, held a council of his
captains in the evening at which they all voted for attack, whilst the
Venetians, with that overweening sense of superiority which at this time
is reflected in their own annals as distinctly as in those of their
enemies, kept scout-vessels out to watch that the Genoese fleet, which
they looked on as already their own, did not steal away in the darkness. A
vain imagination, says the poet:--
"Blind error of vainglorious men
To dream that we should seek to flee
After those weary leagues of sea
Crossed, but to hunt them in their den!"[18]
[Sidenote: The Venetians defeated, and Marco Polo a prisoner.]
35. The battle began early on Sunday and lasted till the afternoon. The
Venetians had the wind in their favour, but the morning sun in their eyes.
They made the attack, and with great impetuosity, capturing ten Genoese
galleys; but they pressed on too wildly, and some of their vessels ran
aground. One of their galleys too, being taken, was cleared of her crew
and turned against the Venetians. These incidents caused confusion among
the assailants; the Genoese, who had begun to give way, took fresh heart,
formed a close column, and advanced boldly through the Venetian line,
already in disorder. The sun had begun to decline when there appeared on
the Venetian flank the fifteen or sixteen missing galleys of Doria's
fleet, and fell upon it with fresh force. This decided the action. The
Genoese gained a complete victory, capturing all but a few of the Venetian
galleys, and including the flagship with Dandolo. The Genoese themselves
lost heavily, especially in the early part of the action, and Lamba
Doria's eldest son Octavian is said to have fallen on board his father's
vessel.[19] The number of prisoners taken was over 7000, and among these
was Marco Polo.[20]
[Illustration: Marco Polo's Galley going into action at Curzola.
"il sembloit que la galie volast, par les nageurs qui la contreingnoient
aux avirons, et sembloit que foudre cheist des ciex, au bruit que les
pennoncians menoient, et que les nacaues les tabours et les cors
sarrazinnois menoient, qui estoient en sa galie"
(_Joinville_, vide _ante_, p. 40)]
[Illustration: Scene of the Battle of Curzola.]
The prisoners, even of the highest rank, appear to have been chained.
Dandolo, in despair at his defeat, and at the prospect of being carried
captive into Genoa, refused food, and ended by dashing his head against a
bench.[21] A Genoese account asserts that a noble funeral was given him
after the arrival of the fleet at Genoa, which took place on the evening
of the 16th October.[22] It was received with great rejoicing, and the
City voted the annual presentation of a pallium of gold brocade to the
altar of the Virgin in the Church of St. Matthew, on every 8th of
September, the Madonna's day, on the eve of which the Battle had been won.
To the admiral himself a Palace was decreed. It still stands, opposite the
Church of St. Matthew, though it has passed from the possession of the
Family. On the striped marble facades, both of the Church and of the
Palace, inscriptions of that age, in excellent preservation, still
commemorate Lamba's achievement.[23] Malik al Mansur, the Mameluke Sultan
of Egypt, as an enemy of Venice, sent a complimentary letter to Doria
accompanied by costly presents.[24]
[Illustration: Church of San Matteo, Genoa]
The latter died at Savona 17th October, 1323, a few months before the most
illustrious of his prisoners, and his bones were laid in a sarcophagus
which may still be seen forming the sill of one of the windows of S.
Matteo (on the right as you enter). Over this sarcophagus stood the Bust
of Lamba till 1797, when the mob of Genoa, in idiotic imitation of the
French proceedings of that age, threw it down. All of Lamba's six sons had
fought with him at Meloria. In 1291 one of them, Tedisio, went forth into
the Atlantic in company with Ugolino Vivaldi on a voyage of discovery, and
never returned. Through Caesar, the youngest, this branch of the Family
still survives, bearing the distinctive surname of _Lamba-Doria_.[25]
As to the treatment of the prisoners, accounts differ; a thing usual in
such cases. The Genoese Poet asserts that the hearts of his countrymen
were touched, and that the captives were treated with compassionate
courtesy. Navagiero the Venetian, on the other hand, declares that most of
them died of hunger.[26]
[Sidenote: Marco Polo in prison dictates his book to Rusticiano of Pisa.
Release of Venetian prisoners.]
36. Howsoever they may have been treated, here was Marco Polo one of those
many thousand prisoners in Genoa; and here, before long, he appears to
have made acquaintance with a man of literary propensities, whose destiny
had brought him into the like plight, by name RUSTICIANO or RUSTICHELLO of
Pisa. It was this person perhaps who persuaded the Traveller to defer no
longer the reduction to writing of his notable experiences; but in any
case it was he who wrote down those experiences at Marco's dictation; it
is he therefore to whom we owe the preservation of this record, and
possibly even that of the Traveller's very memory. This makes the Genoese
imprisonment so important an episode in Polo's biography.
To Rusticiano we shall presently recur. But let us first bring to a
conclusion what may be gathered as to the duration of Polo's imprisonment.
It does not appear whether Pope Boniface made any new effort for
accommodation between the Republics; but other Italian princes did
interpose, and Matteo Visconti, Captain-General of Milan, styling himself
Vicar-General of the Holy Roman Empire in Lombardy, was accepted as
Mediator, along with the community of Milan. Ambassadors from both States
presented themselves at that city, and on the 25th May, 1299, they signed
the terms of a Peace.
These terms were perfectly honourable to Venice, being absolutely equal
and reciprocal; from which one is apt to conclude that the damage to the
City of the Sea was rather to her pride than to her power; the success of
Genoa, in fact, having been followed up by no systematic attack upon
Venetian commerce.[27] Among the terms was the mutual release of prisoners
on a day to be fixed by Visconti after the completion of all formalities.
This day is not recorded, but as the Treaty was ratified by the Doge of
Venice on the 1st July, and the latest extant document connected with the
formalities appears to be dated 18th July, we may believe that before the
end of August Marco Polo was restored to the family mansion in S. Giovanni
Grisostomo.
[Sidenote: Grounds on which the story of Marco Polo's capture at Curzola
rests.]
37. Something further requires to be said before quitting this event in
our Traveller's life. For we confess that a critical reader may have some
justification in asking what evidence there is that Marco Polo ever fought
at Curzola, and ever was carried a prisoner to Genoa from that unfortunate
action?
A learned Frenchman, whom we shall have to quote freely in the immediately
ensuing pages, does not venture to be more precise in reference to the
meeting of Polo and Rusticiano than to say of the latter: "In 1298, being
in durance in the Prison of Genoa, he there became acquainted with Marco
Polo, whom the Genoese had deprived of his liberty _from motives equally
unknown_."[28]
To those who have no relish for biographies that round the meagre skeleton
of authentic facts with a plump padding of what _might have been_, this
sentence of Paulin Paris is quite refreshing in its stern limitation to
positive knowledge. And certainly no contemporary authority has yet been
found for the capture of our Traveller at Curzola. Still I think that the
fact is beyond reasonable doubt.
Ramusio's biographical notices certainly contain many errors of detail;
and some, such as the many years' interval which he sets between the
Battle of Curzola and Marco's return, are errors which a very little
trouble would have enabled him to eschew. But still it does seem
reasonable to believe that the main fact of Marco's command of a galley at
Curzola, and capture there, was derived from a genuine tradition, if not
from documents.
Let us then turn to the words which close Rusticiano's preamble (see
_post_, p. 2):--"Lequel (Messire Marc) puis demorant en le charthre de
Jene, fist retraire toutes cestes chouses a Messire Rustacians de Pise que
en celle meissme charthre estoit, au tens qu'il avoit 1298 anz que Jezu
eut vesqui." These words are at least thoroughly consistent with Marco's
capture at Curzola, as regards both the position in which they present
him, and the year in which he is thus presented.
There is however another piece of evidence, though it is curiously
indirect.
The Dominican Friar Jacopo of Acqui was a contemporary of Polo's, and was
the author of a somewhat obscure Chronicle called _Imago Mundi_.[29] Now
this Chronicle does contain mention of Marco's capture in action by the
Genoese, but attributes it to a different action from Curzola, and one
fought at a time when Polo could not have been present. The passage runs
as follows in a manuscript of the Ambrosian Library, according to an
extract given by Baldelli Boni:--
"In the year of Christ MCCLXXXXVI, in the time of Pope Boniface VI., of
whom we have spoken above, a battle was fought in Arminia, at the place
called Layaz, between xv. galleys of Genoese merchants and xxv. of
Venetian merchants; and after a great fight the galleys of the Venetians
were beaten, and (the crews) all slain or taken; and among them was
taken Messer Marco the Venetian, who was in company with those
merchants, and who was called _Milono_, which is as much as to say 'a
thousand thousand pounds,' for so goes the phrase in Venice. So this
Messer Marco Milono the Venetian, with the other Venetian prisoners, is
carried off to the prison of Genoa, and there kept for a long time. This
Messer Marco was a long time with his father and uncle in Tartary, and
he there saw many things, and made much wealth, and also learned many
things, for he was a man of ability. And so, being in prison at Genoa,
he made a Book concerning the great wonders of the World, i.e.,
concerning such of them as he had seen. And what he told in the Book was
not as much as he had really seen, because of the tongues of detractors,
who, being ready to impose their own lies on others, are over hasty to
set down as lies what they in their perversity disbelieve, or do not
understand. And because there are many great and strange things in that
Book, which are reckoned past all credence, he was asked by his friends
on his death-bed to correct the Book by removing everything that went
beyond the facts. To which his reply was that he had not told _one-half_
of what he had really seen!"[30]
This statement regarding the capture of Marco _at the Battle of Ayas_ is
one which cannot be true, for we know that he did not reach Venice till
1295, travelling from Persia by way of Trebizond and the Bosphorus, whilst
the Battle of Ayas of which we have purposely given some detail, was
fought in May, 1294. The date MCCLXXXXVI assigned to it in the preceding
extract has given rise to some unprofitable discussion. Could that date be
accepted, no doubt it would enable us also to accept this, the sole
statement from the Traveller's own age of the circumstances which brought
him into a Genoese prison; it would enable us to place that imprisonment
within a few months of his return from the East, and to extend its
duration to three years, points which would thus accord better with the
general tenor of Ramusio's tradition than the capture of Curzola. But the
matter is not open to such a solution. The date of the Battle of Ayas is
not more doubtful than that of the Battle of the Nile. It is clearly
stated by several independent chroniclers, and is carefully established in
the Ballad that we have quoted above.[31] We shall see repeatedly in the
course of this Book how uncertain are the transcriptions of dates in Roman
numerals, and in the present case the LXXXXVI is as certainly a mistake
for LXXXXIV as is Boniface VI. in the same quotation a mistake for
Boniface VIII.
But though we cannot accept the statement that Polo was taken prisoner at
_Ayas, in the spring of 1294_, we may accept the passage as evidence from
a contemporary source that he was _taken prisoner in some sea-fight with
the Genoese_, and thus admit it in corroboration of the Ramusian Tradition
of his capture in a sea-fight at Curzola in 1298, which is perfectly
consistent with all other facts in our possession.
[1] In this part of these notices I am repeatedly indebted to _Heyd._
(See supra, p. 9.)
[2] On or close to the Hill called _Monjoie_; see the plan from Marino
Sanudo at p. 18.
[3] "Throughout that year there were not less than 40 machines all at work
upon the city of Acre, battering its houses and its towers, and
smashing and overthrowing everything within their range. There were at
least ten of those engines that shot stones so big and heavy that they
weighed a good 1500 lbs. by the weight of Champagne; insomuch that
nearly all the towers and forts of Acre were destroyed, and only the
religious houses were left. And there were slain in this same war good
20,000 men on the two sides, but chiefly of Genoese and Spaniards."
(_Lettre de Jean Pierre Sarrasin_, in _Michel's Joinville_, p. 308.)
[4] The origin of these columns is, however, somewhat uncertain.
[See _Cicogna_, I. p. 379.]
[5] In 1262, when a Venetian squadron was taken by the Greek fleet in
alliance with the Genoese, the whole of the survivors of the captive
crews were _blinded_ by order of Palaeologus. (_Roman._ ii. 272.)
[6] See pp. 16, 41, and Plan of Ayas at beginning of Bk. I.
[7] See _Archivio Storico Italiano_, Appendice, tom. iv.
[8] Niente ne resta a prender
Se no li corpi de li legni:
Preixi som senza difender;
De bruxar som tute degni!
* * * *
Como li fom aproximai
Queli si levan lantor
Como leon descaenai
Tuti criando "_Alor! Alor!_"
This _Alor! Alor!_ ("Up, Boys, and at 'em"), or something similar,
appears to have been the usual war-cry of both parties. So a
trumpet-like poem of the Troubadour warrior Bertram de Born, whom
Dante found in such evil plight below (xxviii. 118 seqq.), in which he
sings with extraordinary spirit the joys of war:--
"Le us die que tan no m'a sabor
Manjars, ni beure, ni dormir,
Cum a quant ang cridar, ALOR!
D'ambas la partz; et aug agnir
Cavals voits per l'ombratge...."
"I tell you a zest far before
Aught of slumber, or drink, or of food,
I snatch when the shouts of ALOR
Ring from both sides: and out of the wood
Comes the neighing of steeds dimly seen...."
In a galley fight at Tyre in 1258, according to a Latin narrative, the
Genoese shout "Ad arma, ad arma! _ad ipsos, ad ipsos!_" The cry of the
Venetians before engaging the Greeks is represented by Martino da
Canale, in his old French, as "_or a yaus! or a yaus!_" that of the
Genoese on another occasion as _Aur! Aur!_ and this last is the shout
of the Catalans also in Ramon de Muntaner. (_Villemain, Litt. du Moyen
Age_, i. 99; _Archiv. Stor. Ital._ viii. 364, 506; _Pertz, Script._
xviii. 239; _Muntaner_, 269, 287.) Recently in a Sicilian newspaper,
narrating an act of gallant and successful reprisal (only too rare) by
country folk on a body of the brigands who are such a scourge to parts
of the island, I read that the honest men in charging the villains
raised a shout of "_Ad iddi! Ad iddi!_"
[9] A phrase curiously identical, with a similar sequence, is attributed
to an Austrian General at the battle of Skalitz in 1866. (_Stoffel's
Letters._)
[10] E no me posso aregordar
Dalcuno romanzo vertade
Donde oyse uncha cointar
Alcun triumfo si sobre!
[11] _Stella_ in _Muratori_, xvii. 984.
[12] _Dandulo_, Ibid. xii. 404-405.
[13] Or entram con gran vigor,
En De sperando aver triumpho,
Queli zerchando inter lo Gorfo
Chi menazeram zercha lor!
And in the next verse note the pure Scotch use of the word _bra_:--
Siche da Otranto se partim
Quella bra compagnia,
Per assar in Ihavonia,
D'Avosto a vinte nove di.
[14] The island of Curzola now counts about 4000 inhabitants; the town
half the number. It was probably reckoned a dependency of Venice at
this time. The King of Hungary had renounced his claims on the
Dalmatian coasts by treaty in 1244. (_Romanin_, ii. 235.) The gallant
defence of the place against the Algerines in 1571 won for Curzola
from the Venetian Senate the honourable title in all documents of
_fedelissima_. (_Paton's Adriatic_, I. 47.)
[15] Ma se si gran colmo avea
Perche andava mendigando
Per terra de Lombardia
Peccunia, gente a sodi?
Pone mente tu che l'odi
Se noi tegnamo questa via?
No, ma piu! ajamo omi nostrar
Destri, valenti, e avisti,
Che mai par de lor n' o visti
In tuti officj de mar.
[16] In July 1294, a Council of Thirty decreed that galleys should be
equipped by the richest families in proportion to their wealth. Among
the families held to equip one galley each, or one galley among two or
more, in this list, is the CA' POLO. But this was before the return of
the travellers from the East, and just after the battle of Ayas.
(_Romanin_, ii. 332; this author misdates Ayas, however.) When a levy
was required in Venice for any expedition the heads of each _contrada_
divided the male inhabitants, between the ages of twenty and sixty,
into groups of twelve each, called _duodene_. The dice were thrown to
decide who should go first on service. He who went received five
_lire_ a month from the State, and one _lira_ from each of his
colleagues in the _duodena_. Hence his pay was sixteen _lire_ a month,
about 2_s._ a day in silver value, if these were _lire ai grossi_, or
1_s._ 4_d._ if _lire dei piccoli_. (See _Romanin_, ii. 393-394.)
Money on such occasions was frequently raised by what was called an
_Estimo_ or _Facion_, which was a force loan levied on the citizens in
proportion to their estimated wealth; and for which they were entitled
to interest from the State.
[17] Several of the Italian chroniclers, as Ferreto of Vicenza and
Navagiero, whom Muratori has followed in his "Annals," say the battle
was fought on the 8th September, the so-called Birthday of the
Madonna. But the inscription on the Church of St. Matthew at Genoa,
cited further on, says the 7th, and with this agree both Stella and
the Genoese poet. For the latter, though not specifying the day of the
month, says it was on a Sunday:--
"Lo di de Domenga era
Passa prima en l'ora bona
Stormezam fin provo nona
Con bataio forte e fera."
Now the 7th September, 1298, fell on a Sunday.
[18] Ma li pensavam grande error
Che in fuga se fussem tuti metui
Che de si lonzi eram vegnui
Per cerchali a casa lor.
[19] "Note here that the Genoese generally, commonly, and by nature, are
the most covetous of Men, and the Love of Gain spurs them to every
Crime. Yet are they deemed also the most valiant Men in the World.
Such an one was Lampa, of that very Doria family, a man of an high
Courage truly. For when he was engaged in a Sea-Fight against the
Venetians, and was standing on the Poop of his Galley, his Son,
fighting valiantly at the Forecastle, was shot by an Arrow in the
Breast, and fell wounded to the Death; a Mishap whereat his Comrades
were sorely shaken, and Fear came upon the whole Ship's Company. But
Lampa, hot with the Spirit of Battle, and more mindful of his
Country's Service and his own Glory than of his Son, ran forward to
the spot, loftily rebuked the agitated Crowd, and ordered his Son's
Body to be cast into the Deep, telling them for their Comfort that the
Land could never have afforded his Boy a nobler Tomb. And then,
renewing the Fight more fiercely than ever, he achieved the Victory."
(_Benvenuto of Imola_, in _Comment. on Dante. in Muratori, Antiq._ i.
1146.)
("Yet like an English General will I die,
And all the Ocean make my spacious Grave;
Women and Cowards on the Land may lie,
The Sea's the Tomb that's proper for the Brave!"
--_Annus Mirabilis_.)
[20] The particulars of the battle are gathered from _Ferretus
Vicentinus_, in _Murat._ ix. 985 seqq.; _And. Dandulo_, in xii.
407-408; _Navagiero_, in xxiii. 1009-1010; and the Genoese Poem as
before.
[21] _Navagiero_, u.s. Dandulo says, "after a few days he died of grief";
Ferretus, that he was killed in the action and buried at Curzola.
[22] For the funeral, a MS. of Cibo Recco quoted by _Jacopo Doria_ in _La
Chiesa di San Matteo descritta_, etc., Genova, 1860, p. 26. For the
date of arrival the poem so often quoted:--
"_De Oitover_, a zoia, _a seze di_
Lo nostro ostel, con gran festa
En nostro porto, a or di sesta
Domine De restitui."
[23] S. Matteo was built by Martin Doria in 1125, but pulled down and
rebuilt by the family in a slightly different position in 1278. On
this occasion is recorded a remarkable anticipation of the feats of
American engineering: "As there was an ancient and very fine picture
of Christ upon the apse of the Church, it was thought a great pity
that so fine a work should be destroyed. And so they contrived an
ingenious method by which the apse bodily was transported without
injury, picture and all, for a distance of 25 ells, and firmly set
upon the foundations where it now exists." (_Jacopo de Varagine_ in
_Muratori_, vol. ix. 36.)
The inscription on S. Matteo regarding the battle is as follows:--"_Ad
Honorem Dei et Beate Virginis Marie Anno MCCLXXXXVIII Die Dominico VII
Septembris iste Angelus captus fuit in Gulfo Venetiarum in Civitate
Scursole et ibidem fuit prelium Galearum LXXVI Januensium cum Galeis
LXXXXVI Veneciarum. Capte fuerunt LXXXIIII per Nobilem Virum Dominum
Lambam Aurie Capitaneum et Armiratum tunc Comunis et Populi Janue cum
omnibus existentibus in eisdem, de quibus conduxit Janue homines vivos
carceratos VII cccc et Galeas XVIII, reliquas LXVI fecit cumburi in
dicto Gulfo Veneciarum. Qui obiit Sagone I. MCCCXXIII._" It is not
clear to what the _Angelus_ refers.
[24] _Rampoldi, Ann. Musulm._ ix. 217.
[25] _Jacopo Doria_, p. 280.
[26] _Murat._ xxiii. 1010. I learn from a Genoese gentleman, through my
friend Professor Henry Giglioli (to whose kindness I owe the
transcript of the inscription just given), that a faint tradition
exists as to the place of our traveller's imprisonment. It is alleged
to have been a massive building, standing between the _Grazie_ and the
Mole, and bearing the name of the _Malapaga_, which is now a barrack
for Doganieri, but continued till comparatively recent times to be
used as a civil prison. "It is certain," says my informant, "that men
of fame in arms who had fallen into the power of the Genoese _were_
imprisoned there, and among others is recorded the name of the
Corsican Giudice dalla Rocca and Lord of Cinarca, who died there in
1312;" a date so near that of Marco's imprisonment as to give some
interest to the hypothesis, slender as are its grounds. Another
Genoese, however, indicates as the scene of Marco's captivity certain
old prisons near the Old Arsenal, in a site still known as the _Vico
degli Schiavi_. (_Celesia, Dante in Liguria_, 1865, p. 43.) [Was not
the place of Polo's captivity the basement of the _Palazzo del Capitan
del Popolo_, afterwards _Palazzo del Comune al Mare_, where the
Customs (_Dogana_) had their office, and from the 15th century the
_Casa_ or _Palazzo di S. Giorgio?_--H. C.]
[27] The Treaty and some subsidiary documents are printed in the Genoese
_Liber Jurium_, forming a part of the _Monumenta Historiae Patriae_,
published at Turin. (See _Lib. Jur._ II. 344, seqq.) Muratori in his
Annals has followed John Villani (Bk. VIII. ch. 27) in representing
the terms as highly unfavourable to Venice. But for this there is no
foundation in the documents. And the terms are stated with substantial
accuracy in Navagiero. (_Murat. Script._ xxiii. 1011.)
[28] _Paulin Paris, Les Manuscrits Francois de la Bibliotheque du Roi_,
ii. 355.
[29] Though there is no precise information as to the birth or death of
this writer, who belonged to a noble family of Lombardy, the
Bellingeri, he can be traced with tolerable certainty as in life in
1289, 1320, and 1334. (See the Introduction to his Chronicle in the
Turin _Monumenta_, _Scriptores_ III.)
[30] There is another MS. of the _Imago Mundi_ at Turin, which has been
printed in the _Monumenta_. The passage about Polo in that copy
differs widely in wording, is much shorter, and contains no date. But
it relates his capture as having taken place at _La Glaza_, which I
think there can be no doubt is also intended for Ayas (sometimes
called _Giazza_), a place which in fact is called _Glaza_ in three of
the MSS. of which various readings are given in the edition of the
Societe de Geographie (p. 535).
[31] "E per meio esse aregordenti
De si grande scacho mato
Correa mille duxenti
Zonto ge novanta e quatro."
The Armenian Prince Hayton or Hethum has put it under 1293. (See
_Langlois, Mem. sur les Relations de Genes avec la Petite-Armenie_.)
VII. RUSTICIANO OR RUSTICHELLO OF PISA, MARCO POLO'S FELLOW-PRISONER AT
GENOA, THE SCRIBE WHO WROTE DOWN THE TRAVELS.
38. We have now to say something of that Rusticiano to whom all who value
Polo's book are so much indebted.
[Sidenote: Rusticiano, perhaps a prisoner from Meloria.]
The relations between Genoa and Pisa had long been so hostile that it was
only too natural in 1298 to find a Pisan in the gaol of Genoa. An unhappy
multitude of such prisoners had been carried thither fourteen years
before, and the survivors still lingered there in vastly dwindled numbers.
In the summer of 1284 was fought the battle from which Pisa had to date
the commencement of her long decay. In July of that year the Pisans, at a
time when the Genoese had no fleet in their own immediate waters, had
advanced to the very port of Genoa and shot their defiance into the proud
city in the form of silver-headed arrows, and stones belted with
scarlet.[1] They had to pay dearly for this insult. The Genoese, recalling
their cruisers, speedily mustered a fleet of eighty-eight galleys, which
were placed under the command of another of that illustrious House of
Doria, the Scipios of Genoa as they have been called, Uberto, the elder
brother of Lamba. Lamba himself with his six sons, and another brother,
was in the fleet, whilst the whole number of Dorias who fought in the
ensuing action amounted to 250, most of them on board one great galley
bearing the name of the family patron, St. Matthew.[2]
The Pisans, more than one-fourth inferior in strength, came out boldly,
and the battle was fought off the Porto Pisano, in fact close in front of
Leghorn, where a lighthouse on a remarkable arched basement still marks
the islet of MELORIA, whence the battle got its name. The day was the 6th
of August, the feast of St. Sixtus, a day memorable in the Pisan Fasti for
several great victories. But on this occasion the defeat of Pisa was
overwhelming. Forty of their galleys were taken or sunk, and upwards of
9000 prisoners carried to Genoa. In fact so vast a sweep was made of the
flower of Pisan manhood that it was a common saying then: "_Che vuol veder
Pisa, vada a Genova_!" Many noble ladies of Pisa went in large companies
on foot to Genoa to seek their husbands or kinsmen: "And when they made
enquiry of the Keepers of the Prisons, the reply would be, 'Yesterday
there died thirty of them, to-day there have died forty; all of whom we
have cast into the sea; and so it is daily.'"[3]
[Illustration: Seal of the Pisan Prisoners.]
A body of prisoners so numerous and important naturally exerted themselves
in the cause of peace, and through their efforts, after many months of
negotiation, a formal peace was signed (15th April, 1288). But through the
influence, as was alleged, of Count Ugolino (Dante's) who was then in
power at Pisa, the peace became abortive; war almost immediately
recommenced, and the prisoners had no release.[4] And, when the 6000 or
7000 Venetians were thrown into the prisons of Genoa in October 1298, they
would find there the scanty surviving remnant of the Pisan Prisoners of
Meloria, and would gather from them dismal forebodings of the fate before
them.
It is a fair conjecture that to that remnant Rusticiano of Pisa may have
belonged.
We have seen Ramusio's representation of the kindness shown to Marco
during his imprisonment by a certain Genoese gentleman who also assisted
him to reduce his travels to writing. We may be certain that this Genoese
gentleman is only a distorted image of Rusticiano, the Pisan prisoner in
the gaol of Genoa, whose name and part in the history of his hero's book
Ramusio so strangely ignores. Yet patriotic Genoese writers in our own
times have striven to determine the identity of this their imaginary
countryman![5]
[Sidenote: Rusticiano, a person known from other sources.]
39. Who, then, was Rusticiano, or, as the name actually is read in the
oldest type of MS., "Messire Rustacians de Pise"?
Our knowledge of him is but scanty. Still something is known of him
besides the few words concluding his preamble to our Traveller's Book,
which you may read at pp. 1-2 of the body of this volume.
In Sir Walter Scott's "Essay on Romance," when he speaks of the new mould
in which the subjects of the old metrical stories were cast by the school
of prose romancers which arose in the 13th century, we find the following
words:--
"Whatever fragments or shadows of true history may yet remain hidden
under the mass of accumulated fable which had been heaped upon them
during successive ages, must undoubtedly be sought in the metrical
romances.... But those prose authors who wrote under the imaginary names
of RUSTICIEN DE PISE, Robert de Borron, and the like, usually seized
upon the subject of some old minstrel; and recomposing the whole
narrative after their own fashion, with additional character and
adventure, totally obliterated in that operation any shades which
remained of the original and probably authentic tradition," &c.[6]
Evidently, therefore, Sir Walter regarded Rustician of Pisa as a person
belonging to the same ghostly company as his own Cleishbothams and
Dryasdusts. But in this we see that he was wrong.
In the great Paris Library and elsewhere there are manuscript volumes
containing the stories of the Round Table abridged and somewhat clumsily
combined from the various Prose Romances of that cycle, such as _Sir
Tristan, Lancelot, Palamedes, Giron le Courtois_, &c., which had been
composed, it would seem, by various Anglo-French gentlemen at the court of
Henry III., styled, or styling themselves, Gasses le Blunt, Luces du Gast,
Robert de Borron, and Helis de Borron. And these abridgments or recasts
are professedly the work of _Le Maistre Rusticien de Pise_. Several of
them were printed at Paris in the end of the 15th and beginning of the
16th centuries as the works of Rusticien de Pise; and as the preambles and
the like, especially in the form presented in those printed editions,
appear to be due sometimes to the original composers (as Robert and Helis
de Borron) and sometimes to Rusticien de Pise the recaster, there would
seem to have been a good deal of confusion made in regard to their
respective personalities.
From a preamble to one of those compilations which undoubtedly belongs to
Rustician, and which we shall quote at length by and bye, we learn that
Master Rustician "translated" (or perhaps _transferred?_) his compilation
from a book belonging to King Edward of England, at the time when that
prince went beyond seas to recover the Holy Sepulchre. Now Prince Edward
started for the Holy Land in 1270, spent the winter of that year in
Sicily, and arrived in Palestine in May 1271. He quitted it again in
August, 1272, and passed again by Sicily, where in January, 1273, he heard
of his father's death and his own consequent accession. Paulin Paris
supposes that Rustician was attached to the Sicilian Court of Charles of
Anjou, and that Edward "may have deposited with that king the Romances of
the Round Table, of which all the world was talking, but the manuscripts
of which were still very rare, especially those of the work of Helye de
Borron[7] ... whether by order, or only with permission of the King of
Sicily, our Rustician made haste to read, abridge, and re-arrange the
whole, and when Edward returned to Sicily he recovered possession of the
book from which the indefatigable Pisan had extracted the contents."
But this I believe is, in so far as it passes the facts stated in
Rustician's own preamble, pure hypothesis, for nothing is cited that
connects Rustician with the King of Sicily. And if there be not some such
confusion of personality as we have alluded to, in another of the
preambles, which is quoted by Dunlop as an utterance of Rustician's, that
personage would seem to claim to have been a comrade in arms of the two de
Borrons. We might, therefore, conjecture that Rustician himself had
accompanied Prince Edward to Syria.[8]
[Sidenote: Character of Rustician's Romance compilations.]
40. Rustician's literary work appears from the extracts and remarks of
Paulin Paris to be that of an industrious simple man, without method or
much judgment. "The haste with which he worked is too perceptible; the
adventures are told without connection; you find long stories of Tristan
followed by adventures of his father Meliadus." For the latter derangement
of historical sequence we find a quaint and ingenuous apology offered in
Rustician's epilogue to Giron le Courtois:--
"Cy fine le Maistre Rusticien de Pise son conte en louant et regraciant
le Pere le Filz et le Saint Esperit, et ung mesme Dieu, Filz de la
Benoiste Vierge Marie, de ce qu'il m'a done grace, sens, force, et
memoire, temps et lieu, de me mener a fin de si haulte et si noble
matiere come ceste-cy dont j'ay traicte les faiz et proesses recitez et
recordez a mon livre. Et se aucun me demandoit pour quoy j'ay parle de
Tristan avant que de son pere le Roy Meliadus, le respons que ma matiere
n'estoist pas congneue. Car je ne puis pas scavoir tout, ne mettre
toutes mes paroles par ordre. Et ainsi fine mon conte. Amen."[9]
In a passage of these compilations the Emperor Charlemagne is asked
whether in his judgment King Meliadus or his son Tristan were the better
man? The Emperor's answer is: "I should say that the King Meliadus was the
better man, and I will tell you why I say so. As far as I can see,
everything that Tristan did was done for Love, and his great feats would
never have been done but under the constraint of Love, which was his spur
and goad. Now that never can be said of King Meliadus! For what deeds he
did, he did them not by dint of Love, but by dint of his strong right arm.
Purely out of his own goodness he did good, and not by constraint of
Love." "It will be seen," remarks on this Paulin Paris, "that we are here
a long way removed from the ordinary principles of Round Table Romances.
And one thing besides will be manifest, viz., that Rusticien de Pise was
no Frenchman!"[10]
The same discretion is shown even more prominently in a passage of one of
his compilations, which contains the romances of Arthur, Gyron, and
Meliadus (No. 6975--see last note but one):--
"No doubt," Rustician says, "other books tell the story of the Queen
Ginevra and Lancelot differently from this; and there were certain
passages between them of which the Master, in his concern for the honour
of both those personages, will say not a word." Alas, says the French
Bibliographer, that the copy of Lancelot, which fell into the hands of
poor Francesca of Rimini, was not one of those _expurgated_ by our worthy
friend Rustician![11]
[Sidenote: Identity of the Romance Compiler with Polo's fellow-prisoner.]
41. A question may still occur to an attentive reader as to the identity
of this Romance-compiler Rusticien de Pise with the Messire _Rustacians de
Pise_, of a solitary MS. of Polo's work (though the oldest and most
authentic), a name which appears in other copies as _Rusta Pisan, Rasta
Pysan, Rustichelus Civis Pisanus, Rustico, Restazio da Pisa, Stazio da
Pisa_, and who is stated in the preamble to have acted as the Traveller's
scribe at Genoa.
M. Pauthier indeed[12] asserts that the French of the MS. Romances of
Rusticien de Pise is of the same barbarous character as that of the early
French MS. of Polo's Book to which we have just alluded, and which we
shall show to be the nearest presentation of the work as originally
dictated by the Traveller. The language of the latter MS. is so peculiar
that this would be almost perfect evidence of the identity of the writers,
if it were really the fact. A cursory inspection which I have made of two
of those MSS. in Paris, and the extracts which I have given and am about
to give, do not, however, by any means support M. Pauthier's view. Nor
would that view be consistent with the judgment of so competent an
authority as Paulin Paris, implied in his calling Rustician a _nom
recommandable_ in old French literature, and his speaking of him as
"versed in the secrets of the French Romance Tongue."[13] In fact the
difference of language in the two cases would really be a difficulty in
the way of identification, if there were room for doubt. This, however,
Paulin Paris seems to have excluded finally, by calling attention to the
peculiar formula of preamble which is common to the Book of Marco Polo and
to one of the Romance compilations of Rusticien de Pise.
The former will be found in English at pp. 1, 2, of our Translation; but
we give a part of the original below[14] for comparison with the preamble
to the Romances of Meliadus, Tristan, and Lancelot, as taken from MS. 6961
(Fr. 340) of the Paris Library:--
"_Seigneurs Empereurs et Princes, Ducs et Contes et Barons et Chevaliers
et Vavasseurs et Bourgeois, et tous les preudommes de cestui monde qui
avez talent de vous deliter en rommans, si prenez cestui (livre) et le
faites lire de chief en chief, si orrez toutes les grans aventure_ qui
advindrent entre les Chevaliers errans du temps au Roy Uter Pendragon,
jusques a le temps au Roy Artus son fils, et des compaignons de la Table
Ronde. Et sachiez tout vraiment que cist livres fust translatez du livre
Monseigneur Edouart le Roy d'Engleterre en cellui temps qu'il passa
oultre la mer au service nostre Seigneur Damedieu pour conquester le
Sant Sepulcre, et Maistre Rusticiens de Pise, lequel est ymaginez yci
dessus,[15] compila ce rommant, car il en translata toutes les
merveilleuses nouvelles et aventures qu'il trouva en celle livre et
traita tout certainement de toutes les aventures du monde, et si sachiez
qu'il traitera plus de Monseigneur Lancelot du Lac, et Mons'r Tristan le
fils au Roy Meliadus de Leonnoie que d'autres, porcequ'ilz furent sans
faille les meilleurs chevaliers qui a ce temps furent en terre; et li
Maistres en dira de ces deux pluseurs choses et pluseurs nouvelles que
l'en treuvera escript en tous les autres livres; et porce que le
Maistres les trouva escript au Livre d'Engleterre."
[Illustration: Palazzo di S Giorgio Genoa]
"Certainly," Paulin Paris observes, "there is a singular analogy between
these two prefaces. And it must be remarked that the formula is not an
ordinary one with translators, compilers, or authors of the 13th and 14th
centuries. Perhaps you would not find a single other example of it."[16]
This seems to place beyond question the identity of the Romance-compiler
of Prince Edward's suite in 1270, and the Prisoner of Genoa in 1298.
[Sidenote: Further particulars concerning Rustician.]
42. In Dunlop's History of Fiction a passage is quoted from the preamble
of _Meliadus_, as set forth in the Paris printed edition of 1528, which
gives us to understand that Rusticien de Pise had received as a reward for
some of his compositions from King Henry III. the prodigal gift of two
_chateaux_. I gather, however, from passages in the work of Paulin Paris
that this must certainly be one of those confusions of persons to which I
have referred before, and that the recipient of the chateaux was in
reality Helye de Borron, the author of some of the originals which
Rustician manipulated.[17] This supposed incident in Rustician's scanty
history must therefore be given up.
We call this worthy _Rustician_ or _Rusticiano_, as the nearest probable
representation in Italian form of the _Rusticien_ of the Round-Table MSS.
and the _Rustacians_ of the old text of Polo. But it is highly probable
that his real name was _Rustichello_, as is suggested by the form
_Rustichelus_ in the early Latin version published by the _Societe de
Geographie_. The change of one liquid for another never goes for much in
Italy,[18] and Rustichello might easily Gallicize himself as Rusticien. In
a very long list of Pisan officials during the Middle Ages I find several
bearing the name of _Rustichello_ or _Rustichelli_, but no _Rusticiano_ or
_Rustigiano_.[19]
Respecting him we have only to add that the peace between Genoa and Venice
was speedily followed by a treaty between Genoa and Pisa. On the 31st
July, 1299, a truce for twenty-five years was signed between those two
Republics. It was a very different matter from that between Genoa and
Venice, and contained much that was humiliating and detrimental to Pisa.
But it embraced the release of prisoners; and those of Meloria, reduced it
is said to less than one tithe of their original number, had their liberty
at last. Among the prisoners then released no doubt Rustician was one. But
we hear of him no more.
[1] _B. Marangone, Croniche della C. di Pisa_, in _Rerum Ital. Script._ of
_Tartini_, Florence, 1748, i. 563; _Dal Borgo, Dissert. sopra
l'Istoria Pisana_, ii. 287.
[2] The list of the whole number is preserved in the Doria archives, and
has been published by Sign. Jacopo D'Oria. Many of the Baptismal names
are curious, and show how far sponsors wandered from the Church
Calendar. _Assan, Alton, Turco, Soldan_ seem to come of the constant
interest in the East. _Alaone_, a name which remained in the family
for several generations, I had thought certainly borrowed from the
fierce conqueror of the Khalif (infra, p. 63). But as one Alaone,
present at this battle, had a son also there, he must surely have been
christened before the fame of Hulaku could have reached Genoa. (See
_La Chiesa di S. Matteo_, pp. 250, seqq.)
In documents of the kingdom of Jerusalem there are names still more
anomalous, e.g., _Gualterius Baffumeth, Joannes Mahomet_. (See _Cod.
Dipl. del Sac. Milit. Ord. Gerosol._ I. 2-3, 62.)
[3] _Memorial. Potestat. Regiens._ in _Muratori_, viii. 1162.
[4] See _Fragm. Hist. Pisan._ in _Muratori_, xxiv. 651, seqq.; and
_Caffaro_, _id._ vi. 588, 594-595. The cut in the text represents a
striking memorial of those Pisan Prisoners, which perhaps still
survives, but which at any rate existed last century in a collection
at Lucca. It is the seal of the prisoners as a body corporate:
SIGILLUM UNIVERSITATIS CARCERATORUM PISANORUM JANUE DETENTORUM, and
was doubtless used in their negotiations for peace with the Genoese
Commissioners. It represents two of the prisoners imploring the
Madonna, Patron of the Duomo at Pisa. It is from _Manni, Osserv. Stor.
sopra Sigilli Antichi_, etc., Firenze, 1739, tom. xii. The seal is
also engraved in _Dal Borgo_, op. cit. ii. 316.
[5] The Abate Spotorno in his _Storia Letteraria della Liguria_, II. 219,
fixes on a Genoese philosopher called Andalo del Negro, mentioned by
Boccaccio.
[6] I quote from Galignani's ed. of Prose Works, v. 712. This has
"Rusticien de _Puise_." In this view of the fictitious character of
the names of Rusticien and the rest, Sir Walter seems to have been
following Ritson, as I gather from a quotation in Dunlop's H. of
Fiction. (_Liebrecht's_ German Version, p. 63.)
[7] _Giron le Courtois_, and the conclusion of _Tristan_.
[8] The passage runs thus as quoted (from the preamble of the
_Meliadus_--I suspect in one of the old printed editions):--
"Aussi Luces du Gau (Gas) translata en langue Francoise une partie de
l'Hystoire de Monseigneur Tristan, et moins assez qu'il ne deust.
Moult commenca bien son livre et si ny mist tout les faicts de
Tristan, ains la greigneur partie. Apres s'en entremist Messire Gasse
le Blond, qui estoit parent au Roy Henry, et divisa l'Hystoire de
Lancelot du Lac, et d'autre chose ne parla il mye grandement en son
livre. Messire Robert de Borron s'en entremist et Helye de Borron, par
la priere du dit Robert de Borron, _et pource que compaignons feusmes
d'armes longuement_, je commencay mon livre," etc. (_Liebrecht's
Dunlop_, p. 80.) If this passage be authentic it would set beyond
doubt the age of the de Borrons and the other writers of Anglo-French
Round Table Romances, who are placed by the _Hist. Litteraire de la
France_, and apparently by Fr. Michel, under Henry II. I have no means
of pursuing the matter, and have preferred to follow Paulin Paris, who
places them under Henry III. I notice, moreover, that the _Hist.
Litt._ (xv. p. 498) puts not only the de Borrons but Rustician himself
under Henry II.; and, as the last view is certainly an error, the
first is probably so too.
[9] Transc. from MS. 6975 (now Fr. 355) of Paris Library.
[10] _MSS. Francois_, iii. 60-61.
[11] Ibid. 56-59.
[12] _Introd._ pp. lxxxvi.-vii. note.
[13] See _Jour. As._ ser. II. tom. xii. p. 251.
[14] "_Seignors Enperaor, & Rois, Dux & Marquois, Cuens, Chevaliers &
Bargions_ [for Borgiois] _& toutes gens qe uoles sauoir les deuerses
jenerasions des homes_, & les deuersites des deuerses region dou
monde, _si prennes cestui lire & le feites lire & chi troueres toutes
les grandismes meruoilles_," etc.
[15] The portrait of Rustician here referred to would have been a precious
illustration for our book. But unfortunately it has not been
transferred to MS. 6961, nor apparently to any other noticed by Paulin
Paris.
[16] _Jour. As._ as above.
[17] See _Liebrecht's Dunlop_, p. 77; and _MSS. Francois_, II. 349, 353.
The alleged gift to Rustician is also put forth by D'Israeli the Elder
in his _Amenities of Literature_, 1841, I. p. 103.
[18] E.g. Geronimo, _Girolamo_; and garofalo, _garofano_; Cristoforo,
_Cristovalo_; gonfalone, _gonfanone_, etc.
[19] See the List in _Archivio Stor. Ital._ VI. p. 64, seqq.
VIII. NOTICES OF MARCO POLO'S HISTORY, AFTER THE TERMINATION OF HIS
IMPRISONMENT AT GENOA.
43. A few very disconnected notices are all that can be collected of matter
properly biographical in relation to the quarter century during which Marco
Polo survived the Genoese captivity.
[Sidenote: Death of Marco's Father before 1300. Will of his brother
Maffeo.]
We have seen that he would probably reach Venice in the course of August,
1299. Whether he found his aged father alive is not known; but we know at
least that a year later (31st August, 1300) Messer Nicolo was no longer in
life.
This we learn from the Will of the younger Maffeo, Marco's brother, which
bears the date just named, and of which we give an abstract below.[1] It
seems to imply strong regard for the testator's brother Marco, who is made
inheritor of the bulk of the property, failing the possible birth of a
son. I have already indicated some conjectural deductions from this
document. I may add that the terms of the second clause, as quoted in the
note, seem to me to throw considerable doubt on the genealogy which
bestows a large family of sons upon this brother Maffeo. If he lived to
have such a family it seems improbable that the draft which he thus left
in the hands of a notary, to be converted into a Will in the event of his
death (a curious example of the validity attaching to all acts of notaries
in those days), should never have been superseded, but should actually
have been so converted after his death, as the existence of the parchment
seems to prove. But for this circumstance we might suppose the Marcolino
mentioned in the ensuing paragraph to have been a son of the younger
Maffeo.
Messer Maffeo, the uncle, was, we see, alive at this time. We do not know
the year of his death. But it is alluded to by Friar Pipino in the
Preamble to his Translation of the Book, supposed to have been executed
about 1315-1320; and we learn from a document in the Venetian archives
(see p. 77) that it must have been previous to 1318, and subsequent to
February 1309, the date of his last Will. The Will itself is not known to
be extant, but from the reference to it in this document we learn that he
left 1000 _lire_ of public debt[2] (_? imprestitorum_) to a certain Marco
Polo, called _Marcolino_. The relationship of this Marco to old Maffeo is
not stated, but we may suspect him to have been an illegitimate son.
[Marcolino was a son of Nicolo, son of Marco the Elder; see vol. ii.,
_Calendar_, No. 6.--H. C.]
[Sidenote: Documentary notices of Polo at this time. The sobriquet of
Milione.]
44. In 1302 occurs what was at first supposed to be a glimpse of Marco as
a citizen, slight and quaint enough; being a resolution on the Books of
the Great Council to exempt the respectable Marco Polo from the penalty
incurred by him on account of the omission to have his water-pipe duly
inspected. But since our Marco's claims to the designation of _Nobilis
Vir_ have been established, there is a doubt whether the _providus vir_ or
_prud'-homme_ here spoken of may not have been rather his namesake Marco
Polo of Cannareggio or S. Geremia, of whose existence we learn from
another entry of the same year.[3] It is, however, possible that Marco the
Traveller was called to the Great Council _after_ the date of the document
in question.
We have seen that the Traveller, and after him his House and his Book,
acquired from his contemporaries the surname, or nickname rather, of _Il
Milione_. Different writers have given different explanations of the
origin of this name; some, beginning with his contemporary Fra Jacopo
d'Acqui, (supra, p. 54), ascribing it to the family's having brought home
a fortune of a million of _lire_, in fact to their being _millionaires_.
This is the explanation followed by Sansovino, Marco Barbaro, Coronelli,
and others.[4] More far-fetched is that of Fontanini, who supposes the
name to have been given to the Book as containing a great number of
stories, like the _Cento Novelle_ or the _Thousand and One Nights!_ But
there can be no doubt that Ramusio's is the true, as it is the natural,
explanation; and that the name was bestowed on Marco by the young wits of
his native city, because of his frequent use of a word which appears to
have been then unusual, in his attempts to convey an idea of the vast
wealth and magnificence of the Kaan's Treasury and Court.[5] Ramusio has
told us that he had seen Marco styled by this sobriquet in the Books of
the Signory; and it is pleasant to be able to confirm this by the next
document which we cite. This is an extract from the Books of the Great
Council under both April, 1305, condoning the offence of a certain Bonocio
of Mestre in smuggling wine, for whose penalty one of the sureties had
been the NOBILIS VIR MARCHUS PAULO MILIONI.[6]
It is alleged that long after our Traveller's death there was always, in
the Venetian Masques, one individual who assumed the character of Marco
Milioni, and told Munchausenlike stories to divert the vulgar. Such, if
this be true, was the honour of our prophet among the populace of his own
country.[7]
45. A little later we hear of Marco once more, as presenting a copy of his
Book to a noble Frenchman in the service of Charles of Valois.
[Sidenote: Polo's relations with Thibault de Cepoy.]
This Prince, brother of Philip the Fair, in 1301 had married Catharine,
daughter and heiress of Philip de Courtenay, titular Emperor of
Constantinople, and on the strength of this marriage had at a later date
set up his own claim to the Empire of the East. To this he was prompted by
Pope Clement V., who in the beginning of 1306 wrote to Venice, stimulating
that Government to take part in the enterprise. In the same year, Charles
and his wife sent as their envoys to Venice, in connection with this
matter, a noble knight called THIBAULT DE CEPOY, along with an
ecclesiastic of Chartres called Pierre le Riche, and these two succeeded
in executing a treaty of alliance with Venice, of which the original,
dated 14th December, 1306, exists at Paris. Thibault de Cepoy eventually
went on to Greece with a squadron of Venetian Galleys, but accomplished
nothing of moment, and returned to his master in 1310.[8]
[Illustration: Miracle of S. Lorenzo]
During the stay of Thibault at Venice he seems to have made acquaintance
with Marco Polo, and to have received from him a copy of his Book. This is
recorded in a curious note which appears on two existing MSS. of Polo's
Book, viz., that of the Paris Library (10,270 or Fr. 5649), and that of
Bern, which is substantially identical in its text with the former, and
is, as I believe, a copy of it.[9] The note runs as follows:--
"Here you have the Book of which My Lord THIEBAULT, Knight and LORD OF
CEPOY, (whom may God assoil!) requested a copy from SIRE MARC POL,
Burgess and Resident of the City of Venice. And the said Sire Marc Pol,
being a very honourable Person, of high character and respect in many
countries, because of his desire that what he had witnessed should be
known throughout the World, and also for the honour and reverence he
bore to the most excellent and puissant Prince my Lord CHARLES, Son of
the King of France and COUNT OF VALOIS, gave and presented to the
aforesaid Lord of Cepoy the first copy (that was taken) of his said Book
after he had made the same. And very pleasing it was to him that his
Book should be carried to the noble country of France and there made
known by so worthy a gentleman. And from that copy which the said
Messire Thibault, Sire de Cepoy above-named, did carry into France,
Messire John, who was his eldest son and is the present Sire de
Cepoy,[10] after his Father's decease did have a copy made, and that
very first copy that was made of the Book after its being carried into
France he did present to his very dear and dread Lord Monseigneur de
Valois. Thereafter he gave copies of it to such of his friends as asked
for them.
"And the copy above-mentioned was presented by the said Sire Marc Pol to
the said Lord de Cepoy when the latter went to Venice, on the part of
Monseigneur de Valois and of Madame the Empress his wife, as Vicar
General for them both in all the Territories of the Empire of
Constantinople. And this happened in the year of the Incarnation of our
Lord Jesus Christ one thousand three hundred and seven, and in the month
of August."
Of the bearings of this memorandum on the literary history of Polo's Book
we shall speak in a following section.
[Sidenote: His marriage and his daughters. Marco as a merchant.]
46. When Marco married we have not been able to ascertain, but it was no
doubt early in the 14th century, for in 1324, we find that he had two
married daughters besides one unmarried. His wife's Christian name was
_Donata_, but of her family we have as yet found no assurance. I suspect,
however, that her name may have been Loredano (vide infra, p. 77).
Under 1311 we find a document which is of considerable interest, because
it is the only one yet discovered which exhibits Marco under the aspect of
a practical trader. It is the judgment of the Court of Requests upon a
suit brought by the NOBLE MARCO POLO of the parish of S. Giovanni
Grisostomo against one Paulo Girardo of S. Apollinare. It appears that
Marco had entrusted to the latter as a commission agent for sale, on an
agreement for half profits, a pound and a half of musk, priced at six
_lire of grossi_ (about 22_l._ 10_s._ in value of silver) the pound.
Girardo had sold half-a-pound at that rate, and the remaining pound which
he brought back was deficient of a _saggio_, or, one-sixth of an ounce,
but he had accounted for neither the sale nor the deficiency. Hence Marco
sues him for three _lire of Grossi_, the price of the half-pound sold, and
for twenty _grossi_ as the value of the saggio. And the Judges cast the
defendant in the amount with costs, and the penalty of imprisonment in the
common gaol of Venice if the amounts were not paid within a suitable
term.[11]
Again in May, 1323, probably within a year of his death, Ser Marco appears
(perhaps only by attorney), before the Doge and his judicial examiners, to
obtain a decision respecting a question touching the rights to certain
stairs and porticoes in contact with his own house property, and that
obtained from his wife, in S. Giovanni Grisostomo. To this allusion has
been already made (supra, p. 31).
[Sidenote: Marco Polo's Last Will and Death.]
47. We catch sight of our Traveller only once more. It is on the 9th of
January, 1324; he is labouring with disease, under which he is sinking day
by day; and he has sent for Giovanni Giustiniani, Priest of S. Proculo and
Notary, to make his Last Will and Testament. It runs thus:--
[Illustration: MARCO POLO'S LAST WILL]
[Illustration: SLIGHTLY REDUCED FROM A PHOTOGRAPH SPECIALLY TAKEN
IN ST. MARK'S LIBRARY BY SIGNOR BERTANI.]
"IN THE NAME OF THE ETERNAL GOD AMEN!
"In the year from the Incarnation of our Lord Jesus Christ 1323, on the
9th day of the month of January, in the first half of the 7th
Indiction,[12] at Rialto.
"It is the counsel of Divine Inspiration as well as the judgment of a
provident mind that every man should take thought to make a disposition
of his property before death become imminent, lest in the end it should
remain without any disposition:
"Wherefore I MARCUS PAULO of the parish of St. John Chrysostom, finding
myself to grow daily feebler through bodily ailment, but being by the
grace of God of a sound mind, and of senses and judgment unimpaired,
have sent for JOHN GIUSTINIANI, Priest of S. Proculo and Notary, and
have instructed him to draw out in complete form this my Testament:
"Whereby I constitute as my Trustees DONATA my beloved wife, and my dear
daughters FANTINA, BELLELA, and MORETA,[13] in order that after my
decease they may execute the dispositions and bequests which I am about
to make herein.
"First of all: I will and direct that the proper Tithe be paid.[14] And
over and above the said tithe I direct that 2000 _lire_ of Venice denari
be distributed as follows:[15]
"Viz., 20 _soldi_ of Venice _grossi_ to the Monastery of St. Lawrence
where I desire to be buried.
"Also 300 _lire_ of Venice denari to my sister-in-law YSABETA
QUIRINO,[16] that she owes me.
"Also 40 _soldi_ to each of the Monasteries and Hospitals all the way
from Grado to Capo d'Argine.[17]
"Also I bequeath to the Convent of SS. Giovanni and Paolo, of the Order
of Preachers, that which it owes me, and also 10 _lire_ to Friar RENIER,
and 5 _lire_ to Friar BENVENUTO the Venetian, of the Order of Preachers,
in addition to the amount of his debt to me.
"I also bequeath 5 _lire_ to every Congregation in Rialto, and 4 _lire_
to every Guild or Fraternity of which I am a member.[18]
"Also I bequeath 20 _soldi_ of Venetian grossi to the Priest Giovanni
Giustiniani the Notary, for his trouble about this my Will, and in order
that he may pray the Lord in my behalf.
"Also I release PETER the Tartar, my servant, from all bondage, as
completely as I pray God to release mine own soul from all sin and
guilt. And I also remit him whatever he may have gained by work at his
own house; and over and above I bequeath him 100 _lire_ of Venice
denari.[19]
"And the residue of the said 2000 _lire_ free of tithe, I direct to be
distributed for the good of my soul, according to the discretion of my
trustees.
"Out of my remaining property I bequeath to the aforesaid Donata, my
Wife and Trustee, 8 _lire_ of Venetian grossi annually during her life,
for her own use, over and above her settlement, and the linen and all
the household utensils,[20] with 3 beds garnished.
"And all my other property movable and immovable that has not been
disposed of [here follow some lines of mere technicality] I specially
and expressly bequeath to my aforesaid Daughters Fantina, Bellela, and
Moreta, freely and absolutely, to be divided equally among them. And I
constitute them my heirs as regards all and sundry my property movable
and immovable, and as regards all rights and contingencies tacit and
expressed, of whatsoever kind as hereinbefore detailed, that belong to
me or may fall to me. Save and except that before division my said
daughter Moreta shall receive the same as each of my other daughters
hath received for dowry and outfit [here follow many lines of
technicalities, ending]
"And if any one shall presume to infringe or violate this Will, may he
incur the malediction of God Almighty, and abide bound under the
anathema of the 318 Fathers; and farthermore he shall forfeit to my
Trustees aforesaid five pounds of gold;[21] and so let this my Testament
abide in force. The signature of the above named Messer Marco Paulo who
gave instructions for this deed.
"* I Peter Grifon, Priest, Witness.
"* I Humfrey Barberi, Witness.
"* I John Giustiniani, Priest of S. Proculo, and Notary, have completed
and authenticated (this testament)."[22]
We do not know, as has been said, how long Marco survived the making of
this will, but we know, from a scanty series of documents commencing in
June of the following year (1325), that he had _then_ been some time
dead.[23]
[Sidenote: Place of Sepulture. Professed Portraits of Polo.]
48. He was buried, no doubt, according to his declared wish, in the Church
of S. Lorenzo; and indeed Sansovino bears testimony to the fact in a
confused notice of our Traveller.[24] But there does not seem to have been
any monument to Marco, though the sarcophagus which had been erected to
his father Nicolo, by his own filial care, existed till near the end of
the 16th century in the porch or corridor leading to the old Church of S.
Lorenzo, and bore the inscription: "SEPULTURA DOMINI NICOLAI PAULO DE
CONTRATA S. IOANNIS GRISOSTEMI." The church was renewed from its
foundations in 1592, and then, probably, the sarcophagus was cast aside
and lost, and with it all certainty as to the position of the tomb.[25]
[Illustration: Pavement in front of San Lorenzo, Venice.]
[Illustration: S. Lorenzo as it was in the 15th century]
There is no portrait of Marco Polo in existence with any claim to
authenticity. The quaint figure which we give in the _Bibliography_, vol.
ii. p. 555, extracted from the earliest printed edition of his book, can
certainly make no such pretension. The oldest one after this is probably a
picture in the collection of Monsignor Badia at Rome, of which I am now
able, by the owner's courtesy, to give a copy. It is set down in the
catalogue to Titian, but is probably a work of 1600, or thereabouts, to
which the aspect and costume belong. It is inscribed "_Marcus Polvs
Venetvs Totivs Orbis et Indie Peregrator Primus._" Its history
unfortunately cannot be traced, but I believe it came from a collection at
Urbino. A marble statue was erected in his honour by a family at Venice in
the 17th century, and is still to be seen in the Palazzo Morosini-
Gattemburg in the Campo S. Stefano in that city. The medallion portrait on
the wall of the _Sala dello Scudo_ in the ducal palace, and which was
engraved in Bettom's "Collection of Portraits of Illustrious Italians," is
a work of imagination painted by Francesco Griselini in 1761.[26] From
this, however, was taken the medal by Fabris, which was struck in 1847 in
honour of the last meeting of the Italian Congresso Scientifico; and from
the medal again is copied, I believe, the elegant woodcut which adorns the
introduction to M. Pauthier's edition, though without any information as
to its history. A handsome bust, by Augusto Gamba, has lately been placed
among the illustrious Venetians in the inner arcade of the Ducal
Palace.[27] There is also a mosaic portrait of Polo, opposite the similar
portrait of Columbus in the Municipio at Genoa.
[Sidenote: Further History of the Polo Family.]
49. From the short series of documents recently alluded to,[28] we gather
all that we know of the remaining history of Marco Polo's immediate
family. We have seen in his will an indication that the two elder
daughters, Fantina and Bellela, were married before his death. In 1333 we
find the youngest, Moreta, also a married woman, and Bellela deceased. In
1336 we find that their mother Donata had died in the interval. We learn,
too, that Fantina's husband was MARCO BRAGADINO, and Moreta's, RANUZZO
DOLFINO.[29] The name of Bellela's husband does not appear.
Fantina's husband is probably the Marco Bragadino, son of Pietro, who in
1346 is mentioned to have been sent as Provveditore-Generale to act
against the Patriarch of Acquileia.[30] And in 1379 we find Donna Fantina
herself, presumably in widowhood, assessed as a resident of S. Giovanni
Grisostomo, on the _Estimo_ or forced loan for the Genoese war, at 1300
_lire_, whilst Pietro Bragadino of the same parish--her son as I
imagine--is assessed at 1500 _lire_.[31] [See vol. ii., _Calendar_.]
The documents show a few other incidents which may be briefly noted. In
1326 we have the record of a charge against one Zanino Grioni for
insulting Donna Moreta in the Campo of San Vitale; a misdemeanour punished
by the Council of Forty with two months' imprisonment.
[Illustration: Mosaic Portrait of Marco Polo at Genoa]
[Illustration: The Pseudo Marco Polo at Canton]
In March, 1328, Marco Polo, called Marcolino, of St. John Chrysostom (see
p. 66), represents before the _Domini Advocatores_ of the Republic that
certain _imprestita_ that had belonged to the late Maffeo Polo the Elder,
had been alienated and transferred in May 1318, by the late Marco Polo of
St. John Chrysostom and since his death by his heirs, without regard to
the rights of the said Marcolino, to whom the said Messer Maffeo had
bequeathed 1000 _lire_ by his will executed on 6th February, 1308 (i.e.
1309). The Advocatores find that the transfer was to that extent unjust
and improper, and they order that to the same extent it should be revoked
and annulled. Two months later the Lady Donata makes rather an unpleasant
figure before the Council of Forty. It would seem that on the claim of
Messer Bertuccio Quirino a mandate of sequestration had been issued by the
Court of Requests affecting certain articles in the Ca' Polo; including
two bags of money which had been tied and sealed, but left in custody of
the Lady Donata. The sum so sealed was about 80 _lire_ of grossi (300_l._
in silver value), but when opened only 45 _lire_ and 22 _grossi_ (about
170_l._) were found therein, and the Lady was accused of abstracting the
balance _non bono modo_. Probably she acted, as ladies sometimes do, on a
strong sense of her own rights, and a weak sense of the claims of law. But
the Council pronounced against her, ordering restitution, and a fine of
200 _lire_ over and above "_ut ceteris transeat in exemplum._"[32]
It will have been seen that there is nothing in the amounts mentioned in
Marco's will to bear out the large reports as to his wealth, though at the
same time there is no positive ground for a deduction to the contrary.[33]
The mention in two of the documents of Agnes Loredano as the sister of the
Lady Donata suggests that the latter may have belonged to the Loredano
family, but as it does not appear whether Agnes was maid or wife this
remains uncertain.[34]
Respecting the further history of the family there is nothing certain, nor
can we give unhesitating faith to Ramusio's statement that the last male
descendant of the Polos of S. Giovanni Grisostomo was Marco, who died
Castellano of Verona in 1417 (according to others, 1418, or 1425),[35] and
that the family property then passed to Maria (or _Anna_, as she is styled
in a MS. statement furnished to me from Venice), who was married in 1401
to Benedetto Cornaro, and again in 1414 to Azzo Trevisan. Her descendant
in the fourth generation by the latter was Marc Antonio Trevisano,[36] who
was chosen Doge in 1553.
[Illustration: Arms of the Trevisan family.]
The genealogy recorded by Marco Barbaro, as drawn up from documents by
Ramusio, makes the Castellano of Verona a grandson of our Marco by a son
Maffeo, whom we may safely pronounce not to have existed, and makes Maria
the daughter of Maffeo, Marco's brother--that is to say, makes a lady
marry in 1414 and have children, whose father was born in 1271 at the very
latest! The genealogy is given in several other ways, but as I have
satisfied myself that they all (except perhaps this of Barbaro's, which we
see to be otherwise erroneous) confound together the two distinct families
of Polo of S. Geremia and Polo of S. Giov. Grisostomo, I reserve my faith,
and abstain from presenting them. Assuming that the Marco or Marcolino
Polo, spoken of in the preceding page, was a near relation (as is
probable, though perhaps an illegitimate one), he is the only male
descendant of old Andrea of San Felice whom we can indicate as having
survived Marco himself; and from a study of the links in the professed
genealogies I think it not unlikely that both Marco the Castellano of
Verona and Maria Trevisan belonged to the branch of S. Geremia.[37] [See
vol. ii., _App. C_, p. 510.]
[49. _bis._--It is interesting to note some of the _reliques_ left by our
traveller.
I. The unfortunate Doge of Venice, Marino Faliero, seems to have possessed
many souvenirs of Marco Polo, and among them two manuscripts, one in the
handwriting of his celebrated fellow-citizen(?), and one adorned with
miniatures. M. Julius von Schlosser has reprinted (_Die aeltesten Medaillen
und die Antike_, Bd. XVIII., _Jahrb. d. Kunsthist. Samml. d. Allerhoechsten
Kaiserhauses_, Vienna, 1897, pp. 42-43) from the _Bulletino di arti,
industrie e curiosita veneziane_, III., 1880-81, p. 101,[38] the inventory
of the curiosities kept in the "Red Chamber" of Marino Faliero's palace in
the Parish of the SS. Apostles; we give the following abstract of it:--
Anno ab incarnacione domini nostri Jesu Christi 1351 deg. indictione sexta
mensis aprilis. Inuentarium rerum qui sunt in camera rubea domi
habitationis clarissimi domini MARINI FALETRO de confinio SS.
Apostolorum, scriptum per me Johannem, presbiterum, dicte ecclesie.
_Item_ alia capsaleta cum ogiis auri et argenti, inter quos unum anulum
con inscriptione que dicit: _Ciuble Can Marco Polo_, et unum torques cum
multis animalibus Tartarorum sculptis, que res donum dedit predictus
MARCUS cuidam Faletrorum.
_Item_ 2 capsalete de corio albo cum variis rebus auri et argenti, quas
habuit praedictus MARCUS a Barbarorum rege.
_Item_ 1 ensem mirabilem, qui habet 3 enses simul, quem habuit in suis
itineribus praedictus MARCUS.
_Item_ 1 tenturam de pannis indicis, quam habuit praedictus MARCUS.
_Item_ de itineribus MARCI praedicti liber in corio albo cum multis
figuris.
_Item_ aliud volumen quod vocatur _de locis mirabilibus Tartarorum,
scriptum manu praedicti_ MARCI.
II. There is kept at the Louvre, in the very valuable collection of China
Ware given by M. Ernest Grandidier, a white porcelain incense-burner said
to come from Marco Polo. This incense-burner, which belonged to Baron
Davillier, who received it, as a present, from one of the keepers of the
Treasury of St. Mark's at Venice, is an octagonal _ting_ from the Fo-kien
province, and of the time of the Sung Dynasty. By the kind permission of
M. P. Grandidier, we reproduce it from Pl. II. 6, of the _Ceramique
chinoise_, Paris, 1894, published by this learned amateur.--H. C.]
[1] 1. The Will is made in prospect of his voyage to Crete.
2. He had drafted his will with his own hand, sealed the draft, and
made it over to Pietro Pagano, priest of S. Felice and Notary, to draw
out a formal testament in faithful accordance therewith in case of the
Testator's death; and that which follows is the substance of the said
draft rendered from the vernacular into Latin. ("Ego Matheus Paulo ...
volens ire in Cretam, ne repentinus casus hujus vite fragilis me
subreperet intestatum, mea propria manu meum scripsi et condidi
testamentum, rogans Petrum Paganum ecclesie Scti. Felicis presbiterum
et Notarium, sana mente et integro consilio, ut, secundum ipsius
scripturam quam sibi tunc dedi meo sigillo munitam, meum scriberet
testamentum, si me de hoc seculo contigeret pertransire; cujus
scripture tenor translato vulgari in latinum per omnia talis est.")
3. Appoints as Trustees Messer Maffeo Polo his uncle, Marco Polo his
brother, Messer Nicolo Secreto (or Sagredo) his father-in-law, and
Felix Polo his cousin (_consanguineum_).
4. Leaves 20 _soldi_ to each of the Monasteries from Grado to Capo
d'Argine; and 150 _lire_ to all the congregations of Rialto, on
condition that the priests of these maintain an annual service in
behalf of the souls of his father, mother, and self.
5. To his daughter Fiordelisa 2000 _lire_ to marry her withal. To be
invested in safe mortgages in Venice, and the interest to go to her.
Also leaves her the interest from 1000 _lire_ of his funds in Public
Debt (? _de meis imprestitis_) to provide for her till she marries.
After her marriage this 1000 _lire_ and its interest shall go to his
male heir if he has one, and failing that to his brother Marco.
6. To his wife Catharine 400 _lire_ and all her clothes as they stand
now. To the Lady Maroca 100 _lire_.
7. To his natural daughter Pasqua 400 _lire_ to marry her withal. Or,
if she likes to be a nun, 200 _lire_ shall go to her convent and the
other 200 shall purchase securities for her benefit. After her death
these shall come to his male heir, or failing that be sold, and the
proceeds distributed for the good of the souls of his father, mother,
and self.
8. To his natural brothers Stephen and Giovannino he leaves 500
_lire_. If one dies the whole to go to the other. If both die before
marrying, to go to his male heir; failing such, to his brother Marco
or _his_ male heir.
9. To his uncle Giordano Trevisano 200 _lire_. To Marco de Tumba 100.
To Fiordelisa, wife of Felix Polo, 100. To Maroca, the daughter of the
late Pietro Trevisano, living at Negropont, 100. To Agnes, wife of
Pietro Lion, 100; and to Francis, son of the late Pietro Trevisano, in
Negropont, 100.
10. To buy Public Debt producing an annual 20 _lire ai grossi_ to be
paid yearly to Pietro Pagano, Priest of S. Felice, who shall pray for
the souls aforesaid: on death of said Pietro the income to go to
Pietro's cousin Lionardo, Clerk of S. Felice; and after him always to
the senior priest of S. Giovanni Grisostomo with the same obligation.
11. Should his wife prove with child and bear a son or sons they shall
have his whole property not disposed of. If a daughter, she shall have
the same as Fiordelisa.
12. If he have no male heir his Brother Marco shall have the
Testator's share of his Father's bequest, and 2000 _lire_ besides.
Cousin Nicolo shall have 500 _lire_, and Uncle Maffeo 500.
13. Should Daughter Fiordelisa die unmarried her 2000 _lire_ and
interest to go to his male heir, and failing such to Brother Marco and
his male heir. But in that case Marco shall pay 500 _lire_ to Cousin
Nicolo or his male heir.
14. Should his wife bear him a male heir or heirs, but these should
die under age, the whole of his undisposed property shall go to
Brother Marco or his male heir. But in that case 500 _lire_ shall be
paid to Cousin Nicolo.
15. Should his wife bear a daughter and she die unmarried, her 2000
_lire_ and interest shall go to Brother Marco, with the same
stipulation in behalf of Cousin Nicolo.
16. Should the whole amount of his property between cash and goods not
amount to 10,000 _lire_ (though he believes he has fully as much), his
bequests are to be ratably diminished, except those to his own
children which he does not wish diminished. Should any legatee die
before receiving the bequest, its amount shall fall to the Testator's
heir male, and failing such, the half to go to Marco or his male heir,
and the other half to be distributed for the good of the souls
aforesaid.
The witnesses are Lionardo priest of S. Felice, Lionardo clerk of the
same, and the Notary Pietro Pagano priest of the same.
[2] According to Romanin (I. 321) the _lira dei grossi_ was also called
_Lira d'imprestidi_, and if the _lire_ here are to be so taken, the
sum will be 10,000 ducats, the largest amount by far that occurs in
any of these Polo documents, unless, indeed, the 1000 _lire_ in Sec. 5 of
Maffeo Junior's Will be the like; but I have some doubt if such lire
are intended in either case.
[3] "(Resolved) That grace be granted to the respectable MARCO PAULO,
relieving him of the penalty he has incurred for neglecting to have
his water-pipe examined, seeing that he was ignorant of the order on
that subject." (See _Appendix C_. No. 3.) The other reference, to M.
Polo, of S. Geremia, runs as follows:--
[_MCCCII. indic. XV. die VIII. Macii q fiat gra Guillo aurifici q ipe
absolvat a pena i qua dicit icurisse p uno spotono sibi iueto veuiedo
de Mestre ppe domu Maci Pauli de Canareglo ui descenderat ad
bibendu._]
"That grace be granted to William the Goldsmith, relieving him of the
penalty which he is stated to have incurred on account of a spontoon
(_spontono_, a loaded bludgeon) found upon him near the house of MARCO
PAULO of Cannareggio, where he had landed to drink on his way from
Mestre." (See _Cicogna_, V. p. 606.)
[4] _Sansovino, Venezia, Citta Nobilissima e Singolare, Descritta_, etc.,
Ven. 1581, f. 236 v.; _Barbaro, Alberi; Coronelli, Allante Veneto_,
I. 19.
[5] The word _Millio_ occurs several times in the Chronicle of the Doge
Andrea Dandolo, who wrote about 1342; and _Milion_ occurs at least
once (besides the application of the term to Polo) in the History of
Giovanni Villani; viz. when he speaks of the Treasury of Avignon:--
"_diciotto_ milioni _di fiorini d'oro_ ec. _che ogni_ milione _e mille
migliaja di fiorini d' oro la valuta_." (xi. 20, Sec. 1; _Ducange_, and
_Vocab. Univ. Ital._). But the definition, thought necessary by
Villani, in itself points to the use of the word as rare. _Domilion_
occurs in the estimated value of houses at Venice in 1367, recorded in
the _Cronaca Magna_ in St. Mark's Library. (_Romanin_, III. 385).
[6] "Also; that Pardon be granted to Bonocio of Mestre for that 152 _lire_
in which he stood condemned by the Captains of the Posts, on account
of wine smuggled by him, in such wise: to wit, that he was to pay the
said fine in 4 years by annual instalments of one fourth, to be
retrenched from the pay due to him on his journey in the suite of our
ambassadors, with assurance that anything then remaining deficient of
his instalments should be made good by himself or his securities. And
his securities are the Nobles Pietro Morosini and MARCO PAULO
MILION." Under _Milion_ is written in an ancient hand "_mortuus_."
(See _Appendix C_, No. 4.)
[7] Humboldt tells this (_Examen_, II. 221), alleging _Jacopo d'Acqui_ as
authority; and Libri (_H. des Sciences Mathematiques_, II. 149),
quoting _Doglioni, Historia Veneziana_. But neither authority bears
out the citations. The story seems really to come from Amoretti's
commentary on the _Voyage du Cap. L. F. Maldonado_, Plaisance, 1812,
p. 67. Amoretti quotes as authority _Pignoria, Degli Dei Antichi_.
An odd revival of this old libel was mentioned to me recently by Mr.
George Moffatt. When he was at school it was common among the boys to
express incredulity by the phrase: "Oh, what a Marco Polo!"
[8] Thibault, according to Ducange, was in 1307 named Grand Master of the
Arblasteers of France; and Buchon says his portrait is at Versailles
among the Admirals (No. 1170). Ramon de Muntaner fell in with the
Seigneur de Cepoy in Greece, and speaks of him as "but a Captain of
the Wind, as his Master was King of the Wind." (See _Ducange, H. de
l'Empire de Const. sous les Emp. Francois_, Venice ed. 1729, pp. 109,
110; _Buchon, Chroniques Etrangeres_, pp. lv. 467-470.)
[9] The note is not found in the Bodleian MS., which is the third known
one of this precise type.
[10] Messire Jean, the son of Thibault, is mentioned in the accounts of
the latter in the _Chambre des Comptes_ at Paris, as having been with
his Father in Romania. And in 1344 he commanded a confederate
Christian armament sent to check the rising power of the Turks, and
beat a great Turkish fleet in the Greek seas. (_Heyd._ I. 377;
_Buchon_, 468.)
[11] The document is given in _Appendix C_, No. 5. It was found by Comm.
Barozzi, the Director of the Museo Civico, when he had most kindly
accompanied me to aid in the search for certain other documents in the
archives of the _Casa di Ricovero_, or Poor House of Venice. These
archives contain a great mass of testamentary and other documents,
which probably have come into that singular depository in connection
with bequests to public charities.
The document next mentioned was found in as strange a site, viz., the
_Casa degli Esposti_ or Foundling Hospital, which possesses similar
muniments. This also I owe to Comm. Barozzi, who had noted it some
years before, when commencing an arrangement of the archives of the
Institution.
[12] The Legal Year at Venice began on the 1st of March. And 1324 was 7th
of the Indiction. Hence the date is, according to the modern Calendar,
1324.
[13] Marsden says of Moreta and Fantina, the only daughters named by
Ramusio, that these may be thought rather familiar terms of endearment
than baptismal names. This is a mistake however. _Fantina_ is from one
of the parochial saints of Venice, S. Fantino, and the male name was
borne by sundry Venetians, among others by a son of Henry Dandolo's.
Moreta is perhaps a variation of Maroca, which seems to have been a
family name among the Polos. We find also the male name of Bellela,
written _Bellello, Bellero, Belletto_.
[14] The _Decima_ went to the Bishop of Castello (eventually converted
into Patriarch of Venice) to divide between himself, the Clergy, the
Church, and the Poor. It became a source of much bad feeling, which
came to a head after the plague of 1348, when some families had to pay
the tenth three times within a very short space. The existing Bishop
agreed to a composition, but his successor Paolo Foscari (1367)
claimed that on the death of every citizen an exact inventory should
be made, and a full tithe levied. The Signory fought hard with the
Bishop, but he fled to the Papal Court and refused all concession.
After his death in 1376 a composition was made for 5500 ducats yearly.
(_Romanin_, II. 406; III. 161, 165.)
[15] There is a difficulty about estimating the value of these sums from
the variety of Venice pounds or _lire_. Thus the _Lira dei piccoli_
was reckoned 3 to the ducat or zecchin, the _Lira ai grossi_ 2 to the
ducat, but the _Lira_ dei _grossi_ or _Lira d'imprestidi_ was equal to
10 ducats, or (allowing for higher value of silver then) about 3_l._
15_s._; a little more than the equivalent of the then Pound sterling.
This last money is _specified_ in some of the bequests, as in the 20
soldi (or 1 lira) to St. Lorenzo, and in the annuity of 8 lire to
Polo's wife; but it seems doubtful what money is meant when _libra_
only or _libra denariorum venetorum_ is used. And this doubt is not
new. Gallicciolli relates that in 1232 Giacomo Menotto left to the
Church of S. Cassiano as an annuity _libras denariorum venetorum
quatuor_. Till 1427 the church received the income as of _lire dei
piccoli_, but on bringing a suit on the subject it was adjudged that
_lire ai grossi_ were to be understood. (_Delle Mem. Venet. Ant._ II.
18.) This story, however, cuts both ways, and does not decide our
doubt.
[16] The form of the name _Ysabeta_ aptly illustrates the transition that
seems so strange from _Elizabeth_ into the _Isabel_ that the Spaniards
made of it.
[17] I.e. the extent of what was properly called the Dogado, all along the
Lagoons from Grado on the extreme east to Capo d'Argine (Cavarzere at
the mouth of the Adige) on the extreme west.
[18] The word rendered _Guilds_ is "_Scholarum_." The crafts at Venice
were united in corporations called _Fraglie_ or _Scholae_, each of
which had its statutes, its head called the _Gastald_, and its place
of meeting under the patronage of some saint. These acted as societies
of mutual aid, gave dowries to poor girls, caused masses to be
celebrated for deceased members, joined in public religious
processions, etc., nor could any craft be exercised except by members
of such a guild. (_Romanin_, I. 390.)
[19] A few years after Ser Marco's death (1328) we find the Great Council
granting to this Peter the rights of a natural Venetian, as having
been a long time at Venice, and well-conducted. (See App. C, _Calendar
of Documents_, No. 13.) This might give some additional colour to M.
Pauthier's supposition that this Peter the Tartar was a faithful
servant who had accompanied Messer Marco from the East 30 years
before. But yet the supposition is probably unfounded. Slavery and
slave-trade were very prevalent at Venice in the Middle Ages, and V.
Lazari, a writer who examined a great many records connected
therewith, found that by far the greater number of slaves were
described as _Tartars_. There does not seem to be any clear
information as to how they were imported, but probably from the
factories on the Black Sea, especially Tana after its establishment.
A tax of 5 ducats per head was set on the export of slaves in 1379,
and as the revenue so received under the Doge Tommaso Mocenigo
(1414-1423) amounted (so says Lazari) to 50,000 ducats, the startling
conclusion is that 10,000 slaves yearly were exported! This it is
difficult to accept. The slaves were chiefly employed in domestic
service, and the records indicate the women to have been about twice
as numerous as the men. The highest price recorded is 87 ducats paid
for a Russian girl sold in 1429. All the higher prices are for young
women; a significant circumstance. With the existence of this system
we may safely connect the extraordinary frequence of mention of
illegitimate children in Venetian wills and genealogies. (See _Lazari,
Del Traffico degli Schiavi in Venezia_, etc., in _Miscellanea di
Storia Italiana_, I. 463 seqq.) In 1308 the Khan Toktai of Kipchak
(see Polo, II. 496), hearing that the Genoese and other Franks were in
the habit of carrying off Tartar children to sell, sent a force
against Caffa, which was occupied without resistance, the people
taking refuge in their ships. The Khan also seized the Genoese
property in Sarai. (_Heyd._ II. 27.)
[20] "_Stracium et omne capud massariciorum_"; in Scotch phrase "_napery
and plenishing_." A Venetian statute of 1242 prescribes that a bequest
of _massariticum_ shall be held to carry to the legatee all articles
of common family use except those of gold and silver plate or
jeweller's work. (See _Ducange, sub voce._) _Stracci_ is still used
technically in Venice for "household linen."
[21] In the original _aureas libras quinque_. According to Marino Sanudo
the Younger (_Vite dei Dogi_ in _Muratori_ xxii. 521) this should be
pounds or _lire_ of _aureole_, the name of a silver coin struck by
and named after the Doge _Aurio_ Mastropietro (1178-1192): "Ancora fu
fatta una Moneta d'argento che si chiamava _Aureola_ per la casata del
Doge; _e quella Moneta che i Notai de Venezia mettevano di pena sotto
i loro instrumenti_." But this was a vulgar error. An example of the
penalty of 5 pounds of gold is quoted from a decree of 960; and the
penalty is sometimes expressed "_auri purissimi librae_ 5." A coin
called the _lira d'oro_ or _redonda_ is alleged to have been in use
before the ducat was introduced. (See _Gallicciolli_, II. 16.) But
another authority seems to identify the _lira a oro_ with the _lira
dei grossi_. (See _Zanetti, Nuova Racc. delle Monete &c. d'Italia_,
1775. I. 308)
[22] We give a photographic reduction of the original document. This, and
the other two Polo Wills already quoted, had come into the possession
of the Noble Filippo Balbi, and were by him presented in our own time
to the St. Mark's Library. They are all on parchment, in writing of
that age, and have been officially examined and declared to be
originals. They were first published by _Cicogna, Iscrizioni
Veneziane_, III. 489-493. We give Marco's in the original language,
line for line with the facsimile, in _Appendix C_.
There is no signature, as may be seen, except those of the Witnesses
and the Notary. The sole presence of a Notary was held to make a deed
valid, and from about the middle of the 13th century in Italy it is
common to find no actual signature (even of witnesses) except that of
the Notary. The peculiar flourish before the Notary's name is what is
called the _Tabellionato_, a fanciful distinctive monogram which each
Notary adopted. Marco's Will is unfortunately written in a very cramp
hand with many contractions. The other two Wills (of Marco the Elder
and Maffeo) are in beautiful and clear Gothic penmanship.
[23] We have noticed formerly (pp. 14-15, _note_) the recent discovery
of a document bearing what was supposed to be the autograph signature
of our Traveller. The document in question is the Minute of a
Resolution of the Great Council, attested by the signatures of three
members, of whom the last is MARCUS PAULLO. But the date alone, 11th
March, 1324, is sufficient to raise the gravest doubts as to this
signature being that of our Marco. And further examination, as I learn
from a friend at Venice, has shown that the same name occurs in
connection with analogous entries on several subsequent occasions up
to the middle of the century. I presume that this Marco Polo is the
same that is noticed in our _Appendix B_, II. as a voter in the
elections of the Doges Marino Faliero and Giovanni Gradenigo. I have
not been able to ascertain his relation to either branch of the Polo
family; but I suspect that he belonged to that of S. Geremia, of which
there _was_ certainly a Marco about the middle of the century.
[24] "Under the _angiporta_ (of S. Lorenzo) [see plate] is buried that
Marco Polo surnamed Milione, who wrote the Travels in the New World,
and who was the first before Christopher Columbus to discover new
countries. No faith was put in him because of the extravagant things
that he recounted; but in the days of our Fathers Columbus augmented
belief in him, by discovering that part of the world which eminent men
had heretofore judged to be uninhabited." (_Venezia ... Descritta_,
etc., f. 23 _v._) Marco Barbaro attests the same inscription in his
Genealogies (copy in Museo Civico at Venice).
[25] _Cicogna_, II. 385.
[26] _Lazari_, xxxi.
[27] In the first edition I noticed briefly a statement that had reached
me from China that, in the Temple at Canton vulgarly called "of the
500 gods," there is a foreign figure which from the name attached had
been supposed to represent Marco Polo! From what I have heard from Mr.
Wylie, a very competent authority, this is nonsense. The temple
contains 500 figures of _Arhans_ or Buddhist saints, and one of these
attracts attention from having a hat like a sailor's straw hat. Mr.
Wylie had not remarked the name. [A model of this figure was exhibited
at Venice at the international Geographical Congress, in 1881. I give
a reproduction of this figure and of the Temple of 500 Genii (_Fa Lum
Sze_) at Canton, from drawings by Felix Regamey made after photographs
sent to me by my late friend, M. Camille Imbault Huart, French Consul
at Canton.--H. C.]
[28] These documents are noted in Appendix C, Nos. 9-12, 14, 17, 18.
[29] I can find no _Ranuzzo_ Dolfino among the Venetian genealogies, but
several _Reniers_. And I suspect Ranuzzo may be a form of the latter
name.
[30] _Cappellari_ (see p. 77, footnote) under _Bragadino_.
[31] Ibid. and _Gallicciolli_, II. 146.
[32] The _lire_ of the fine are not specified; but probably _ai grossi_,
which would be = 37_l._ 10_s._; not, we hope, _dei_ grossi!
[33] Yet, if the family were so wealthy as tradition represents, it is
strange that Marco's brother Maffeo, _after_ receiving a share of his
father's property, should have possessed barely 10,000 _lire_,
probably equivalent to 5000 ducats at most. (See p. 65, supra.)
[34] An Agnes Loredano, Abbess of S. Maria delle Vergini, died in 1397.
(_Cicogna_, V. 91 and 629.) The interval of 61 years makes it somewhat
improbable that it should be the same.
[35] In the _Museo Civico_ (No. 2271 of the Cicogna collection) there is a
commission addressed by the Doge Michiel Steno in 1408, "_Nobili Viro
Marcho Paulo_," nominating him Podesta of Arostica (a Castello of the
Vicentino). This is probably the same Marco.
[36] The descent runs: (1) Azzo = Maria Polo; (2) Febo, Captain at Padua;
(3) Zaccaria, Senator; (4) Domenico, Procurator of St. Mark's; (5)
Marc' Antonio, Doge (_Cappellari_, _Campidoglio Veneto_, MS. St.
Mark's Lib.).
Marc' Antonio _nolebat ducari_ and after election desired to renounce.
His friends persuaded him to retain office, but he lived scarcely a
year after. (_Cicogna_, IV. 566.) [See p. 8.]
[37] In Appendix B will be found tabulated all the facts that seem to be
positively ascertained as to the Polo genealogies.
In the Venetian archives occurs a procuration executed by the Doge in
favour of the _Nobilis Vir_ SER MARCO PAULO that he may present
himself before the king of Sicily; under date, Venice 9th November,
1342. And some years later we have in the Sicilian Archives an order
by King Lewis of Sicily, directed to the Maestri Procuratori of
Messina, which grants to MARCO POLO of Venice, on account of services
rendered to the king's court, the privilege of free import and export
at the port of Messina, without payment of customs of goods to the
amount annually of 20 ounces. Dated in Catania 13th January, 1346
(1347?).
For the former notice I am indebted to the courtesy of Signor B.
Cecchetti of the Venetian Archives, who cites it as "transcribed in
the _Commemor._ IV. p. 5"; for the latter to that of the Abate Carini
of the _Reale Archivio_ at Palermo; it is in _Archivio della Regia
Cancellaria_ 1343-1357, f. 58.
The mission of this MARCO POLO is mentioned also in a rescript of the
Sicilian king Peter II., dated Messina, 14th November, 1340, in
reference to certain claims of Venice, about which the said Marco
appeared as the Doge's ambassador. This is printed in F. TESTA, _De
Vita et Rebus Gestis Federici II., Siciliae Regis_, Panormi, 1775, pp.
267 seqq. The Sicilian Antiquary Rosario Gregorio identifies the Envoy
with our Marco, dead long before. (See _Opere scelte del Canon Ros.
Gregorio_, Palermo, 1845, 3za ediz., p. 352.)
It is possible that this Marco, who from the latter notice seems to
have been engaged in mercantile affairs, may have been the Marcolino
above mentioned, but it is perhaps on the whole more probable that
this _nobilis vir_ is the Marco spoken of in the note at p. 74.
[38] _La Collezione del Doge Marin Faliero e i Tesori di Marco Polo_,
pp. 98-103. I have seen this article.--H. C.
IX. MARCO POLO'S BOOK; AND THE LANGUAGE IN WHICH IT WAS FIRST WRITTEN.
[Illustration: Porcelain Incense Burner, from the Louvre]
[Sidenote: General statement of what the Book contains.]
50. The Book itself consists essentially of Two Parts. _First_, of a
Prologue, as it is termed, the only part which is actual personal
narrative, and which relates, in a very interesting but far too brief
manner, the circumstances which led the two elder Polos to the Kaan's
Court, and those of their second journey with Mark, and of their return to
Persia through the Indian Seas. _Secondly_, of a long series of chapters
of very unequal length, descriptive of notable sights and products, of
curious manners and remarkable events, relating to the different nations
and states of Asia, but, above all, to the Emperor Kublai, his court,
wars, and administration. A series of chapters near the close treats in a
verbose and monotonous manner of sundry wars that took place between the
various branches of the House of Chinghiz in the latter half of the 13th
century. This last series is either omitted or greatly curtailed in all
the copies and versions except one; a circumstance perfectly accounted for
by the absence of interest as well as value in the bulk of these chapters.
Indeed, desirous though I have been to give the Traveller's work complete,
and sharing the dislike that every man who _uses_ books must bear to
abridgments, I have felt that it would be sheer waste and dead-weight to
print these chapters in full.
[Illustration: Temple of 500 Genii at Canton _after a Drawing by_ FELIX
REGAMEY]
This second and main portion of the Work is in its oldest forms undivided,
the chapters running on consecutively to the end.[1] In some very early
Italian or Venetian version, which Friar Pipino translated into Latin, it
was divided into three Books, and this convenient division has generally
been adhered to. We have adopted M. Pauthier's suggestion in making the
final series of chapters, chiefly historical, into a Fourth.
[Sidenote: Language of the original Work.]
51. As regards the language in which Marco's Book was first committed to
writing, we have seen that Ramusio assumed, somewhat arbitrarily, that it
was _Latin_; Marsden supposed it to have been the _Venetian_ dialect;
Baldelli Boni first showed, in his elaborate edition (Florence, 1827), by
arguments that have been illustrated and corroborated by learned men
since, that it was _French_.
That the work was originally written in _some_ Italian dialect was a
natural presumption, and slight contemporary evidence can be alleged in
its favour; for Fra Pipino, in the Latin version of the work, executed
whilst Marco still lived, describes his task as a translation _de
vulgari_. And in one MS. copy of the same Friar Pipino's Chronicle,
existing in the library at Modena, he refers to the said version as made
"_ex vulgari idiomate_ Lombardico." But though it may seem improbable that
at so early a date a Latin version should have been made at second hand, I
believe this to have been the case, and that some internal evidence also
is traceable that Pipino translated _not_ from the original but from an
Italian _version_ of the original.
The oldest MS. (it is supposed) in any Italian dialect is one in the
Magliabecchian Library at Florence, which is known in Italy as _L'Ottima_,
on account of the purity of its Tuscan, and as _Della Crusca_ from its
being one of the authorities cited by that body in their Vocabulary.[2]
It bears on its face the following note in Italian:--
"This Book called the Navigation of Messer Marco Polo, a noble Citizen
of Venice, was written in Florence by Michael Ormanni my great
grandfather by the Mother's side, who died in the Year of Grace One
Thousand Three Hundred and Nine; and my mother brought it into our
Family of Del Riccio, and it belongs to me Pier del Riccio and to my
Brother; 1452."
As far as I can learn, the age which this note implies is considered to be
supported by the character of the MS. itself.[3] If it be accepted, the
latter is a performance going back to within eleven years _at most_ of the
first dictation of the Travels. At first sight, therefore, this would
rather argue that the original had been written in pure Tuscan. But when
Baldelli came to prepare it for the press he found manifest indications of
its being a Translation from the _French_. Some of these he has noted;
others have followed up the same line of comparison. We give some detailed
examples in a note.[4]
[Sidenote: Old French Text published by the Societe de Geographie.]
52. The French Text that we have been quoting, published by the
Geographical Society of Paris in 1824, affords on the other hand the
strongest corresponding proof that it is an original and not a
Translation. Rude as is the language of the manuscript (Fr. 1116, formerly
No. 7367, of Paris Library), it is, in the correctness of the proper
names, and the intelligible exhibition of the itineraries, much superior
to any form of the Work previously published.
The language is very peculiar. We are obliged to call it French, but it is
not "Frenche of Paris." "Its style," says Paulin Paris, "is about as like
that of good French authors of the age, as in our day the natural accent
of a German, an Englishman, or an Italian, is like that of a citizen of
Paris or Blois." The author is at war with all the practices of French
grammar; subject and object, numbers, moods, and tenses, are in consummate
confusion. Even readers of his own day must at times have been fain to
guess his meaning. Italian words are constantly introduced, either quite
in the crude or rudely Gallicized.[5] And words also, we may add,
sometimes slip in which appear to be purely Oriental, just as is apt to
happen with Anglo-Indians in these days.[6] All this is perfectly
consistent with the supposition that we have in this MS. a copy at least
of the original words as written down by Rusticiano a Tuscan, from the
dictation of Marco an Orientalized Venetian, in French, a language foreign
to both.
But the character of the language _as French_ is not its only peculiarity.
There is in the style, apart from grammar or vocabulary, a rude
angularity, a rough dramatism like that of oral narrative; there is a want
of proportion in the style of different parts, now over curt, now diffuse
and wordy, with at times even a hammering reiteration; a constant
recurrence of pet colloquial phrases (in which, however, other literary
works of the age partake); a frequent change in the spelling of the same
proper names, even when recurring within a few lines, as if caught by ear
only; a literal following to and fro of the hesitations of the narrator; a
more general use of the third person in speaking of the Traveller, but an
occasional lapse into the first. All these characteristics are strikingly
indicative of the unrevised product of dictation, and many of them would
_necessarily_ disappear either in translation or in a revised copy.
Of changes in representing the same proper name, take as an example that
of the Kaan of Persia whom Polo calls _Quiacatu_ (Kaikhatu), but also
_Acatu, Catu_, and the like.
As an example of the literal following of dictation take the following:--
"Let us leave Rosia, and I will tell you about the Great Sea (the
Euxine), and what provinces and nations lie round about it, all in
detail; and we will begin with Constantinople--First, however, I should
tell you about a province, etc.... There is nothing more worth
mentioning, so I will speak of other subjects,--but there is one thing
more to tell you about Rosia that I had forgotten.... Now then let us
speak of the Great Sea as I was about to do. To be sure many merchants
and others have been here, but still there are many again who know
nothing about it, so it will be well to include it in our Book. We will
do so then, and let us begin first with the Strait of Constantinople.
"At the Straits leading into the Great Sea, on the West Side, there is a
hill called the Faro.--But since beginning on this matter I have changed
my mind, because so many people know all about it, so we will not put it
in our description but go on to something else." (See vol. ii. p. 487
seqq.)
And so on.
As a specimen of tautology and hammering reiteration the following can
scarcely be surpassed. The Traveller is speaking of the _Chughi_, i.e. the
Indian Jogis:--
"And there are among them certain devotees, called _Chughi_; these are
longer-lived than the other people, for they live from 150 to 200 years;
and yet they are so hale of body that they can go and come wheresoever
they please, and do all the service needed for their monastery or their
idols, and do it just as well as if they were younger; and that comes of
the great abstinence that they practise, in eating little food and only
what is wholesome; for they use to eat rice and milk more than anything
else. And again I tell you that these Chughi who live such a long time
as I have told you, do also eat what I am going to tell you, and you
will think it a great matter. For I tell you that they take quicksilver
and sulphur, and mix them together, and make a drink of them, and then
they drink this, and they say that it adds to their life; and in fact
they do live much longer for it; and I tell you that they do this twice
every month. And let me tell you that these people use this drink from
their infancy in order to live longer, and without fail those who live
so long as I have told you use this drink of sulphur and quicksilver."
(See G. T. p. 213.)
Such talk as this does not survive the solvent of translation; and we may
be certain that we have here the nearest approach to the Traveller's
reminiscences as they were taken down from his lips in the prison of
Genoa.
[Sidenote: Conclusive proof that the Old French Text is the source of all
the others.]
53. Another circumstance, heretofore I believe unnoticed, is in itself
enough to demonstrate the Geographic Text to be the source of all other
versions of the Work. It is this.
In reviewing the various classes or types of texts of Polo's Book, which
we shall hereafter attempt to discriminate, there are certain proper names
which we find in the different texts to take very different forms, each
class adhering in the main to one particular form.
Thus the names of the Mongol ladies introduced at pp. 32 and 36 of this
volume, which are in proper Oriental form _Bulughan_ and _Kukachin_,
appear in the class of MSS. which Pauthier has followed as _Bolgara_ and
_Cogatra_; in the MSS. of Pipino's version, and those founded on it,
including Ramusio, the names appear in the correcter forms _Bolgana_ or
_Balgana_ and _Cogacin_. Now _all the forms_ Bolgana, Balgana, Bolgara,
_and_ Cogatra, Cocacin _appear in the Geographic Text_.
Kaikhatu Kaan appears in the Pauthier MSS. as _Chiato_, in the Pipinian as
_Acatu_, in the Ramusian as _Chiacato. All three forms_, Chiato, Achatu,
and Quiacatu _are found in the Geographic Text_.
The city of Koh-banan appears in the Pauthier MSS. as _Cabanant_, in the
Pipinian and Ramusian editions as _Cobinam_ or _Cobinan_. _Both forms are
found in the Geographic Text_.
The city of the Great Kaan (Khanbalig) is called in the Pauthier MSS.
_Cambaluc_, in the Pipinian and Ramusian less correctly _Cambalu_. _Both
forms appear in the Geographic Text_.
The aboriginal People on the Burmese Frontier who received from the
Western officers of the Mongols the Persian name (translated from that
applied by the Chinese) of _Zardandan_, or Gold-Teeth, appear in the
Pauthier MSS. most accurately as Zardandan, but in the Pipinian as
_Ardandan_ (still further corrupted in some copies into _Arcladam_). Now
_both forms are found in the Geographic Text_. Other examples might be
given, but these I think may suffice to prove that this Text was the
common source of both classes.
In considering the question of the French original too we must remember
what has been already said regarding Rusticien de Pise and his other
French writings; and we shall find hereafter an express testimony borne in
the next generation that Marco's Book was composed _in vulgari Gallico_.
[Sidenote: Greatly diffused employment of French in that age.]
54. But, after all, the circumstantial evidence that has been adduced from
the texts themselves is the most conclusive. We have then every reason to
believe both that the work was written in French, and that an existing
French Text is a close representation of it as originally committed to
paper. And that being so we may cite some circumstances to show that the
use of French or quasi-French for the purpose was not a fact of a very
unusual or surprising nature. The French language had at that time almost
as wide, perhaps relatively a wider, diffusion than it has now. It was
still spoken at the Court of England, and still used by many English
writers, of whom the authors or translators of the Round Table Romances at
Henry III.'s Court are examples.[7] In 1249 Alexander III. King of
Scotland, at his coronation spoke in Latin and French; and in 1291 the
English Chancellor addressing the Scotch Parliament did so in French. At
certain of the Oxford Colleges as late as 1328 it was an order that the
students should converse _colloquio latino vel saltern gallico_.[8] Late
in the same century Gower had not ceased to use French, composing many
poems in it, though apologizing for his want of skill therein:--
"Et si jeo nai de Francois la faconde
* * * * *
Jeo suis Englois; si quier par tiele voie
Estre excuse."[9]
Indeed down to nearly 1385, boys in the English grammar-schools were
taught to construe their Latin lessons into French.[10] St. Francis of
Assisi is said by some of his biographers to have had his original name
changed to Francesco because of his early mastery of that language as a
qualification for commerce. French had been the prevalent tongue of the
Crusaders, and was that of the numerous Frank Courts which they
established in the East, including Jerusalem and the states of the Syrian
coast, Cyprus, Constantinople during the reign of the Courtenays, and the
principalities of the Morea. The Catalan soldier and chronicler Ramon de
Muntaner tells us that it was commonly said of the Morean chivalry that
they spoke as good French as at Paris.[11] Quasi-French at least was still
spoken half a century later by the numerous Christians settled at Aleppo,
as John Marignolli testifies;[12] and if we may trust Sir John Maundevile
the Soldan of Egypt himself and four of his chief Lords "_spak Frensche
righte wel!_"[13] Ghazan Kaan, the accomplished Mongol Sovereign of
Persia, to whom our Traveller conveyed a bride from Cambaluc, is said by
the historian Rashiduddin to have known something of the Frank tongue,
probably French.[14] Nay, if we may trust the author of the Romance of
Richard Coeur-de-Lion, French was in his day the language of still higher
spheres![15]
Nor was Polo's case an exceptional one even among writers on the East who
were not Frenchmen. Maundevile himself tells us that he put his book first
"out of Latyn into Frensche," and then out of French into English.[16] The
History of the East which the Armenian Prince and Monk Hayton dictated to
Nicolas Faulcon at Poictiers in 1307 was taken down in French. There are
many other instances of the employment of French by foreign, and
especially by Italian authors of that age. The Latin chronicle of the
Benedictine Amato of Monte Cassino was translated into French early in the
13th century by another monk of the same abbey, at the particular desire
of the Count of Militree (or Malta), "_Pour ce qu'il set lire et entendre
fransoize et s'en delitte._"[17] Martino da Canale, a countryman and
contemporary of Polo's, during the absence of the latter in the East wrote
a Chronicle of Venice in the same language, as a reason for which he
alleges its general popularity.[18] The like does the most notable example
of all, Brunetto Latini, Dante's master, who wrote in French his
encyclopaedic and once highly popular work _Li Tresor_.[19] Other examples
might be given, but in fact such illustration is superfluous when we
consider that Rusticiano himself was a compiler of French Romances.
But why the language of the Book as we see it in the Geographic Text
should be so much more rude, inaccurate, and Italianized than that of
Rusticiano's other writings, is a question to which I can suggest no reply
quite satisfactory to myself. Is it possible that we have in it a literal
representation of Polo's own language in dictating the story,--a rough
draft which it was intended afterwards to reduce to better form, and which
was so reduced (after a fashion) in French copies of another type,
regarding which we shall have to speak presently?[20] And, if this be the
true answer, why should Polo have used a French jargon in which to tell
his story? Is it possible that his own mother Venetian, such as he had
carried to the East with him and brought back again, was so little
intelligible to Rusticiano that French of some kind was the handiest
medium of communication between the two? I have known an Englishman and a
Hollander driven to converse in Malay; Chinese Christians of different
provinces are said sometimes to take to English as the readiest means of
intercommunication; and the same is said even of Irish-speaking Irishmen
from remote parts of the Island.
It is worthy of remark how many notable narratives of the Middle Ages have
been dictated instead of being written by their authors, and that in cases
where it is impossible to ascribe this to ignorance of writing. The
Armenian Hayton, though evidently a well-read man, possibly could not
write in Roman characters. But Joinville is an illustrious example. And
the narratives of four of the most famous Mediaeval Travellers[21] seem to
have been drawn from them by a kind of pressure, and committed to paper by
other hands. I have elsewhere remarked this as indicating how little
diffused was literary ambition or vanity; but it would perhaps be more
correct to ascribe it to that intense dislike which is still seen on the
shores of the Mediterranean to the use of pen and ink. On certain of those
shores at least there is scarcely any inconvenience that the majority of
respectable and good-natured people will not tolerate--inconvenience to
their neighbours be it understood--rather than put pen to paper for the
purpose of preventing it.
[1] 232 chapters in the oldest French which we quote as the _Geographic
Text_ (or G. T.), 200 in Pauthier's Text, 183 in the Crusca Italian.
[2] The MS. has been printed by Baldelli as above, and again by Bartoli in
1863.
[3] This is somewhat peculiar. I traced a few lines of it, which with Del
Riccio's note were given in facsimile in the First Edition.
[4] The Crusca is cited from Bartoli's edition.
French idioms are frequent, as _l'uomo_ for the French _on_;
_quattro-vinti_ instead of _ottanta_; etc.
We have at p. 35, "_Questo piano e molto_ cavo," which is nonsense,
but is explained by reference to the French (G. T.) "_Voz di qu'il est
celle plaingne mout_ chaue" (_chaude_).
The bread in Kerman is bitter, says the G. T. "_por ce que l'eive hi
est_ amer," because the water there is bitter. The Crusca mistakes the
last word and renders (p. 40) "_e questi e per lo_ mare _che vi
viene_."
"_Sachies de voir qe_ endementiers," know for a truth that whilst----,
by some misunderstanding of the last word becomes (p. 129) "_Sappiate
di vero_ sanza mentire."
"_Mes de sel_ font-il monoie"--"They make money of salt," becomes (p.
168) "_ma fannole_ da loro," _sel_ being taken for a pronoun, whilst
in
another place _sel_ is transferred bodily without translation.
"_Chevoil_," "hair" of the old French, appears in the Tuscan (p. 20)
as _cavagli_, "horses."--"_La Grant Provence_ Jereraus," the great
general province, appears (p. 68) as a province whose proper name is
_Ienaraus_. In describing Kublai's expedition against Mien or Burma,
Polo has a story of his calling on the Jugglers at his court to
undertake the job, promising them a Captain and other help,
"_Cheveitain et aide_." This has fairly puzzled the Tuscan, who
converts these (p. 186) into two Tartar tribes, "_quegli d'_ Aide
_e quegli di_ Caveita."
So also we have _lievre_ for hare transferred without change; _lait_,
milk, appearing as _laido_ instead of _latte_; _tres_, rendered as
"three"; _bue_, "mud," Italianised as _buoi_, "oxen," and so forth.
Finally, in various places when Polo is explaining Oriental terms we
find in the Tuscan MS. "_cioe a dire in_ Francesco."
The blunders mentioned are intelligible enough as in a version _from
the French_; but in the description of the Indian pearl-fishery we
have a startling one not so easy to account for. The French says, "the
divers gather the sea-oysters (_hostrige de Mer_), and in these the
pearls are found." This appears in the Tuscan in the extraordinary
form that the divers catch those fishes called _Herrings_ (Aringhe),
and in those Herrings are found the Pearls!
[5] As examples of these Italianisms: "_Et ont del_ olio _de la lanpe dou_
sepolchro _de Crist_"; "_L'Angel ven en vision pour mesajes de Deu a
un_ Veschevo _qe mout estoient home de_ sante vite"; "_E certes il
estoit bien_ beizongno"; "_ne trop caut ne trop_ fredo"; "_la_ crense"
(_credenza_); "remort" for noise (_rumore_) "inverno"; "jorno";
"dementique" (_dimenticato_); "enferme" for sickly; "leign" (_legno_);
"devisce" (_dovizia_); "ammalaide" (_ammalato_), etc. etc.
Professor Bianconi points out that there are also traces of _Venetian_
dialect, as _Pare_ for _pere_; _Mojer_ for wife; _Zabater_, cobbler;
_cazaor_, huntsman, etc.
I have not been able to learn to what extent books in this kind of
mixed language are extant. I have observed one, a romance in verse
called _Macaire_ (_Altfranzosische Gedichte aus Venez. Handschriften_,
von _Adolf Mussafia_, Wien, 1864), the language of which is not unlike
this jargon of Rustician's, e.g.:--
"'Dama,' fait-il, 'molto me poso merviler
De ves enfant quant le fi batecer
De un signo qe le vi sor la spal'a droiturer
Qe non ait nul se no filz d'inperer.'"--(p. 41)
[6] As examples of such Orientalisms: _Bonus_, "ebony," and _calamanz_,
"pencases," seem to represent the Persian abnus and kalamdan; the dead
are mourned by _les meres et les_ Araines, the _Harems_; in speaking
of the land of the Ismaelites or Assassins, called _Mulhete_, i.e. the
Arabic _Mulahidah_, "Heretics," he explains this term as meaning "des
_Aram_" (_Haram_, "the reprobate"). Speaking of the Viceroys of
Chinese Provinces, we are told that they rendered their accounts
yearly to the _Safators_ of the Great Kaan. This is certainly an
Oriental word. Sir H. Rawlinson has suggested that it stands for
_dafatir_ ("registers or public books"), pl. of _daftar_. This seems
probable, and in that case the true reading may have been _dafators_.
[7] Luces du Gast, one of the first of these, introduces himself thus:--
"Je Luces, Chevaliers et Sires du Chastel du Gast, voisins prochain de
Salebieres, comme chevaliers amoureus enprens a translater du Latin en
Francois une partie de cette estoire, non mie pour ce que je sache
gramment de Francois, ainz apartient plus ma langue et ma parleure a
la maniere de l'Engleterre que a celle de France, comme cel qui fu en
Engleterre nez, mais tele est ma volentez et mon proposement, que je
en langue francoise le translaterai." (_Hist. Litt. de La France_, xv.
494.)
[8] _Hist. Litt. de la France_, xv. 500.
[9] Ibid. 508.
[10] _Tyrwhitt's Essay on Lang., etc., of Chaucer_, p. xxii. (Moxon's Ed.
1852.)
[11] _Chroniques Etrangeres_, p. 502.
[12] "_Loquuntur linguam quasi Gallicam, scilicet quasi de Cipro_."
(See _Cathay_ p. 332.)
[13] Page 138.
[14] _Hammers Ilchan_, II. 148.
[15] After the capture of Acre, Richard orders 60,000 Saracen prisoners to
be executed:--
"They wer brought out off the toun,
Save twenty, he heeld to raunsoun.
They wer led into the place ful evene:
_Ther they herden Aungeles off Hevene_:
_They sayde_: 'SEYNYORS, TUEZ, TUEZ!
'Spares hem nought! Behedith these!'
Kyng Rychard herde the Aungelys voys,
And thankyd God, and the Holy Croys."
--_Weber_, II. 144.
Note that, from the rhyme, the Angelic French was apparently
pronounced "_Too-eese! Too-eese!_"
[16] [Refer to the edition of Mr. George F. Warner, 1889, for the
Roxburghe Club, and to my own paper in the _T'oung Pao_, Vol. II., No.
4, regarding the compilation published under the name of Maundeville.
Also _App. L_. 13--H. C.]
[17] _L'Ystoire de li Normand_, etc., edited by M. Champollion-Figeac,
Paris, 1835, p. v.
[18] "_Porce que lengue Frenceise cort parmi le monde, et est la plus
delitable a lire et a oir que nule autre, me sui-je entremis de
translater l'ancien estoire des Veneciens de Latin en Franceis._"
(Archiv. Stor. Ital. viii. 268.)
[19] "_Et se aucuns demandoit por quoi cist livres est escriz en Romans,
selonc le langage des Francois, puisque nos somes Ytaliens, je diroie
que ce est por. ij. raisons: l'une, car nos somes en France; et
l'autre porce que la parleure est plus delitable et plus commune a
toutes gens._" (Li Livres dou Tresor, p. 3.)
[20] It is, however, not improbable that Rusticiano's hasty and
abbreviated original was extended by a scribe who knew next to nothing
of French; otherwise it is hard to account for such forms as
_perlinage_ (pelerinage), _peseries_ (espiceries), _proque_ (see vol.
ii. p. 370), _oisi_ (G.T. p. 208), _thochere_ (toucher), etc. (See
_Bianconi_, 2nd Mem. pp. 30-32.)
[21] Polo, Friar Odoric, Nicolo Conti, Ibn Batuta.
X. VARIOUS TYPES OF TEXT OF MARCO POLO'S BOOK.
[Sidenote: Four Principal Types of Text. First, that of the Geographic, or
oldest French.]
55. In treating of the various Texts of Polo's Book we must necessarily go
into some irksome detail.
Those Texts that have come down to us may be classified under Four
principal Types.
I. The First Type is that of the Geographic Text of which we have already
said so much. This is found nowhere _complete_ except in the unique MS. of
the Paris Library, to which it is stated to have come from the old Library
of the French Kings at Blois. But the Italian _Crusca_, and the old Latin
version (No. 3195 of the Paris Library) published with the Geographic
Text, are evidently derived entirely from it, though both are considerably
abridged. It is also demonstrable that neither of these copies has been
translated from the other, for each has passages which the other omits,
but that both have been taken, the one as a copy more or less loose, the
other as a translation, from an intermediate _Italian_ copy.[1] A special
difference lies in the fact that the Latin version is divided into three
Books, whilst the Crusca has no such division. I shall show in a tabular
form the _filiation_ of the texts which these facts seem to demonstrate
(see Appendix G).
There are other Italian MSS. of this type, some of which show signs of
having been derived independently from the French;[2] but I have not been
able to examine any of them with the care needful to make specific
deductions regarding them.
[Sidenote: Second; the remodelled French Text, followed by Pauthier.]
56. II. The next Type is that of the French MSS. on which M. Pauthier's
Text is based, and for which he claims the highest authority, as having
had the mature revision and sanction of the Traveller. There are, as far
as I know, five MSS. which may be classed together under this type, three
in the Great Paris Library, one at Bern, and one in the Bodleian.
The high claims made by Pauthier on behalf of this class of MSS. (on the
first three of which his Text is formed) rest mainly upon the kind of
certificate which two of them bear regarding the presentation of a copy by
Marco Polo to Thibault de Cepoy, which we have already quoted (supra p.
69). This certificate is held by Pauthier to imply that the original of
the copies which bear it, and of those having a general correspondence
with them, had the special seal of Marco's revision and approval. To some
considerable extent their character is corroborative of such a claim, but
they are far from having the perfection which Pauthier attributes to them,
and which leads him into many paradoxes.
It is not possible to interpret rigidly the bearing of this so-called
certificate, as if no copies had previously been taken of _any_ form of
the Book; nor can we allow it to impugn the authenticity of the Geographic
Text, which demonstratively represents an older original, and has been (as
we have seen) the parent of all other versions, including some very old
ones, Italian and Latin, which certainly owe nothing to this revision.
The first idea apparently entertained by d'Avezac and Paulin Paris was
that the Geographic Text was _itself_ the copy given to the Sieur de
Cepoy, and that the differences in the copies of the class which we
describe as Type II. merely resulted from the modifications which would
naturally arise in the process of transcription into purer French. But
closer examination showed the differences to be too great and too marked
to admit of this explanation. These differences consist not only in the
conversion of the rude, obscure, and half Italian language of the original
into good French of the period. There is also very considerable
curtailment, generally of tautology, but also extending often to
circumstances of substantial interest; whilst we observe the omission of a
few notably erroneous statements or expressions; and a few insertions of
small importance. None of the MSS. of this class contain more than a few
of the historical chapters which we have formed into Book IV.
The only _addition_ of any magnitude is that chapter which in our
translation forms chapter xxi. of Book II. It will be seen that it
contains no new facts, but is only a tedious recapitulation of
circumstances already stated, though scattered over several chapters.
There are a few minor additions. I have not thought it worth while to
collect them systematically here, but two or three examples are given in a
note.[3]
There are also one or two corrections of erroneous statements in the G. T.
which seem not to be accidental and to indicate some attempt at revision.
Thus a notable error in the account of Aden, which seems to conceive of
the Red Sea as a _river_, disappears in Pauthier's MSS. A and B.[4] And we
find in these MSS. one or two interesting names preserved which are not
found in the older Text.[5]
But on the other hand this class of MSS. contains many erroneous readings
of names, either adopting the worse of two forms occurring in the G. T. or
originating blunders of its own.[6]
M. Pauthier lays great stress on the character of these MSS. as the sole
authentic form of the work, from their claim to have been specially
revised by Marco Polo. It is evident, however, from what has been said,
that this revision can have been only a very careless and superficial one,
and must have been done in great measure by deputy, being almost entirely
confined to curtailment and to the improvement of the expression, and that
it is by no means such as to allow an editor to dispense with a careful
study of the Older Text.
[Sidenote: The Bern MS. and two others form a sub-class of this Type.]
57. There is another curious circumstance about the MSS. of this type,
viz., that they clearly divide into two distinct recensions, of which both
have so many peculiarities and errors in common that they must necessarily
have been both derived from _one_ modification of the original text,
whilst at the same time there are such differences between the two as
cannot be set down to the accidents of transcription. Pauthier's MSS. A
and B (Nos. 16 and 15 of the List in App. F) form one of these
subdivisions: his C (No. 17 of List), Bern (No. 56), and Oxford (No. 6),
the other. Between A and B the differences are only such as seem
constantly to have arisen from the whims of transcribers or their
dialectic peculiarities. But between A and B on the one side, and C on the
other, the differences are much greater. The readings of proper names in C
are often superior, sometimes worse; but in the latter half of the work
especially it contains a number of substantial passages[7] which are to be
found in the G. T., but are altogether absent from the MSS. A and B;
whilst in one case at least (the history of the Siege of Saianfu, vol. ii.
p. 159) it diverges considerably from the G. T. _as well_ as from A and
B.[8]
I gather from the facts that the MS. C represents an older form of the
work than A and B. I should judge that the latter had been derived from
that older form, but intentionally modified from it. And as it is the MS.
C, with its copy at Bern, that alone presents the certificate of
derivation from the Book given to the Sieur de Cepoy, there can be no
doubt that it is the true representative of that recension.
[Sidenote: Third; Friar Pipino's Latin.]
58. III. The next Type of Text is that found in Friar Pipino's Latin
version. It is the type of which MSS. are by far the most numerous. In it
condensation and curtailment are carried a good deal further than in Type
II. The work is also divided into three Books. But this division does not
seem to have originated with Pipino, as we find it in the ruder and
perhaps older Latin version of which we have already spoken under Type I.
And we have demonstrated that this ruder Latin is a translation from an
Italian copy. It is probable therefore that an Italian version similarly
divided was the common source of what we call the Geographic Latin and of
Pipino's more condensed version.[9]
Pipino's version appears to have been executed in the later years of
Polo's life.[10] But I can see no ground for the idea entertained by
Baldelli-Boni and Professor Bianconi that it was executed with Polo's
cognizance and retouched by him.
[Sidenote: The Latin of Grynaeus a translation at fifth hand.]
59. The absence of effective publication in the Middle Ages led to a
curious complication of translation and retranslation. Thus the Latin
version published by Grynaeus in the _Novus Orbis_ (Basle, 1532) is
different from Pipino's, and yet clearly traceable to it as a base. In
fact it is a retranslation into Latin from some version (Marsden thinks
the printed Portuguese one) of Pipino. It introduces many minor
modifications, omitting specific statements of numbers and values,
generalizing the names and descriptions of specific animals, exhibiting
frequent sciolism and self-sufficiency in modifying statements which the
Editor disbelieved.[11] It is therefore utterly worthless as a Text, and
it is curious that Andreas Mueller, who in the 17th century devoted himself
to the careful editing of Polo, should have made so unfortunate a choice
as to reproduce this fifth-hand Translation. I may add that the French
editions published in the middle of the 16th century are _translations_
from Grynaeus. Hence they complete this curious and vicious circle of
translation: French--Italian--Pipino's Latin--Portuguese?--Grynaeus's
Latin--French![12]
[Sidenote: Fourth; Ramusio's Italian.]
60. IV. We now come to a Type of Text which deviates largely from any of
those hitherto spoken of, and the history and true character of which are
involved in a cloud of difficulty. We mean that Italian version prepared
for the press by G. B. Ramusio, with most interesting, though, as we have
seen, not always accurate preliminary dissertations, and published at
Venice two years after his death, in the second volume of the _Navigationi
e Viaggi_.[13]
The peculiarities of this version are very remarkable. Ramusio seems to
imply that he used as one basis at least the Latin of Pipino; and many
circumstances, such as the division into Books, the absence of the
terminal historical chapters and of those about the Magi, and the form of
many proper names, confirm this. But also many additional circumstances
and anecdotes are introduced, many of the names assume a new shape, and
the whole style is more copious and literary in character than in any
other form of the work.
Whilst some of the changes or interpolations seem to carry us further from
the truth, others contain facts of Asiatic nature or history, as well as
of Polo's own experiences, which it is extremely difficult to ascribe to
any hand but the Traveller's own. This was the view taken by Baldelli,
Klaproth, and Neumann;[14] but Hugh Murray, Lazari, and Bartoli regard the
changes as interpolations by another hand; and Lazari is rash enough to
ascribe the whole to a _rifacimento_ of Ramusio's own age, asserting it to
contain interpolations not merely from Polo's own contemporary Hayton, but
also from travellers of later centuries, such as Conti, Barbosa, and
Pigafetta. The grounds for these last assertions have not been cited, nor
can I trace them. But I admit _to a certain extent_ indications of modern
tampering with the text, especially in cases where proper names seem to
have been identified and more modern forms substituted. In days, however,
where an Editor's duties were ill understood, this was natural.
[Sidenote: Injudicious tamperings in Ramusio.]
61. Thus we find substituted for the _Bastra_ (or _Bascra_) of the older
texts the more modern and incorrect _Balsora_, dear to memories of the
Arabian Nights; among the provinces of Persia we have _Spaan_ (Ispahan)
where older texts read _Istanit_; for _Cormos_ we have _Ormus_; for
_Herminia_ and _Laias, Armenia_ and _Giazza; Coulam_ for the older
_Coilum; Socotera_ for _Scotra_. With these changes may be classed the
chapter-headings, which are undisguisedly modern, and probably Ramusio's
own. In some other cases this editorial spirit has been over-meddlesome
and has gone astray. Thus _Malabar_ is substituted wrongly for _Maabar_ in
one place, and by a grosser error for _Dalivar_ in another. The age of
young Marco, at the time of his father's first return to Venice, has been
arbitrarily altered from 15 to 19, in order to correspond with a date
which is itself erroneous. Thus also Polo is made to describe Ormus as on
an Island, contrary to the old texts and to the fact; for the city of
Hormuz was not transferred to the island, afterwards so famous, till some
years after Polo's return from the East. It is probably also the editor
who in the notice of the oil-springs of Caucasus (i. p. 46) has
substituted _camel-loads_ for _ship-loads_, in ignorance that the site of
those alluded to was probably Baku on the Caspian.
Other erroneous statements, such as the introduction of window-glass as
one of the embellishments of the palace at Cambaluc, are probably due only
to accidental misunderstanding.
[Sidenote: Genuine statements peculiar to Ramusio.]
62. Of circumstances certainly genuine, which are peculiar to this edition
of Polo's work, and which it is difficult to assign to any one but
himself, we may note the specification of the woods east of Yezd as
composed of _date trees_ (vol. i pp. 88-89); the unmistakable allusion to
the subterranean irrigation channels of Persia (p. 123); the accurate
explanation of the term _Mulehet_ applied to the sect of Assassins (pp.
139-142); the mention of the Lake (Sirikul?) on the plateau of Pamer, of
the wolves that prey on the wild sheep, and of the piles of wild rams'
horns used as landmarks in the snow (pp. 171-177). To the description of
the Tibetan Yak, which is in all the texts, Ramusio's version alone adds a
fact probably not recorded again till the present century, viz., that it
is the practice to cross the Yak with the common cow (p. 274). Ramusio
alone notices the prevalence of _goitre_ at Yarkand, confirmed by recent
travellers (i. p. 187); the vermilion seal of the Great Kaan imprinted on
the paper-currency, which may be seen in our plate of a Chinese note (p.
426); the variation in Chinese dialects (ii. p. 236); the division of the
hulls of junks into water-tight compartments (ii. p. 249); the
introduction into China from Egypt of the art of refining sugar (ii. p.
226). Ramusio's account of the position of the city of Sindafu (Ch'eng-tu
fu) encompassed and intersected by many branches of a great river (ii. p.
40), is much more just than that in the old text, which speaks of but one
river through the middle of the city. The intelligent notices of the
Kaan's charities as originated by his adoption of "idolatry" or Buddhism;
of the astrological superstitions of the Chinese, and of the manners and
character of the latter nation, are found in Ramusio alone. To whom but
Marco himself, or one of his party, can we refer the brief but vivid
picture of the delicious atmosphere and scenery of the Badakhshan plateaux
(ip. 158), and of the benefit that Messer Marco's health derived from a
visit to them? In this version alone again we have an account of the
oppressions exercised by Kublai's Mahomedan Minister Ahmad, telling how
the Cathayans rose against him and murdered him, with the addition that
Messer Marco was on the spot when all this happened. Now not only is the
whole story in substantial accordance with the Chinese Annals, even to the
name of the chief conspirator,[15] but those annals also tell of the
courageous frankness of "Polo, assessor of the Privy Council," in opening
the Kaan's eyes to the truth.
Many more such examples might be adduced, but these will suffice. It is
true that many of the passages peculiar to the Ramusian version, and
indeed the whole version, show a freer utterance and more of a literary
faculty than we should attribute to Polo, judging from the earlier texts.
It is possible, however, that this may be almost, if not entirely, due to
the fact that the version is the result of a double translation, and
probably of an editorial fusion of several documents; processes in which
angularities of expression would be dissolved.[16]
[Sidenote: Hypothesis of the sources of the Ramusian Version.]
63. Though difficulties will certainly remain,[17] the most probable
explanation of the origin of this text seems to me to be some such
hypothesis as the following:--I suppose that Polo in his latter years
added with his own hand supplementary notes and reminiscences, marginally
or otherwise, to a copy of his book; that these, perhaps in his lifetime,
more probably after his death, were digested and translated into
Latin;[18] and that Ramusio, or some friend of his, in retranslating and
fusing them with Pipino's version for the _Navigationi_, made those minor
modifications in names and other matters which we have already noticed.
The mere facts of digestion from memoranda and double translation would
account for a good deal of unintentional corruption.
That more than one version was employed in the composition of Ramusio's
edition we have curious proof in at least one passage of the latter. We
have pointed out at p. 410 of this volume a curious example of
misunderstanding of the old French Text, a passage in which the term _Roi
des Pelaines_, or "King of Furs," is applied to the Sable, and which in
the Crusca has been converted into an imaginary Tartar phrase _Leroide
pelame_, or as Pipino makes it _Rondes_ (another indication that Pipino's
Version and the Crusca passed through a common medium). But Ramusio
exhibits _both_ the true reading and the perversion: "_E li Tartari la
chiamano_ Regina delle pelli" (there is the true reading), "_E gli animali
si chiamano_ Rondes" (and there the perverted one).
We may further remark that Ramusio's version betrays indications that one
of its bases either was in the Venetian dialect, or had passed through
that dialect; for a good many of the names appear in Venetian forms, e.g.,
substituting the _z_ for the sound of _ch, j_, or soft _g_, as in _Goza,
Zorzania, Zagatay, Gonza_ (for Giogiu), _Quenzanfu, Coiganzu, Tapinzu,
Zipangu, Ziamba_.
[Sidenote: Summary in regard to Text of Polo.]
64. To sum up. It is, I think, beyond reasonable dispute that we have, in
what we call the Geographic Text, as nearly as may be an exact transcript
of the Traveller's words as originally taken down in the prison of Genoa.
We have again in the MSS. of the second type an edition pruned and
refined, probably under instructions from Marco Polo, but not with any
critical exactness. And lastly, I believe, that we have, imbedded in the
Ramusian edition, the supplementary recollections of the Traveller, noted
down at a later period of his life, but perplexed by repeated translation,
compilation, and editorial mishandling.
And the most important remaining problem in regard to the text of Polo's
work is the discovery of the supplemental manuscript from which Ramusio
derived those passages which are found only in his edition. It is possible
that it may still exist, but no trace of it in anything like completeness
has yet been found; though when my task was all but done I discovered a
small part of the Ramusian peculiarities in a MS. at Venice.[19]
65. Whilst upon this subject of manuscripts of our Author, I will give
some particulars regarding a very curious one, containing a version in the
_Irish_ language.
[Sidenote: Notice of a curious Irish Version of Polo.]
This remarkable document is found in the _Book of Lismore_, belonging to
the Duke of Devonshire. That magnificent book, finely written on vellum of
the largest size, was discovered in 1814, enclosed in a wooden box, along
with a superb crozier, on opening a closed doorway in the castle of
Lismore. It contained Lives of the Saints, the (Romance) History of
Charlemagne, the History of the Lombards, histories and tales of Irish
wars, etc., etc., and among the other matter this version of Marco Polo.
A full account of the Book and its mutilations will be found in _O'Curry's
Lectures on the MS. Materials of Ancient Irish History_, p. 196 seqq.,
Dublin, 1861. The _Book of Lismore_ was written about 1460 for Finghin
MacCarthy and his wife Catharine Fitzgerald, daughter of Gerald, Eighth
Earl of Desmond.
The date of the Translation of Polo is not known, but it may be supposed
to have been executed about the above date, probably in the Monastery of
Lismore (county of Waterford).
From the extracts that have been translated for me, it is obvious that the
version was made, with an astounding freedom certainly, from Friar
Francesco Pipino's Latin.
Both beginning and end are missing. But what remains opens thus; compare
it with Friar Pipino's real prologue as we give it in the Appendix![20]
"[Irish uncial text:
riguib ocus tassech na cathar sin. bai bratair rigui anaibit san fnses
inn cathr intansin. ba eoluc dano ss' nahilberlaib fransiscus aainm.
bhur iarum du ambant na maste ucut ocus cuingst fair inleabor doclod
fcula otengaid natartaired cg inteng laitanda]." &c.
--"Kings and chieftains of that city. There was then in the city a
princely Friar in the habit of St. Francis, named Franciscus, who was
versed in many languages. He was brought to the place where those nobles
were, and they requested of him to translate the book from the Tartar
(!) into the Latin language. 'It is an abomination to me,' said he, 'to
devote my mind or labour to works of Idolatry and Irreligion.' They
entreated him again. 'It shall be done,' said he; 'for though it be an
irreligious narrative that is related therein, yet the things are
miracles of the True God; and every one who hears this much against the
Holy Faith shall pray fervently for their conversion. And he who will
not pray shall waste the vigour of his body to convert them.' I am not
in dread of this Book of Marcus, for there is no lie in it. My eyes
beheld him bringing the relics of the holy Church with him, and he left
[his testimony], whilst tasting of death, that it was true. And Marcus
was a devout man. What is there in it, then, but that Franciscus
translated this Book of Marcus from the Tartar into Latin; and the years
of the Lord at that time were fifteen years, two score, two hundred, and
one thousand" (1255).
It then describes _Armein Bec_ (Little Armenia), _Armein Mor_ (Great
Armenia), _Musul, Taurisius, Persida, Camandi_, and so forth. The last
chapter is that on _Abaschia_:--
"ABASCHIA also is an extensive country, under the government of Seven
Kings, four of whom worship the true God, and each of them wears a
golden cross on the forehead; and they are valiant in battle, having
been brought up fighting against the Gentiles of the other three kings,
who are Unbelievers and Idolaters. And the kingdom of ADEN; a Soudan
rules over them.
"The king of Abaschia once took a notion to make a pilgrimage to the
Sepulchre of Jesus. 'Not at all,' said his nobles and warriors to him,
'for we should be afraid lest the infidels through whose territories you
would have to pass, should kill you. There is a Holy Bishop with you,'
said they; 'send him to the Sepulchre of Jesus, and much gold with
him'"--
The rest is wanting.
[1] In the following citations, the Geographic Text (G. T.) is quoted by
page from the printed edition (1824); the Latin published in the same
volume (G. L.) also by page; the Crusca, as before, from Bartoli's
edition of 1863. References in parentheses are to the present
translation:--
A. _Passages showing the G. L. to be a translation from the Italian,
and derived from the same Italian text as the_ Crusca.
Page
(1). G.T. 17 (I. 43). Il hi se laborent _le souran tapis_
dou monde.
Crusca, 17 .. E quivi si fanno _i sovrani tappeti_
del mondo.
G.L. 311 .. Et ibi fiunt _soriani et tapeti_
pulcriores de mundo.
(2). G.T. 23 (I. 69). Et adonc le calif mande par tuit les
cristiez ... _que en sa tere estoient_.
Crusca, 27 .. _Ora mando_ lo aliffo per tutti gli
Cristiani _ch' erano di la_.
G.L. 316 .. _Or misit_ califus pro Christianis
_qui erant ultra fluvium_
(the last words being clearly a
misunderstanding of the Italian _di la_).
(3). G.T. 198 (II. 313). Ont _sosimain_ (sesamum) de coi il
font le olio.
Crusca, 253 .. Hanno _sosimai_ onde fanno l' olio.
G.L. 448 .. Habent _turpes manus_ (taking _sosimani_
for _sozze mani_ "Dirty hands"!).
(4). Crusca, 52 (I. 158). _Cacciare e uccellare_ v' e lo migliore
del mondo.
G.L. 332 .. Et est ibi optimum _caciare et ucellare_.
(5). G.T. 124 (II. 36). Adonc treuve ... une Provence _qe est
encore_ de le confin dou Mangi.
Crusca, 162-3 .. L' uomo truova una Provincia _ch' e
chiamata ancora_ delle confine de' Mangi.
G.L. 396 .. Invenit unam Provinciam _quae vocatur
Anchota_ de confinibus Mangi.
(6). G.T. 146 (II. 119.) Les dames portent as jambes et es
braces, braciaus d'or et d'arjent de
grandisme vailance.
Crusca, 189 .. Le donne _portano alle braccia e alle
gambe bracciali d'oro_ e d'ariento
di gran valuta.
G.L. 411 .. Dominae eorum _portant ad brachia et
ad gambas brazalia de auro_ et de
argento magni valoris.
B. _Passages showing additionally the errors, or other peculiarities
of a translation from a French original, common to the Italian and the
Latin._
(7). G.T. 32 (I. 97.) Est celle plaingne mout _chaue_ (chaude).
Crusca, 35 .. Questo piano e molto _cavo_.
G.L. 322 .. Ista planities est multum _cava_.
(8). G.T. 36 (I. 110). Avent por ce que l'eive hi est _amer_.
Crusca, 40 .. E questo e _per lo mare_ che vi viene.
G.L. 324 .. Istud est _propter mare_ quod est ibi.
(9). G.T. 8 (I. 50.) Un roi qi est apeles par tout tens
Davit Melic, que veut a dir _en fransois_
Davit Roi.
Crusca, 20 .. Uno re il quale si chiama _sempre_
David Melic, cio e a dire _in francesco_
David Re.
G.L. 312 .. Rex qui _semper_ vocatur David Mellic,
quod sonat _in gallico_ David Rex.
These passages, and many more that might be quoted, seem to me to
demonstrate (1) that the Latin and the Crusca have had a common
original, and (2) that this original was an Italian version from the
French.
[2] Thus the _Pucci_ MS. at Florence, in the passage regarding the Golden
King (vol. ii. p. 17) which begins in G. T. "_Lequel fist faire_ jadis
_un rois qe fu apelles le Roi Dor_," renders "_Lo quale fa fare_
Jaddis _uno re_," a mistake which is not in the Crusca nor in the
Latin, and seems to imply derivation from the French directly, or by
some other channel (_Baldelli Boni_).
[3] In the Prologue (vol. i. p. 34) this class of MSS. alone names the
King of England.
In the account of the Battle with Nayan (i. p. 337) this class alone
speaks of the two-stringed instruments which the Tartars played whilst
awaiting the signal for battle. But the circumstance appears elsewhere
in the G. T. (p. 250).
In the chapter on _Malabar_ (vol. ii. p. 390), it is said that the
ships which go with cargoes towards Alexandria are not one-tenth of
those that go to the further East. This is not in the older French.
In the chapter on _Coilun_ (ii. p. 375), we have a notice of the
Columbine ginger so celebrated in the Middle Ages, which is also
absent from the older text.
[4] See vol. ii. p. 439. It is, however, remarkable that a like mistake is
made about the Persian Gulf (see i. 63, 64). Perhaps Polo _thought_ in
Persian, in which the word _darya_ means either _sea_ or a _large
river_. The same habit and the ambiguity of the Persian _sher_ led him
probably to his confusion of lions and tigers (see i. 397).
[5] Such are Pasciai-_Dir_ and _Ariora_ Kesciemur (i. p. 98.)
[6] Thus the MSS. of this type have elected the erroneous readings
_Bolgara, Cogatra, Chiato, Cabanant_, etc., instead of the correcter
_Bolgana, Cocacin, Quiacatu, Cobinan_, where the G. T. presents both
(supra, p. 86). They read _Esanar_ for the correct _Etzina_; _Chascun_
for _Casvin_; _Achalet_ for _Acbalec_; _Sardansu_ for _Sindafu_,
_Kayteu, Kayton, Sarcon_ for _Zaiton_ or _Caiton_; _Soucat_ for
_Locac_; _Falec_ for _Ferlec_, and so on, the worse instead of the
better. They make the _Mer Occeane_ into _Mer Occident_; the wild
asses (_asnes_) of the Kerman Desert into wild geese (_oes_); the
_escoillez_ of Bengal (ii. p. 115) into _escoliers_; the _giraffes_ of
Africa into _girofles_, or cloves, etc., etc.
[7] There are about five-and-thirty such passages altogether.
[8] The Bern MS. I have satisfied myself is an actual _copy_ of the Paris
MS. C.
The Oxford MS. closely resembles both, but I have not made the
comparison minutely enough to say if it is an exact copy of either.
[9] The following comparison will also show that these two Latin versions
have probably had a common source, such as is here suggested.
At the end of the Prologue the Geographic Text reads simply:--
"Or puis que je voz ai contez tot le fat dou prolegue ensi con voz
aves oi, adonc (commencerai) le Livre."
Whilst the Geographic Latin has:--
"_Postquam recitavimus et diximus facta et condictiones morum,
itinerum_ et ea quae nobis contigerunt per vias, _incipiemus
dicere ea quae vidimus. Et primo dicemus de Minore Hermenia_."
And Pipino:--
"_Narratione facta nostri itineris, nunc ad ea narranda quae vidimus
accedamus. Primo autem Armeniam Minorem describemus breviter_."
[10] Friar Francesco Pipino of Bologna, a Dominican, is known also as the
author of a lengthy chronicle from the time of the Frank Kings down to
1314; of a Latin Translation of the French History of the Conquest of
the Holy Land, by Bernard the Treasurer; and of a short Itinerary of a
Pilgrimage to Palestine in 1320. Extracts from the Chronicle, and the
version of Bernard, are printed in Muratori's Collection. As Pipino
states himself to have executed the translation of Polo by order of
his Superiors, it is probable that the task was set him at a general
chapter of the order which was held at Bologna in 1315. (See
_Muratori_, IX. 583; and _Quetif, Script. Ord. Praed._ I. 539). We do
not know why Ramusio assigned the translation specifically to 1320,
but he may have had grounds.
[11] See _Bianconi_, 1st Mem. 29 seqq.
[12] C. Dickens somewhere narrates the history of the equivalents for a
sovereign as changed and rechanged at every frontier on a continental
tour. The final equivalent received at Dover on his return was some 12
or 13 shillings; a fair parallel to the comparative value of the first
and last copies in the circle of translation.
[13] The Ramusios were a family of note in literature for several
generations. Paolo, the father of Gian Battista, came originally from
Rimini to Venice in 1458, and had a great repute as a jurist, besides
being a litterateur of some eminence, as was also his younger brother
Girolamo. G. B. Ramusio was born at Treviso in 1485, and early entered
the public service. In 1533 he became one of the Secretaries of the
Council of X. He was especially devoted to geographical studies, and
had a school for such studies in his house. He retired eventually from
public duties, and lived at Villa Ramusia, near Padua. He died in the
latter city, 10th July, 1557, but was buried at Venice in the Church
of S. Maria dell' Orto. There was a portrait of him by Paul Veronese
in the Hall of the Great Council, but it perished in the fire of 1577;
and that which is now seen in the Sala dello Scudo is, like the
companion portrait of Marco Polo, imaginary. Paolo Ramusio, his son,
was the author of the well-known History of the Capture of
Constantinople. (_Cicogna_, II. 310 seqq.)
[14] The old French texts were unknown in Marsden's time. Hence this
question did not present itself to him.
[15] _Wangcheu_ in the Chinese Annals; _Vanchu_ in Ramusio. I assume that
Polo's _Vanchu_ was pronounced as in English; for in Venetian the _ch_
very often has that sound. But I confess that I can adduce no other
instance in Ramusio where I suppose it to have this sound, except in
the initial sound of _Chinchitalas_ and twice in _Choiach_ (see II.
364).
Professor Bianconi, who has treated the questions connected with the
Texts of Polo with honest enthusiasm and laborious detail, will admit
nothing genuine in the Ramusian interpolations beyond the preservation
of some _oral traditions_ of Polo's supplementary recollections. But
such a theory is out of the question in face of a chapter like that on
Ahmad.
[16] Old Purchas appears to have greatly relished Ramusio's comparative
lucidity: "I found (says he) this Booke translated by Master Hakluyt
out of the Latine (i.e. among Hakluyt's MS. collections). But where
the blind leade the blind both fall: as here the corrupt _Latine_
could not but yeeld a corruption of truth in _English_. Ramusio,
Secretarie to the _Decemviri_ in _Venice_, found a better Copie and
published the same, whence you have the worke in manner new: so
renewed, that I have found the Proverbe true, that it is better to
pull downe an old house and to build it anew, then to repaire it; as I
also should have done, had I knowne that which in the event I found.
The _Latine_ is Latten, compared to _Ramusio's_ Gold. And hee which
hath the _Latine_ hath but _Marco Polo's_ carkasse or not so much, but
a few bones, yea, sometimes stones rather then bones; things divers,
averse, adverse, perverted in manner, disjoynted in manner, beyond
beliefe. I have seene some Authors maymed, but never any so mangled
and so mingled, so present and so absent, as this vulgar _Latine_ of
_Marco Polo_; not so like himselfe, as the Three _Polo's_ were at
their returne to _Venice_, where none knew them.... Much are wee
beholden to _Ramusio_, for restoring this _Pole_ and Load-starre of
_Asia_, out of that mirie poole or puddle in which he lay drouned."
(III. p. 65.)
[17] Of these difficulties the following are some of the more prominent:--
1. The mention of the death of Kublai (see note 7, p. 38 of this
volume), whilst throughout the book Polo speaks of Kublai as if still
reigning.
2. Mr. Hugh Murray objects that whilst in the old texts Polo appears to
look on Kublai with reverence as a faultless Prince, in the Ramusian
we find passages of an opposite tendency, as in the chapter about
Ahmad.
3. The same editor points to the manner in which one of the Ramusian
additions represents the traveller to have visited the Palace of the
Chinese Kings at Kinsay, which he conceives to be inconsistent with
Marco's position as an official of the Mongol Government. (See vol.
ii. p. 208.)
If we could conceive the Ramusian additions to have been originally
notes written by old Maffeo Polo on his nephew's book, this hypothesis
would remove almost all difficulty.
One passage in Ramusio seems to bear a reference to the date at which
these interpolated notes were amalgamated with the original. In the
chapter on Samarkand (i. p. 191) the conversion of the Prince Chagatai
is said in the old texts to have occurred "not a great while ago"
(_il ne a encore grament de tens_). But in Ramusio the supposed
event is fixed at "one hundred and twenty-five years since." This
number could not have been uttered with reference to 1298, the year of
the dictation at Genoa, nor to any year of Polo's own life. Hence it
is probable that the original note contained a date or definite term
which was altered by the compiler to suit the date of his own
compilation, some time in the 14th century.]
[18] In the first edition of Ramusio the preface contained the following
passage, which is omitted from the succeeding editions; but as even
the first edition was issued after Ramusio's own death, I do not see
that any stress can be laid on this:
"A copy of the Book of Marco Polo, as it was originally written in
Latin, marvellously old, and perhaps directly copied from the original
as it came from M. Marco's own hand, has been often consulted by me
and compared with that which we now publish, having been lent me by a
nobleman of this city, belonging to the Ca' Ghisi."
[19] For a moment I thought I had been lucky enough to light on a part of
the missing original of Ramusio in the Barberini Library at Rome.
A fragment of a Venetian version in that library (No. 56 in our list
of MSS.) bore on the fly-leaf the title "_Alcuni primi capi del Libro
di S. Marco Polo, copiati dall esemplare manoscritto di PAOLO
RANNUSIO._" But it proved to be of no importance. One brief passage of
those which have been thought peculiar to Ramusio; viz., the reference
to the Martyrdom of St. Blaize at Sebaste (see p. 43 of this volume),
is found also in the Geographic Latin.
It was pointed out by Lazari, that another passage (vol. i. p. 60) of
those otherwise peculiar to Ramusio, is found in a somewhat abridged
Latin version in a MS. which belonged to the late eminent antiquary
Emanuel Cicogna. (See List in Appendix F, No. 35.) This fact induced
me when at Venice in 1870 to examine the MS. throughout, and, though I
could give little time to it, the result was very curious.
I find that this MS. contains, not one only, but at least _seven_ of
the passages otherwise peculiar to Ramusio, and must have been one of
the elements that went to the formation of his text. Yet of his more
important interpolations, such as the chapter on Ahmad's oppressions
and the additional matter on the City of Kinsay, there is no
indication. The seven passages alluded to are as follows; the words
corresponding to Ramusian peculiarities are in italics, the references
are to my own volumes.
1. In the chapter on Georgia:
"Mare quod dicitur Gheluchelan _vel ABACU_"....
"Est ejus stricta via et dubia. Ab una parte est mare _quod dixi de
ABACU_ et ab alia nemora invia," etc. (See I. p. 59, note 8.)
2. "Et ibi optimi austures _dicti AVIGI_" (I. 50).
3. After the chapter on Mosul is another short chapter, already
alluded to:
"_Prope hanc civitatem (est) alia provincia dicta MUS e MEREDIEN in
qua nascitur magna quantitas bombacis, et hic fiunt bocharini et alia
multa, et sunt mercatores homines et artiste_." (See i. p. 60.)
4. In the chapter on _Tarcan_ (for Carcan, i.e. Yarkand):
"_Et maior pars horum habent unum ex pedibus grossum et habent gosum
in gula_; et est hic fertilis contracta." (See i. p. 187.)
5. In the Desert of Lop:
"_Homines trasseuntes appendunt bestiis suis capanullas_ [i.e.
campanellas] _ut ipsas senciant et ne deviare possint_" (i. p. 197.)
6. "Ciagannor, _quod sonat in Latino STAGNUM ALBUM_." (i. p. 296.)
7. "Et in medio hujus viridarii est palacium sive logia, _tota super
columpnas. Et in summitate cujuslibet columnae est draco magnus
circundans totam columpnam, et hic substinet eorum cohoperturam cum
ore et pedibus_; et est cohopertura tota de cannis hoc modo," etc.
(See i. p. 299.)
[20] My valued friend Sir Arthur Phayre made known to me the passage in
_O'Curry's Lectures_. I then procured the extracts and further
particulars from Mr. J. Long, Irish Transcriber and Translator in
Dublin, who took them from the Transcript of the _Book of Lismore_, in
the possession of the Royal Irish Academy. [Cf. _Anecdota Oxoniensia.
Lives of the Saints from the Book of Lismore, edited with a
translation ... by_ Whitley Stokes, Oxford, 1890.--_Marco Polo_ forms
fo. 79 a, 1--fo. 89 b, 2, of the MS., and is described pp. xxii.-xxiv.
of Mr. Whitley Stokes' Book, who has since published the Text in the
_Zeit. f. Celtische Philol._ (See _Bibliography_, vol. ii. p. 573.)--
H. C.]
XI. SOME ESTIMATE OF THE CHARACTER OF POLO AND HIS BOOK.
[Sidenote: Grounds of Polo's pre-eminence among mediaeval travellers.]
66. That Marco Polo has been so universally recognised as the King of
Mediaeval Travellers is due rather to the width of his experience, the
vast compass of his journeys, and the romantic nature of his personal
history, than to transcendent superiority of character or capacity.
The generation immediately preceding his own has bequeathed to us, in the
Report of the Franciscan Friar William de Rubruquis,[1] on the Mission
with which St. Lewis charged him to the Tartar Courts, the narrative of
one great journey, which, in its rich detail, its vivid pictures, its
acuteness of observation and strong good sense, seems to me to form a Book
of Travels of much higher claims than _any one series_ of Polo's chapters;
a book, indeed, which has never had justice done to it, for it has few
superiors in the whole Library of Travel.
Enthusiastic Biographers, beginning with Ramusio, have placed Polo on the
same platform with Columbus. But where has our Venetian Traveller left
behind him any trace of the genius and lofty enthusiasm, the ardent and
justified previsions which mark the great Admiral as one of the lights of
the human race?[2] It is a juster praise that the spur which his Book
eventually gave to geographical studies, and the beacons which it hung out
at the Eastern extremities of the Earth helped to guide the aims, though
scarcely to kindle the fire, of the greater son of the rival Republic. His
work was at least a link in the Providential chain which at last dragged
the New World to light.[3]
[Sidenote: His true claims to glory.]
67. Surely Marco's real, indisputable, and, in their kind, unique claims
to glory may suffice! _He was