Infomotions, Inc.The writings of Colonel William Byrd of Westover in Virginia, Esqr. / edited by John Spencer Bassett. / Byrd, William, 1674-1744

Author: Byrd, William, 1674-1744
Title: The writings of Colonel William Byrd of Westover in Virginia, Esqr. / edited by John Spencer Bassett.
Publisher: New York Doubleday, Page 1901
Tag(s): virginia boundaries north carolina; north carolina boundaries virginia; byrd family; virginia description and travel; north carolina description and travel; byrd; william byrd; colonel william; virginia; creek; colonel; carolina; william bykd; william; commissioners; shelf; sainsbury papers; council; north carolina
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Colonel William 









This copy is one of an edition of 
five hundred copies on specially 
made paper and fifteen copies on 
Imperial Japanese vellum paper. 

Copyright, 1901, by 




THE present edition of the writings of Colonel William 
Byrd 11 of Westover has been planned to include all 
the really important matter from his pen which has come 
down to us. The editor has omitted the numerous irrele- 
vant papers which are included in the old vellum-bound 
volume which is preserved by the family at Brandon. These 
papers were printed in the Wynne edition of 1866, because 
it was the intention of Wynne to make that an exact re- 
print of the manuscript. The editor has ventured to omit 
the " Essay on Bulk Tobacco " on the ground that Byrd did 
not write it. Although the title of the "Essay " declares 
that the piece was written by Byrd in 1692, this must have 
been a mistake, because at that time Byrd was only eigh- 
teen years old and had been for over eight years a resident 
of Europe. Moreover, the "Essay " itself professes to have 
been written by London merchants. Its presence in Byrd's 
manuscript volume was probably due to the error of a copy- 
ist. On the other hand, the editor has been able to include 
in the present edition some samples of Byrd's letters. He 
had expected to reprint extensively from this source, but 
on investigation he learned that the Virginia Historical 
Society had secured copies of these letters and was about to 
publish them serially in its "Magazine," and he did not feel 
that he had a right to forestall so laudable an undertaking. 
In two appendices have been included the catalogue of the 
Byrd library and a genealogy of the immediate Byrd fam- 
ily. The former will interest those who are curious to 
know the contents of the largest private library in the 


English colonies, and the latter has a personal value to 
many Virginia families. 

The sketch of the Byrd family, which is given as the In- 
troduction, has been taken almost wholly from manuscript 
sources. It is based : (1) on the abstracts of the Virginia 
papers in the British Public Records Office made by Mr. W. 
Noel Sainsbury and preserved in the State Library at Rich- 
mond under the title of "Sainsbury Papers" ; (2) on the 
Council Minutes, two volumes of which those for 1705- 
1721 and 1721-1734 are in the State Library in Richmond, 
and one volume that for 1698-1700 is in the Congres- 
sional Library ; (3) on the letters of William Byrd 1 and 
William Byrd 11 , which are preserved, in original form or 
in copies, by the Virginia Historical Society ; and (4) on 
other documents of a miscellaneous nature to which due 
reference has been made in the foot-notes. This sketch is 
submitted to the public with a little hesitation. Where 
so little territory previously has been explored it is difficult 
to be entirely sure of one's course. 

The editor has received assistance in his work from many 
sources. His thanks are due especially to Mr. W. G. Stan- 
nard, secretary of the Virginia Historical Society, and to 
his assistant, Mrs. Sally Nelson Robins, for putting at his 
disposal the valuable documents in the possession of the 
society. They gave, moreover, much personal information 
without which the editor's previous unfamiliarity with 
Virginia genealogies must have been a serious inconve- 
nience. His thanks are also due for many courtesies to 
Messrs. R. A. Brock, W. W. Scott, and F. P. Brent, and to Dr. 
J. A. C. Chandler, of Richmond ; to Mr. William Byrd and 
to the authorities of the Columbia University Library, of 
New York ; to Messrs. M. O. Sherrill and Marshall De L. 
Haywood, of Raleigh, N. C. ; and to Mr. J. F. Rowe, trea- 
surer of the Middle Temple, London. 


Trinity College, Durham, N. O,, 
October 8, 1901. 



PREFACE ................ v 

INTRODUCTION .............. ix 


APPENDIX ............... 257 


A PROGRESS TO THE MINES ......... 331 


Report of the commissioners to lay out the bounds of the Northern 

APPENDIX A .............. 413 

A catalogue of the books in the library at Westover belonging to 
William Byrd, Esqr. 

APPENDIX B .............. 444 

Genealogy. The Byrds in England. 

INDEX . 453 



THE MANSION AT WESTOVER .... Facing page 22 





THE aristocratic form of Virginia society was fixed 
soon after the Restoration of the Stuarts. It pro- 
ceeded from economic, social, and political causes. On its 
economic side it was supported by land and servitude ; on 
its social side it was sustained by the ideals, and somewhat 
by the blood, of the English country gentlemen; on its 
political side it was fostered by a system of appointments 
to office which left the least room for a democracy. In 
the century which preceded the Revolution it was in its 
greatest vigor. Like all aristocracies which are not 
frequently renewed from outside sources, it at length went 
into decay ; but in the century of its vigor it produced a 
type of leadership which few other communities have 
equaled. These leaders of men have won the admiration 
of numerous people by their conservative progress, by their 
political integrity, and, most of all, by their force of 
character. It is the purpose of this introductory sketch 
to show how two of the most eminent of these leaders, a 
father and his son, acquired their industrial, social, and 
political positions, and how they used them. If we under- 
stand this development we shall better know how such a 
man as Washington was made possible. 

The holding of land and of slaves in Virginia took the 
form of vastness during the century of which I speak. 
Before that time land grants had been kept more or less 
within the original compass of fifty acres for each person 
actually imported. When the colony had become thor- 



oughly settled there was a demand for much larger hold- 
ings. The importation rights became valuable, in fact, 
they took a market value, and in 1699 the Council threw 
aside the old custom, and ordered that any one who paid 
five shillings sterling should have the right to take up 
fifty acres of land in lieu of an importation right. 1 The 
effect was to throw land freely on the market, and the 
action could have been taken only in response to a strong 
popular demand. It did not create the custom of large 
holdings, for they had existed to a considerable extent be- 
fore, but it relieved purchasers of the necessity of evad- 
ing the importation clause. If that clause had been 
steadily enforced, the population of the colony must have 
been much greater than it was. The views we get from 
the Council journals of the land grants in this period show 
that the average land grant was very large. For instance, 
on June 14, 1726, there were granted, in twenty-seven 
grants, 48,284 acres, an average of 1788 acres to a grant. 
These, it must be remembered, included no extraordinary 
grants. Of the latter there were not a few, as when Spots- 
wood in one night signed various grants for 10,000, 20,000, 
and 40,000 acres each, and managed it so that 86,650 
acres were for himself. 2 When we remember that most of 
the grants made in 1726 were to persons who already 
owned land, it will be seen how much the tendency to build 
large estates was developed. It would, perhaps, not be 
too much to say that the average well-to-do Virginian of 
the period owned as much as three thousand acres of land, 
while there were in every community a few people who 
owned much more. 

The extension of slavery proceeded in direct ratio with 
this extension of land grants. There had been no great 
numbers of slaves in the colony before the close of the 
century, but they now were imported in great numbers. 

1 Council Minutes, June 21, of Trade, Sainsbury Papers, 
; 99. 1720-30, entry for June 6, 

2 Drysdale to the Board 1724. 


They were necessary to the great estates. The colonists 
had tried white labor for over a half-century, and it 
proved unreliable. It was possible to hold it till the 
terms of indenture were expired, but after that such ser- 
vants were quickly converted into landholders on their 
own account. They took up land and settled in the 
colony, or, after the aristocratic tendency had become so 
marked, they filed off to North Carolina, where conditions 
were more equal. If the Virginians could have repro- 
duced the English country estate worked by a body of 
white tenants they would gladly have done it. The slow- 
ness with which they turned to African slavery shows this 
conclusively. But in America such estates were not pos- 
sible. They did the next best thing, as it seemed to peo- 
ple of the age : they developed slaveholding estates. 

This industrial development was affected by, and in 
turn affected, the social conditions of the colony. The 
most striking phase of the social life of the period is the 
arrival of the Cavaliers. These people were no more all 
earls and dukes than the royal army was composed of 
earls and dukes. Many of them had noble blood in their 
veins, without doubt, but in the royal army they had been 
among the minor officers, and most of them had lost their 
property. They came to Virginia from economic as well 
as social reasons. They were received by the people with 
warmth. Governor Berkeley gave them lands and ap- 
pointed them to offices. If we may believe Governor 
Nicholson, they married most of the desirable heiresses 
and widows among the colonists. They were not numer- 
ous, as compared with the older population, but they had 
an influence out of proportion to their numbers. They 
gave manners a warmer tone ; they emphasized the ideal 
of country life ; they gave Virginians their passion for 
handsome houses and fast horses ; and they gave public life 
something more than it had before of the English notion 
that offices should be held for the benefit of the gentry. 
Their intermarriage with the colonists soon made Vir- 


ginians of them. By the time Berkeley was thrown from 
power, in 1677, they may be said to have become absorbed 
into the population. 

From that time colonial society of tide-water Virginia 
was fixed. If there had ever come in England another 
social upheaval which would drive out a large number 
of the gentry, there might have come a new stream of 
immigration to this section. But such an upheaval was 
not to be. The poorer people with fortunes to make, who 
are always the vast majority of immigrants, passed on 
to North Carolina. Thither went abo the indented 
servants after the expiration of their terms of service, and 
sometimes before, for lands were cheap there and life 
democratic. Thus there developed a difference of social 
structure between the two colonies which produced an 
unfortunate lack of sympathy which is not yet entirely 
outlived. 1 

Lieutenant-Governor Nicholson, who had seen something 
of life in other colonies, described the condition in Vir- 
ginia in 1701. " There is little or no encouragement," said 
he, "for men of any tolerable parts to come hither. For- 
merly there was good convenient land to be taken up and 
there widows had pretty good fortunes which were en- 
couragements for men of parts to come. But now all or 
most of the good lands are taken up, and if there be any 
widows or maids of any fortune, the natives for the most 
part get them ; for they begin to have a sort of aversion 
to others, calling them strangers. In the Civil War sev- 

iln 1708 the Board of Trade Virginia debts were pleadable, 

asked why so many people left it was almost impossible to win 

Virginia to settle elsewhere, a suit there against one who had 

The Virginia Council replied run away from his debts in Vir- 

that people left Virginia to set- ginia, and this was due both 

tie in North Carolina: (1) be- to a popular sympathy for 

cause the good land in Virginia such debtors and to the unset- 

was taken up; (2) because land tied condition of the country, 

was cheap and the terms of tak- (See Council Minutes, vol. for 

ing it up easy in North Car- 1705-21, entry for Oct. 19, 

olina; (3) because, although 1708.) 


eral gentlemen of quality fled hither, and others of good 
parts, but they are all dead ; and I hope in God there will 
never be such a cause to make them come in again." l 
Nicholson regretted this state of affairs, especially because 
it produced so few men capable of filling the offices ; but 
to him the Board of Trade made the very pertinent ob- 
servation that it ought to be his aim under the circum- 
stances to develop out of the Virginians men who were 
capable of office. 2 This observation indicates just what 
did happen. Virginia society had taken to itself its own 
direction. Except for the small number of persons who 
arrived from time to time in some official capacity, the 
life of the colony had received its last external impression 
till the arrival of the great stream of Scotch-Irish in the 
upper districts shortly after 1730. 

The political conditions during the century before the 
Revolution had great influence on the development of life 
in Virginia. Public life at the time was the least bit 
democratic. The only election in the colony was held for 
the members of the Assembly. The county officers were 
appointed, either by the governor, or by the governor and 
Council, or by some other officer to whom the right of ap- 
pointment had been given. The Council, the members of 
which were appointed by the king on the recommendation 
of the governor, was the upper house of the Assembly, and 
could therefore check legislation. How this body always 
maintained a remarkable degree of independence of the 
governor, and, in fact, constituted the chief ruling force in 
the colony during the administration of most of the colo- 
nial governors, will be shown later. Here it is enough to 
say that it, in common with the local government, worked 
steadily to aid the industrial and social forces which have 
been pointed out in the process of building up in every 
county men of strong personality who were able to speak 
for the action of their respective counties in public affairs. 

1 The Sainsbury Papers, Vol. II. Part II. (1625-1715), p. 291. 

2 Ibid., p. 378. 


These men had the political traditions of the English 
country gentlemen, and they were strong enough in their 
own state, and in conjunction with the trading interests of 
other states they were strong enough in the nation, to re- 
strain that extreme republican feeling which, while a prime 
motive force in the Revolution, was a serious danger in the 
formation of the Constitution. 

The period of which I have spoken is almost exactly 
covered by the lives of the three men who made the name 
of Byrd famous in the history of Virginia. The first Wil- 
liam Byrd came to America about 1670 j the third William 
Byrd died in 1777. The history of these three men of the 
same name is closely interwoven with every phase of the 
economic, social, and political history of the colony for 
that period. The two first of them represented the very 
flower of Virginia life, both strong men, and wealthy men, 
and intelligent men, and the second especially brilliant. 
The other, the last of the succession, represents the decay 
of the family, wealthy, and in the beginning influential, 
cultured, perhaps, but less strong in character, and less 
able to hold in his hands either his property or his pas- 
sions. His own children, who were many, although men 
and women of personal worth, were less wealthy and less 
influential than he, and took their places quite naturally 
among the people who make up society without being able 
to direct its course. 

William Byrd 1 , whose good fortune it was to arrive in 
Virginia when the society there was just beginning to fix 
itself, was the grandson on his mother's side of that Cap- 
tain Thomas Stegg, or Stegge, who was sent by Parlia- 
ment to America in 1651 as one of the commissioners to 
reduce the colonies of Virginia and Maryland to obedience. 
His good success in that enterprise was perhaps partly due 
to the fact that he had been for some years a resident of 
the former colony. As early as 1637 we find that he was 
a merchant trading in James River. His home was near 
Westover, in Charles City County. He was a member of the 


Assembly, and of enough influence to be elected Speaker 
in 1643, and in 1644 he was a member of the Council. He 
was a Parliamentarian at this time, and on that side had in 
the same year letters of marque by virtue of which he 
seized a Bristol ship in Boston harbor. In 1651, after re- 
ceiving the submission of the colony, he embarked on a 
ship from Virginia for England, and was lost on the pas- 
sage. 1 He left his estate in Virginia to his son, Thomas 
Stegg, and his houses in London to his daughter, Grace 
Byrd. The son sold his lands in Charles City, and settled 
in 1661 at the falls of the James, in Henrico, where he 
died without heirs in 1671. He was a man of influence in 
his county. In 1663 he was, with Henry Randolph, col- 
lector of quit-rents for Henrico and Charles City counties, 2 
and he was successively captain and colonel 3 of the militia, 
member of the Council, 4 and auditor-general. 5 His estate 
in land and stock he left to his nephew, William Byrd 1 . 

William Byrd 1 was descended on his father's side from a 
family of Brexton, or Broxton, which is traced in Holms's 
"Heraldic Collection for Cheshire " to the family of the same 
name which was living at Charlton as early as the middle 
of the twelfth century. John Byrd, or Bird, 6 as it was 
then spelled, was a goldsmith in London. He was an hon- 
est tradesman of means, but the glimpses of his family 
which we get from the letters of his eldest son indicate 
that he was neither rich nor influential. He married 
Grace, the daughter of Captain Thomas Stegg, and had 
several children, the oldest of whom was William Byrd 1 . 

The will of Thomas Stegg was dated March 31, 1670, 

iNeil, Virginia Carolorum, 3 See his will in the Byrd Title- 

pp. 135, 136, 167, 179, 218, 219. book. 

In 1650 Charles II, then in 4 Neil, Virginia Carolorum, 

Breda, appointed him a coun- 317. 

cilor in Virginia, but evidently Va. Histl. Mag., VI. 300. 

he did not lean to the Stuart 6 It is thus in Stegg's will. It 

king. (See Cal. of Eng. Col. was perhaps changed later to 

State Papers, Vol. I. ) conform with the spelling of the 

2 Va. Histl. Mag., III. 43. Brexton family. 


when William Byrd 1 , who was born in 1652, was only eigh- 
teen years of age. It was proved May 15, 1671. It con- 
tained much good advice for the young man, cautioning 
him " not to be led away by the evil instructions he shall 
receive from others, but to be governed by the prudent 
and provident advice he shall receive from his aunt, the 
testator's loving wife." The absence of any words in the 
will to show that Byrd was at this time living in Lon- 
don would seem to imply that he was then in Virginia, 1 
perhaps brought over by Stegg with the view of making 
him his heir. 

The social position of Stegg was the best, and Byrd at 
once succeeded to it. The former had had for his close 
friend Governor Berkeley himself, to whom he left fifty 
pounds in token of the many favors that gentleman had 
shown him. Another friend, who was also remembered in 
the will, was Thomas Ludwell, the secretary of the colony. 
Him he urged "for the Dear Friendship that we have so 
long mutually enjoyed " to show the same kindness to Byrd 
which he had shown to the testator. 

Rich through the favor of his uncle, and well intro- 
duced, William Byrd 1 did not fail to press rapidly into the 
foremost ranks of colonial life. He married as early as 1673, 
which was the year he became of age, Mary, the daughter 
of Warham Horsemanden. The latter was an officer in the 
royal army who had found the triumph of the Puritans so 
disagreeable that he had come to live in Virginia, where 
he settled in Charles City County. He was either a close 
friend or a relative of that Dame Frances who married, first, 
Samuel Stephens, governor of the Albemarle settlement, 
and secondly, William Berkeley, governor of Virginia, and 
thirdly, Philip Ludwell, governor of Carolina ; for at her 

1 For example, when William to act till the son's return. 

Byrd i died in 1704, his will pro- There is nothing like this in 

vided that if his son should be Stegg' s will. Byrd took up land 

out of the colony at the time, cer- at the falls of the James in 1673. 

tain persons should be trustees (See Byrd Title-book.) 


first marriage he was one of the trustees to whom Stephens 
conveyed the lady's marriage settlement before marriage, 
to be conveyed to her after the ceremony had been per- 
formed. He was in the colony as late as December 11, 1673, 
when he released all legal claim he might be supposed to 
have to the said estate. 1 Afterward, however, he went to 
England, and many of the letters which William Byrd 1 
wrote to England were written to him at Purleigh, in 
Essex. In these letters Byrd often gives his correspon- 
dent news of " my Lady Berkeley." Before he went he 
perhaps held in his arms his grandson, William Byrd 1 , 
for that young gentleman was born in Virginia, March 
28, 1674. 2 

The estate which Stegg left to Byrd comprised lands at 
the falls of the James, on both sides of the river. As one 
stands now on some tall building in Eichmond, he will no- 
tice that the land on the north side of the river lies hilly 
and uninviting to the agriculturalist, while on the south 
side, a little below the town of Manchester, the river makes 
a curve around a large tract of level ground which slopes 
gently down to the James. It was the fertility of that 
piece of land which attracted the notice of Stegg. Here 
he had his residence, a stout stone house with a large 
stone chimney in the center. 3 This tract embraced eigh- 
teen hundred acres, more or less, beginning at the falls on 
the west, that is, at a place near the present Southern 
Eailway bridge, and stretching away eastward as far as 
Goode's Creek, the boundary of the ancient estate of 

Thomas Stegg the elder had been a merchant in Charles 
City, and it is not improbable that his son was one also at 

1 Henning's Statutes, II. 323. 

2 When Byrd T applied for the 
position of secretary of Virginia 
in 1702, the Board of Trade 
spoke of him as a native of Vir- 
ginia. (See Sainsbury Papers, 
Vol. II. Parti., 1625-1715, p. 301.) 

I am told by Mr. R. A. Brock 
that Warham Horsemanden 
was buried in Charles City 
County, Virginia. EDITOR. 

3 A rude drawing of it is 
shown on a plat in the Byrd 


the falls. At any rate, the earliest view we get of Byrd 
from his own letters shows that he was both a country 
merchant and an Indian trader. His location was excel- 
lent for the latter business, although from the sparsely set- 
tled condition of the back country it was not so favorable 
for the former. South of the river began the trail which 
before the middle of the century had already penetrated 
into the interior more than four hundred miles. 1 Along 
it his own traders were sent, carrying on their pack- 
horses his goods as far as the Catawbas and the Chero- 
kees. On this trail they sometimes came to untimely ends 
at the hands of the Indians, as we see they did in 1684, 
when five traders were killed thirty miles beyond the Occo- 
neechees, and again in 1686, when two more were killed 
about four hundred miles from the falls, probably among 
the Catawbas. 

William Byrd 1 describes at length the route of this 
trade. The Trading Path, says he, crossed the Eoanoke at 
Moniseep Ford, which was about one mile above where the 
dividing-line crossed that river. If it ran in a straight 
line it traversed Granville County, North Carolina, near 
the town of Oxford, crossed Tar Eiver eight miles to the 
southwest, and cut Flat, Little, and Eno rivers from five 
to ten miles above where they unite to form the Neuse. 
Leaving what is now University Station a mile to the 
north, it ran westerly through the Haw Old Fields, where 
Byrd says there were fifty thousand acres of the richest 
highland to be found in one tract in that part of the world, 
then across Haw and Alamance rivers not far above the 
point at which they unite, and onward to the Deep Eiver 
at a distance of forty miles, and then as much farther, till 
at length it crossed the Yadkin. Here the traders rested 
their horses, stopping to let them crop for some days the 
rich canes which grew on the banks of the river. Finally 
the path passed through the counties of Stanley, Cabar- 
rus, and Mecklenburg, and reached the rich low grounds 
1 Byrd to Lane and Perry, May 10, 1686. 


of the Catawba, on which the Indians of the same name 
lived. Along this route, in the days of William Byrd 1 , 
the traders went in caravans of fifteen or more, escorting a 
hundred pack-horses. But after South Carolina was set- 
tled the Charleston traders absorbed so much of the trade 
that when William Byrd 11 wrote his " History of the Divid- 
ing Line," 1 not more than half that many persons went 
in a caravan. 

In the country trade Byrd dealt in all the miscellaneous 
English goods which would be demanded by a rural com- 
munity. He ordered duffles and cotton goods, window- 
glass, with lead and solder, and "ten boxes of Lockyer's 
Pills." But most especially he ordered servants. " If you 
could send me," said he, "six, eight, or ten servants (men 
or lusty boys) by the first ship, and the procurement might 
not be too dear, they would much assist in purchasing some 
of the best crops they seldom being to bee bought without 
servants. If you could help me to a Carpenter, Bricklayer, 
or Mason, I would willingly pay somewhat Extraordinary." 2 
These were white servants, but from Barbadoes he ordered 
4 negroes, 1200 gallons of rum, 3000 .pounds of "muscovado 
sugar," 1 barrel (200 pounds) of white sugar, 3 tons of 
molasses, 1 cask of lime-juice, and 2 hundredweight of 

William Byrd I? s progress in public life also was rapid. 
As early as 1676, 3 when he was twenty -four years old, he 
was a captain in the county militia, and only four years 
later he was called "Colonel Byrd" in the Charles City 
court records. 4 In the same year we have evidence that 
he was escheator of Henrico County. 5 Within this period 
he is said to have been more than once a member of the 
House of Burgesses. In 1680 he was appointed by Cul- 
peper, shortly after the arrival of that gentleman in the 

1 1738, or a little later. also Va. Histl. Mag., IV. 121- 

2 Maxwell, Va. Histl. Reg., 124. 

Vol. I. p. 63. * va. Histl. Mag., III. 168. 

3 Henning's Statutes, II. 328 ; * Byrd Title-book. 


government, a member of the Council in the place of Colo- 
nel Swanne, deceased. Culpeper did not ' report the 
appointment to the Board of Trade till December 12, 1681, 
and five days later that body recommended that the nom- 
ination be confirmed. 1 Thus Byrd's rank in the Council 
dates from 1682, after Ralph Wormley and Richard Lee ; 
but it seems certain that he sat from the time of his tem- 
porary appointment, which was some time between May 3 
and August 11, 1680. 

In Bacon's Rebellion Byrd appears in the beginning as 
one of the principal supporters of Bacon. This outbreak 
of popular indignation was due to Berkeley's Indian policy. 
Byrd himself was an Indian trader. Just before that time 
the savages had been giving the frontier settlers much 
trouble. Their irregular depredations had undoubtedly 
interfered with trade. Moreover, in 1676 Berkeley had 
got his servile Assembly to pass a law which forbade the 
trade to all former traders. 2 The ostensible purpose of 
this was to remove all cause of ill feeling between the two 
races. But the same act provided that Indians should buy 
goods from no others than from five men whom the gover- 
nor should appoint in each county. This might well 
bring to bear against the governor all the influence of the 
dispossessed traders. In the spring of the same year there 
ran through the upper counties the report that the Indians 
were coming down on the whites. The people flew to 
arms to protect their homes. A body of the militia had 
assembled at Jordan's Point, near the falls of the James. 
On the opposite side of the river Captain James Crews, 
Henry Isham, Sr., and Captain William Byrd 1 were to- 
gether, in company with Nathaniel Bacon, Jr. The conver- 
sation fell naturally upon the sad state of the country. It 
was recounted that the Susquehannas had come down to 
within twelve miles of the falls of the James, and com- 
mitted many murders there, one of which had been on 

1 Sainsbury Papers, vol. for 1679-82, pp. 125, 127, 135. 

2 Henning's Statutes, II. 336. 


Bacon's overseer. Excited by this and by the drink which 
had been indulged in, Bacon was persuaded by the others 
to go across the river to the militia and to take them some 
rum. The militia themselves were without a leader, and 
were easily persuaded to follow so eloquent a leader as 
Bacon. He, however, hesitated on account of the respon- 
sibility, fearing to go against the Indians without a com- 
mission ; but his three friends urged him on, and promised 
that they would follow him, commission or no commission, 1 
and so he undertook the task. As long as Bacon's operations 
were confined to the Indians, Byrd was true to this promise, 
and led a portion of Bacon's troops ; but when the pas- 
sionate young leader went beyond that and proposed to 
reform the Constitution of the colony, he drew back and 
made his peace with the governor. He was too practical 
a man for a revolution. Had Bacon followed him, instead 
of giving himself up to the schemes of political theorizers, 
he would have dispersed his troops after the defeat of the 
Indians and have trusted to the support of the country 
for his personal safety. 

Byrd's connection with Bacon did not impair his popu- 
larity. He was so well intrenched in the good will of the 
burgesses that in 1679 a bill passed giving him a special 
jurisdiction over a tract of land at the falls of the James, 
lying five miles on each side of the river and extending 
into the interior one mile on the south side and two miles 
on the north side. The grant really created a manor, with 
Byrd at the head of it. The condition on which it was 
made was that he should settle there a garrison of fifty 
armed men, ready at short notice to repel an attack, but 
that he should not bring more than two hundred and fifty 
other persons to the place. This was deemed too great a 
privilege by the authorities in England, and the scheme 
failed for lack of their approval. 

Not discouraged by this rebuff, Byrd proposed four years 

1 See the report of Berry and Moryson, Va. Histl. Mag., 
IV. 121-124. 


later a more daring scheme. The frontier, in spite of the 
severe punishment Bacon had inflicted on the Indians, was 
not entirely safe. In the winter of 1679-80 there had 
been some trouble, for which Byrd quickly took vengeance, 
much to the regret of the secretary, Nicholas Spencer. 1 
Three years later he proposed to Governor Culpeper that 
if he were given the monopoly of the Indian trade he 
would compose all the differences between the Indians and 
the whites, see that the king's annual tribute was duly paid, 
explore the country west of the mountains as soon as peace 
should be made with the Senecas, and pay to his Majesty 
100 a year, provided he were allowed to transport his 
Indian commodities to England. 2 Culpeper, in transmit- 
ting this proposition to the Board of Trade, said 3 that, 
while he would not advise what should be done in this 
case, yet his maxim was for free trade, and that he had fol- 
lowed that course continually, " though to my owne great 
losse." The board did not favor the proposition, and no- 
thing more was heard of it. In this connection it is in- 
teresting to note that in 1716 William Byrd 11 was most 
active before the same body, the Board of Trade, to secure 
the disallowance of a law giving the same kind of a mo- 
nopoly to Spotswood and some of Spotswood's friends. 

Byrd had thus tried two schemes to make money through 
his political connections. He now came to a third, which 
was destined to be more successful than the others. He 
applied for the office of auditor, which was, in fact, the 
office of colonial treasurer. It was held at that time by 
Nathaniel Bacon, uncle of the revolutionary leader, but 
he was old and quite willing to give up the office. Byrd, 
as soon as he had made proper arrangements in Vir- 
ginia, set out in the spring of 1687 for London, where he 
found but little difficulty in his way. The gift of the 
auditorship was in the hands of William Blathwayt, who 
was auditor-general for all the colonies, and whose deputy 

1 Sainsbury Papers, vol. for 2 Ibid., entry for Feb., 1683. 
1679-82, entry for March 18, 1680. Va. Histl. Mag., III. 236. 


was the Virginia auditor. The appointment of deputy 
auditor seems to have carried that of receiver-general along 
with it. Lord Howard of Effingham, then governor of 
Virginia, gave Byrd his support, and it seems that Byrd 
found means of interesting Blathwayt in his behalf. On 
December 4, 1687, he received the appointment, and lost 
no time in returning to Virginia, where he arrived on 
February 24, 1688. He found no trouble about his office 
there, so he wrote to " Father Horsemanden," except that 
Bacon wanted the perquisites for the year about to end. 1 
But from another quarter there was coming a controversy, 
the relation of which throws much light upon political life 
at that time. 

Although Bacon had been given his office in 1675, on 
the death of Edward Digges, yet in 1677 the king had 
granted the office for life to Robert Ayleway, intending, as 
it seems, either to supersede Bacon or to give Ayleway the 
opportunity to make some arrangement with him by which 
Bacon might execute the office in Virginia, while the 
other remained in England as his absent superior. 2 But 
almost immediately Ayleway was sent to Ireland to be 
clerk of the office of ordnance there, and Bacon remained 
in office. The appointment of Byrd aroused the interest 
of Ayleway, and in May, 1689, he petitioned the king, set- 
ting forth the above facts, and praying that as he had the 
legal title to the office he might also have the fruits of it. 
The king referred the petition to the Board of Trade, who 
in turn referred it to Lord Howard of Effingham, who was 
then in England. He, who was committed to Byrd in the 
matter, could not deny that Ayleway had the legal title to 
the office, but he added that the office ought to be executed 

1 Letter-book. To " Father 
Horsemanden," April 16, 1688. 
The king's order to put Byrd 
into the office of "Auditor of 
the publi c accounts of Virginia ' ' 
is preserved in the Sainsbury 
Papers, vol. for 1625-1715, p. 118. 

2 The Virginia Assembly de- 
clared in 1680 that Ayleway's 
grant was surreptitiously ob- 
tained and that they were 
glad it was not allowed. ( Sains- 
bury Papers, vol. for 1679-82, 
p. 91.) 


by some one on the spot. The board adopted this view of 
the matter, and the king finally gave judgment that Ayle- 
way should be put into possession of the office if he would 
execute it in person in Virginia ; otherwise he was told 
that he might seek his redress in the courts. 1 That he 
was not willing to do, and Byrd was able to make an ar- 
rangement by which he became Ayleway's deputy for two 
years, he agreeing to pay his superior one half of the profits 
of the office. 2 

The whole affair gave rise to considerable maneuvering. 
Ayleway said in his petition to the king that Byrd was " a 
creature of the late Lord Chancellor's," who was no other 
than the corrupt Lord Jeffreys. Byrd himself said, a year 
before this charge was made, in a letter to his uncle, that 
while he was in England he was often a suitor on the Lord 
Chancellor, but that he could have no discourse with him. 3 
It is not impossible that Byrd used money with those from 
whom he was seeking an office which he valued chiefly for 
its salary. When the English politicians were themselves 
so corrupt, it would be a strange thing if their dependents 
in Virginia should have remained uncontaminated. 

The limiting of the period of agreement between Byrd 
and Ayleway to two years did not suit the former. He 
wanted the office entirely and was willing to purchase it 
outright. In doing that he brought to his assistance 
Blathwayt, John Povey, and Micajah Perry. As the first, 
however, was clerk of the privy council, Byrd wrote that 
he would rely on the efforts of the two others for active 
solicitation. To Povey he gave 20 a year for his good 
offices. All of the three, however, and Effingham also, 
sent him word that they would do what they could to get 
the place for him. Thus encouraged, he was able to write 
to " Father Horsemanden," July 25, 1690, that " with ye 
help of some more potent Gold " he hoped soon to have the 

1 Sainsbury Papers, vol. for 2 Letter-book. To Perry and 
1640-91, pp. 226, 236, 240, 243. Lane, July 19, 1690. 

3 Letter-book, April 16, 1688. 


affair in good shape. The potency of his gold had lessened, 
however, for in 1688 he had offered Ayleway 100 guineas, 
but now he was constrained to tell Perry that he might go 
so far as 300, although he hoped the office could be had 
for less. Ayleway had tried to bring Philip Ludwell to 
bid for the office, but there was too much of official cour- 
tesy among the Virginia councilors to allow them to bid 
against one another in such an affair, and Ludwell said 
promptly that he was not an applicant. To " Father 
Horsemanden " he wrote that it was true that Ayleway had 
the right to the office, but that " as long as I can keep an 
uninterrupted possession thereof I shall not much value it ; 
but I hope to buy him out." To Perry he said that he 
thought Blathwayt's and Povey's influence was enough to 
conclude the affair " without incurring any danger of the 
Law against purchasing offices." The Letter-book, from 
which I have drawn freely, fails us after June 9, 1691, but 
we know that Byrd got the office without restriction and 
held it till his death. One of the last letters in the Letter- 
book contains an injunction to Perry to bring the matter 
to a close, so that Byrd might not " lye open to every one 
that will bid money for itt." l 

As auditor and receiver-general it was Byrd's duty to 
receive and care for, and make a proper report on, all the 
money collected in the colony by the authority of the king. 
This money was derived from quit-rents, from a tax of 
two shillings a hogshead collected on all the tobacco ex- 
ported from the country and from other funds, as fines and 
escheats. The duty of two shillings a hogshead was settled 
for the expenses of the government, as the salaries of gov- 
ernor and others, and the rest was to be accounted for with 
the crown. The collection of quit-rents was the most con- 
siderable as it was the most troublesome part of his duty. 
Quit-rents were paid at the rate of two shillings for each 
hundred acres of land held in the colony. They were 
actually collected by the several sheriffs, who paid them 
1 Letter-book, Aug. 8, 1690, July 19, 1690, and June 3, 1691. 


into the hands of the receiver-general. The king had 
granted that they might be paid at the discretion of the 
payer in tobacco at the rate of one penny a pound. The 
result was that when tobacco was below one penny a pound 
people would tender that instead of money for their quit- 
rents. Another effect of this concession was that the 
poorer tobacco would be tendered for quit-rents, just as it 
was given for the parsons 7 salaries. Had it been necessary 
for Byrd to have received and stored all this tobacco in 
barns, his office would have been a laborious one j but there 
was authorized by law a system of public warehouses to 
which persons were allowed to take their tobacco, receiving 
in exchange certificates which were receivable for public 
dues. In these the quit-rents were paid. It was, there- 
fore, Byrd's business to take these certificates as they were 
handed in, and at the end of the season to sell the large 
amount of tobacco corresponding to them to the best ad- 
vantage of the revenues. The king preferred that this 
tobacco should be sold at auction, and more than once 
instructed the governor to that effect ; but the Council 
favored a sale by private arrangement, and that method 
was generally followed during the incumbency of Byrd 1 . 
In the controversy of Byrd 11 with Spotswood this was a 
point of prime importance, as we shall see later, but now 
it occasioned no trouble. It did, indeed, bring out a 
protest from the faction which was opposed to Governor 
Andros, but the point was not pressed very strongly. 
Blair, Hartwell, and Chilton, who were in England in 
1697, and who, at the request of the Board of Trade, 
wrote an account of affairs in Virginia which at last found 
its way into print, testified to the board as to the abuse 
which grew out of this kind of a sale. It was the custom, 
said Chilton, 1 for Mr. Auditor Byrd to dispose of the quit- 
rents to the members of the Council. The price of tobacco 
in Virginia, he added, was generally in that year twenty 

1 Sainsbury Papers, vol. for 1691-97, p. 351. Chilton was 
corroborated by Hartwell, ibid., 345. 


shillings a hundredweight, but the quit-rent tobacco had 
sold from four to six shillings a hundredweight. 1 It would 
be unwise to introduce here the arguments on this point, 
since they were gone over in a more complete manner in 
the controversy with Spotswood. It is enough to say that 
on the evidence of such men as Blair, Chilton, and Hart- 
well, for their association together in the matter in hand 
would make them jointly responsible for matters of fact to 
which one of them testified, it is evident that the Council 
was doing what most of the English officials were doing, 
using their offices for purposes of their own prosperity. 

As to irregularity in the keeping of his accounts, there 
was none of it. It is true that when Blair, Ludwell, 
and others appeared in England in 1704 to secure the 
removal of Nicholson, there was an intimation that all was 
not right with Byrd's books. The Board of Trade called 
young Byrd before it and asked him to explain the mat- 
ter. He filed his reply in due time, and Blair said, when 
he saw it, that his party " did not insist in their complaints 
upon having the Auditor and Receiver General's Places in 
two distinct Offices if the accounts of the Revenue were 
regularly audited before the council, as usual." 2 The com- 
plaint grew, evidently, out of the general fact that the two 

1 This method of collecting He was instructed to collect the 

quit-rents led to the farming of rents in tobacco in that county 

them at times. October 19, 1699, and to sell it at auction. The 

Byrd was given authority by advantage to him who farmed 

the Council to sell the quit-rents the quit-rents was in the possi- 

of any county to anybody who bility that tobacco might be 

would pay for them in money sold for more than one penny 

at the rate specified in the pat- a pound. In Princess Anne 

ents, that is, at one penny a it was of inferior quality, and 

pound of tobacco, and who that is why the quit-rents were 

would allow the sheriffs their not farmed out there. (See 

ten per cent, for collecting. As Council Minutes for date 

soon as this was enacted by the given. ) 

Council, Byrd reported that he 2 Sainsbury Papers, vol. for 

had already made arrangements 1625-1715 (Vol. II. Part I.), 

to sell the quit-rents of all the entries for May 24, 29, 30, and 

counties except Princess Anne. 31, 1704. 


offices had been allowed to be in one man, and not out of 
any personal failing of the incumbent. It was perhaps 
accentuated by the fact that Byrd, who was always a prac- 
tical man, did not choose to join with those members of the 
Council who had asked for the removal of the lieutenant- 
governor. 1 Nicholson then said that Byrd's accounts were 
all right. After he had been removed he cast some impu- 
tations on them, and the Lord High Treasurer wrote the 
Virginia Council to have the said accounts thoroughly 
examined. The Council complied. They found that there 
was indeed an amount unpaid at the time of Byrd's death, 
but that it was fully protected by his bond, and it was in 
due time paid into the treasury. 2 It was evidently money 
Byrd had collected during the season in which he died 
and for which he held the tobacco unsold. It was paid by 
Byrd n as his father's executor, who was the only person 
who could have paid it. 

In his later years Byrd was a man of great importance. 
For several years before he died he was third in rank in the 
Council, being preceded by Ralph Wormley and Richard 
Lee. But in 1699 Lee resigned on account of ill health, 3 
and in 1703 Wormley died, 4 so that Byrd was for the year 
before his death president of the Council. He retained till 
his death his position as colonel and commander-in- chief 
of the militia of Henrico County, with William Randolph 
lieutenant-colonel. 5 He was appointed a member of the 
committee to build William and Mary College, and had 
the contract to erect the building called the Chapel. 6 All 
of these places he filled satisfactorily. Moreover, he was all 
the time accumulating property. He is described shortly 
before his death as one of the richest men in Virginia. 

1 Sainsbury Papers, vol. for Mary Quarterly, VI. 152, note ; 
1625-1715, June 7, 1704. but Vol. VII. 69, note, says he 

2 Council Minutes, 1705-21, pp. died 1701. ) 

19, 29, and entries for Aug. 29 5 Council Minutes, 1698-1700, 

and 30, 1706. June 3, 1699. 

3 Ibid., 1698-1700, Oct. 27, 1699. 6 Meade, Old Churches and 

4 Dec. 5, 1703. (See Wm. and Families, I. 318, note. 


While all this political progress had been coming, Byrd 
was steadily advancing in social importance. When he 
was iirst married he had, no doubt, lived in Stegg's stone 
house, on the south of the James at the falls. But after a 
while he bought the property on the north side of the 
river, and there built a handsome house which he called 
"Belvidere." It was situated on what is now called Bel- 
videre Street, to the west of Gamble's Hill. It must have 
been near to the river, for Byrd said in 1685 1 that there 
had just been a great flood in the river, so that the water 
stood two feet in his parlor. Anburey, who slept there 
for a night in 1779, spoke of the place as "an elegant villa," 2 
and indicates that it was at that time outside of the town 
limits. A plat accompanying an old deed which has been 
preserved in Richmond contains a rude drawing of the 
house, evidently as a landmark. It shows a substantial 
house, the center two stories and a dormer, and the two 
wings one story and a dormer. 3 The house was long an 
interesting spot in Richmond, and survived the march of 
improvements till the middle of the nineteenth century, 
long after it ceased to be the seat of its former magnificence. 4 

After becoming auditor Byrd found the place at the falls 
too remote from the center of the political life of the colony. 
To this inconvenience there was added a positive danger 
from the Indians. This was not so much from those who 
lived in the neighborhood, as from Northern and Southern 
tribes who, in their frequent wars one on the other, crossed 
the frontier of Virginia not far above the falls. As late as 
1689 they came down on his settlement, and killed one and 
carried off two of his people. 5 For Mrs. Byrd the place had 
always been lonely, and now that her husband was so fre- 

1 June 5. To " Father Horse- possession of Mr. Peyton Car- 
manden." rington of the same place. 

2 Interior Travels through 4 Mordecai, Richmond in By- 
America, II. 328. gone Days (edition of 1860), 

3 This information is from Mr. p. 89. 

W. G. Stannard of Richmond, 5 To " Father Horsemanden," 
who has seen the old deed in July 25, 1690. 


quently absent on public business it was doubly so. It 
held no society for her except that of servants and negroes. 
How much it was distasteful may be seen from her urging 
that her children should be sent away to England for their 
training. All of these considerations moved Byrd to look 
for another place of residence. 

The place selected was the estate which he and his son 
made famous under the name of "Westover." It is 
more than twenty miles from the falls by country road, 
though much farther by the river. Adjoining it on the 
west was Berkeley Hundred j on the opposite side of 
the river were Upper and Lower Brandon ; while on the 
east, not far off, was Green Springs. The place lies in a 
beautiful situation on the north side of the James, and to 
this day draws the attention of the passengers on the river, 
as much by its natural beauty as by its historical interest. 
Byrd bought it in 1688. Its history before that time is 
worth recounting as an illustration of the growth of a 
famous colonial property. It early attracted the at- 
tention of the settlers on account of its fertility, and' was 
patented in 1638 by Captain Thomas Pawlett, a kinsman 
of Sir William Berkeley, in a grant which included 2000 
acres. It was as early as this that it got its name of "West- 
over," or "Westopher." 1 When the patentee died a few 
years later it went to his brother, Sir John Pawlett, in 
England. He conveyed part of it, how much does not ap- 
pear, to Otho Soutcoat, and the rest he sold, in 1665, to 
Theodorick Bland for 170. After Bland's death his part 
passed to his two sons, Theodorick and Eichard, and it was 
they who sold it in 1688 to William Byrd 1 for 300 sterling 
and 10,000 pounds of tobacco, a sum equal, perhaps, in our 
own money, to $7000. The deed was for 1200 acres, but on 

ir The latter spelling is the brothers West. There is in 

earlier and was used continually England a riding and a tithing in 

by Byrd l . The name may have Southampton County of the same 

come from that of the parish, name; but I am unable to connect 

The locality was settled by the the two localities. EDITOR. 


actual survey the amount was found to be much less. 
There was in the midst of the tract a piece containing 200 
acres, belonging to James Minge. This Byrd also bought ; 
and in 1731, when the old church was moved from its first 
location in the midst of the estate 1 to a more convenient 
one, William Byrd 11 increased his estate by the eight acres 
which had belonged to it. These transfers completed 
the estate. 2 The Westover community was an old one, 
and held many families of influence. It was, said William 
Byrd 1 , "two miles above where the great ships ride." 8 
This fact, perhaps, made it a favorable trading-place in the 
early years of the colony. Here Stegg the elder had 
his headquarters. Here, too, or near here, Horsemanden 
had settled. Here at Westover Byrd 1 built a house in 
1690. It was not the pretentious brick mansion which has 
become historic, for that was built by the son. It was 
more likely a wooden building. But it was well furnished, 
as we may see from Byrd's orders to his agent in Rotter- 
dam for bedsteads, curtains, looking-glasses, etc., " to be 
handsome and neat, but cheap," and for one dozen best 
Russia-leather chairs and three tables. 4 Late in 1691 he 
made the removal to his new quarters. 

Byrd's political promotion had also brought him to in- 
dulge in greater display of life. It made it necessary for 
him to have apartments in Jamestown, a " chamber," he 
called it. He ordered for that place a secretary and " Inke- 
Glasses," to be " left att Gaulers att Towne," 5 and also a 
hogshead of claret, " with some more in bottles." He goes 
on to say that this much claret he must certainly have (it 
seems to have been a political drink), but if claret were 
high, on account of the French war, he would take the rest of 
his order for wine in port or " Barabar." The latter was per- 

1 This lends credulity to the also Wm. and Mary Quarterly, 
notion that the estate took its IV. 151.) 

name from the parish. 3 Letter-book. To Hutchins, 

2 These facts are from the Aug. 1, 1690. 

Byrd Title-book, pp. 1-45. (See 4 To Senserfe, Aug., 1690. 
s Letter-book, June 10, 1689. 


haps for the trade. He was also commissioned by the other 
members of the Council to order the wine which they used. 
At the very end of the letter he adds in his thrifty way : 
"I have by Tonner sent my long Periweg wch I desire you 
to get made into a compagne one & send mee." It was 
at the same time that he sent back to England his old 
silver-hilted sword, to be exchanged for a new silver-hilted 
rapier. 1 

Byrd was now willing to bring home his two daughters, 
Susan and Ursula, who had been at school at Hackney, in 
England. He felt a pride, no doubt, in the prospect of the 
superior position they would assume among the colonial - 
trained maidens. He ordered that they should be taken 
from school ; but on account of the war between England 
and France, he did not think it prudent that they should 
run the risk of capture on a voyage across the ocean, and 
he did not think London a proper place for them. In this 
dilemma he turned to his brother-in-law, Daniel Horse- 
manden, who had recently married a lady of fine social 
position, and who lived in good style in the country. To 
him Byrd wrote, requesting that he take the girls till 
the opportunity for their return came, and offering to re- 
pay to his brother-in-law whatever they should cost him. 
The latter complied, but was soon sorry of it. He wrote 
to Byrd complaining of the conduct of the girls, but in 
what particular does not appear. The letter aroused a 
storm in the home on the bank of the James, and to it 
Byrd sent the following outspoken reply : 2 

VIRGINIA June y e 2d, 1691. 

SB. I reed one from you this year, and am glad to hear of yours 
& your Ladys good health, which I heartily wish you may both 
long injoy & may See a numerous progeny who may live happy 
in the World without troubling their relations. I am sorry my 
Children have been so troublesome to others, chargeable I hope 
not Since I paid whatever was charged on mee, though (had the 

1 Letter-book. To Perry and Lane, June 10, 1690, and to 
A. North, same date. 2 See Letter-book. 


money left by S r Ed w Fillmer been fairly accounted for) there 
might have been no occasion for thatt. Hereafter I shall indea- 
vor to provide otherways for them ; & as soon as the War is over, 
remove them far enough. I am sorry I had occasion for this ; & 
that reflections have past wch might deserve more. However on 
all occasions I shall bee ever ready to express my Selfe, 

DearS r 

Yo 1 Obliged Humble Serv* 
W. B. 

On the day after this letter was written he wrote to Perry 
and Lane to " put out the Girls for their most advantage 
without any unnecessary charge." When they came home 
is not known. Perhaps Susan did not come at all j for she 
married John Brayne of London, whom she must have met 
about this time. Ursula returned to Virginia, and all the 
rest we know of her :s from her epitaph and from her 
father's will. By the former we learn that she was the 
wife of Robert Beverley, the historian, and that she died 
October 31, 1698, aged sixteen years and eleven months 
and two days ; from the latter that she left one son. 

William Byrd's general prosperity led him to the usual 
course of large landed investments. This was a natural 
thing in the society of the day. There might be room for 
an increase of capital in trade up to a certain point, but 
beyond that it was impossible to go. Then, as much later 
in the South, the only very profitable investment for ac- 
cumulated capital was land and negroes. It was thus that 
Byrd began at an early day to buy land and kept it up 
till his death. The process was typical of the colony, and 
a list of his purchases is introduced here for the purpose 
of illustration. 

We have already seen that he received from his uncle 
1800 acres on the south side of the James. The titles of 
three small portions of this tract were disputed, but Byrd 
eventually bought up the claims and held all of the estate 
as the nucleus of his property. In 1688, the same year in 
which he bought Westover, which contained nearly 1400 
acres, he made a much larger acquisition near his first 


holding. " Foreseeing that he should want Timber and 
being willing to have Elbow Room," says the Title-book, 
he took out a patent for 3313 acres, lying back from the 
river and adjoining on that side his other property. This 
action illustrates a second phase of the taking up of land 
in the Southern colonies generally. The first land taken 
was the rich river-banks, and then, when this was some- 
what cultivated, the next thing to do was to secure the best 
portions of the adjacent highlands. This grant of Byrd's 
in 1688, however, was not cultivated according to the re- 
quirements of the law, and lapsed. Byrd was not con- 
cerned on account of that. He was a member of the Coun- 
cil, and the Council must approve all land grants, and he 
was, moreover, escheator, through whom land must be 
legally declared to be lapsed. He let the matter lie as it 
was till 1701, when Nathaniel Harrison, acting collu- 
sively for his friend and near neighbor, got a new patent 
for the land and transferred it to the former owner. This 
was cheaper than paying quit-rents. Byrd, however, in 
1687, had patented on Falling Creek a tract which, after 
he had sold an undesired corner, amounted to 1521 acres. 
In 1696 he took up 5644 acres adjoining his other land on 
Falling Creek, his reason for so doing being that he wished 
to reopen some iron-mines on the former tract and would 
need this tract for fuel. The last acquisition lapsed, but 
his friend Richard Bland petitioned for it, and the peti- 
tion, after lying unnoticed for two or three years (which 
saved quit-rents), was granted in 1706, and the land was 
transferred to Byrd's son and heir. In 1700 he bought 
269 acres in the Falling Creek neighborhood. In 1704 
he patented 4171 acres between Po white and Poakashock 
creeks, ten miles from his other lands, the temptation 
being the discovery of iron on it. All of these lands were 
on the south side of the river. On the north he had others. 
On this side Stegg had taken up 1280 acres on both sides 
of " Shacco Creek, formerly called Chippiack Creek." A 
plat of this tract shows near the mouth of the creek the 


" Cabins of the Powite Indians." Stegg allowed this patent 
to lapse, but in 1673 it was reissued to Byrd. "At the 
Head of these 1280 Acres," says the Title-book, "lay a 
great body of Level High Land which was for the most 
part very good, which tempted Capt. Byrd to encrease the 
quantity to 7351 acres," and to the temptation he yielded 
in 1676. In 1687 he got some more land below Shacco 
Creek, probably as much as 500 acres. In 1704 he took up 
344 acres more near Manakin Town, the "temptation " 
being coal. The sum total of all these holdings is 26,231 
acres, more or less. 1 And yet Byrd was not by any means 
the largest landholder in Virginia. 2 

From Byrd's business letters it is possible to get a view 
of the conditions of a merchant's life in the colony. There 
must have been large profits on both the goods imported 
and the tobacco exported ; but they were not got without 
much trouble. The letters show that the merchant was 
continually at odds with his London and Barbadian cor- 
respondents. From the former he received all kinds of 
goods and almost as many kinds of injuries. His accounts 
were often delayed in their statement for two years, and 
then showed a balance on the wrong side. The goods sent 
were often of inferior quality or at very high prices. The 
tobacco was sold at unexpectedly low rates, and unex- 
pected charges for handling or selling or storage were added, 
on one pretext or another. All these abuses Byrd paid off 
in good round railings ; but his pocket was none the fatter 
for his strong words. He might change his agent, as he 
sometimes did, but the old complaints were soon found 
charged up against the new agent. There was no other thing 
to do but to endure and make it up in the profits of the 

1 In 1704 Byrd took up an deeds to the land, which, says 
escheated patent for 4250 acres the Title-book, was "much to the 
above Bermuda Hundred for- credit of his humanity." (p. 113.) 
merly granted to John Zouch. 2 A11 the above grants are 
On it a large number of smaller mentioned in fall in the Title- 
holders were seated without book, and plats are given of 
valid title. Byrd made them most of the land. 


trade, and it is not unlikely that Byrd knew how to do 
this. Most of his dealings, like those of his son in the first 
half of his career, were with the long-continuing house of 
Perry and Lane. If the books of that commercial firm have 
been preserved they ought to be a most valuable source of 
the economic history of Virginia. 

Much of the inconvenience felt by the trader in Vir- 
ginia was on account of transportation. Both of the Byrds 
complain loudly of this. The transportation facilities were 
in the hands, for the most part, of those London merchants 
who had regular customers in Virginia. They would send 
each fall ships of their own, or such as they had chartered, 
to Virginia, with instructions to bring back tobacco from 
their customers. The captains of these ships would arrive 
in the fall or early winter. They would make engagements 
to fill their ships, giving the preference to their regular 
customers. If it happened that a man had more tobacco 
to ship than he had been able to foresee some time ahead, 
it might be very hard for him to find a ship which had the 
room for it. This was especially true in years of large 
crops. In fact, the planters, with a view of keeping prices 
up, were not very careful to inform the London people 
how large the crop was likely to be. The Londoners, 
anxious not to send to the colony more ships than neces- 
sary, often failed to send all that were needed. Thus it was 
more frequent to find competition among the Virginians to 
get shipping facilities than among the ships to get freight. 
The evil would have been remedied, of course, if Virginia 
had had one or more large trading ports by which it sent 
the tobacco to England through the hands of exporters. 
Such exporters would have had a regular fleet carrying the 
tobacco on quick trips and steadily throughout the year. 
They would have bought the tobacco from the people for 
bills of exchange or for money, and it would have been a nat- 
ural thing for a large importing business to have grown up. 
Such a general development would have come if Virginia 
trade had depended on the small planter. But the large 


planter was opposed to it, for it gave too much of the 
year's crop to the middlemen. He was enough of a factor 
in the industrial situation to control it. To him the mer- 
chant found it profitable to continue sending the ships to 
bring home his valuable consignments of tobacco, and to send 
back to him his equally valuable invoices of European com- 
modities. Thus it happened that when, in 1691, a law was 
passed, with the support of the English merchants, to en- 
courage the establishment of towns, it raised so great a 
storm in Virginia that it was finally repealed. 

The existing method of shipping tobacco made freights 
high. As it was, a ship must be in Virginia long enough to 
make her engagements, or, so far as she knew till she arrived, 
there might be no tobacco for her. This meant that she 
arrived by the beginning of the winter. She stayed in the 
rivers, awaiting her load till the early spring, perhaps till 
June. There was comparatively little freight from Eng- 
land to Virginia, and so it was necessary to make the 
return trip pay most of the expenses of the long voyage. 
Moreover, the fact that a large majority of ships went 
chartered to take tobacco from certain planters to certain 
merchants gave enough uncertainty to the shipping trade 
to keep out independent, unchartered ships. 

Byrd received much tobacco on account of his trade. 
He bought a great deal, also, from the smaller planters, as 
a matter of speculation. It is likely that many planters 
who were not merchants were in the same ventures. He 
shipped as much as five hundred hogsheads a season. He 
accordingly suffered all the inconveniences to which I have 
referred. He suggested to Perry and Lane that some small 
Bristol or Liverpool ships be hired and sent to Virginia, 1 
but nothing seems to have come of the suggestion. These 
ships could load quickly and hurry home so as to get the 
tobacco on the market before the bulk of the crop was 
there to glut it. If tobacco were high in London the 
Virginia agents of the merchants had instructions to buy 
i Letter-book, July 21, 1690. 


largely in Virginia, where there was little fluctuation in 
price. Even the sailors caught the spirit of speculation 
and bought tobacco in such times. All this meant little 
opportunity for freight to the Virginia trader. Byrd was 
moved on account of it to protest " that we may not ever 
be instanced as wee are, to Lade the Ships when Tobo. is 
worth nothing, but when there's an Hope of profitt, then 
wee must be last Served, & take itt as a great favo r . if we 
may have a little after ye owners, master and sailors are 
served, but enough of this. I wish itt may learne us more 
witt." ! 

The manifestation of " witt " to which it led Byrd was 
to write to John Carey, a London merchant, in the fol- 
lowing year, to suggest that Carey send to the Upper James 
River a ship holding from four to six hundred hogsheads 
to load tobacco for England. He himself would send half 
that much in her, and he would guarantee to load her, 
even if she carried eight hundred hogsheads. But the 
scheme showed its weakness in that he was obliged to add 
that he would trust the tobacco to Carey to be sold ; for 
that was, it is seen, but the old plan, and there was no 
guaranty that in thus transferring his business to Carey 
he was not building up with a new man all the evils he 
had found with others. What came of this scheme is not 

Byrd's letters show also some interesting traits of char- 
acter. Now and again he orders a book of his agent. 
Sometimes it is a book of entertainment, and sometimes it 
is a book of information, as, for example, when he ordered 
a work on minerals in order to know the possibilities of 
certain iron ores. But books do not appear in his orders 
often enough to make it probable that he bought any con- 
siderable portion of the large library which later on was 
at Westover. His letters, too, show that he was very reli- 
gious. His advice to his son is expressed in a tone which 
the good Bishop Meade would have found as commendable 
i Letter-book, July 21, 1690. 


as he found the religious attitude of the second Byrd ob- 
jectionable. Among his friends he was a good companion 
and doubtless a good liver. In the earlier letters, when his 
recollections of London were fresh, he speaks often of certain 
"tokens" sent to and from Virginia by mutual friends. 
These "tokens" were presents of wine, or, if the sender 
were in Virginia, of tobacco to be invested in wine. In 
Virginia they were usually left at Captain William Ran- 
dolph's, on the James, and there drunk to the health of 
friends in England. To his brother-in-law he wrote : 
"Capt. Randolph & I & some other friends seldom meet 
but we remember you." 

But to Byrd, the prosperous trader, planter, and poli- 
tician, the closing years of the century brought accumulat- 
ing sorrows. His brilliant son was in London, shining, 
unquestionably, as the father desired, but leaving him 
lonely. Then, in October, 1698, the daughter, Ursula 
Beverley, died, a mother at less than seventeen. On No- 
vember 9, 1699, 1 his wife, Mary Horsemanden, died also. 
Her high-strung Cavalier spirit had never failed him, or 
her, in all the difficulties of the life at the falls. There she 
had borne his children one of them while he was absent 
on a political errand in Albany. She had lived resolutely 
alone while three of her children went back to England to 
learn to be gentlemen and ladies for their own good. She 
was a type of a worthy race, who won homes out of the 
forests while their husbands, with the aid of black hands, 
took fortunes out of the soil. Of the children other than 
William and Ursula, Susan was, as I have said, married in 
London j Warham was dead ; and Mary, who was alive in 
1700, when her father's will was written, was not with him 
in 1704, when he died. Where she was, or what became 
of her, is not known. 

The Title -book contains a full account of the death of 
William Byrd 1 . He was at the time alone at Westover, 

1 At this time (Nov. 16) the of the auditor, held its meeting 
Council, desiring the presence at Westover. (See Minutes. ) 


with only his housekeeper, Joanna Jarratt, and Jean 
Marat, his man. He had been ill for some time, being so 
"very lame of the gout" in 1700 that he was excused from 
attendance at Council meetings. 1 On December 3, 1704, 
when he believed that death was upon him, he sent 
a boat for Lieutenant- Colonel William Randolph, who 
came at once, although the weather was bad. To him 
Byrd gave some instructions in regard to his will, and 
early the next morning he died. He was buried at 
Westover. His epitaph, perhaps written by his learned 
son, runs : Hie reconduntur cineres Gulielmi Byrd Armigeri 
et regii huj Provindae Quaestoris qui hanc Vitam cum Eter- 
nitate commutavit 4* Die Decembris 1704 postqiiam vixisset 52 
annos. 2 

Byrd's will was a short one. To his youngest daughter, 
Mary, he gave 300 j to "Mrs. Susan Brayne," 100 ; to 
William Beverley, son of Ursula, 50 ; and to Mrs. Joanna 
Jarratt, his housekeeper, a small bequest, added just before 
he died. All the rest of his fortune was left to his son 
William, who was to be executor. But if William should 
be out of the country at the time, William Randolph and 
two other friends were to be executors until the son should 
return. As William Byrd 11 was out of Virginia when his 
father died, Randolph and the two others qualified as tem- 
porary executors, and proved the will on February 3, 
1705. 3 

WILLIAM BYED H , the second of the name in Virginia, who 
succeeded to his father's large estate in 1704, was born in 
Virginia, March 28, 1674. His epitaph, written by some 
warm admirer, and perhaps a long time after his death, is 

1 Council Minutes, April 24, tation the epitaph contains one, 

1700. for 1704 as the date of his death 

2 Wm. and Mary Quarterly, is established by both the reports 

IV. 144. Here the date of his of the governor to England and 

death is quoted as 1701. If by the Title-book, 

there is not an error in the quo- 3 See Title-book, p. 114. 


often quoted as the best epitome of the story of his life. 
It reads : 

being born to one of the amplest fortunes in this country, 

he was early sent to England for his education, 
where under the care and direction of Sir Robert Southwell, 

and ever favoured with his particular instructions, 
he made a happy proficiency in polite and varied learning. 

By the means of the same noble friend, 
he was introduced to the acquaintance of many of the first 

persons of the age 

for knowledge, wit, virtue, birth, or high station, 
and particularly contracted a most intimate and bosom 


with the learned and illustrious Charles Boyle, Earl of Orrery. 

He was called to the bar in the Middle Temple, 

studied for some tune in the Low Countries, 

visited the Court of France, 

and was chosen Fellow of the Royal Society. 

Thus eminently fitted for the service and ornament of his 


he was made Receiver-General of his majesty's revenues here, 
was thrice appointed public agent to the court and ministry of 


and, being thirty-seven years a member, 
at last became President, of the Council of this Colony. 
To all this were added a great elegance of taste and life, 

the well-bred gentleman and polite companion, 

the splendid economist and prudent father of a family, 

with the constant enemy of all exorbitant power, 

and hearty friend to the liberties of his country. 1 

William Byrd 11 differed from his father in many respects. 
The latter was always the man of business, shrewd, prac- 
tical, and skilful in the management of men. The former 
was always something of a man of pleasure. He had 
crossed with the blood of the London goldsmith the Cava- 
lier blood of his mother. He went before he was ten years 

!The use of the word "col- reference to the " liberties of his 

ony " indicates that this epitaph country " indicates that it was 

was written before the full es- written after the beginning of 

tablishment of statehood. The the quarrel with England. 


old to England for his education, and was thrown entirely 
among his mother's people. He returned to Virginia with 
a greater amount of social training than his father, but 
with less business capacity. Yet neither was lacking in 
each quality. It would not be far wrong to say that the 
elder had a great deal of business capacity and some- 
what less of social capacity, while the younger had a 
great deal of social capacity and somewhat less of 
business capacity. This does not mean the latter was an 
unfortunate business manager, for he died a wealthy 
man. But he was not the " splendid economist " his 
epitaph proclaimed him. He did some rash things for 
which his affairs suffered. For example, he assumed for a 
consideration all of Colonel Parke's debts, without know- 
ing exactly how much they amounted to ; and while he 
was badly involved on this account he remained in Eng- 
land at a heavy expense, and his old age was vexed sorely 
with the clamors of his creditors. It is certain his father 
never did a thing like this. 

Our first glimpses of the younger Byrd are in his father's 
letters, which begin to be preserved early in 1684. The 
boy was then at school in England under the supervision 
of his grandfather Horsemanden, who lived at Purleigh in 
Essex. The name of his teacher was Christopher Glassock, 1 
who sent the father good reports of the progress of the 
pupil. To the latter, whom he always called Will, Byrd 
wrote, March 31, 1685 : " I received your letter and am 
glad to hear you are with so good a Master who I hope will 
see you improve your time, & that you be careful to serve 
God as you ought, without which you cannot expect to do 
well here or hereafter." 2 

The impetus to the English education for her children 
seems to have come mostly from Mrs. Byrd. Already 
two of them, Will and Susan, were in England, and 
in 1685 the father wrote to his "Father Horsemanden" : 

i Byrd wrote a letter to him, March 31, 1685. See Maxwell, 
Va. Histl. Reg., I. 80. 2 Ibid<) It 81> 


"My wife hath all this year urged me to send little Nutty 
home to you, to which I have at last condescended, & hope 
you'll be pleased to excuse the trouble. I must confess 
she could learne nothing good here in a great family of 
Negroes. She comes in the Ship Culpepper where the 
master promised she shall want nothing that's necessary 
for her. I writ to Mr. North & Mr. Coe to supply her with 
what necessary's she wants. I pray God send her safe to 

When we next hear of Will he is in Holland, where he 
had been studying. He was, no doubt, sent here to imbibe 
some of the fine business sense of the Dutch. It must have 
been at this early date that he came under the supervision 
of Sir Robert Southwell, 1 as the epitaph declares. Now, 
Sir Robert had a son, Edward, three years older than Will, 
and him he was educating himself, with the assistance of 
Sir William Petty. 2 It is not improbable, therefore, that 
Byrd, either directly or indirectly, was put through many of 
the forms of education which recommended themselves to 
Petty, 3 and, with Petty's admiration for Holland, he might 
well have been responsible for the period of study there. 
At that early age, however, the boy could not have learned 
much about Dutch society. 4 He seems there to have been 
in touch with Mr. Senserfe, a merchant of Rotterdam, 
for Byrd wrote in 1690, thanking him for his civilities to 
the boy. 

Will Byrd himself grew tired of Holland, and asked to 
be taken away. To him his father wrote, July 25, 1690, as 

1 The elder Byrd had close 2 See Sir Robert Southwell in 

business relations with Blath- Nat. Diet, of Biog. 

wayt and Povey, who were half- 3 There was a copy of The Po- 

brothers-in-law of each other, litical Arithmetick in the Byrd 

Perhaps they had some rela- library. 

tion with Sir Robert Southwell 4 This view is supported by 

as early as this. At any rate, the fact that most of the Dutch 

the latter's son afterward mar- books in the Byrd library were 

ried a daughter of Blathwayt. text-books. 
This may give us an idea of how 
Byrd came to meet Sir Robert. 


follows : "According to your desire, I have wrote to Messrs. 
Perry and Lane to send for you to London, there to learne 
what may be farther fitting for you, and also to imploy 
you about Business, wherein I hope you will indeavour to 
acquaint yourselfe that you may be no Stranger to itt when 
necessity will require you to attend to itt. But above all 
be mindful of your duty to Heaven, & then you may be as- 
sured that God will bless you in all your undertakings." 1 
To Perry and Lane he wrote : "I desire you to send for my 
son to London, and put him into business, or if he wants 
anything to accomplish him I desire he might learn it 
there." 2 

Soon after his arrival in London the boy was entered as 
a student of law in the Middle Temple. 3 At that time the 
regulations of the Inns of Court provided that a student 
must have read at least three years before he was called to 
the bar, 4 but the usual course was for him to take at least 
five years. As Byrd was duly called to the bar, it is prob- 
able that he was a law student till late in 1695 or early in 
1696. His course must have been a thorough one, for in 
the catalogue of the Byrd books are most of the great legal 
classics, both Roman, English, and Continental. His life 
was made pleasant here by companionship with Benjamin 
Lynde, afterwards chief justice of Massachusetts. In a 
letter to Lynde, February 20, 1736, he recalls the time 
when they were both strangers together in a strange place ; 
and he gives a spicy picture of what they did to relieve 
their loneliness. "If I could persuade our captain of the 
Guard ship," says he, "to take a cruise to Boston at a 

1 See under the date in Wil- was in print from Mr. J. F. 
liam Byrd's Letter-book. Rowe, treasurer of the Middle 

2 Ibid., July 25, 1690. Temple, contains the informa- 

3 In the catalogue of the Byrd tion that William Byrd became 
library is inserted a piece of a member of that inn April 25, 
paper, seemingly the fly-leaf of 1692, but that nothing ap- 
a book, on which is written in pears to show that he was of 
Byrd's hand: "W. Byrd, E. Virginia. 

Societate M. Templi, 1692." A 4 See Pearce, Guide to the Inns 
letter received since the above of Court, pp. 305, 397. 


proper season, I woud come and beat up your quarters at 
Salem. I want to see what alteration forty years have 
wrought in you since we used to intrigue together in the 
Temple. But Matrimony has atoned Sufficiently for such 
Back slidings, and now I suppose you have so little fellow 
feeling left for the naughty Jades, that you can order them 
a good whipping without any relenting. But tho I should 
be mistaken, yet at least I hope your conscience, with the 
aid of three score and ten, has gained a complete victory 
over your constitution, which is almost the case of Sir 
yours etc." 

Byrd was back in Virginia by the middle of 1696. His 
father's influence introduced him at once into public life, 
and he was a member of the Assembly which met first in 
September of that year. He represented Henrico County j 
but in the second session, which met in October, 1697, 1 he 
was out of the country and another man was returned in 
his place. 2 He seems to have gone to England early in 
1697, for in April of that year the Council wrote that he, 
in conjunction with John Povey, would lay before the 
Board of Trade an address from the Assembly. 3 In De- 
cember of the same year he appeared with Povey again 
to represent Andros in the Lambeth Conference. Here he 
was pitted against Commissary Blair, for whose trained 
Scotch mind his young powers were no match. He was 
outclassed at every point, if the proceedings are correctly 
reported, and Blair's victory was easy. 4 In October, 1698, 
he was nominated by the Council as agent of the colony in 
London. 5 His salary in this capacity was, perhaps, 100. 6 
During this immediate period there is no evidence that he 

iHenning's Statues, III. 137, 
note, and 166, note. 

2 Va. Histl. Soc. Mag., III. 426. 

3 Sainsbury Papers, vol. for 
1691-97, p. 309. 

4 See Perry, Historical Collec- 
tions of the Colonial Church in 
Virginia, I. 36. 

5 Sainsbury Papers, vol. for 
1626-1715 (Vol. II. Part I.), 
p. 89. 

6 This is on the supposi- 
tion that the "Solicitor" men- 
tioned in the Council Minutes 
in the summer of 1699 was 
the agent. 


solicited, in England, any other colony affairs than the 
reference to him in 1697 indicates. In September of that 
year he was living in Lincoln's Inn, and had in his posses- 
sion a copy of the laws of Virginia, which the Board of 
Trade found it convenient to borrow. 1 His companions 
were congenial, and by his own confession he found the life 
pleasant, while his father had influence enough to keep 
him in office. When Nicholson and the people came into 
violent opposition because the latter refused to vote 900 
to defend the frontiers of New York, the burgesses and 
the Council elected Byrd their agent, and through him 
sent an address to the British government in defense of 
their position. This was in December, 1701. In March, 
1702, he was before the Board of Trade on this affair, and 
was also before the privy council. The board, which was 
in sympathy with Nicholson, took exception at Byrd's 
agency, and declared that sending a petition through any 
hands but those of a governor was irregular and a bad 
precedent, and that they hoped the king would so inform 
the Virginians. 2 This request was complied with and the 
Council was rebuked. That body, of which Byrd 1 was a 
prominent member, replied submissively that they did not 
know that the king would receive no address except through 
the governor, and that they would not in the future use their 
own agent. 3 After that Byrd's agency ceases. It was just 
at this time that he applied for the office of secretary, to 
succeed Wormley. He had a favorable recommendation 
from the Board of Trade, but the king gave the office to 
Jennings, who had been assistant of the former incumbent, 4 
The words in which the Board of Trade recommended 

iSainsbury Papers, 1691-97, 3 Council Minutes, entered 

pp. 349, 375. William Fitzhugh without date, but between No- 

perhaps refers to the same col- vember 11, 1702, and April 24, 

lection of laws. (See Va. Histl. 1703. 

Soc. Mag., V. 297.) 4 Sainsbury Papers, Vol. II. 

2 Sainsbury Papers, Vol. II. Part I. (1625-1715), pp. 25$ 

Part I. (1625-1715), pp. 278, 330, 274, 301. 
338, 352, 360. 


Byrd to the king were (following the abstract) : " Bird is 
a native of Virginia, son of one of the most eminent of his 
Majesty's subjects in those parts, is a person of good char- 
acter, unblamable conduct & known loyalty to His Majesty 
& his Government & has had the advantage of a liberal 
education & knowledge in the laws of England & may be 
very fit to serve his Majesty as he desires." 

If Byrd's life during this period was socially gay it was 
not a profitless one. His friendship with Sir Robert South- 
well, as the epitaph states, led him to make many acquain- 
tances among people of good standing. From this same 
source we know that one of these was Charles Boyle, Earl 
of Orrery, with whom Byrd maintained a warm friendship 
till the death of the former in 1731. This gentleman was 
a popular literary man of the day, and waged a furious war 
in behalf of a party in London known as the Christ Church 
men, a contest which is the more interesting to us because 
it led Swift to write " The Battle of the Books." It was at 
this time, perhaps, that Byrd was elected a fellow of the 
Royal Society. The honor undoubtedly came through 
Sir Robert Southwell, who was president of that body from 
1690 till 1695, and who till his death in 1702 never ceased 
to be greatly interested in its work. So far as the pub- 
lished " Transactions " show, Byrd's connection with the 
society did not lead to much. He is represented there by 
only one paper, a very short one communicated in 1697. 
It was "An Account of a Negro Boy that is dappled in 
Several Places of his Body with White Spots. By Will. 
Byrd, Esq. F. R. 8.," and was published in the issue for 
December, 1697, p. 781. 1 Byrd, however, did not under- 
value his connection with the Royal Society. His library 
catalogue shows that he got and kept the published 

1 Other Virginians of this pe- Accomac, and communicated 

riod reported papers to the so- by Sir Robert Southwell. Some 

ciety. In August, 1697, there observations on insects made 

was published an account of a by John Banister in Virginia 

storm in Virginia in 1694, re- in 1680 also were published in- 
ceived from Mr. Scarburgh of 


"Transactions." In 1741 he wrote to Sir Hans Sloane, 1 
who was himself, in that year, president of the society : "I 
take it a little unkindly Sir that my name is left out of the 
yearly List of the Royal Society, of which I have the hon- 
our of being one of its ancientest members. I suppose my 
long absence has made your Secretarys rank me in the num- 
ber of the Dead ; but pray let them know I am alive, and 
by the help of Ginsing hope to survive Some years longer.' 7 
At the time of the death of his father, December 4, 1704, 
young Byrd was still in London. As soon as he had 
news of the event he sailed for America. He arrived in 
the following spring. By his father's will he was sole heir 
of the large estate in Virginia, with the exception of some 
small legacies. He at once took possession of the estate, 
for he was named executor, and then he turned his atten- 
tion to securing the political offices his father had held. 
Lieutenant-Governor Nott readily put him temporarily in 
charge of the office of auditor and receiver -general, subject 
to the approval of the queen. 2 Blackiston, who had just 
been made Virginia agent in London, also was complaisant 
enough to ask that he be given the seat at the Council 
board which had been held by his father. 3 The latter 
request was not granted. The Board of Trade, to whom 
the application had been made, replied that they had a 
very good opinion of Mr. Byrd, but that Messrs. John 
Smith and John Lewis, who had been previously recom- 
mended, had better claims to the vacancies then in sight. 4 
Byrd thus had to wait, as it happened, till 1708. But in 
that year, on August 18, the queen, acting on the recom- 
mendations of the absentee Governor Hunter, and of Mica- 
jah Perry, the influential London merchant, was pleased to 

1 Byrd Letters, April 10, 1741. son. Also see Council Minutes, 

2 Sainsbury Papers, Vol. V. vol. for 1705-21, pp. 3, 5. 

Part II. (1705-07), p. 354. This 3 ibid., p. 316. The date was 

was in September, 1705. Since Dec. 24, 1705. 

the death of Byrd the office 4 Ibid., p. 377. 
had been filled by Gov. Nichol- 


order that William Byrd 11 should be of the Council of Vir- 
ginia in the room of John Lightfoot, deceased. 1 On Sep- 
tember 12, 1709 ; he took the prescribed oaths, and was 
duly admitted to membership. 2 It was the most honorable 
appointment ever given him. As his father had worn it, 
so he wore it, with dignity and with influence. He held 
the position till his death in 1744, and in the last year of 
his life he was, by virtue of being the longest in office, 
President of the Council. This high dignity he would 
have had longer had he not been preceded by Commissary 
Blair, whose tough Scotch constitution enabled him to 
round out a life of eighty -seven years. 

As for the auditorship, Byrd was more fortunate. He 
was confirmed in that at once in fact, before he arrived in 
Virginia. 3 But it was soon to be robbed of half of its im- 
portance. In response to a demand several times made by 
those who had criticized the ordinary method of keeping 
the accounts, it was now decided to have the offices of 
auditor and receiver-general in the hands of different men. 
This was regardless of the fact that the Virginia Council, 
to whom the Board of Trade had referred the matter for 
an opinion, said that the salary attached to the office was too 
small for two men, and that they approved the old way of 
uniting the offices, and requiring the accounts to be exam- 
ined by the Council before they were sent to England. 4 
Byrd was given the office of receiver-general, while Dudley 
Digges was made auditor. Both men presented their com- 
missions to the Council early in 1706, Byrd's dated October 
17, and Digges's dated October 10, 1705. 5 Byrd's salary was 
to be three per cent, of the receipts, but later he got it raised 

1 Ibid., vol. for 1706-14, under Council Minutes, vol. for 1705- 
dates Aug. 10, 13, 18, 1708. 1721. 

2 Council Minutes, vol. for 4 Council Minutes, vol. for 
1705-21, entry for Sept. 12, 1709. 1705-21, entry for Sept. 4 r 1705. 

s His commission from the 5 Ibid., pp. 26, 33. The two 
queen, dated April 2, 1705, is commissions are preserved in 
preserved in the back of the the back of this volume. 


to five per cent., 1 and since it remained the same under his 
successor, it is safe to assume that it continued five per 
cent, throughout Byrd's incumbency. 

Settled now in the colony, Byrd took up the responsibili- 
ties of the life of a country gentleman in good earnest. In 
1706 he married Lucy, youngest daughter of General Daniel 
Parke. 2 Her father was that sparkish gentleman who had for- 
cibly tried to eject the wife of Parson Blair from a pew in 
the Jamestown church during the administration of Andros. 
He had married a daughter of Philip Ludwell, Sr., by 
whom he had two children, both girls. About the time 
Andros left Virginia, Parke appeared in London. His 
handsome face recommended him to the Marlboroughs, 
and he was made an aide to the duke in the campaign in 
the Low Countries. To him was given the favor of bear- 
ing to the queen the tidings of the victory of Blenheim. 
As a reward for this, it is said, he was made governor of 
the Leeward Islands, where he was unpopular from the 
time of his arrival till he was killed in 1710 in a riot in 
Antigua. His murder occurred just at the time of the fall 
of the Marlborough party, and the succeeding party did 
not trouble itself to avenge the dead man. 

Frances, the elder daughter of Parke, had married John 
Custis of Virginia. Now, when Parke died, as Byrd says 
in the Title-book, " a Will was produced and proved 
which he had made not long before his Death. By that 
will he left all his Estate in England and Virginia to his 
Eldest Daughter Mrs. Custis, and his Estate in the West 
Indies (which was of twice the Value of all the rest) to 
Lucy Chester, which he had too much Reason to believe 
his own Daughter, altho' her mother was at that time a 

1 This is taken from the com- only seven and a half per cent, 

missions. In 1715 the joint (See Sainsbury Papers, vol. for 

salary of the auditor and re- 1715-20, p. 463.) 

ceiver-general was raised to ten 2 Parke' s mother was Jane, 

per cent, by order obtained from or Rebecca, Evelyn, daughter 

the treasury, whereas before of George Evelyn of Surrey 

October 20, 1712, it had been County, England. 


marry'd woman. And as for Mrs. Byrd (who never had 
offended her Father, but was marry'd not only with his 
consent but at his earnest desire) she was fobb'd off with 
One Thousand pounds." l Moreover, all his debts and the 
legacies were charged against the Virginia and English 
property, and Custis was named executor in matters relat- 
ing to that property. Byrd, whose family pride was not 
small, was unwilling that the land should go into the hands 
of strangers. He accordingly came to an agreement with 
Custis by which he bought enough of the Virginia lands, 
and the English property also, as it seems, to pay the obli- 
gations against the estate. It is a singular illustration of 
business affairs in the colony that they proceeded without 
the use of either money or bills of exchange. Custis trans- 
ferred the lands to Byrd, 2 and Byrd assumed the debts and 
legacies. Like so many other Virginians, Parke was in debt 
to Micajah Perry, who had been his London agent. By a 
schedule of the debts which Perry sent to Byrd, it ap- 
peared that the estate owed 6280, besides 400 due to the 
queen as interest on Parke's bond. The latter Byrd tried 
to get remitted. Parke had an estate at Whitechurch, in 
England, which Perry said was worth 4000, but which 
was charged with a mortgage of 2230. Byrd trusted to 
Perry's schedule. He had much cause to regret it. He 
said in 1723, 3 twelve years after the agreement was made, 
that he had then paid 1000 more than the schedule, on 
account of debts hitherto unheard of. 

In 1710, the very year in which Parke died, there came 
to Virginia a man who was destined to make things un- 
comfortable for more than one man there, and for Byrd 
among the others. This was Colonel Alexander Spots- 
wood, who came as lieutenant-governor under the Earl of 

!See the Byrd Title-book in was necessary to sell them. (See 

connection with the land which Henning's Statutes, III. 29. ) 

Byrd now received from Custis, 3 Letter to John Custis, July 

p. 195. 29, 1723. It is preserved among 

2 The Virginia lands were en- the MSS. of the Va. Histl. Soc., 

tailed, and an act of Assembly File VII. 


Orkney, the absentee governor-in-chief. He was a strong- 
willed Scotchman, who believed with proverbial Scotch 
insistency in maintaining the prerogative and the dignity 
of the crown. Spotswood found soon after he arrived in 
the country what kind of a thing a Virginia Council was. 
As a matter of fact, the Council was an oligarchy, jealous 
of its rights, and powerfully established through personal 
relations, which many of its members had, with prominent 
men in London. Its members were men of towering per- 
sonality, as the Lud wells, "King" Carter, the Lees, and 
Kalph Wormley. Moreover, they had been used for a 
long time to the largest share in the control of the govern- 
ment. Since the days of Sir William Berkeley there had 
been no governor who had been completely the head of his 
own administration. Culpeper and Effingham were too 
much bent on advancing their own interests to contend 
with the Council. Both Andros and Nicholson had ideas 
of their own dignity, but their tempers were ill suited to 
the task of disestablishing the authority of the Council. 
Spotswood declared that it was the intention of the Council 
to control affairs which had caused the troubles in both of 
those administrations, which, being translated into a saner 
form, means that these two governors had resented the au- 
thority of the Council, and through their testy tempers 
fallen into disgraceful quarrels with most of the councilors. 
Nott, who followed these two governors, was confessedly a 
weak-spirited man, approved of by Blair before he was ap- 
pointed, and, had he not so soon ended his life, would hardly 
have disputed the rule of the leaders. Then came the long 
interregnum during which no governor came to Virginia, 
and the administration was left formally to the Council. 
Thus it had happened that for the space of a generation 
from the fall of Berkeley till the arrival of Spotswood, the 
Council was a chief force in government. It was to be 
the principal effort of the latter governor to bring it to 
that subserviency which existed in some of the Northern 
colonies. Spotswood's attempt, though outwardly success- 



ful, was inwardly a failure. He was watched quietly by 
the party he had opposed, till at last he was taken at a dis- 
advantage and his removal was secured. He was succeeded 
by Drysdale, and after him by Gooch, neither of whom ven- 
tured to raise the questions which loomed so large in the 
time of Spotswood. In fact, till the time of the Revolution 
the dignity of the Council was unabated. 1 

It is not possible to refrain from pointing out the re- 
markably fortunate effect this had upon the political 
aspect of the Revolutionary period. Instead of throwing 
the councilors, who through abilities and position were 
the natural leaders of the community, into an inane es- 
pousal of the rights of the crown, it developed in them a 
strong colony sense. They felt that they were Virginians 
first of all. They did not go with the ministry in their 
taxation schemes. They did not, perhaps, feel the fullest 
sympathy with the lurid popular agitation for liberty, but 
they gave to that agitation the blessings of an experienced 
conservatism, holding back the movement till the proper 

1 The following is the oath of erall and the full consent of the 
a councilor on taking his place Council of State there Resident 
in the Council: "You shall or the major part of them, Pub- 
swear to be a true and faithful lication shall be made thereof; 
servant unto the King's Maj- You shall to your utmost bear 
esty as one of his Council of faith and Allegiance to the 
State and to be aiding and as- King's Majesty his heirs and 
sisting to his Excellency his lawful Successors, and shall as- 
Majesties Lieutenant Governor sist and defend all Jurisdiocons, 
of Virginia; You shall in all proheminoncos and authorities 
things to be moved treated granted unto His Majesty and 
and debated in the Council annext unto the Crown against 
faithfully to declare your Mind all fforeign Princes Persons Pre- 
and opinion, according to your lates and Potentates whatsoever 
heart and Conscience, and shall and Generally you shall act and 
keep secret all matters com- doe in all things as a faithfull 
mitted and revealed unto you and true subject ought to doe 
according to the same, and that to his Majesty So help you 
be treated Secretly in the God." (From the Council Min- 
Council, until such times as by utes, 1721-34, among some mis- 
the Consent of His Majesties cellaneous papers entered in the 
Lieutenant and Governour Gen- back of the book. ) 


time, and setting it forth, when it did come, with a dignity 
and an ability which won for it at once the respect of the 

An illustration of how far this independence of the Coun- 
cil had gone in Virginia in 1706 is seen from a statement 
by the Rev. James Blair, who, from opposing the power of 
the Council, came at last to participate in it. In this year 
he joined Hartwell, Chilton, and Benjamin Harrison in 
a memorial to the Board of Trade against the Council's 
acquisition of such great powers. He was then in Eng- 
land, and being called before the board, testified that there 
were " several in the government who have been for years 
endeavoring to have all power invested in the Council, 
and by degrees they try to lessen the prerogative and to 
render the Queen's Governor little better than a cypher, 
and in truth they have in effect gained their point." l 
Then Blair went on to give instances to prove his point j 
but they have not been included in the abstracts. Were 
this not from one of the most upright men in Virginia it 
might be discounted as the vaporings of a disappointed 
politician. But the character of the president of the col- 
lege and the commissary of the Bishop of London is too 
good to be disposed of so lightly. 

The basis of the power of the councilors, aside from 
their political influence, was in their large landed estates. 
They were not, it is true, the only large landowners in the 
colony, but they were very large ones. Whatever irregu- 
larity in granting or holding land might redound to the 
profit of the holder they found it to their own advantage 
to wink at. Thus it seems to have been the universal 
habit to give very generous measure in laying out patents, 
and to conceal the amount of land subject to quit-rents. 
Now the Council, as the representatives of the king, ought 
to have been the first to see that these irregularities were 
not practised ; but their interests as large landowners made 

1 Sainsbury Papers, Vol. V. Part II. (1705-15), p. 467; 
the quotation is from the abstract. 


it a temptation to them to let the law be violated. That 
they did this is the only way to account for the abuses in 
the issuing of importation rights, and in the loose way of 
construing the law of the seating of land. Certainly, had 
they actively engaged themselves to reform these evils they 
would have succeeded. 1 

When Lieutenant-Governor Alexander Spotswood ar- 
rived in 1710, he found this state of affairs fully developed. 
He had possibly had some intimations of it before he left 
England. At any rate, he made a conscience of bringing 
the prerogative, and the lieutenant-governor as the repre- 
sentative of it, into the fullest vigor. His first step was 
to get through the Assembly a law to provide better for the 
seating of land. The old law had stipulated that on eveiy 
tract of land, within three years after it was granted, a 
house must be built, and one acre cultivated j otherwise 
it lapsed. Thus it was possible to hold a large tract for a 
very small outlay. The new law provided that failure to 
pay quit-rents for three years should cause the grant to 
lapse. 2 This law he got through without arousing the op- 
position of the Council. Then came the troubles in North 
Carolina, in which he was twice called on for assistance, 
and he had not time for controversies at home. But in 
1713 the coast was clear, and he began to turn his atten- 
tion to the quit-rents. 

It was at this point that Spotswood came into opposition 
to Byrd. He had made up his mind that the interest of 
the king's revenue demanded more businesslike methods 
of collecting the quit-rents and of selling the tobacco in 
which they had been paid. His proposition did not openly 

1 Edward Chilton testified in onel Ludwell raised a patent for 

1697 that he knew of a tract of 2000 acres to 20,000 by the addi- 

27,017 acres on which the im- tion of a cipher and that his influ- 

provements consisted of a house ence in the Council was such that 

that did not cost ten shillings and nothing was said of it. ( Sains- 

a few hogs turned loose in the bury Papers, 1691-97, p. 350.) 

woods. It was a notorious fact, 2 Spotswood Letters, I. 50-52, 

he said, that some years ago Col- 60-61. 


assail Byrd's integrity, but it did imply that the old 
method had been singularly faulty. The elder Byrd, un- 
der the circumstance, would have bowed to the power of the 
Council and maintained the office while he took the salary 
in making the new scheme work. The younger Byrd had 
more of the Cavalier pride about him. He considered 
himself attacked in his honor, and he prepared for a fight. 

The farming of the quit-rents, which was practised in 
1699, had not been maintained. When Spotswood arrived 
they were collected by the sheriffs of the counties through 
their deputies. The sheriffs settled with the receiver-gen- 
eral, who was Byrd. It was admitted on both sides that 
the sheriffs did not properly collect, and the implication was 
that by passing through so many hands the quit-rents be- 
came very much, and often very unwarrantably, lessened. 

Spotswood, perhaps, gave some inkling of his dissatisfac- 
tion with the existing system as early as 1713 ; for in that 
year Byrd prepared and offered to the lieutenant-governor 
a new scheme for collecting the quit-rents. Its features 
were : (1) the quit-rents to be collected by four deputy 
receivers ; (2) those who paid in tobacco-notes to do so 
before the last of March ; and (3) deputy receivers to 
account to the receiver-general, and make sworn returns 
of their accounts to the auditor. This plan, said Byrd, in 
the bitterness of his controversy, Spotswood received with 
the scorn with which he received all proposals which "hath 
not the advantage of his own contrivance." l Spotswood's 
scorn may have been due to a suspicion that the scheme 
would only create more officials to build up the strength 
of the party already too strong. 

This much had been done privately. But in July, 1714, 
Spotswood asked Byrd and Ludwell to propose a better 
scheme for collecting the quit-rents. Byrd proposed the 
scheme he had already once submitted. In November 
Spotswood, ignoring Byrd's scheme, announced to the 
Council that he would submit a scheme, which he at once 
1 From Byrd's defense. Preserved in MS. by the Va. Histl. Soc. 


proceeded to do. The chief features of his scheme were : 
1. The sheriffs to collect quit-rents at places appointed 
by the county court, and not on the land, as formerly. 2. 
If the quit-rents were brought to them they were to receive 
only five per cent, for their commission, and the payer was 
to have five per cent, discount. 3. Those who paid the 
receiver-general in person were to have eight per cent, 
discount. 4. Sheriffs to settle directly with the receiver- 
general in Williamsburg, and to file copies of their ac- 
counts with the auditor and the clerks of the respective 
county courts. 5. Quit-rents to be paid in sterling money, 
or, if in foreign coins, to be rated with Mexican silver at 
three and a half pennyweights for a shilling, or with Peru- 
vian silver at nineteen pennyweights for five shillings, or in 
tobacco-notes on any warehouse in Virginia. 6. On a 
given day there should be posted in the general court- 
house at Williamsburg a list of all the quit-rent tobacco 
by parcels, and buyers must enter their bids opposite the 
parcels ; and at the end of ten days the tobacco would 
be sold to the highest bidder. The purpose of the scheme 
was to secure economy in collecting and more competition 
in selling the quit-rent tobacco. Spotswood asked the 
Council to think over the proposition. The various fea- 
tures of the scheme were voted on separately. They all 
passed, Byrd and Ludwell voting against all that were 
material to the purpose of the scheme. On the third pro- 
posal Byrd first voted "yea," thinking it would increase 
the revenue, and it was passed by a vote of four to five. 
But on the following morning, before the minutes of the 
preceding day were read in the Council, he announced that 
he wanted to change his vote. Spotswood refused to allow 
this, and declared the proposal adopted. 

Byrd's objections to Spotswood's scheme were summa- 
rized in his defense l as follows : 1. Sheriffs were not the 

1 His defense is preserved to the Board of Trade, Sept. 27, 
among the MSS. of the Va. 1716. (Sainsbury Papers, vol. 
Histl. Soc. It was submitted for 1715-20, p. 563.) 


proper persons to collect quit-rents, because they were 
changed too often ; and if they did poorly at ten-per-cent. 
commissions, they would do no better at five per cent. 
2. The giving of the payer five per cent, in the second pro- 
posal was granting away the king's money, and that they 
had no right to do. 3. To give eight per cent, discount 
to those who paid directly to the receiver-general reduced 
the reward of the sheriff so that the office would not be 
worth his while. Besides, it increased greatly the expenses 
of the receiver-general. When Byrd wrote his defense the 
scheme had been working two years. He said that when 
tobacco was high rich persons bought the quit-rent tobacco 
from the smaller farmers and sent the money with long 
lists of names to the receiver -general, and that the bringer 
had to be entertained till his accounts could be settled. 
Thus there was a large additional expense, both for enter- 
tainment of messengers and for clerk-hire $ but that, he 
thought, was very agreeable to Spotswood. 4. To the 
fourth proposal Byrd made no objection. 5. Spotswood's 
rating of foreign coins reduced the amount of money the 
king received from the quit-rents, and taking tobacco- 
notes from any county induced men to buy up the tobacco 
raised in unfavorable counties with which to pay their 
quit-rents. He did not know why Spotswood had pro- 
posed this unless it was because he had lately become a 
large landowner. 6. The old method of selling quit-rents 
by private sale had long been approved by the Council 
and governors. No fault was found with it till after the 
removal of Nicholson. The new method would not work 
because the buyers would agree among themselves not to 
bid against one another. How they should be less apt to 
agree to this same thing in a private sale he does not 

Against this let us put Spotswood's statement. 1 There was, 
he said, in the collection of the quit-rents in Virginia "the 
grossest Mismanagements and most fraudulent Collections 
1 Spotswood Letters, II. 86. 


that ever was known in a Revenue," and he offered to prove 
it. The sheriffs, indeed, were the "Gent, of the Country," 
but their deputies were those who would give most to be 
deputies. The latter did the actual collecting, and ren- 
dered their accounts to their superiors. At the end of the 
year the high sheriff would go before the auditor and swear 
that his accounts were true, to the best of his knowledge. 
As these accounts did not specify the several tracts of land 
on which the quit-rents were paid, it was very difficult to 
discover an error or a fraud. 

It is notable that these charges, in which Spotswood had 
no hesitancy to be severe enough, did not reach the moral 
integrity of either Byrd or Ludwell. The receiver-general 
and the auditor had nothing to do with the collecting or 
with the appointment of the sheriffs and the deputy 
sheriffs. They could neither one do more than receive the 
accounts that were submitted to them. The fraud, as ap- 
pears by the statement of the lieutenant-governor, was 
with the sheriffs and their deputies. Byrd and Ludwell 
both admitted this. The essential difference between their 
scheme and Spotswood's was that the former wanted to 
reform affairs by creating special collectors, while the latter 
wanted to use the existing machinery, and throw more of 
the strain on its central point, the receiver-general ; for, 
as he said to the board, he did not conceive that it was his 
Majesty's intention that the receiver-general should be no 
more than a formal officer whose work was all done by 
others. Byrd's scheme was born of the spirit of the then 
existing English office-holding ; Spotswood's was the prod- 
uct of thrifty Scotch management, which contemplated no 
sinecures. The latter scheme was the more businesslike. 
After one annual collection had been made under it, Spots- 
wood declared : "One-third of the Crown lands in this 
Colony has this year yielded a greater Revenue than the 
whole did formerly." 1 

Late in 1713 Byrd had asked for leave of absence for a 
1 Spotswood Letters, II. 117. 


year to go to England on private business. 1 He may have 
desired this in connection with the debts of Parke, or he 
may have had an inkling of the coming quarrel with Spots- 
wood. Early in 1715 he departed, 2 leaving Nathaniel 
Harrison as his deputy. He carried with him a strong 
feeling of resentment against Spotswood. In London he 
was received with consideration. On July 15 and 26, 
1715, he was called before the Board of Trade to give in- 
formation in regard to the Indian war in South Carolina. 3 
On August 11 he presented a memorial that the Virginia 
quit-rents should not be taken over into the English trea- 
sury. The latter matter caused much concern in the 
colony. The new sovereign contemplated converting this 
revenue into the royal treasury as soon as it was collected. 
The old way had been to leave it in the colony till it 
reached a considerable sum, subject to the orders of the 
king. Occasionally some of it had been used to repair de- 
ficiencies in the ordinary fund of two shillings a hogshead. 
Alarmed at the prospect of having permanently diverted 
to king's use a fund which had always offered them a sure 
recourse in times of unexpected outlay, the colonists now 
sent up a cry that the quit-rents should be held for the 
use of the colony. Byrd, as receiver-general, was in the 
center of the commotion, and went actively to work for 
the colonists. He was several times before the Board 
of Trade, giving them information. To them he said that 
the two-shilling duty yielded ordinarily 3000 a year, 
and the quit-rents from 1200 to 1500, and that the ex- 
penses of the government were about 3500 a year. Spots- 
wood could not be so indifferent to the interests of the 
colony as not to desire that the quit-rents should not be 
diverted from its use ; but he said, when delivering his 

1 Sainsbury Papers, vol. for absence begins, was April 25. 

1706-14, entry for Jan. 25, 1714. (See Council Minutes.) 

2 He last attended the Council 3 Sainsbury Papers, vol. for 
meeting on Feb. 23. The next 1715-20, under the dates men- 
meeting, at which his prolonged tioned. 


opinion to the board, that he hoped they would do what 
he asked as in response to his request and not as in re- 
sponse to the address of the Assembly, which had been 
forwarded. 1 After due deliberation it was decided that 
the quit-rents should be spent as formerly, but that the 
colony was not to take this as a warrant for extravagant 
expenditures. 2 

The success of this affair was gratifying to Byrd, and it 
tended to increase his influence in Virginia. He next pro- 
ceeded to move for the repeal of two laws which Spots- 
wood had got passed in 1714. One of these was a law to 
provide for the payment of debts in tobacco, and the other 
created a company to which was given a monopoly of the 
Indian trade. Byrd thought both of these laws injurious 
to the colony, and he set out actively to get them disal- 
lowed. He made strong arguments before the Board of 
Trade, especially against the latter law. Spotswood de- 
fended himself by saying that the Indian trading company 
had been established to prevent the abuses committed in 
the trade by indiscriminate traders, and that the scheme 
did not injure the old traders, since all of them except 
Byrd, who was about to leave the country when the law 
was proposed, had been asked to take stock in the company. 
He added that since the trade was concentrated at Chris- 
tiana, where his Indian school was, and since the company 
agreed to contribute a sum to the support of this school, 
the scheme held out great promise of the solution of the 
Indian question. But Byrd had on his side the English- 
man's hatred of monopoly, and on July 31, 1717, the king, 

1 Sainsbury Papers, vol. for 3 Byrd gave as one of the rea- 

1715-20, p. 478. This address sons why he had once favored 

was perhaps the one forwarded having distinct justices of the 

by the hands of Byrd when he General Court that it would 

went to England, and referred to create more offices and thus 

in a letter to the Board of Trade, keep a part of the quit-rent 

an undated copy of which is revenue in the colony. (See 

preserved in the collection of his letter to Ludwell, Sept. 24, 

the Virginia Historical Society. 1717. ) 


on the recommendation of the Board of Trade, ordered both 
the laws to be repealed. 1 

In the meantime in Virginia the war had become acute. 
Spotswood had come to an open breach with Ludwell, be- 
cause Ludwell resented his quit-rent policy and would not 
submit his books to Spotswood, and the upshot of the 
matter was that the lieutenant-governor suspended him till 
the case could be tried in England. To Blathwayt, who, 
as auditor-general, was Ludwell's superior, Spotswood sent 
an account of his action, and regretted that it had been 
necessary. To the Board of Trade he sent his charges 
against the deputy auditor. Now he gradually came to 
feel as much resentment against Byrd as against Ludwell. 
He charged both with obstructing the execution of his quit- 
rent policy, but said that inasmuch as Byrd was out of the 
country he did not like to proceed definitely against Harri- 
son, who was only a deputy to Byrd. The affair would have 
gone through a long and tedious investigation, no doubt, had 
not Blathwayt anticipated Spotswood. Before he received 
Spotswood's charges against Ludwell he had removed the 
latter gentleman from office. 2 But neither Ludwell nor 
Byrd were satisfied to leave the matter as it was. They 
both prepared stated defenses, which were submitted to 
the Board of Trade, and to which Spotswood was allowed 
to make reply. Byrd wrote both defenses. All of his, 
though partly illegible, and a fragment of Ludwell's, are 
preserved among the manuscripts in the possession of the 
Virginia Historical Society. They were able instruments, 
clear and cutting, and not without the biting sarcasm 
which renders Byrd's less strenuous writings so delightful. 

iSainsbury Papers, vol. for management of the revenues 

1715-20, pp. 549, 616, 630. in his own or creature's hands 

2 Blathwayt's view of this by which means there might 

dispute is worth noting. In be no control over him or his 

announcing the removal of friends being Commander in 

Ludwell he said : " In the main Chief. This I conceive to be 

it is perhaps more agreeable the truth of the matter." 

to Col. Spotswood to have the (Ibid., 560.) 


They were a worthy offset to Spotswood's strong and ser- 
viceable arguments, so that the reader is left in doubt as to 
which side handled its weapons more skilfully. 

Byrd was better able to wage this war from having re- 
lieved himself of his office ; for as a servant of the king it 
did not become him to oppose the king's representative, 
except in the spirit of official humility, and of that spirit 
Byrd had none. On October 2, 1716, he wrote to John 
Custis saying that he had sold his place of receiver-general 
for 500 to James Roscowe, 1 the first person he met who 
was willing to pay his price. This was not because he 
feared that he would be removed, but because the office 
was a burden under existing conditions. To hold it gave 
Spotswood the opportunity to charge him with miscon- 
duct, and to get thereby the credit of being zealous in the 
interest of the king ; so that the holder "must either be a 
slave to his [Spotswood's] humour, must fawn upon him, 
jump over a stick whenever he was bid, or else he must 
have so much trouble loaded on him as to make his place 
uneasy. In short, such a man must be either the governor's 
dog or his ass j neither of which stations suit in the least 
with my constitution." Now, he added, he could give 
himself entirely to opposing Spotswood's arbitrary and un- 
just designs. 2 A year later he again wrote that he was 
laboring with all his might "to hinder so great a power 
from being lodged in any bashaw." 

Byrd's defense took up Spotswood's charges in order : 
1. To the statement that Byrd kept the quit-rent ac- 
counts intermixed with his private affairs, and for four years 
had refused to give an itemized account of them, he replied 
that Spotswood had not complained about the accounts be- 
fore 1714, as the Council minutes would show, that these 

iRoscowe was admitted to the 2 This letter is printed in 
office of receiver-general by the Lossing's Edition of G. W. P. 
Council on Jan. 22, 1717, but his Custis' s Recollections of Wash- 
commission was dated March 26, ington, in the Memoir of Custis 
1716. (See Council Minutes.) by Mrs. Lee, p. 29. 


accounts had always been kept in separate books, and that 
he had submitted those books to the board just after he ar- 
rived in England. 2. To the charge that he would not 
make a rent-roll he replied that every governor had been 
ordered to make a rent-roll, but that it was not a duty 
put on the receiver -general ; that it was a difficult matter 
and had long engaged the attention of the Council, and that 
some of the sheriffs "return'd uncouth medleys instead of 
Rentrolls," they being very ignorant. 3. To the com- 
plaint that sheriffs received bad tobacco he answered 
that the sheriffs were appointed by the governor. 4. 
To the complaint that abuses had occurred in the sale 
of importation rights he replied that this was true, but he 
was in no way responsible for it, and that he had heartily 
supported the reforms which had been made in regard to 
the same. 5. To the charge that he received Spanish sil- 
ver at nineteen pennyweights for five shillings, which was 
exorbitant, and paid it out for sixteen pennyweights for 
five shillings, he replied that it was the custom of the 
country in small purchases, and he introduced witnesses to 
prove the point. 1 In his reply for Ludwell he said that if 
the king got what was due him he did not see how there 
could be complaint about the kind of money in which the 
receiver-general had dealt. 6. To the charge that his 
method of keeping the accounts was "dark & idle " he re- 
plied that they had been in use for years, and had been 
approved by the Board of Trade and by the former gover- 
nors, and that Spotswood himself had not objected to them 
till the expiration of Nicholson's commission in 1714. 2 
7. To the charge that he had always opposed Spotswood he 
said that he had opposed him only when the king's interests 
seemed to him to demand it, and that such was his sworn 

*Byrd in his own reply re- bury Papers, vol. for 1715-20, 
fers for this to Lud well's de- pp. 568-571. 
fense. He introduced his wit- 2 To what commission he re- 
nesses before the Board of ferred I am unable to guess. 
Trade, Nov. 2, 1716. (See Sains- EDITOR. 


duty ; that he had not tried to excite popular feeling 
against Spotswood, and that the popular discontent was 
rather due to Spotswood's temper and to his habit of think- 
ing that all opposition was insolent. 8. As to the com- 
plaint against certain words which Ludwell had used to 
Spotswood, he owned that they were improper, but called 
attention to the fact that they were not spoken in Council 
or in a court of justice, but at a muster-field, where the lieu- 
tenant-governor had no business to be. 9. This article 
referred to the quit-rent scheme, which has already been 
mentioned. 10. As to the charge that the majority of the 
Council were related to Ludwell and Byrd, he replied with 
a list of the councilors, showing how each was related to 
the two ; and by his own showing four of them were related 
by blood or marriage to Ludwell, and two of these four to 
Byrd ; and these four, with Byrd, who was himself related to 
Ludwell by marriage, would give six or half of the Coun- 
cil of one family connection. 

With Ludwell's defense we are not directly concerned, 
but there is one point in it which illustrates so strikingly 
his relation to Spotswood that it will be well to mention it. 
This is the personal controversy referred to by Byrd in the 
eighth article above, the story of which is as follows : In 
the days of Governor Berkeley the colony had set aside 
3000 acres of land near Jamestown for the use of the gov- 
ernor, and Berkeley had lived on it for many years, during 
which time he took up in his own name 2090 acres adjoin- 
ing the same tract. He also had confirmed to himself 
personally several leases of parts of the former tract. Soon 
after his arrival in Virginia, Spotswood had the governor's 
tract surveyed, and found that it contained little more than 
2000 acres. He believed that the encroachment had been 
from Berkeley's side. Berkeley's property had come, 
through the marriage of Dame Frances, his widow, to 
Philip Ludwell, into the hands of the second Philip Lud- 
well. On this disputed land were the fine house and grounds 
of " Green Springs," which Berkeley had built. Spotswood 


was anxious to recover this land, and Ludwell says it 
was because he wanted to get the fire-wood on it. He made 
a proposition to Ludwell to exchange it for other lands of 
the government near Jamestown, and other proposals were 
made, but nothing came of any of them. Finally, in the 
winter of 1715-16 it came time to procession lands in the 
neighborhood. By law, if a piece of land were peacefully 
processioned for the third time, its title was irrevocably 
fixed in the holder. 1 Spotswood, therefore, filed a caveat 
against LudwelFs processioning the disputed tract. He 
realized that if he did not act now he would lose all 
chance of recovery. This step brought about a lawsuit. 2 

As to what next happened Spotswood gives no particu- 
lars. Ludwell, however, describes it as follows : "I should 
be too tedious to enumerate the extraordinary methods & 
the indefatigable pains that were taken by the Governor & 
others appointed by him for carrying on this Law-suit, 
but in short a jury met on the land to lay out the bounds 
at which the Governor appeared in person & by his severe 
& hasty way of examining the witnesses I brought to prove 
the ancient bounds & his angry countenance they were so 
Terryfyed they hardly knew how to answer any thing that 
was asked them. Insomuch that I lost the benefit of one 
of my Witnesses entirely ; at last the Jury having heard the 
Witnesses viewed the Grounds, received all papers that were 
offered them & heard all the arguments on both sides re- 
tired to consult among themselves & having agreed what 
they would do called for the surveyor to goe about it, but 
out of Eespect to the Governor they thought fitt to informe 
him of their resolutions, which being disagreeable to him 
he rated them very Severely in order to make them alter 
their resolutions, representing them as Ignorant obstinate 
fellows. Among other things he called them by way of 
derision a Chickahominy Jury, told them they acted un- 
fairly & partially, that they would not do their sovereign 

1 Henning's Statutes, III. 325. 

2 Spotswood Letters, II. 155. 


justice (for the Suit was made in the King's name & is to 
be at the King's charge tho' if the King should gain the 
cause he will loose twelve pence a year for every fifty acres 
the Governor should recover) & that their names Should 
all be sent to England &c. I being vexed to see my cause 
in so much danger by the Jurys being thus run down & so 
much disheartened by this unfair practice and haveing been 
provoked a little before by the Governor representing my 
Uncle who had been formerly Secretary & my father who 
had been formerly clerk of the Secretarys office & Deputy 
secretary, as Destroyers of Records, I did at last say these 
words, I think that this is very hard that my witnesses 
must be brow-beaten & the Jury hectored out of their 
Senses & not Suffered to proceed upon their own resolu- 
tions. But I protest I had not the least thought of dis- 
honouring his majesty. . . . Certainly it must be very hard 
to be put under the delemma of keeping silence & loosing 
my house, or Speaking to defend it & loosing my office." 1 

Spotswood's only testimony is that at the trial he was 
treated "with more rudeness & ill-manners than I believe 
any Governor ever was treated." LudwelFs relations 
urged him not to think of the matter, and said that Lud- 
well would apologize for it as soon as his anger cooled, but 
no apology was offered. Of the Board of Trade Spotswood 
asked "a Suitable Reparation for a Affront done to me in 
my public Capacity, which I should not have acquiesced 
under, had it been offered to me as a private person. I 
shall only add this observation, that since the Lands now 
in dispute came into the hands of Mr. Ludwells Father, 
that Family have never suffered any Governor to be at 
ease after he once begun to enquire into their Title, as y'r 
Lo'ps, by looking into the plantation affairs, will find that 
all the Clamours rais'd against Colo. Jeffreys, L'd Effing- 
ham, S'r Edmund Andrews 2 and Colo. Nicholson have been 
fomented and Carryed on either by the Father or the 

1 This jury trial was in March, 1716. 
The quotation is from Lud well's defense. 2 Andros. 


Son." 1 After all due allowances are made for the exagger- 
ation of persons highly indignant, here is an instructive 
picture of the inner political life of an American colony. 

These two papers were submitted to the Board of Trade 
in 1716. 2 Neither man was in office, and there was no en- 
couragement to thresh over straw which held no grain, and 
so the matter was allowed to lie. 

But there had already arisen in Virginia another quar- 
rel with Spotswood. This was one that brought almost 
the whole Council down upon him. The highest court in 
the colony was the General Court. A law of 1705, follow- 
ing a former law, enacted that it should be held by the 
governor and Council ; 3 but Spotswood, in 1710, got a law 
passed providing that the former law should not abridge 
the king's prerogative to erect special courts of oyer and 
terminer. 4 Spotswood saw plainly enough that holding 
the highest court in the colony gave the Council a vast 
deal of power, and this he proposed to lessen by extending 
the privilege of holding special oyer and terminer courts. 
He proposed to appoint to hold the court some councilors 
and some who were not councilors. He justified himself 
chiefly on the ground that since six members of the Coun- 
cil were of one family, and since they must all retire from 
the bench when a case involving a member of that family 
was to be tried, it was important to have the court consti- 
tuted differently. There was much truth in Spotswood's 
assertion, but there was a weakness in his position, due to 
the fact that his proposition would give the appointment 
of the judges to the governor ; and if there was any good 
reason that the advisory part of the executive should not 
engross the judicial function, there was better reason that 
the presiding part of it should not do so. What the colony 

i Spotswood Letters, II. 156. 3 Henning's Statutes, III. 

2 Byrd's defense was sub- 288. 

mitted Sept. 27, 1716. I have 4 Ibid., III. 489, and Spotswood 

not found when Ludwell's was Letters, II. 224. 


did need was a Supreme Court, distinct from all other 
departments of government. 

In December, 1712, a man was to be tried for his life, 
and Spotswood joined the Speaker and two leading bur- 
gesses with the Council to hold the court of oyer and 
terminer that tried him. It is noticeable that he thus 
began to bind to himself the most influential members of 
the House of Burgesses. The councilors, however, ob- 
jected to the innovation, and the matter was dropped for a 
time. In referring the matter to the Board of Trade, he 
insisted that he had the right which he had claimed, and 
that he thought it should occasionally be exercised, if for 
no other reason, to establish a respect for the king's pre- 
rogative. 1 On June 1, 1716, the Board of Trade, returning 
to this subject, wrote that he had the right to appoint such 
courts, unless there were a colonial law to the contrary. 2 
There was no such law, as the act of 1710, already referred 
to, clearly shows. This decision pleased Spotswood, and 
as there were some criminal cases to be tried, he appointed 
a special court of oyer and terminer, consisting of five 
councilors and four other persons. Only one of the coun- 
cilors was willing to serve. He was perhaps William 
Cocke, whom Byrd pronounced "a devoted Creature to the 
Lieut Governor." There was such an ominous look on the 
face of the affair that Spotswood hurriedly sent to England 
an explanation of his proceeding, lest the other side might 
send over a secret remonstrance "to private Agents, to be 
used for concealed Designs," in which he unquestionably 
alluded to Byrd. 3 

The Council, in fact, which had hitherto been mostly for 
Spotswood, regardless of the affair of Byrd and Ludwell, 
were much aroused. They saw in the present step the 
beginning of a formidable attack on one of their strongest 
positions. They sent a petition against the lieutenant- 

1 Spotswood Letters, II. 25. 

2 Sainsbury Papers, vol. for 1715-20, p. 624. 

3 Spotswood Letters, II. 260. 


governor's scheme to the Board of Trade, to which eight of 
them had set their hands. Byrd heard the news joyfully. 
"I am glad to find/' he wrote, "that the Council is fairly 
ingaged with the Lieut-Governour. They have a good 
cause & I hope I shall be able to procure justice to be done 
to them." l It was true, he added, as if to put himself thor- 
oughly into touch with his brethren, that he had once pro- 
posed to make a Supreme Court in the colony, differentiated 
from the Council, but he had shown the plan to nobody 
but the Lord Justice, who had approved of it. His only 
purpose had been to obviate the absurdity of having men 
who knew no law, as the councilors were, sitting on law 
cases, and he had proposed to leave the Council the chan- 
cery jurisdiction, which would enable them to retain their 
salary of 350 a year. He had thought, too, that it would 
be good to have the quit-rents paid out in salaries to the 
judges, who would spend it in Virginia, and that it would 
also be a good thing because it would encourage the Vir- 
ginians to bring up their sons to be lawyers. These were 
his reasons, "and not the mean prospect of being one of the 
Judges myself." But, he said, since the Council was op- 
posed to the plan he should certainly not urge it again. 

Up to this time Byrd had had free access to the Board of 
Trade, but that body, influenced, no doubt, by Spotswood's 
allusion to "private Agents," now objected to receiving 
addresses through him. He insisted that as a member of 
the Council he should be heard in this matter which af- 
fected the Council so much, and on this ground they told 
him he might appear. But he wrote to Ludwell that the 
Assembly ought to have an agent of its own, since Black - 
iston, the agent appointed by the Council, was in the influ- 
ence of Spotswood. In Virginia the Assembly was in 
opposition to the lieutenant-governor. Spotswood declared 
that it was composed mostly of relatives and dependents of 
the disaffected councilors. It met in April, 1718, and 

1 To Ludwell, Sept. 24, 1717. In the possession of the 
Virginia Historical Society. 


elected Byrd its agent in England. Spotswood vetoed the 
bill, but the burgesses resolved that they would pay the sal- 
ary of the agent/ and Byrd proceeded to discharge the 
duties of the office. 2 

Byrd was diligent enough in the meantime. "We have 
nothing to fear if we miscarry/ 7 he said to Ludwell, " for 
he cant be more our adversary than he is already." 3 Be- 
fore the board he was very active, but he could make but 
little impression. That body was from the beginning on 
Spotswood's side. They took the opinion of the attorney- 
general, who declared that Spotswood had the right he 
claimed, but that it would be impolitic for him to use it 
except on extraordinary occasions. This decision they 
sent to Spotswood, saying that they hoped he would use the 
power thus assured to him very discreetly. 4 Byrd then 
appealed to the king. He did not now doubt, he said, the 
legality of the lieutenant-governor's action, but he submit- 
ted that it gave him a privilege dangerous to the liberties 
of his Majesty's subjects. The king called on the Board of 
Trade for an account of the whole case, which they sent, 
evidently tired of the affair, with the opinion that it was 
not the people of Virginia who were disturbed, but only 
" those persons who would engross the priviliges of being 
sole Judges in all criminal cases." Against this strong 
opinion Byrd could make no headway, and the appeal to 
the king came to naught. 5 

In the meantime Spotswood was pressing hotly on the 
councilors in Virginia. He had learned that in the ad- 
dress which eight of them had sent to England he had been 
charged with introducing into the government "new mea- 

1 Spotswood Letters, II. 278. 1715-20, pp. 656, 662, 669, 671, 675, 

2 Ibid., II. 304, 307. Byrd's in- 677, 686. 

structions from the Assembly 5 Ibid., p. 691. Byrd's defense 

were dated May 30, 1718. (See of the Council in regard to 

Sainsbury Papers, vol. for 1715- courts of oyer and terminer is 

1720, p. 710. ) preserved among the MSS. in 

3 Letter of Sept. 24, 1717. possession of the Virginia His- 

4 Sainsbury Papers, vol. for torical Society. 


sures" of dangerous consequences. On March 12, 1718, 
when five of the eight subscribers were present, he brought 
this statement to their notice, and demanded that they 
should point out what "new measures" he had proposed. 
The confused councilors asked that the matter be post- 
poned till the next meeting, when all of the eight sub- 
scribers would be present. Spotswood replied that he 
would have thought an hour long enough to remember one 
of these very dangerous "new measures," but that he would 
give them the time they desired. 1 March 31 seven of the 
subscribers were present, 2 and they gave for their answer 
that it was not proper "to meddle with that Letter with- 
out directions from their Lordships," especially since nego- 
tiations for peace between the two factions were in progress. 
Spotswood replied that he knew proposals of peace had 
been proposed, but that they were not accepted, and he 
ordered it entered in the minutes that he had called on his 
opponents for specifications of their charges and had got 
none, and that he concluded they could give none. 

But Spotswood was to have one more chance to humble 
the pride of his opponents. On May 14, 1718, he ap- 
peared in Council with the opinion of the attorney-general 
in regard to the holding of courts of oyer and terminer. 
"Then," say the minutes, "the Governor asked those Gentn 
of the Council who have hitherto disputed the right of the 
Governor to nominate the Judges of the Courts of Oyer and 
Terminer whether they now acquiesced that the Governor 
has a Power of constituting the Judges of these courts with 
or exclusive of the Council, upon which the said Gentii 
said that they acquiesced in the Determination of the Lords 
Commissioners of Trade." When he next appointed a court 
of oyer and terminer, however, he announced that he should 
name councilors only, but that each member must publicly 

1 Council Minutes. Nathaniel Harrison, and Ed- 

2 They were Robert Carter, mund Berkeley. John Lewis 
James Blair, Philip Ludwell, was absent. 

John Smith, William Bassett, 


acknowledge that he held by virtue of Spotswood's ap- 
pointment and not because he was a councilor j and in this 
the Council acquiesced. 1 Thus passed the oyer and 
terminer controversy. 

If this were Spotswood's story, it would be profitable to 
look at all the charges against him ; but enough has been 
told to show how the general affair affected Byrd, who was 
Spotswood's most active opponent. Let us now turn to Byrd. 

The statement made in the Council on March 31, that 
peace negotiations were on foot, was true. They had been 
started by Nathaniel Harrison at the suggestion of Spots- 
wood. Harrison was already veering around from Ludwell 
and Byrd. A letter of his to Ludwell shows that Byrd's 
influence was waning. "I consider," said he, "the conse- 
quences if Colo Byrd should ever obtain his end and Come 
here Governor and we should be so unfortunate as to Dif- 
fer with him. Now that Colo Byrd will come here in that 
Station I have much reason to think and therefore we 
should act so as not to give him any advantage against us 
by which he might keep us in awe." 2 It is doubtful whe- 
ther or not Byrd was really popular in Virginia. He was 
so much of the fine gentleman, with highly cultivated 
tastes, that it would have been natural enough for him to 
have stood aloof from the real life around him. 

As soon as Spotswood was sure of his victory in the oyer 
and terminer matter he moved straight on his enemy. On 
July 1, 1718, he proposed to Orkney, his superior, to have 
Byrd, Ludwell, and Blair removed from their seats in the 
Council. 3 August 19 Orkney was before the Board of 
Trade, and said that inasmuch as amicable arrangements 
of the difficulty had failed, he should now request the board 
to hold an investigation, and to dismiss the party who 
should be found guilty. 4 The board postponed the matter j 

1 Council Minutes, Dec. 9, 1718. 

2 Letter, May 15, 1719. It is 
in the possession of the Virginia 
Historical Society. 

sSainsbury Papers, vol. for 
1715-20, p. 712. 
4 Ibid., p. 725. 


but in the meantime Spotswood wrote them to urge the re 
moval of Byrd from the Council on account of his long ab- 
sence. 1 This move gave Byrd serious concern. He asked the 
Board of Trade to do nothing in regard to it till the three 
gentlemen affected were heard from. But in February, 
1719, Spotswood again urged the removal of "that implac- 
able gentleman Byrd," who called always on his friends for 
complaints, whether true or false, in hopes of worrying the 
Council at last into the removal of Spotswood. The board 
did not need this urging. On February 24 they recom- 
mended the king to appoint Mr. Cole Digges a councilor in 
the place of Byrd, who had been absent from the colony for 
three and a half years. 2 Then Byrd humbled himself, as is 
shown in the following abstract in the Sainsbury Papers : 3 
"William Byrd to the Lords of Trade To convince their 
Lordships that he is sincerely inclined to peace, he promises 
to employ all the credit he has with the Council to dispose 
them to a sincere pacification upon the terms of the Lieut. 
Governors own plan but to do this good work effectually 
begs their Lordships to prepare the way by writing letters 
both to the Lieut. Governor & to the Council on the sev- 
eral points which he especially refers to " $ and if this were 
done he thought harmony would be restored. Orkney 
seconded this request, 4 and the board yielded so much 
that on April 8 they recommended Digges to be of the 
Council in the room of Edmund Berkeley, deceased ; and 
as if to keep Byrd still in awe, they recommended that 
Peter Beverley be appointed in Byrd's place. 5 On June 
25 the question of removing Byrd came up in the privy 
council. He sent them his reasons for his long absence, 
and asked that he might stay in England a year longer. 
The petition was sent back to the board, with orders for a 
full report, 6 perhaps to kill time while Byrd proved the 

1 Spotswood Letters, II. 304. 3 Ibid., March 24, 1719. 

2 Sainsbury Papers, vol. for 4 Ibid., p. 760. 
1715-20. See entry under Feb. 5 Ibid., p. 766. 
24, 1719. 6 Ibid., p. 788. 


sincerity of his professions of a desire for peace. Byrd 
at last got orders from the king continuing him in the 
Council, and arrived with them in Virginia about Febru- 
ary 1, 1720. But since he had not been suspended they 
were unnecessary, and he resumed his seat in Council with 
his former rank. On April 29 he fulfilled his promise as to 
the reconciliation of the factions. The minutes for the 
day record : " Whereas divers Disputes and Controversys 
have heretofore arisen between his Majesty's Lt Governor, 
and some of the Council, occasioned by a difference in 
opinion in matters relating to the Administration of the 
Government, Both Parties heartily inclining to put a Period, 
as well to all past Contentions as to prevent any future dis- 
cords wch may happen of the like nature, have this day mu- 
tually agreed that all past controversys of what kind soever 
between the Governor and any of the Council, be forever 
buried in Oblivion, and that there may be hereafter no 
other contention than who shall most promote the King's 
Service and the public benefit of the Colony." It was 
agreed that all future disputes should be referred to Eng- 
land for adjustment. As to the dispute which had arisen 
in regard to collation to ecclesiastical benefices, it was 
agreed that it should be referred to the General Court, with 
right of appeal to England if the decision there was not 
satisfactory. 1 

This difficulty left no hard feelings between Byrd and 
Spotswood. The latter had not hesitated to say of the for- 
mer's defense that it was full of lies, but when in 1732 
Byrd made a visit to Germanna in his "Progress to the 
Mines" they met one another with the warmth of old 

During the five strenuous years of his stay in England 
sad changes had come into Byrd's domestic life. He had 
formerly lived happily with his family at Westover, quite 
forgetting London gaieties. His irrepressible good nature 
fitted itself into the quiet country life, as is shown in 
1 Council Minutes. 


the following letter to Custis, his brother-in-law, written 
October 9, 1709 : 

I have lately been favored with an unusual pleasure from An- 
tigua, from which I find we have not altogether been forgotten. 
Our Father Parke says his time was very short and he could not 
write to you then, but is much in charity with us all. I give you 
joy on the blessing you have had of a daughter, and hope she 
will be an ornament to the sex, and a happiness to her parents. 
Our son sends you his dutiful respects, and I may venture to say, 
as much for Miss Evelyn, who has grown a great romp, and en- 
joys very robust health. How is Madam Dunn? for there goes a 
prophecy about, that in the eastern parts of Virginia a parson's 
wife will, in the year of our Lord, 1710, have four children at a 
birth, one of which will be an admiral, and another Archbishop of 
Canterbury. What the other two will prove, the sybil cannot 
positively say, but doubtless they will be something extraordi- 
nary. 1 

The change from these rural delights to London was 
sudden, and he wrote that he found the town, which for- 
merly had so many charms, tasteless enough now. In 
fact, his heart was with his family at Westover. To his 
wife he was warmly attached. Two of his children, both 
boys, had died before he left his home. One other, the 
famous Evelyn, he had left there with her mother j and 
now came the news of another one, the little Wilhelmina, 
who was born November 6, 1715. But when he realized 
that his stay would be long, he sent for his wife, who ar- 
rived in the summer or fall of 1716. The trip was ill fated 
for her. In December she died of smallpox. Byrd sent 
an account of her death to Custis in the following letter, 
dated December 13, 1716 2 : 

When I wrote last I little expected that I should be forced to 
tell you the very melancholy news of my dear Lucy's death, by 
the very same, cruel distemper that destroyed her sister. She was 
taken with an insupportable pain in her head. The doctor soon 
discovered the ailment to be the small-pox, and we thought it best 

1 Parke, Recollections of Washington, p. 27 (Lossing's Edition). 

2 Custis, Recollections of Washington, p. 32 (Lossing's Edition). 


to tell her the danger. She received the news without the least 
fright, and was persuaded she would live until the day she died, 
which happened in 12 hours from the time She was taken. Gra- 
cious God what pains did she take to make a voyage hither to 
seek a grave. No stranger ever met with more respect in a strange 
country than she had done here, from many persons of distinc- 
tion, who all pronounced her an honour to Virginia. Alas ! how 
proud was I of her, and how severely am I punished for it. But 
I can dwell no longer on so afflicting a subject, much less can I 
think of any thing else, therefore, I can only recommend myself 
to your pity, and am, as much as anyone can be, dear brother, 
your most affectionate and humble servant, W. BYBD. 

In September, 1717, Evelyn arrived in London. Per- 
haps Wilhelmina was there already. Much of Byrd's energy 
was spent in the education of these girls. Evelyn grew up 
into a famous wit and beauty. The story is that she was 
very popular in London society, and that she loved the 
Earl of Peterborough, but that Byrd objected to the match, 
and prevented it. She returned to Virginia, and died un- 
married November 13, 1737. Her portrait, showing a beau- 
tiful face, has been preserved, and an interest more than 
normal has centered around her fate. Wilhelmina mar- 
ried Thomas Chamberlayne of King William County, Vir- 
ginia, and from the union has come a large and worthy 
Virginia family. 

Byrd's prolonged stay in London had served to form a 
new circle of friends there. The Assembly of the fall of 
1720 passed an address to the king, the nature of which is 
not known, and appointed Byrd to deliver it. 1 Thus for 
the third time he was made agent in England. 2 His resi- 

iSainsbury Papers, vol. for 2 In 1722, when Blackiston 

1720-30. The volume is not was just dead, Spotswood sug- 

paged, and the entry referred gested to the Council that either 

to is put out of its regular order Byrd or John Carter would be 

after that of Aug. 17, 1724. See a good successor ; but the Coun- 

also the entry for March 6, 1721, cil chose Carter. Carter, how- 

by which it appears that Spots- ever, served but a short time, 

wood objected to the appoint- and the office was then given 

ment of an agent by the to Peter Le Heup, although 

Assembly. Byrd's name was again sug- 


dence there lasted till 1726. Within that period, probably 
in 1724, he married Maria, daughter of Thomas Taylor of 
Kensington. 1 To this union a daughter, Anne, was born 
on February 5, 1725. The prospect of a family seems to 
have turned his thoughts back to Virginia. He arrived in 
the colony early in 1726, and resumed his seat in the Coun- 
cil on April 28. At Westover he spent the rest of his life, 
devoting himself to the dignified and courteous pursuits of 
a cultivated English country gentleman. This later period 
was the best of his life. In it he wrote his " History of the 
Dividing Line," "The Journey to the Land of Eden," and 
"The Progress to the Mines," which undoubtedly gave him 
place as the sprightliest and most genial native American 
writer before Franklin. 

In 1727 the long dispute over the North -Carolina- 
Virginia boundary was ready to be settled, and in Septem- 
ber of that year Byrd and Nathaniel Harrison were 
appointed commissioners for that purpose on the part of 
Virginia. In December of the same year Harrison died, 
and William Fitzwilliams and William Dandridge were 
put into his place. On February 13, 1728, the commis- 
sioners received their instructions. By them they were 
empowered to run the line independently, if the North 
Carolina commissioners refused or failed to cooperate with 
them ; and if the people of North Carolina should resist, 
they were authorized to call out the militia of the southern 
counties of Virginia in their defense. How these commis- 
sioners executed their task is seen in Byrd's "History of 
the Dividing Line." This line was run in 1728 and not in 
1729, as Byrd indicates in the dates in the margins of his 

gested to the Council. Byrd's bury Papers, 1720-30, entry for 
agencies had not been very sue- June 23, 1722. ) 
cessful. He was perhaps too l Maria Taylor's sister mar- 
little of a sycophant for the ried Francis Otway, who became 
office. (See Council Minutes, a colonel in the English army, 
vol. for 1721-34, p. 31, and en- Many of Byrd's letters are to 
try for April 1, 1723 ; also Sains- him. 


The "History of the Dividing Line " was written from the 
rough journal Byrd made in the woods. This journal was 
sent to England. 1 It was but a skeleton of the later work. 
But Peter Collison, in England, heard of it, and asked to 
see a copy of the history of the expedition. Byrd wrote 
him in 1736 that he could not show him the history till it 
was finished, but that he would send him the journal, but 
cautioned him not to let it go out of his hands unless Sir 
Charles Wager wanted to see it. Somehow Mark Catesby 
saw it and complimented Byrd upon it. To him Byrd 
wrote in 1737 : "I am obliged to you for the compliment 
you are pleased to make to my poor Performances. 'Tis 
a sign you never saw them, that you judge so favourably. 
... It will seem like a joke when I tell you that I have 
not time to finish that work. But tis very [certain] I have 
not, for I am always engaged on some project for improve- 
ment of our Infant Colony. The present scheme is to found 
a city at the falls of James River, and plant a colony of 
Switzers on my Land upon Roanoke." To Collison he 
wrote, July 5, 1737, that he expected to finish the history 
during the coming winter, and that as he expected to de- 
scribe some of the wild animals of Virginia, he should take 
it kindly if Collison would make arrangements for some 
cuts. The latter statement shows that he intended to 
have the book printed. When it was written does not 
appear. 2 

Byrd's literary style is characterized by the word 
"sprightly." It runs on smoothly and clearly, and now 
and then there is some droll phrase or witty comparison 

ir The journal and the sur- 
veyors' notes are published in 
full in the North Carolina 
Colonial Records, Vol. II. 
750, 799. 

2 The original copy of the 
Byrd MSS. is preserved at 
Brandon. It is a handsome old 
volume bound in white vellum, 
and contains an inscription 

which shows that it was given 
by Mrs. Mary Willing Byrd to 
her daughter, Evelyn Taylor 
Harrison. The inscription states 
also that it was intended to 
pass to the latter' s son, George 
Evelyn Harrison, who died in 
1839, leaving two children, 
George E. and Isabella Harrison 
of Brandon. 


which sets our minds to tingling. It is impossible to read 
him without interest. It would be hard to find before 
Franklin a better master of the art of writing clear, 
forceful, and charming English. His pages abound in 
the free and easy speeches which were allowed in the 
English literature of the day, but no man ever used 
them with more telling force, or with more of that re- 
finement of touch which makes them wit instead of gross 

Byrd's last appointment to a prominent official duty was 
to be first of the commission to survey the bounds of the 
Northern Neck. This task was performed in 1736, but 
yielded no entertaining history, as that of 1728. Of his as- 
signment to this arduous duty, Byrd said in December, 1735, 
in a letter to Spotswood : "I suspect the Council has done 
me this honour with the wicked design of wearing the 
Oldest out first, & making a vacancy near the chair. Yet 
they may happen to be bit, because so much exercise and 
change of Air may probably renew my Age, and enable me 
to hold out with the most Vigorous of them except your 
old friend the Commissary." On this expedition Byrd and 
his associates visited Germanna, where, as he said, "Colo 
Spotswood received us very courteously. And lest we 
should have forgot the memorable Battles of the Duke of 
Marlborough, he fought them all over again to us the nine 
and fortieth time." 

Of Byrd's later life at Westover we have a suggestion in 
the following extract from a letter to a London friend : 
"We that are Banished from those Polite Pleasures, are 
forct to take up with rural Entertainments. A Library, a 
Garden, a Grove, and a Purling Stream are the Innocent 
Scenes that divert our Leizure." 1 In this spirit he gave 
his never-tiring energies to the life around him. He ex- 
perimented with new varieties of fruits ; he gave himself to 
the study of the curative qualities of the wild herbs of the 
country ; he sent advice to his sick friends about their dis- 
i To Mrs. Armiger, 1729. 


orders, and acquired much skill as a neighborhood quack. 
More than all, he collected and used his great library. It 
is to this time that we are to refer most of his extant let- 
ters. They are to people of consequence in England, 
among them being letters to Sir Charles Wager, Sir Hans 
Sloane, Mark Catesby the botanist, Sir Jacob Acworth, Lord 
Isley, Peter Collison, General Oglethorpe, Lord Egmont, 
and Lord Carteret. With all of them he seems to have 
been on terms of cordial friendship. These letters show 
that his London associates were thoughtful men of culture 
who belonged to the lower gentry or to the upper ranks of 
the untitled. 

Much of Byrd's interest during this period centered in 
his estate of Westover. Here he lived in the fine old brick 
house which, although twice burned since that day, is at 
present in much the same style as that in which it was first 
erected. 1 This he adorned with the pictures of many of his 
London friends. Among them were pictures of Lord Orrery, 
Sir Wilfried Lawson, Lord Oxford, the Marquis of Halifax, 
the Duke of Argyle, Sir Robert Southwell, Lady Elizabeth 
Southwell, Lord Egmont, Sir Charles Wager, William 
Blathwayt, General Daniel Parke, Lady Betty Cromwell, 
and Mrs. Taylor, who was the "Cousin Taylor " of his let- 
ters. 2 Some of these portraits still exist. 3 There were also 
portraits of his children and of his two wives, and three 
of himself, but only one of the last survives. Byrd also 

i It is usually said that Byrd 
built this house in 1737, on what 
grounds the editor has not 
discovered. In 1735 Byrd had a 
plat made of the grounds show- 
ing all the largest buildings. 
He had then finished his 
grounds. He would hardly 
have done this before he built. 
In 1737 he was too much embar- 
rassed financially to build. It 
would seem more reasonable to 
say that he built shortly after 

his return from England . More- 
over, in 1736 he was anxious to 
sell Westover on account of his 
debts. (See Letters to Pick- 
ford, Dec. 6, 1735, and to Capt. 
Parke, Feb., 1736.) 

2 Byrd refers to this portrait 
in a letter to her of Oct. 10, 1735. 

3 On the death of Mrs. Mary 
Willing Byrd in 1814 they were 
divided among the heirs. (See 
Mrs. Byrd's will, Va. Histl. Soc. 
Mag., Vol. VI. 346.) 


adorned his home with handsome grounds, which were 
long famous for their beauty. Anburey said of them in 
1779 that they were laid out with great taste, and presented 
a delightful view from the river. 1 The library which he 
had here, when it was sold in 1778, numbered nearly four 
thousand volumes. It was, no doubt, the largest private 
library in the English-speaking colonies. 2 It was collected 
chiefly by the second Byrd, and the character of the books 
shows that his literary taste was the best. 

Byrd had the ordinary Virginian's land hunger. The 
Title-book, which he caused to be prepared, gives a list of 
all his holdings. Besides the 26,231 acres he inherited 
from his father, he acquired vast tracts on his own account. 
The records show that he bought various small tracts be- 
fore his departure for England in 1715 : in 1707, in two 
tracts, 1203 acres j in 1710, in two tracts, 618 acres j and in 
1712, in four tracts, 3702 acres. But it was after the sur- 
vey of the dividing line in 1728 that the fever for specula- 
tion seized him. The sight of vast tracts of fertile river- 
bottoms in the west was too much for him. His first ac- 
quisition here was 20,000 acres, which he bought from the 
North Carolina commissioners, to whom it was assigned in 
payment for their services. It was located at the junction 
of the Dan and Irvine rivers, near the ancient village of 
the Saura Indians. It was so fertile that Byrd called it the 
"Land of Eden." There was some criticism afterward 
about the fairness of his method of acquisition, but it seems 
to have been unfounded. It was to lay out this tract that 
he took his Journey to the Land of Eden in 1733. But his 
survey did not include the rich site of the abandoned 

1 Anburey 's Travels through remained in possession of the 
Interior Parts of America, 11.329. earl's family till after the death 

2 Among the books in Byrd's of his son in 1667. At that time, 
library were the two manuscript says Stith, " the late Col. Byrd's 
volumes of the Southampton Father, being then in England, 
Papers, copied for the earl of purchased them of his Execu- 
that name when the Virginia tors, for sixty Guineas." 
Company was dissolved. They (Stith's Hist, of Va., p. vi.) 


Saura Town, and in 1743 he took out from the North Caro- 
lina government a patent for 6000 acres, to include that 
delightful spot. But the long distance to those lands led 
him to desire some intermediate plantation for the con- 
venience of going and coming. The site he hit upon 
was the rich bottoms and islands of the Roanoke at the 
point where it is formed by the Dan and the Staunton. 
Here in 1730 he patented 1550 acres on Bluestone Creek, 
in 1733 he bought 751 acres more, and in 1738 he patented 
in four tracts 2910 acres more, all at the forks of Roanoke. 
This speculation had got a decided hold on him, and in 
1742 he surpassed all his other efforts by patenting 105,000 
acres on both sides of the Dan at the point at which it is 
united with the Hico, and stretching from thence to the 
North Carolina line. 1 He then bought a small plantation 
of 429 acres on Meherriu River as a half-way house to the 
Roanoke lands. To these lands are to be added those he 
acquired from the Parke estate, which embraced 9710 
acres, and 1336 acres which he had by will of Thomas 
Grendon. Thus Byrd owned when he died no less than 
179,440 acres of the best land in Virginia. With the ex- 
ception of his large grant on the Dan and Hico, these ac- 
quisitions were not extraordinary for the times, as one may 
see who will read the Council Minutes. 

Of course Byrd did not expect to cultivate all these 
lands. He expected, perhaps, to sell much of each of the 
large tracts, and to hold the rest for cultivation at some fu- 
ture time. This is indicated by his buying land at the 
forks of Roanoke and on Meherrin for intermediate stages. 
But his expectations to sell were not realized. Among his 

1 This large grant was to be the land assigned much sooner, 

free if he should seat one hun- as we see from his letters. 

dred Protestant families on it Probably the patent was not is- 

by 1737. This he failed to do, sued formally till 1742, or reis- 

and he had to pay for the land sued at that time. Byrd in 1740 

at the ordinary rates, which wrote that he had already paid 

made it cost him 525. The for this land. (See letter to 

deed is dated in 1742. He got Leaderger, Nov. 12, 1740.) 


letters are several which relate to the scheme. One of 
them shows that he had expected a colony of Swiss, which 
were taken instead to South Carolina, where they suffered 
severely from the climate. He had at first held out for a 
sale in a large tract to a colony j but as that failed, he con- 
sented to sell to individuals, and for that purpose placed 
an agent on the land, 1 and gave him the most minute di- 
rections about his conduct there. Byrd died possessed of 
most of these lands j but they were valuable property, for 
the tide of southward immigration was just about to come 
to that region. It is likely that the third Byrd realized a 
good profit on his father's investment. 

During most of the period covered by the existing cor- 
respondence Byrd was much embarrassed by the Perry 
debt, which had been incurred in 1711 on account of the 
Parke estate. He had paid the most importunate of the 
debtors in 1715, and funded the rest of the debts at five per 
cent, interest. 2 This was so easy that he did not con- 
cern himself to create a sinking fund. Early in the extant 
letters we find that he was hard pressed by " Alderman 
Perry " for the payment of the principal. The matter was 
galling to his independent spirit. July 2, 1736, he wrote : 
"My affairs are now a little mended with Alderman Perry. 
I am selling off Land and Negroes to stay the stomack of 
that hungry magistrate. I had much rather incommode 
my self a little than continue in the Gripe of that Usurer. 
I have already lessened my Debt near a Thousand Pounds, 
and I hope to wipe off the whole Score in a short time." 
He continued to pay as much as he could each year, it was 
usually 500, till in 1740 the amount due was 1000, and 
he was trying to borrow that to discharge the debt. This 
affair was all the more harassing because Perry expected 
to have Byrd's tobacco. The latter finally stopped sending 

1 To Wood, March 10, 1741. sibly six per cent, at first, but 

2 Custis, Recollections of afterward reduced to five per 

Washington, p. 28 ( Leasing' s cent. In 1736 the common rate 

Edition). The interest was pos- was three per cent. 


it to him because Perry gave him twenty-five per cent, less 
than others gave. This made the merchant more impor- 
tunate than ever. 1 It is likely that the debt was finally 
discharged by 1744. So great had been Byrd's distress 
that in 1736 he was seeking to sell Westover in order "to 
emancipate myself from that slavery to which all debtors 
are subject." 2 

Byrd's long residence abroad and his reading of the best 
works developed breadth of view in regard to some impor- 
tant social and political affairs. Thus his position on 
slavery was ahead of his time. To Oglethorpe he wrote, 
July 12, 1736, to congratulate him on the exclusion of rum 
and negroes from Georgia j but he did not think that it 
would be possible to keep rum out, for the "Saints of New 
England " would find a way to import it. Their rum was 
called "Kill Devil " in Virginia. Nobody else could "slip 
through a penal statute" like the New-Englanders. "They 
import so many Negroes hither that I fear the Colony will 
some time or other be Confirmed by the name of New 
Guinea." Slavery, he said, made the white people proud 
and disdainful of work, and their resulting poverty gave 
them a tendency to pilfering. The presence of many 
negroes forced the whites to be severe with them. 
Virginia did not practise the cruelty on the negroes 
that the islands practised, but it was necessary to hold 
a "tort rein" on them, and that was repugnant to a 
good-natured man. He also feared that a servile war 
would come, and he urged that the British government 
should put a stop to the slave-trade. 3 In another letter he 
says : "Our negroes are not so numerous or so enterpris- 
ing as to give us any apprehension, or uneasiness, nor in- 
deed is their Labour any other than Gardening, & less by 

1 There must have been ac- without inconvenience. Evi- 
cumulated interest on this debt, dently to Otway. 
for in 1736 Byrd said that if he 2 To Capt. Parke, Feb., 1736. 
had 2000 from his wife's estate 3 This letter is reprinted in 
he could stop Perry's cry for a the American Historical Re- 
while, and pay off the balance view, Vol. I. 


far, than what the poor People undergo in other countrys. 
Nor are any crueltys exercised upon them, unless by great 
accident they happen to fall into the hands of a Brute, 
who always passes here for a Monster." When he wrote 
this letter he was trying to persuade his correspondent to 
move to Virginia, and under such circumstances nobody 
could better sing the praises of the colony. 

In his old age Byrd had some hope of getting office. In 
1736 l he wrote to ask a friend to use his influence with Sir 
Robert Walpole to get him an office. He wanted to be 
governor, and hinted that the office would be suitable to 
him, if Gooch were given something better. In 1737 he 
asked Sir Charles Wager to use his influence to get him 
the office of surveyor of the customs for the southern dis- 
trict of America. It was, he said, worth 500 a year, and 
that would "disentangle me from all my Difficultys and 
make me perfectly easy." But in each case his ambition 
was disappointed. The only honor that came to him was the 
presidency of the Council, to which he succeeded after the 
death of Commissary Blair in 1743. This was a place of much 
dignity but of little power. To Byrd it probably was a little 
disappointing that he should have been preceded in the 
Council by Blair, whose constitution held out till he was 
eighty-seven years old. Blair's mind remained acute till the 
last, but his hearing failed as early as 1741, and that made 
it necessary for Byrd to preside over the General Court. 2 

About Byrd's own death, which occurred August 26, 
1744, little is known. He was buried in the garden at 
Westover which he had loved so much, and there is found 
to this day his monument with the epitaph which has been 
quoted. His will was proved by his wife, Maria Byrd, one 
of the executors, in March, 1744-45. 3 

1 July 2. The name of the corded in England, but a search 
correspondent is not given. made for the Editor at Somer- 

2 To Otway, Feb. 10, 1741. set House, London, where the 

3 It has been supposed that register of wills is kept, fails to 
this will would have been re- find such a document. 


The name of the second William Byrd has always been 
held in great esteem in Virginia. His portrait shows a 
highly refined if a somewhat haughty face. Under his 
management Westover was known throughout the colony 
for its elegance, its hospitality, and its good company. He 
has become the idol of his large family connections, and 
from his esthetic sense he has received from them the name 
of the " Black Swan" of the family. His own writings re- 
veal to us a man possessed of great kindliness of heart and 
indefatigable energy. He seems to have been in his life as 
well as in his writings a man of sprightly mind and engag- 
ing personality. It is certain there were few men in all 
the colonies who were socially more delightful. His per- 
sonality must be more and more known and enjoyed as 
Americans become more and more cultivated. 

About William Byrd 111 , who succeeded to most of his 
father's estate, there is but little to be said. He was still a 
child when his father died, and his life shows the lack of 
the training he would have had from such a wise father. 
He married, April 14, 1748, Elizabeth Carter, the heiress 
of " Shirley." At the time he was perhaps nineteen, and 
she was only sixteen and a half. The marriage seems to 
have been an unhappy one. In 1760, within six months 
after the death of this wife, he married Mary Willing of 
Philadelphia, with whom he lived happily. He died by 
his own hand, January 1, 1777. He held prominent office 
in the colony. For some years he was a member of the 
Council, and was one of the judges in the famous "Parsons 7 
case " of 1763, in which he voted on the side of the parsons. 
He was given command of the Second Virginia Regiment, 
raised after Braddock's defeat in 1755 to protect the fron- 
tiers against the French and Indians. Washington had 
command of the First, and it is no bad compliment to Byrd 
that he acquitted himself creditably, since his conduct was 
open to comparison with that of his distinguished colleague. 
He was afterward commissioner to the Cherokee Indians. 
His sympathy, however, in the Revolution was with Eng- 


land, and his oldest living son was a captain in the English 
army. 1 Anburey says of him: "His great abilities and 
personal accomplishments were universally esteemed, but 
being infatuated with play, his affairs, at his death, were in 
a deranged state. The widow whom he left with eight 
children, has, by prudent management, preserved out of 
the wreck of his princely fortune, a beautiful home, at a 
place called Westover, upon James Kiver, some personal 
property, a few plantations, and a number of slaves." 2 
This quotation tells all we need to know about the 
squandering of the splendid property which the son of the 
goldsmith had built up, and which the elegant "Black 
Swan" had been able to preserve. With its departure 
went the influence of the family. The estate of Westover, 
the last of the property, was sold after the death of Mrs. 
Mary Willing Byrd in 1814 for division among her children. 3 
It has had the good fortune to be in the hands of people 
who have appreciated its historic importance, and to-day 
the massive colonial house, with its handsomely carved 
doorway and the fine old gateway, breathe a warm odor of 
the courtly life which once made it known on many another 
river than the James. 

1 But another son served with it to Major Drewry. In 1901 it 
the Americans through the war. was bought from the Drewry es- 

2 Travels in Interior America, tate by Mrs. William McC. Ram- 
II. 329. say, who proposes to restore it 

3 Westover was then pur- in colonial style and make it her 
chased by William Carter, who home. It was twice burnt, but 
lived there for four or five years ; each time was rebuilt in the old 
but becoming financially in- style by the Byrds. The last fire 
volved through indorsing for a was on the occasion of the chris- 
friend, he sold it to a Mr. Dou- tening of that William Byrd 
that, who had gained $100,000 in who died at Caen in 1771. (See 
a lottery. After his death it was Genealogy, Appendix B. ) The 
sold to J. E. Harrison of Bran- facts in this note are from notes 
don. He found it so far from made by Miss Elizabeth Byrd 
Brandon that it was inconveni- Nicholas of Washington City, 
ent to keep it, and he sold it to and preserved by the Virginia 
John Selden, who at length sold Historical Society. 



Run in the Year 1728. 

EFOKE I enter upon the Journal 
of the Line between Virginia and 
North Carolina, it will be neces- 
sary to clear the way to it, by 
shewing how the other British 
Colonies on the Main have, one 
after the other, been carved out of Virginia, by 
Grants from his Majesty's Royal Predecessors. 
All that part of the Northern American Continent 
now under the Dominion of the King of Great 
Britain, and Stretching quite as far as the Cape 
of Florida, went at first under the General Name 
of Virginia. 

The only Distinction, in those early Days, was, 
that all the Coast to the Southward of Chesapeake 
Bay was called South Virginia, and all to the 
Northward of it, North Virginia. 

The first Settlement of this fine Country was 



owing to that great Ornament of the British Na- 
tion, Sir Walter Raleigh, who obtained a Grant 
thereof from Queen Elizabeth of ever-glorious 
Memory, by Letters Patent, dated March the 25th, 

But whether that Gentleman ever made a Voy- 
age thither himself is uncertain; because those 
who have favour'd the Public with an Account of 
His Life mention nothing of it. However, thus 
much may be depended on, that Sir Walter invited 
sundry persons of Distinction to Share hi his 
Charter, and join their Purses with his in the laud- 
able project of fitting out a Colony to Virginia. 

Accordingly, 2 Ships were Sent away that very 
Year, under the Command of his good Friends 
Amidas and Barlow, to take possession of the 
Country in the Name of his Roial Mistress, the 
Queen of England. 

These worthy Commanders, for the advantage 
of the Trade Winds, shaped their Course first to 
the Charibbe Islands, thence stretching away 
by the Gulph of Florida, dropt Anchor not far 
from Roanoak Inlet. They ventured ashoar near 
that place upon an Island now called Colleton 
island, where they set up the Arms of England, 
and Claimed the Adjacent Country in Right of 
their Sovereign Lady, the Queen; and this Cere- 
mony being duly performed, they kindly invited 
the neighbouring Indians to traffick with them. 

These poor people at first approacht the English 
with great Caution, having heard much of the 
Treachery of the Spaniards, and not knowing but 


these Strangers might be as treacherous as they. 
But, at length, discovering a kind of good nature 
in their looks, they ventured to draw near, and 
barter their Skins and Furs, for the Bawbles and 
Trinkets of the English. 

These first Adventurers made a very profitable 
Voyage, raising at least a Thousand per cent, 
upon their Cargo. Amongst other Indian Com- 
modities, they brought over Some of that bewitch- 
ing Vegetable, Tobacco. And this being the first 
that ever came to England, Sir Walter thought he 
could do no less than make a present of Some of 
the brightest of it to His Roial Mistress, for her 
own Smoaking. 

The Queen graciously accepted of it, but find- 
ing her Stomach sicken after two or three Whiffs, 
it was presently whispered by the earl of Leices- 
ter's Faction, that Sir Walter had certainly Poi- 
son'd Her. But Her Majesty soon recovering her 
Disorder, obliged the Countess of Nottingham 
and all her Maids to Smoak a whole Pipe out 
amongst them. 

As it happen'd some Ages before to be the fash- 
ion to Santer to the Holy Land, and go upon other 
Quixot Adventures, so it was now grown the 
Humour to take a Trip to America. The Span- 
iards had lately discovered Rich Mines in their 
Part of the West Indies, which made their Maritime 
Neighbours eager to do so too. This Modish Frenzy 
being still more Inflam'd by the Charming Account 
given of Virginia, by the first Adventurers, made 
many fond of removeing to such a Paradise. 


Happy was he, and still happier She, that cou'd 
get themselves transported, fondly expecting their 
Coarsest Utensils, in that happy place, would be of 
Massy Silver. 

This made it easy for the Company to procure 
as many Volunteers as they wanted for their new 
Colony; but, like most other Undertakers who 
have no Assistance from the Public, they Starved 
the Design by too much Frugality; for, unwill- 
ing to Launch out at first into too much Ex- 
pense, they Ship't off but few People at a Time, 
and Those but Scantily provided. The Adven- 
turers were, besides, Idle and extravagant, and 
expected they might live without work in so plenti- 
ful a Country. 

These Wretches were set Ashoar not far from 
Roanoak Inlet, but by some fatal disagreement, or 
Laziness, were either Starved or cut to Pieces by 
the Indians. 

Several repeated Misadventures of this kind did, 
for some time, allay the Itch of Sailing to this 
New World; but the Distemper broke out again 
about the Year 1606. Then it happened that the 
Earl of Southampton and several other Persons, 
eminent for their Quality and Estates, were in- 
vited into the Company, who apply'd themselves 
once more to People the then almost abandon'd 
Colony. For this purpose they embarkt about an 
Hundred men, most of them Riprobates of good 
Familys, and related to some of the company, who 
were men of Quality and Fortune. 

The Ships that carried them made a Shift to 


find a more direct way to Virginia, and ventured 
thro the Capes into the Bay of Chesapeak. The 
same Night they came to an Anchor at the 
Mouth of Powatan, the same as James River, 
where they built a Small Fort at a Place calPd 
Point Comfort. 

This Settlement stood its ground from that time 
forward in spite of all the Blunders and Disa- 
greement of the first Adventurers, and the many 
Calamitys that befel the Colony afterwards. 

The six gentlemen who were first named of the 
company by the crown, and who were empowered 
to choose an annual President from among them- 
selves, were always engaged in Factions and 
Quarrels, while the rest detested Work more than 
Famine. At this rate the Colony must have come 
to nothing, had it not been for the vigilance and 
Bravery of Capt. Smith, who struck a Terrour into 
all the Indians round about. This Gentleman took 
some pains to perswade the men to plant Indian 
corn, but they lookt upon all Labor as a Curse. 
They chose rather to depend upon the Musty Pro- 
visions that were sent from England: and when 
they fail'd they were forct to take more pains to 
Seek for Wild Fruits in the Woods, than they 
would have taken in tilling the Ground. Besides, 
this Exposd them to be knockt on the head by the 
Indians, and gave them Fluxes into the Bargain, 
which thind the Plantation very much. To Supply 
this mortality, they were reinforct the year follow- 
ing with a greater number of People, amongst 
which were fewer Gentlemen and more Labour- 


ers, who, however, took care not to kill themselves 
with Work. 1 

These found the First Adventurers in a very 
starving condition, but relievd their wants with 
the fresh Supply they brought with them. From 
Eaquotan they extended themselves as far as 
James-Town, where like true Englishmen, they 
built a Church that cost no more than Fifty 
Pounds, and a Tavern that cost Five hundred. 2 

They had now made peace with the Indians, but 
there was one thing wanting to make that peace 
lasting. The Natives coud, by no means, per- 
swade themselves that the English were heartily 
their Friends, so long as they disdained to inter- 
marry with them. And, in earnest, had the Eng- 
lish consulted their own Security and the good of 
the Colony Had they intended either to Civilize 
or Convert these Gentiles, they would have brought 
their Stomachs to embrace this prudent Alliance. 

The Indians are generally tall and well-propor- 

ir rhis paragraph appears in beautified it. It was sixty by 
the manuscript as a note. It twenty-four feet, with chancel 
seems best to follow Wynne in and pews of cedar and a corn- 
placing it in the text. EDITOR, munion-table of black walnut. 

2 The first place of worship in "The church," says a contem- 
Jamestown was an old sail porary, "was so cast as to be 
stretched between some trees, very light within and the Lord 
Next a tent was used. Then a Governor caused it to be kept 
rude wooden church was built passing sweet, trimmed up with 
which Smith describes as "a divers flowers." On the con- 
homely thing like a barn, set trary, there was no tavern in 
upon crotchets, covered with the colony in 1623, as may be 
rafts, sedge and earth, so was seen from the complaint of Na- 
also the walls." This building thaniel Butler against the Corn- 
was burnt in 1608, but rebuilt at pany and from the reply of the 
once. Lord Delaware, who ar- latter thereto, 
rived in 1610, renovated and 


tion'd, which may make full Amends for the Dark- 
ness of their Complexions. Add to this, that they 
are healthy & Strong, with Constitutions untainted 
by Lewdness, and not enfeebled by Luxury. Be- 
sides, Morals and all considered, I cant think the 
Indians were much greater Heathens than the first 
Adventurers, who, had they been good Christians, 
would have had the Charity to take this only 
method of converting the Natives to Christianity. 
For, after all that can be said, a sprightly Lover is 
the most prevailing Missionary that can be sent 
amongst these, or any other Infidels. 

Besides, the poor Indians would have had less 
reason to Complain that the English took away 
their Land, if they had received it by way of Por- 
tion with their Daughters. Had such Affinities 
been contracted in the Beginning, how much 
Bloodshed had been prevented, and how populous 
would the Country have been, and, consequently, 
how considerable ? Nor wou'd the Shade of the 
Skin have been any reproach at this day; for if a 
Moor may be washt white in 3 Generations, Surely 
an Indian might have been blancht in two. 

The French, for their Parts, have not been so 
Squeamish in Canada, who upon Trial find abun- 
dance of Attraction in the Indians. Their late Grand 
Monarch thought it not below even the Dignity of 
a Frenchman to become one flesh with this People, 
and therefore Ordered 100 Livres for any of his 
Subjects, Man or "Woman, that woud intermarry 
with a Native. 

By this piece of Policy we find the French In- 


terest very much Strengthen'd amongst the Sav- 
ages, and their Religion, such as it is, propagated 
just as far as their Love. And I heartily wish this 
well-concerted Scheme don't hereafter give the 
French an Advantage over his Majesty's good 
Subjects on the Northern Continent of America. 

About the same time New England was pared 
off from Virginia by Letters Patent, bearing date 
April the 10th, 1608. 1 Several Gentlemen of the 
Town and Neighbourhood of Plymouth obtain'd 
this Grant, with the Ld Chief Justice Popham at 
then* Head. 

Their Bounds were Specified to Extend from 38 
to 45 Degrees of Northern Latitude, with a 
Breadth of one Hundred Miles from the Sea 
Shore. The first 14 Years, this Company en- 
counter'd many Difficulties, and lost many men, 
tho' far from being discouraged, they sent over 
Numerous Recruits of Presbyterians, every year, 
who for all that, had much ado to stand their 
Ground, with all their Fighting and Praying. 

But about the year 1620, a Large Swarm of Dis- 
senters fled thither from the Severities of their 
Stepmother, the Church. These Saints conceiv- 
ing the same Aversion to the Copper Complexion 
of the Natives, with that of the first Adventurers 
to Virginia, would, on no Terms, contract Alli- 
ances with them, afraid perhaps, like the Jews of 
Old, lest they might be drawn into Idolatry by 
those Strange "Women. 

1 The charters of the London and the Plymouth companies 
were both dated April 10, 1606. 


Whatever disgusted them I cant say, but this 
false delicacy creating in the Indians a Jealousy 
that the English were ill affected towards them, 
was the Cause that many of them were cut off, 
and the rest Exposed to various Distresses. 

This Reinforcement was landed not far from 
Cape Codd, where, for their greater Security they 
built a Fort, and near it a Small Town, which in 
Honour of the Proprietors, was call'd New Ply- 
mouth. But they Still had many discouragements 
to Struggle with, tho' by being well Supported 
from Home, they by Degrees Triumph't over them 

Their Bretheren, after this, flockt over so fast, 
that in a few Years they extended the Settlement 
one hundred Miles along the Coast, including 
Rhode Island and Martha's Vineyard. 

Thus the Colony throve apace, and was throng'd 
with large Detachments of Independents and 
Presbyterians, who thought themselves persecuted 
at home. 

Tho' these People may be ridiculd for some 
Pharisaical Particularitys in their Worship and 
Behaviour, yet they were very useful Subjects, as 
being Frugal and Industrious, giving no Scandal 
or bad Example, at least by any Open and Public 
Vices. By which excellent Qualities they had 
much the Advantage of the Southern Colony, who 
thought their being Members of the Establish't 
Church sufficient to Sanctifie very loose and Prof- 
ligate Morals. For this Reason New England 
improved much faster than Virginia, and in Seven 


or Eight Years New Plimouth, like Switzerland, 
seemd too Narrow a Territory for its Inhabitants. 

For this Reason, several Gentlemen of Fortune 
purchas'd of the Company that Canton of New 
England now called Massachuset colony. And 
King James confirmed the Purchase by his Royal 
Charter, dated March the 4th, 1628. In less than 
2 years after, above 1000 of the Puritanical Sect 
removed thither with considerable Effects, and 
these were followed by such Crowds, that a Proc- 
lamation was issued in England, forbidding any 
more of his Majesty's Subjects to be Shipt off. 
But this had the usual Effect of things forbidden, 
and serv'd only to make the Wilful Independents 
flock over the faster. And about this tune it was 
that Messrs. Hampden and Pym, and (some say) 
Oliver Cromwell, to show how little they valued 
the King's Authority, took a Trip to New England. 

In the Year 1630, the famous City of Boston 
was built, in a Commodious Situation for Trade 
and Navigation, the same being on a Peninsula at 
the Bottom of Massachuset Bay. 

This Town is now the most considerable of any 
on the British Continent, containing at least 8,000 
houses and 40,000 Inhabitants. The Trade it 
drives, is very great to Europe, and to every Part 
of the West Indies, having near 1,000 Ships and 
lesser Vessels belonging to it. 

Altho the Extent of the Massachuset Colony 
reach't near one Hundred and Ten Miles in Length, 
and half as much in Breadth, yet many of its 
Inhabitants, thinking they wanted Elbow-room, 


quitted their Old Seats in the Year 1636, and 
formed 2 ~New Colonies: that of Connecticut and 
New Haven. These King Charles the 2d erected 
into one Government in 1664, 1 and gave them many 
Valuable Priviledges, and among the rest, that of 
chusing their own Governors. The Extent of 
these united Colonies may be about Seventy Miles 
long and fifty broad. 

Besides these several Settlements, there Sprang 
up still another, a little more Northerly, called New 
Hampshire. But that consisting of no more than 
two Counties, and not being in condition to Sup- 
port the Charge of a Distinct Government, was 
glad to be incorporated with that of Massachuset, 
but upon Condition, however, of being Named in 
all Public Acts, for fear of being quite lost and 
forgot in the Coalition. 

In like manner New Plymouth joyn'd itself to 
Massachuset, except only Rhode Island, which, 
tho' of small Extent, got itself erected into a Sep- 
arate government by a Charter from King Charles 
the 2d, soon after the Restoration, and continues 
so to this day. 

These Governments all continued in Possession 
of their Respective Rights and Priviledges till the 
Year 1683, 2 when that of Massachuset was made 
Void in England by a Quo Warranto. 

In Consequence of which the King was pleased 
to name Sir Edmund Andros His first Governor 
of that Colony. This Gentleman, it seems, ruled 

1 1662. 1684, that judgment in this suit 

2 It was not till October 23, was finally entered. 


them with a Rod of Iron till the Revolution, when 
they laid unhallowed Hands upon Him, and sent 
him Prisoner to England. 

This undutiful proceeding met with an easy for- 
giveness at that happy Juncture. King William 
and his Royal Consort were not only pleasd to 
overlook this Indignity offered to their Governor, 
but being made sensible how unfairly their Charter 
had been taken away, most graciously granted 
them a new one. 

By this some new Franchises were given them, 
as an Equivalent for those of Coining Money and 
Electing a governour, which were taken away. 
However, the other Colonies of Connecticut and 
Rhode Island had the luck to remain in Posses- 
sion of their Original Charters, which to this Day 
have never been calld in Question. 

The next Country dismembered from Virginia 
was New Scotland, claimd by the Crown of Eng- 
land in Virtue of the first Discovery by Sebastian 
Cabot. By Colour of this Title, King James the 
first granted it to Sir William Alexander by Patent, 
dated September the 10th, 1621. 

But this Patentee never sending any Colony 
thither, and the French believing it very Conve- 
nient for them, obtained a Surrender of it from 
their good Friend and Ally, king Charles the 2d, 
by the Treaty of Breda. And, to show their grat- 
itude, they stirred up the Indians soon after to 
annoy their Neighbours of New England. Mur- 
ders happend continually to his Majesty's Sub- 
jects by their Means, till S r William Phipps took 


their Town of Port Koyal, in the year 1690. But 
as the English are better at taking than keeping 
Strong Places, the French retook it soon, and re- 
maind Masters of it till 1710, when General Nich- 
olson wrested it, once more, out of their Hands. 

Afterwards the Queen of Great Britain's Right 
to it was recognized and confirmed by the treaty 
of Utrecht. 

Another Limb lopt off from Virginia was New 
York, which the Dutch seized very unfairly, on 
pretence of having Purchasd it from Captain Hud- 
son, the first Discoverer. Nor was their way of 
taking Possession of it a whit more justifiable than 
their pretended Title. 

Their West India Company tamperd with some 
worthy English Skippers (who had contracted 
with a Swarm of English Dissenters to transport 
them to Hudson river) by no means to land them 
there, but to carry 'em some leagues more northerly. 

This Dutch Finesse took Exactly, and gave the 
Company time soon after to seize the Hudson 
River for themselves. But S r Samuel Argall, then 
governor of Virginia, understanding how the 
King's Subjects had been abused by these Repub- 
licans, marcht thither with a good Force, and 
obligd them to renounce all pretensions to that 
Country. The worst of it was, the Knight de- 
pended on their Parole to Ship themselves to Bra- 
sile, but took no measures to make this Slippery 
People as good as their Word. 

No sooner was the good Governor retired, but 
the honest Dutch began to build Forts and 


strengthen themselves in their ill-gotten Posses- 
sions; nor did any of the King's Liege People take 
the trouble to drive these Intruders thence. The 
Civil "War in England, And the Confusions it 
brought forth, allowed no Leisure to such distant 
Considerations. Tho tis strange that the Protec- 
tor, who neglected no Occasion to mortify the 
Dutch, did not afterwards call them to Account 
for this breach of Faith. However, after the Res- 
toration, the King sent a Squadron of his Ships of 
War, under the Command of Sir Robert Carr, 1 and 
reduced that Province to his Obedience. 

Some time after, His Majesty was Pleasd to 
grant that Country to his Royal Highness, the 
Duke of York, by Letters Patent, dated March 
the 12th, 1664. But to shew the Modesty of the 
Dutch to the Life, tho they had no Shaddow of 
Right to New York, yet they demanded Surinam, 
a more valuable Country, as an Equivalent for it, 
and our able Ministers at that tune had the Gen- 
erosity to give it them. 

But what wounded Virginia deepest was the 
cutting off MARYLAND from it, by Charter from 
King Charles the 1st, to sir George Calvert, after- 
wards Ld Baltimore, bearing date the 20th of 
June, 1632. The Truth of it is, it begat much 
Speculation in those days, how it came about that 
a good Protestant King should bestow so bounti- 
ful a Grant upon a Zealous Roman catholic. But 
'tis probable it was one fatal Instance amongst 

1 Carr was only one of the commanders of this expedition, 
and Nicoll may be well regarded as chief commander. 


many other of his Majesty's complaisance to the 

However that happened, 'tis certain this Prov- 
ince afterwards provd a Commodious Ketreat for 
Persons of that Communion. The Memory of the 
Gun-Powder-Treason-Plot was Still fresh in every 
body's mind, and made England too hot for Pa- 
pists to live in, without danger of being burnt with 
the Pope, every 5th of November; for which rea- 
son Legions of them transplanted themselves to 
Maryland in Order to be Safe, as well from the 
Insolence of the Populace as the Rigour of the 

Not only the Gun-Powder-Treason, but every 
other Plot, both pretended and real, that has been 
trump't up in England ever Since, has helpt to 
People his Lordship's Propriety. 

But what has provd most Serviceable to it was 
the Grand Rebellion against King Charles the 1st, 
when every thing that bore the least tokens of 
Popery was sure to be demolisht, and every man 
that Profest it was in Jeopardy of Suffering the 
same kind of Martyrdom the Romish Priests do 
in Sweden. 

Soon after the Reduction of New York, the 
Duke was pleasd to grant out of it all that Tract 
of Land included between Hudson and Delaware 
Rivers, to the Lord Berkley and Sir George Car- 
teret, by deed dated June the 24th, 1664. And 
when these Grantees came to make Partition of this 
Territory, His Lor dp' s Moiety was calld West 
Jersey, and that to Sir George, East Jersey. 


But before the Date of this Grant, the Swedes 
began to gain Footing in part of that Country; 
tho, after they saw the Fate of New York, they 
were glad to Submit to the King of England, on 
the easy Terms of remaining in their Possessions, 
and rendering a Moderate Quit-rent. Their Pos- 
terity continue there to this Day, and think their 
Lot cast in a much fairer Land than Dalicarlia. 1 

The Proprietors of New Jersey, finding more 
Trouble than Profit in their new Dominions, made 
over their Right to several other Persons, who ob- 
taind a fresh Grant from his Royal Highness, dated 
March 14th, 1682. 

Several of the Grantees, being Quakers and 
Anababtists, faild not to encourage many of their 
own Perswasion to remove to this Peaceful Re- 
gion. Amongst them were a Swarm of Scots 
Quakers, who were not tolerated to exercise the 
Gifts of the Spirit in their own Country. 

Besides the hopes of being Safe from Persecu- 
tion in this Retreat, the New Proprietors inveigled 
many over by this tempting Account of the Coun- 
try: that it was a Place free from those 3 great 
Scourges of Mankind, Priests, Lawyers, and Phy- 
sicians. Nor did they tell a Word of a Lye, for 
the People were yet too poor to maintain these 
Learned Gentlemen, who, every where, love to be 
paid well for what they do; and, like the Jews, 
cant breathe in a Climate where nothing is to 
be got. 

The Jerseys continued under the Government 
1 Name of a former province of Sweden. 


of these Proprietors till the Year 1702, when they 
made a formal Surrender of the Dominion to the 
Queen, reserving however the Property of the Soil 
to themselves. So soon as the Bounds of New 
Jersey came to be distinctly laid off, it appeared 
that there was still a Narrow Slipe of Land, lying 
betwixt that Colony and Maryland. Of this, Wil- 
liam Penn, a Man of much Worldly Wisdom, and 
some Eminence among the Quakers, got early 
Notice, and, by the Credit he had with the Duke 
of York, obtaind a Patent for it, Dated March the 
4th, 1680. 1 

It was a little Surprising to some People how a 
Quaker should be so much in the good Graces of 
a Popish Prince; tho, after all, it may be pretty 
well Accounted for. This Ingenious Person had 
not been bred a Quaker; but, in his Earlier days, 
had been a Man of Pleasure about the Town. He 
had a beautiful form and very taking Address, 
which made him Successful with the Ladies, and 
Particularly with a Mistress of the Duke of 
Monmouth. By this Gentlewoman he had a 
Daughter, who had Beauty enough to raise her to 
be a Dutches s, and continued to be a Toast full 
30 Years. 2 

But this Amour had like to have brought our 
Fine Gentleman in Danger of a Duell, had he not 
discreetly shelterd himself under this peaceable 
Perswasion. Besides, his Father having been a 

1 1680-81. Penn's character and his decla- 

2 This piece of London gossip rations were entirely at variance 

seems not to have been recorded with this report. See Clarkson' s 

by any other contemporary. Life of Penn (1827), p. 44. 


Flag-Officer in the Navy, while the Duke of York 
was Lord High Admiral, might recommend the 
Son to his Favour. This piece of secret History 
I thought proper to mention, to wipe off the 
Suspicion of his having been Popishly inclind. 

This Gentleman's first Grant confind Him with- 
in pretty Narrow Bounds, giving him only that 
Portion of Land which contains Buckingham, 
Philadelphia and Chester Counties. But to get 
these Bounds a little extended, He pusht His In- 
terest still further with His Royal Highness, and 
obtaind a fresh Grant of the three Lower Coun- 
ties, called New-Castle, Kent and Sussex, which 
still remaind within the New York Patent, and 
had been luckily left out of the Grant of New 

The Six Counties being thus incorporated, the 
Proprietor dignifyd the whole with the Name of 

The Quakers flockt over to this Country in 
Shoals, being averse to go to Heaven the same 
way with the Bishops. Amongst them were not 
a few of good Substance, who went Vigorously 
upon every kind of Improvement; and thus much 
I may truly say in their Praise, that by Diligence 
and Frugality, For which this Harmless Sect is 
remarkable, and by haveing no Vices but such as 
are Private, they have in a few Years made Pen- 
silvania a very fine Country. 

The Truth is, they have observed exact Justice 
with all the Natives that border upon them; they 
have purchasd all their Lands from the Indians; 


and tho they paid but a Trifle for them, it has pro- 
cured them the Credit of being more righteous 
than their Neighbours. They have likewise had 
the Prudence to treat them kindly upon all Occa- 
sions, which has savd them from many Wars and 
Massacres wherein the other Colonies have been 
indiscreetly involved. The Truth of it is, a Peo- 
ple whose Principles forbid them to draw the 
Carnal Sword, were in the Right to give no 

Both the French and the Spaniards had, in the 
Name of their Respective Monarchs, long ago taken 
Possession of that Part of the Northern Continent 
that now goes by the Name of Carolina; but find- 
ing it Produced neither Gold nor Silver, as they 
greedily expected, and meeting such returns from 
the Indians as their own Cruelty and Treachery 
deserved, they totally abandond it. In this de- 
serted Condition that country lay for the Space of 
90 Years, till King Charles the 2d, finding it a 
DERELICT, granted it away to the Earl of Clar- 
endon and others, by His Royal Charter, dated 
March the 24th, 1663. The Boundary of that 
Grant towards Virginia was a due West Line from 
Luck-Island, (the same as Colleton Island,) lying 
in 36 degrees N. Latitude, quite to the South Sea. 

But afterwards Sir William Berkeley, who was 
one of the Grantees and at that time Governour of 
Virginia, finding a Territory of 31 Miles in Breadth 
between the Inhabited Part of Virginia and the 
above-mentioned Boundary of Carolina, advisd 
the Lord Clarendon of it. And His Lordp had 


Interest enough with the King to obtain a Second 
Patent to include it, dated June the 30th, 1665. 

This last Grant describes the Bounds between 
Virginia and Carolina in these Words: "To run 
from the North End of Corotuck-Inlet, due West 
to Weyanoke Creek, lying within or about the 
Degree of Thirty-Six and Thirty Minutes of North- 
ern Latitude, and from thence West, in a direct 
Line, as far as the South-Sea." Without question, 
this Boundary was well known at the time the 
Charter was Granted, but in a long Course of 
years Weynoke Creek lost its name, so that it be- 
came a Controversy where it lay. Some Ancient 
Persons in Virginia affirmd it was the same with 
Wicocon, and others again in Carolina were as 
Positive it was Nottoway River. 

In the mean time, the People on the Frontiers 
Enterd for Land, & took out Patents by Guess, 
either from the King or the Lords Proprietors. 
But the Crown was like to be the loser by this In- 
certainty, because the Terms both of taking up 
and seating Land were easier much in Carolina, 
The Yearly Taxes to the Public were likewise 
there less burdensome, which laid Virginia under 
a Plain disadvantage. 

This Consideration put that Government upon 
entering into Measures with North Carolina, to 
terminate the Dispute, and settle a Certain Boun- 
dary between the two colonies. All the Difficulty 
was, to find out which was truly Weyanoke Creek. 
The Difference was too Considerable to be given 

1 This quotation is materially but not literally correct. 



The cMansion at Westerner. 



up by either side, there being a Territory of 15 
Miles betwixt the two Streams in controversy. 

However, till that Matter could be adjusted, it 
was agreed on both sides, that no Lands at all 
Should be granted within the disputed Bounds. 
Virginia observed this Agreement punctually, but 
I am sorry I cant say the Same of North-Carolina. 
The great Officers of that Province were loath to 
lose the Fees accrueing from the Grants of Land, 
and so private Interest got the better of Public 
Spirit; and I wish that were the only Place in the 
World where such politicks are fashionable. 

All the Steps that were taken afterwards in that 
Affair, will best appear by the Report of the Vir- 
ginia-Commissioners, recited in the Order of Coun- 
cil given at St. James's, March the 1st, 1710, set 
down in the Appendix. 

It must be owned, the fteport of those Gentle- 
men was Severe upon the then commissioners of 
North-Carolina, and particularly upon Mr. Mose- 
ley. I wont take upon me to say with how much 
Justice they said so many hard things, tho it had 
been fairer Play to have given the Parties accusd 
a Copy of such Representations, that they might 
have answerd what they could for themselves. 

But since that was not done, I must beg leave 
to say thus much in behalf of Mr. Moseley, that 
he was not much in the Wrong to find fault with 
the Quadrant produced by the Surveyors of Vir- 
ginia, because that Instrument plact the Mouth of 
Notoway River in the Latitude of 37 Degrees; 
whereas, by an Accurate Observation made Since, 


it Appears to lie in 36 30' -J', so that there was an 
Error of near 30 minutes, either in the Instrument 
or in those who made use of it. 

Besides, it is evident the Mouth of Notoway 
River agrees much better with the Latitude, 
wherein the Carolina Charter supposed Wyanoak 
Creek, (namely, in or about 36 Degrees and 30 
minutes,) than it does with Wicocon Creek, which 
is about 15 Miles more Southerly. 

This being manifest, the Intention of the King's 
Grant will be pretty exactly answered, by a due 
West Line drawn from Corotuck Inlet to the 
Mouth of Notaway River, for which reason tis 
probable that was formerly calld Wyanoak-Creek, 
and might change its Name when the Nottoway 
Indians came to live upon it, which was since the 
Date of the last Carolina Charter. 

The Lievt Governor of Virginia, at that time 
Colo Spotswood, searching into the Bottom of this 
Affair, made very Equitable Proposals to Mr. 
Eden, at that time Governour of North Carolina, 
in Order to put an End to this Controversy. 
These, being formed into Preliminaries, were Signd 
by both Governours, and transmitted to England, 
where they had the Honour to be ratifyed by his 
late Majesty and assented to by the Lords Propri- 
etors of Carolina. 

Accordingly an Order was sent by the late King 
to Mr. Gooch, afterwards Lievt Governor of Vir- 
ginia, to pursue those Preliminaries exactly. In 
Obedience thereunto, he was pleased to appoint 
Three of the Council of that colony to be Com- 

1728, Feb.] THE DIVIDING LINE 25 

missioners on the Part of Virginia, who, in Con- 
junction with others to be named by the Governor 
of North Carolina, were to settle the Boundary 
between the 2 Governments, upon the Plan of the 
above-mentiond Articles. 

Two Experienct Surveyors were at the same 
time directed to wait upon the Commissioners, Mr. 
Mayo, who made the Accurate Mapp of Barbadoes, 
and Mr. Irvin, the Mathematick Professor of William 
and Mary Colledge. And because a good Number 
of Men were to go upon this Expedition, a Chap- 
lain was appointed to attend them, and the rather 
because the People on the Frontiers of North-Car- 
olina, who have no Minister near them, might have 
an Opportunity to get themselves and their Chil- 
dren baptizd. 

Of these proceedings on our Part, immediate 
Notice was sent to Sir Richard Everard, Governor 
of North Carolina, who was desired to Name Com- 
missioners for that Province, to meet those of Yir- 
ginia at Corotuck-Inlet the Spring following. 
Accordingly he appointed Four Members of the 
Council of that Province to take Care of the In- 
terests of the Lds Proprietors. Of these, Mr. 
Moseley was to serve in a Double Capacity, both 
as Commissioner and Surveyor. For that reason 
there was but one other Surveyor from thence, Mr. 
Swan. All the Persons being thus agreed upon, 
they settled the time of Meeting to be at Corotuck, 
March the 5th, 1728. 

In the Mean time, the requisite Preparations 
were made for so long and tiresome a Journey; 


and because there was much work to be done and 
some Danger from the Indians, in the uninhabited 
Part of the Country, it was necessary to provide 
a Competent Number of Men. Accordingly, Sev- 
enteen able Hands were listed on the Part of Vir- 
ginia, who were most of them Indian Traders and 
expert Woodsmen. 

27. These good Men were ordered to come 
armed with a Musquet and a Tomahack, or large 
Hatchet, and provided with a Sufficient Quantity 
of Ammunition. 

They likewise brought Provisions of their own 
for ten days, after which time they were to be fur- 
nisht by the Government. Their March was ap- 
pointed to be on the 27th of February, on which 
day one of the Commissioners met them at their 
Rendezvous, and proceeded with them as far as 
Colo Allen's. This Gentleman is a great oecono- 
mist, and Skilld in all the Arts of living well at an 
easy expense. 

28. They proceeded in good Order through 
Surry County, as far as the Widdow Allen's who 
had copied Solomon's complete housewife exactly. 
At this Gentlewoman's House, the other two Com- 
missioners had appointed to join them, but were 
detained by some Accident at "William sburg, longer 
than their appointment. 

29. They pursued their March thro the Isle of 
Wight and observd a most dreadful Havock made by 
a late Hurricane, which happend in August, 1726. 
The Violence of it had not reachd above a Quarter 
of a Mile in Breadth, but within that Compass had 

1728, March] THE DIVIDING LINE 27 

levelld all before it. Both Trees and Houses were 
laid flat on the Ground, and several things hurld 
to an incredible distance. Tis happy such violent 
Gusts are confined to so narrow a Channel, because 
they carry desolation wherever they go. In the 
Evening they reacht Mr. Godwin's, on the South 
Branch of Nansemond River, where they were 
treated with abundance of Primitive Hospitality. 

March 1. This Gentleman was so kind as to 
shorten their Journey, by setting them over the 
river. They coasted the N E Side of the Dismal 
for several miles together, and found all the 
Grounds bordering upon it very full of Sloughs. 
The Trees that grew near it lookt very Reverend, 
with the long Moss that hung dangling from their 
Branches. Both cattle and Horses eat this Moss 
greedily in Winter when other Provender is 
Scarce, tho it is apt to scowr them at first. 
In that moist Soil too grew abundance of that kind 
of Myrtle which bears the Candle-Berries. There 
was likewise, here and there, a Gall-bush, which is 
a beautiful Evergreen, and may be cut into any 
Shape. It derives its Name from its Berries turn- 
ing Water black, like the Galls of an oak. 

When this Shrub is transplanted into Gardens, 
it will not thrive without frequent watering. 

The two other commissioners came up with them 
just at their Journey's end, and that evening they 
arrivd all together at Mr. Craford's, who lives on 
the South Branch of Elizabeth-River, over against 
Norfolk. Here the Commissioners left the Men 
with all the Horses and heavy Baggage, and 


crosst the River with their Servants only, for fear 
of making a Famine in the Town. 

Norfolk has most the ayr of a Town of any in 
Virginia. There were then near 20 Brigantines 
and Sloops riding at the Wharves, and oftentimes 
they have more. It has all the advantages of 
Situation requisite for Trade and Navigation. 
There is a Secure Harbour for a good Number of 
Ships of any Burthen. Their River divides itself 
into 3 Several Branches, which are all Navigable. 
The Town is so near the sea, that its Vessels may 
Sail in and out in a few Hours. Their Trade is 
Chiefly to the West-Indies, whither they export 
abundance of Beef, Pork, Flour and Lumber. 
The worst of it is, they contribute much towards 
debauching the Country by importing abundance 
of Rum, which, like Ginn in Great Britain, breaks 
the Constitution, Vitiates the Morals, and ruins 
the Industry of most of the Poor people of this 

This Place is the Mart 'for most of the Com- 
modities producd in the Adjacent Parts of North 
Carolina. They have a pretty deal of Lumber 
from the Borderers on the Dismal, who make bold 
with the King's Land there about s, without the 
least Ceremony. They not only maintain their 
Stocks upon it, but get Boards, Shingles and other 
Lumber out of it in great Abundance. 

The Town is built on a level Spot of Ground 
upon Elizabeth River, the Banks whereof are 
neither so high as to make the landing of Goods 
troublesome, or so low as to be in Danger of over- 

1728, March] THE DIVIDING LINE 29 

flowing. The Streets are Straight, and adorned 
with several Good Houses, which Encrease every 
Day. It is not a Town of Ordinarys and Publick 
Houses, like most others in this Country, but the 
Inhabitants consist of Merchants, Ship-Carpenters 
and other useful Artisans, with Sailors enough to 
manage their Navigation. With all these Con- 
veniences, it lies under the two great disadvan- 
tages that most of the Towns in Holland do, by 
having neither good Air nor good Water. The 
two Cardinal Vertues that make a Place thrive, 
Industry and Frugality, are seen here in Perfec- 
tion; and so long as they can banish Luxury and 
Idleness, the Town will remain in a happy and 
flourishing Condition. 

The Method of building Wharff s here is after 
the following Manner. They lay down long Pine 
Logs, that reach from the Shore to the Edge of 
the Channel. These are bound fast together by 
Cross-Pieces notcht into them, according to the 
Architecture of the Log-Houses in North Carolina. 
A wharff built thus will stand Several Years, in 
spight of the Worm, which bites here very much, 
but may be soon repaired in a Place where so many 
Pines grow in the Neighbourhood. 

The Commissioners endeavourd, in this Town, 
to list Three more men to serve as Guides in that 
dirty Part of the Country, but found that these 
People knew just enough of that frightful Place 
to avoid it. 

They had been told that those Netherlands were 
full of Bogs, of Marshes and Swamps, not fit for 


Human Creatures to engage in, and this was Rea- 
son enough for them not to hazard their Persons. 
So they told us, flat and plain, that we might een 
daggle thro the mire by Our-Selves for them. 

The worst of it was, we coud not learn from any 
body in this Town, what Rout to take to Coratuck 
Inlet; till at last we had the fortune to meet with 
a Borderer upon North Carolina, who made a 
rough Sketch of that Part of the Country. Thus, 
upon seeing how the Land lay, we determind to 
march directly to Prescot Landing upon K W 
River, and proceed from thence by Water to the 
Place where our Line was to begin. 

4. In Pursuance of this Resolution we crosst the 
River this Morning to Powder-Point, where we all 
took Horse ; and the Grandees of the Town, with 
great Courtesy, conducted us Ten Miles on our 
way, as far as the long Bridge built over the S 
Branch of the River. The Parson of the Parish, 
Mr. Marston, a painful Apostle from the Society, 1 
made one in this Ceremonious Cavalcade. 

At the Bridge, these Gentlemen, wishing us a 
good Deliverance, returnd, and then a Troop of 
Light Horse escorted us as far as Prescot-Land- 
ing, upon IS" W river. Care had been taken be- 
forehand to provide 2 Periaugas to lie ready at 
that Place to transport us to Coratuck Inlet. Our 
Zeal was so great to get thither at the time ap- 
pointed, that we hardly allowd ourselves leisure 
to eat, which in truth we had the less Stomach to, 
by reason the dinner was served up by the Land- 

l The Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts. 

1728, March] THE DIVIDING LINE 31 

lord, whose Nose stood on such ticklish Terms, 
that it was in Danger of falling into the Dish. 
We therefore made our Repast very short, and 
then embarkt with only the Surveyors and Nine 
chosen Men, leaving the rest at Mr. W n's to 
take Care of the Horses and Baggage. There we 
also left our Chaplain, with the Charitable Intent, 
that the Gentiles round about might have time and 
Opportunity, if they pleasd, of getting themselves 
and their children baptizd. 

We rowd down N W River about 18 miles, as 
far as the Mouth of it, where it empties itself into 
Albemarle Sound. It was a really Delightful 
Sight, all the way, to see the Banks of the River 
adornd with Myrtle, Laurel and Bay-Trees, which 
preserve their Verdure the Year round, tho it must 
be ownd that these beautiful Plants, sacred to 
Venus and Appollo, grow commonly in very dirty 
Soil. The River is, in most Places, fifty or Sixty 
Yards wide, without spreading much wider at the 
Mouth. Tis remarkable it was never known to 
Ebb and flow till the year 1713, when a Violent 
Storm opend a new Inlet, about 5 Miles South of 
the old one ; since which Convulsion, the Old Inlet 
is almost choakd up by the Shifting of the Sand, 
and grows both Narrower and Shoaller every day. 

It was dark before we could reach the Mouth of 
the River, where our wayward Stars directed us 
to a Miserable Cottage. The Landlord was lately 
removed, Bag and Baggage, from Maryland, thro 
a Strong Antipathy he had to work and paying his 
Debts. For want of our Tent, we were obligd to 


Shelter our Selves in this wretched Hovel, where 
we were almost devourd by Vermin of Various 
kinds. However, we were above complaining, 
being all Philosophers enough to improve such 
Slender Distresses into Mirth and good Humour. 

5. The Day being now come, on which we had 
agreed to meet the Commissioners of North Caro- 
lina, we embarkd very early, which we coud the 
easier do, having no Temptation to stay where we 
were. We Shapt our Course along the South End 
of Knot's Island, there being no Passage open 
on the North. 

Farther Still to the Southward of us, we discov- 
erd two Smaller Islands, that go by the names of 
Bell's and Churche's Isles. We also saw a small 
New England Sloop riding in the Sound, a little 
to the South of our Course. She had come in at 
the New-Inlet, as all other Vessels have done since 
the opening of it. This Navigation is a little dif- 
ficult, and fit only for Vessels that draw no more 
than ten feet Water. 

The Trade hither is engrosst by the Saints of 
New England, who carry off a great deal of To- 
bacco, without troubling themselves with paying 
that Impertinent Duty of a Penny a Pound. 

It was just Noon before we arrivd at Coratuck 
Inlet, which is now so shallow that the Breakers 
fly over it with a horrible Sound, and at the same 
time afford a very wild Prospect. On the North 
side of the Inlet, the High Land terminated in a 
Bluff Point, from which a Spit of Sand extended 
itself towards the South-East, full half a Mile. 

1728, March] THE DIVIDING LINE 33 

The Inlet lies between that Spit and another on 
the South of it, leaving an Opening of not quite a 
Mile, which at this day is not practicable for any 
Vessel whatsoever. And as shallow as it now is, 
it continues to fill up more and more, both the 
Wind and Waves rolling in the Sands from the 
Eastern Shoals. 

About two a Clock in the Afternoon we were 
joind by two of the Carolina Commissioners, at- 
tended by Mr. S n, their Surveyor. The other 
two were not quite so punctual, which was the 
more unlucky for us, because there could be no 
sport till they came. These Gentlemen, it seems, 
had the Carolina-Commission in their keeping, not- 
withstanding which they coud not forbear paying 
too much regard to a Proverb fashionable in ther 
Country, not to make more hast than good 

However, that we who were punctual might not 
spend our precious time unprofitably, we took the 
Several bearings of the Coast. We also surveyd 
part of the Adjacent High Land, which had 
scarcely any Trees growing upon it, but Cedars. 
Among the Shrubs, we were shewed here and there 
a Bush of Carolina-Tea calld Japon, 1 which is one 
Species of the Phylarrea. This is an Evergreen, 
the Leaves whereof have some resemblance to Tea, 
but differ very widely both in Tast and Flavour. 

We also found some few Plants of the Spired 
Leaf Silk grass, which is likewise an Evergreen, 
bearing on a lofty Stemm a large Cluster of 

1 Yaupon. 


Flowers of a Pale Yellow. Of the Leaves of this 
Plant the People thereabouts twist very strong 

A vertuoso might divert himself here very well, 
in picking up Shells of various Hue and Figure, 
and amongst the rest, that Species of Conque Shell 
which the Indian Peak is made of. The Extremi- 
ties of these Shells are Blue and the rest white, so 
that Peak of both these Colours are drilld out of 
one and the same Shell, Serving the Natives both 
for Ornament and Money, and are esteemd by 
them far beyond Gold and Silver. 

The Cedars were of Singular use to us in the 
Absence of our Tent, which we had left with 
the rest of the Baggage for fear of overloading 
the Periaugas. We made a Circular Hedge of the 
Branches of this Tree, Wrought so close together 
as to fence us against the Cold Winds. We then 
kindled a rouseing fire in the Center of it, and lay 
round it, like so many Knights Templars. But, as 
comfortable as this Lodging was, the Surveyors 
turnd out about 2 in the Morning to try the Varia- 
tion by a Meridian taken from the North Star, and 
found it to be somewhat less than three degrees 

The Commissioners of the Neighbouring Colony 
came better provided for the Belly than the Busi- 
ness. They brought not above two men along with 
them that would put their Hands to any thing but 
the Kettle and the Frying-Pan. These spent so 
much of their Industry that way, that they had as 
little Spirit as Inclination for Work. 

1728, March] THE DIVIDING LINE 35 

6. At Noon, having a Perfect Observation, we 
found the Latitude of Coratuck Inlet to be 36 De- 
grees and 31 Minutes. 

Whilst we were busied about these Necessary 
Matters, our Skipper row'd to an Oyster Bank just 
by, and loaded his Periauga with Oysters as Sa- 
voury and well-tasted as those from Colchester or 
Walfleet, and had the advantage of them, too, by 
being much larger and fatter. 

About 3 in the Afternoon the two lagg Commis- 
sioners arriv'd, and after a few decent excuses for 
making us wait, told us they were ready to enter 
upon Business as soon as we pleas'd. The first Step 
was to produce our respective Powers, and the Com- 
mission from each Governor was distinctly read, 
and Copies of them interchangeably deliver'd. 

It was observ'd by our Carolina Friends, that 
the Latter Part of the Virginia Commission had 
something in it a little too lordly and Positive. In 
answer to which we told them twas necessary to 
make it thus peremptory, lest the present Commis- 
sioners might go upon as fruitless an Errand as 
their Predecessors. The former Commissioners 
were ty'd down to Act in Exact Conjunction with 
those of Carolina, and so could not advance one 
Step farther, or one Jot faster, than they were 
pleas'd to permit them. 

The Memory of that disappointment, therefore, 
induc'd the Government of Virginia to give fuller 
Powers to the present Commissioners, by Author- 
izing them to go on with the Work by Themselves, 
in Case those of Corolina should prove unreason- 


able, and refuse to join with them in carrying the 
business to Execution. And all this was done lest 
His Majesty's gracious Intention shoud be frus- 
trated a Second time. 

After both Commissions were considerd, the 
first Question was, where the Dividing Line was to 
begin. This begat a Warm debate; the Virginia 
Commissioners contending, with a great deal of 
Reason, to begin at the End of the Spitt of Sand, 
which was undoubtedly the North Shore of Cora- 
tuck Inlet. But those of Carolina insisted Stren- 
uously, that the Point of High Land ought rather 
to be the Place of Beginning, because that was 
fixt and certain, whereas the Spitt of Sand was 
ever Shifting, and did actually run out farther now 
than formerly. The Contest lasted some Hours, 
with great Vehemence, neither Party receding from 
their Opinion that Night. But next Morning, Mr. 
M. . . . , to convince us he was not that Ob- 
stinate Person he had been represented, yielded to 
our Reasons, and found Means to bring over his 

Here we began already to reap the Benefit of 
those Peremptory Words in our Commission, which 
in truth added some Weight to our Reasons. 
Nevertheless, because positive proof was made by 
the Oaths of two Credible Witnesses, that the 
Spitt of Sand had advancd 200 Yards towards the 
Inlet since the Controversy first began, we were 
willing for Peace-sake to make them that allow- 
ance. Accordingly we fixed our Beginning about 
that Distance North of the Inlet, and there Or- 

1728, March] THE DIVIDING LINE 37 

dered a Cedar-Post to be driven deep into the Sand 
for our beginning. While we continued here, we 
were told that on the South Shore, not far from the 
Inlet, dwelt a Marooner, that Modestly call'd him- 
self a Hermit, tho' he forfeited that Name by Suf- 
fering a wanton Female to cohabit with Him. 

His Habitation was a Bower, cover'd with Bark 
after the Indian Fashion, which in that mild Situa- 
tion protected him pretty well from the Weather. 
Like the Ravens, he neither plow'd nor sow'd, but 
Subsisted chiefly upon Oysters, which his Hand- 
maid made a Shift to gather from the Adjacent 
Rocks. Sometimes, too, for Change of Dyet, he 
sent her to drive up the Neighbour's Cows, to 
moisten their Mouths with a little Milk. But as 
for raiment, he depended mostly upon his Length 
of Beard, and She upon her Length of Hair, part 
of which she brought decently forward, and the 
rest dangled behind quite down to her Rump, like 
one of Herodotus's East Indian Pigmies. 

Thus did these Wretches live in a dirty State 
of Nature, and were mere Adamites, Innocence 
only excepted. * 

7. This Morning the Surveyors began to run the 
Dividing line from the Cedar-Post we had driven 
into the Sand, allowing near 3 Degrees for the 
Variation. Without making this Just allowance, 
we should not have obeyd his Majesty's order in 
running a Due West Line. It seems the former 
Commissioners had not been so exact, which gave 
our Friends of Carolina but too just an Exception 
to their Proceedings. 


The Line cut Dosier's Island, consisting only of 
a Flat Sand, with here and there an humble Shrub 
growing upon it. From thence it crost over a 
narrow Arm of the Sound into Knot's Island, and 
there Split a Plantation belonging to William 

The Day being far spent, we encampt in this 
Man's Pasture, tho' it lay very low, and the Sea- 
son now inclin'd People to Aguish Distempers. 
He sufferd us to cut Cedar-Branches for our 
Enclosure, and other Wood for Firing, to correct 
the moist Air and drive away the Damps. Our 
Landlady, in the Days of her Youth, it seems, had 
been a Laundress in the Temple, and talkt over 
her Adventures in that Station, with as much 
pleasure as an Old Soldier talks over his Battles 
and Distempers, and I believe with as many Ad- 
ditions to the Truth. 

The Soil is good in many Places of this Island, 
and the Extent of it pretty large. It lyes in the 
form of a Wedge : the South End of it is Several 
Miles over, but towards the North it Sharpens into 
a Point. It is a Plentiful Place for Stock, by 
reason of the wide Marshes adjacent to it, and 
because of its warm Situation. But the Inhabi- 
tants pay a little dear for this Convenience, by 
losing as much Blood in the Summer Season by 
the infinite Number of Mosquetas, as all their 
Beef and Pork can recruit in the Winter. 

The Sheep are as large as in Lincolnshire, be- 
cause they are never pincht by cold or Hunger. 
The whole Island was hitherto reckon'd to lye in 

1728, March] THE DIVIDING LINE 39 

Virginia, but now our Line has given the greater 
Part of it to Carolina. The Principal Freeholder 
here is Mr. White, who keeps open House for all 
Travellers, that either Debt or Shipwreck happens 
to cast in his way. 

8. By break of Day we sent away our Largest 
Periauga, with the Baggage, round the South end 
of Knot's Island, with Orders to the Men to wait 
for us in the Mouth of North River. Soon after, 
we embarkt ourselves on board the smaller Yessel, 
with Intent, if possible, to find a Passage round 
the North End of the Island. 

We found this Navigation very difficult, by 
reason of the Continued Shoals, and often stuck 
.fast aground; for tho' the Sound spreads many 
miles, yet it is in most places extremely Shallow, 
and requires a Skilful Pilot to Steer even a Canoe 
safe over it. It was almost as hard to keep our 
Temper as to keep the Channel, in this provoking 
Situation. But the most impatient amongst us 
strokt down their Choler and swallow'd their 
curses, lest, if they suffer'd them to break out, 
they might sound like Complaining, which was 
expressly forbid, as the first Step to Sedition. 

At a distance we descry'd Several Islands to 
the Northward of us, the largest of which goes by 
the Name of Cedar Island. Our periauga stuck 
so often that we had a fair chance to be benighted 
in this wide Water, which must certainly have 
been our Fate, had we not luckily spied a Canoe 
that was giving a Fortune-teller a cast from Prin- 
cess Anne County over to North Carolina. But, 


as conjurers are Sometimes mistaken, the Man 
mistrusted we were Officers of Justice in pursuit 
of a Young Wench he had carry' d off along with 
him. We gave the Canoe Chase for more than 
an Hour and when we came up with her, threat- 
end to make them all prisoners unless they would 
direct us into the right Channel. 

By the Pilotage of these People we row'd up 
an Arm of the Sound, call'd the Back-Bay, till 
we came to the Head of it. There we were stoppt 
by a miry Pocoson full half a Mile in Breadth, 
thro' which we were oblig'd to daggle on foot, 
plungeing now and then, tho' we pickt our Way, 
up to the Knees in Mud. At the End of this 
Charming walk we gain'd the Terra Firma of 
Princess Anne County. In that Dirty Condition 
we were afterwards oblig'd to foot it two Miles, 
as far as John Heath's Plantation, where we ex- 
pected to meet the Surveyors & the men who 
waited upon them. 

While we were performing this tedious Voyage, 
they had carried the Line thro' the firm Land of 
Knot's Island, where it was no more than half a 
Mile wide. After that they travers'd a large 
Marsh, that was exceeding Miry, and extended to 
an Arm of the Back-Bay. They crosst that water 
in a Canoe, which we had order'd round for that 
Purpose, and then waded over another Marsh, that 
reacht quite to the High Land of Princess Anne. 
Both these Marshes together make a breadth of 
five Miles, in which the Men frequently sunk up 
to the Middle without muttering the least com- 

1728, March] THE DIVIDING LINE 41 

plaint. On the contrary, they turn'd all these 
Disasters into Merriment. 

It was discovered, by this day's Work, that 
Knot's Island was improperly so call'd, being in 
Truth no more than a Peninsula. The N W 
Side of it is only divided from the Main by the 
great Marsh above-mentioned, which is seldom 
totally overflow'd. Instead of that, it might, by 
the Labour of a few Trenches, be drain'd into firm 
Meadow, capable of grazing as many cattle as Job, 
in his best Estate, was master of. In the Miry 
Condition it now lies, it feeds great Numbers in 
the Winter, tho', when the Weather grows warm, 
they are driven from thence by the Mighty 
Armies of Mosquetas, which are the Plague of 
the lower Part of Carolina, as much as the Flies 
were formerly of Egypt, and some Rabbis think 
those Flies were no other than Mosquetas. 

All the People in the Neighbourhood flockt to 
John Heath's, to behold such Rarities as they 
fancied us to be. The Men left their belov'd 
Chimney Corners, the good women their Spinning 
Wheels, and some, of more Curiosity than Ordi- 
nary, rose out of their sick Beds, to come and 
stare at us. They lookt upon us as a Troop of 
Knight Errants, who were running this great 
Risque of our Lives, as they imagin'd, for the 
Public Weal; and some of the gravest of them 
question'd much whether we were not all Crimi- 
nals, condemned to this dirty work for Offences 
against the State. 

What puzzled them most was, what cou'd make 


our men so very Light-hearted under such intoler- 
able Drudgery. "Ye have little reason to be 
merry, My Masters," said one of them, with a very 
solemn Face, "I fancy the Pocoson you must 
Struggle with to-morrow will make you change 
your Note, and try what Metal you are made of. 
Ye are, to be sure, the first of Human Kace that 
ever had the Boldness to attempt it, and I dare say 
will be the last. If, therefore, you have any 
Worldly Goods to dispose of, My Advice is that 
you make your Wills this very Night, for fear you 
die Intestate to-Morrow." But, alas ! these fright- 
full Tales were so far from disheartening the men, 
that they serv'd only to whet their Resolution. 

9. The Surveyors enter' d Early upon their Busi- 
ness this Morning, and ran the Line thro' Mr. 
Eyland's Plantation, as far as the Banks of North 
River. They passt over it in the Periauga, and 
landed in Gibbs' Marsh, which was a mile in 
Breadth, and tolerably firm. They trudg'd thro' 
this Marsh without much difficulty as far as the 
High Land, which promis'd more Fertility than 
any they had seen in these lower Parts. But this 
firm Land lasted not long before they came upon 
the dreadful Pocoson they had been threaten'd 
with. Nor did they find it one Jot better than it 
had been painted to them. The Beavers and Ot- 
ters had render' d it quite impassable for any Crea- 
ture but themselves. 

Our poor Fellows had much ado to drag their 
Legs after them in this Quagmire, but disdaining 
to be baulkt, they cou'd hardly be persuaded from 



pressing forward by the Surveyors, who found it abso- 
lutely Necessary to make a Traverse in the Deepest 
Place, to prevent their Sticking fast in the Mire, and 
becoming a Certain Prey to the Turkey-Buzzards. 

This Horrible Day's Work Ended two Miles to 
the Northward of Mr. Merchant's Plantation, di- 
vided from N W River by a Narrow Swamp, which 
is causeway'd over. We took up our Quarters in 
the open Field, not far from the House, correcting, 
by a Fire as large as a Roman-Funeral-Pile, the 
Aguish Exhalations arising from the Sunken 
Grounds that Surrounded us. 

The Neck of Land included betwixt N River 
and N-West River, with the adjacent Marsh, be- 
long'd formerly to Governor Gibbs, 1 but since his 
Decease to Colonel Bladen, in right of his first 
Lady, who was Mr. Gibbs' Daughter. It would 
be a Valuable Tract of Land in any Country but 
North Carolina, where, for want of Navigation and 
Commerce, the best Estate affords little more than 
a coarse Subsistence. 

1 This was John Gibbs, who in 
1690 was disputing Philip Lud- 
well's commission as governor 
of North Carolina. How he got 
his claim is not known. His 
fiery proclamation against Lud- 
well, in which he offered in de- 
fense of his claims to fight the 
latter " as long as my eyelidds 
shall wagg," has been pre- 
served. (See Col. Recs. of N. C., 
1. 363. ) It is known, also, that in 
1690 he went to one of the pre- 
cinct courts of Albemarle 
County and arrested and car- 
ried off two of the justices who 

would not recognize his com- 
mission. These prisoners he 
kept in his house surrounded 
by eighty of his followers. In 
August of the same year, we 
are informed that both Qibbs 
and Ludwell were about to go 
to England, presumably to lay 
their claims before the Lords 
Proprietors ; and we hear no 
more of the controversy. (See 
the Sainsbury Papers in the 
State Library at Richmond, Va., 
vol. for 1640-91, pp. 297, 311; 
also Col. Recs. of N. C., I. 364, 


10. The Sabbath happened very opportunely to 
give some ease to our jaded People, who rested reli- 
giously from every work, but that of cooking the 
Kettle. We observed very few corn-fields in 
our Walks, and those very small, which seem'd 
the Stranger to us, because we could see no other 
Tokens of Husbandry or Improvement. But, upon 
further Inquiry, we were given to understand Peo- 
ple only made Corn for themselves and not for 
their Stocks, which know very well how to get 
their own Living. 

Both Cattle and Hogs ramble in the Neighbour- 
ing Marshes and Swamps, where they maintain 
themselves the whole Winter long, and are not 
fetch'd home till the Spring. Thus these Indolent 
Wretches, during one half of the Year, lose the 
Advantage of the Milk of their cattle, as well as 
their Dung, and many of the poor Creatures perish 
in the Mire, into the Bargain, by this ill Manage- 

Some, who pique themselves more upon Industry 
than their Neighbours, will, now and then, in com- 
pliment to their Cattle, cut down a Tree whose 
Limbs are loaden with the Moss aforemention'd. 
The trouble wou'd be too great to Climb the Tree 
in order to gather this Provender, but the Shortest 
way (which in this Country is always counted the 
best) is to fell it, just like the Lazy Indians, who 
do the same by such Trees as bear fruit, and so 
make one Harvest for all. By this bad Husbandry 
Milk is so Scarce, in the Winter Season, that were 
a Big-belly'd Woman to long for it, She would 

1728, March] THE DIVIDING LINE 45 

lose her Longing. And, in truth, I believe this 
is often the Case, and at the same tune a very 
good reason why so many People in this Province 
are markt with a Custard Complexion. 

The only Business here is raising of Hogs, which 
is manag'd with the least Trouble, and affords the 
Diet they are most fond of. The Truth of it is, 
the Inhabitants of N Carolina devour so much 
Swine's flesh, that it fills them full of gross Hu- 
mours. For want too of a constant Supply of Salt, 
they are commonly obliged to eat it Fresh, and 
that begets the highest taint of Scurvy. Thus, 
whenever a Severe Cold happens to Constitutions 
thus Vitiated, tis apt to improve into the Yaws, 
called there very justly the country-Distemper. 
This has all the Symptoms of the Pox, with this 
Aggravation, that no Preparation of Mercury will 
touch it. First it seizes the Throat, next the 
Palate, and lastly shews its spite to the poor Nose, 
of which tis apt in a small time treacherously to 
undermine the Foundation. 

This Calamity is so common and familiar here, 
that it ceases to be a Scandal, and in the disputes 
that happen about Beauty, the Noses have in some 
Companies much ado to carry it. Nay, tis said 
that once, after three good Pork years, a Motion 
had like to have been made in the House of Bur- 
gesses, that a Man with a Nose shou'd be incapable 
of holding any Place of Profit in the Province ; 
which Extraordinary Motion could never have 
been intended without Some Hopes of a Majority. 

Thus, considering the foul and pernicious Ef- 


fects of Eating Swine's Flesh in a hot Country, it 
was wisely forbidden and made an Abomination to 
the Jews, who liv'd much in the same Latitude 
with Carolina. 

11. We ordered the Surveyors early to their Busi- 
ness, who were blesst with pretty dry Grounds for 
three Miles together. But they paid dear for it in 
the next two, consisting of one continued fright- 
full Pocoson, which no Creatures but those of the 
amphibious kind ever had ventur'd into before. 

This filthy Quagmire did in earnest put the 
Men's Courage to a Tryal, and tho' I can't say 
it made them lose their Patience, yet they lost 
their Humour for Joking. They kept their Gravity 
like so many Spaniards, so that a Man might then 
have taken his Opportunity to plunge up to the 
Chin, without Danger of being laught at. How- 
ever, this unusual composure of countenance could 
not fairly be call'd complaining. 

Their Day's-Work ended at the Mouth of North- 
ern's Creek, which empties itself into 1ST W River ; 
tho' we chose to Quarter a little higher up the 
River, near Mossy Point. This we did for the 
Convenience of an Old house to Shelter our Per- 
sons and Baggage from the rain, which threaten'd 
us hard. We judg'd the thing right, for there fell 
an heavy shower in the Night, that drove the most 
hardy of us into the House. Tho' indeed, our case 
was not much mended by retreating thither, because 
that Tenement having not long before been us'd as 
a Pork-Store, the Moisture of the Air dissolv'd the 
Salt that lay Scatter'd on the Floor, and made it 

1728, March] THE DIVIDING LINE 47 

as wet within Doors as without. However, the 
Swamps and Marshes we were lately accustom'd 
to had made such Beavers and Otters of us that 
Nobody caught the least cold. 

We had encampt so early, that we found time in 
the Evening to walk near half a Mile into the 
Woods. There we came upon a Family of Mulat- 
toes, that call'd themselvs free, tho' by the Shy- 
ness of the Master of the House, who took care to 
keep least in Sight, their Freedom seem'd a little 
Doubtful. It is certain many Slaves Shelter them- 
selves in this Obscure Part of the World, nor will 
any of their righteous Neighbours discover them. 
On the Contrary, they find their Account in Settling 
such Fugitives on some out-of-the-way-corner of 
their Land, to raise Stocks for a mean and inconsid- 
erable Share, well knowing their Condition makes 
it necessary for them to Submit to any Terms. 

Nor were these worthy Borderers content to 
Shelter Runaway Slaves, but Debtors and Crimi- 
nals have often met with the like Indulgence. But 
if the Government of North Carolina has encour- 
ag'd this unneighbourly Policy in order to in- 
crease their People, it is no more than what Ancient 
Rome did before them, which was made a City of 
Refuge for all Debtors and Fugitives, and from 
that wretched Beginning grew up in time to be 
Mistress of a great Part of the World. And, con- 
sidering how Fortune delights in bringing great 
things out of Small, who knows but Carolina may, 
one time or other, come to be the Seat of some 
other great Empire? 


12. Every thing had been so soakt with the Rain, 
that we were oblig'd to lie by a good Part of the 
Morning and dry them. However, that time was 
not lost, because it gave the Surveyors an Oppor- 
tunity of Platting off their Work, and taking the 
Course of the River. It likewise helpt to recruit 
the Spirits of the Men, who had been a little har- 
ass'd with Yesterday's March. Notwithstanding 
all this, we crosst the River before Noon, and ad- 
vanc'd our Line 3 Miles. It was not possible to 
make more of it, by reason good Part of the 
way was either Marsh or Pocoson. The Line 
cut two or three Plantations, leaving Part of them 
in Virginia, and part of them in Carolina. This 
was a Case that happen'd frequently, to the great 
Inconvenience of the Owners, who were therefore 
oblig'd to take out two Patents and Pay for a new 
Survey in each Government. 

In the Evening we took up our Quarters in Mr. 
Ballance's Pasture, a little above the Bridge built 
over N" W River. There we discharg'd the two 
Periaugas, which in truth had been very Servic- 
able in transporting us over the Many Waters in 
that Dirty and Difficult Part of our Business. 

Our Landlord had a tolerable good House and 
Clean Furniture, and yet we cou'd not be tempted 
to lodge in it. We chose rather to lye in the open 
Field, for fear of growing too tender. A clear 
Sky, spangled with Stars, was our Canopy, which 
being the last thing we saw before we fell asleep, 
gave us Magnificent Dreams. The Truth of it is, 
we took so much pleasure in that natural kind of 

1728, March] THE DIVIDING LINE 49 

Lodging, that I think at the foot of the Account 
Mankind are great Losers by the Luxury of 
Feather-Beds and warm apartments. 

The curiosity of beholding so new and withal so 
Sweet a Method of encamping, brought one of the 
Senators of 1ST Carolina to make us a Midnight 
Yisit. But he was so very Clamorous in his Com- 
mendations of it, that the Centinel, not seeing his 
Quality, either thro' his habit or Behaviour, had like 
to have treated him roughly. 

After excusing the Unseasonableness of his 
Yisit, and letting us know he was a Parliament 
Man, he swore he was so taken with our Lodging, 
that he would set Fire to his House as soon as he 
got Home, and teach his Wife and Children to lie, 
like us, in the open field. 

13. Early this Morning our Chaplain repair'd to 
us with the Men we had left at Mr. Wilson's. We 
had sent for them the Evening before to relieve 
those who had the Labour-Oar from Corotuck- 
Inlet. But to our great surprise, they petition'd 
not to be reliev'd, hoping to gain immortal Repu- 
tation by being the first of Mankind that Ventur'd 
thro' the great Dismal. But the rest being equally 
Ambitious of the same Honour, it was but fair to 
decide their Pretensions by Lot. After Fortune 
had declar'd herself, those which she had excluded 
offer'd Money to the Happy Persons to go in their 
Stead. But Hercules would have as soon sold the 
Glory of cleansing the Augean Stables, which was 
pretty near the same Sort of Work. 

sooner was the Controversy at an end, but we 


sent them unfortunate Fellows back to their Quar- 
ters, whom Chance had Condemn'd to remain upon 
Firm Land and Sleep in a whole Skin. In the 
mean while the Surveyors carry'd the Line 3 Miles, 
which was no Contemptible day's work, consider- 
ing how cruelly they were entangled with Bryars 
and Gall Bushes. The Leaf of this last Shrub 
bespeaks it to be of the Alaternus Family. 

Our "Work ended within a Quarter of a Mile of 
the Dismal above-mention' d, where the Ground 
began to be already full of Sunken Holes and 
Slashes, which had, here and there, some few Reeds 
growing in them. 

Tis hardly credible how little the Bordering 
inhabitants were acquainted with this mighty 
Swamp, notwithstanding they had liv'd their whole 
lives within Smell of it. Yet, as great Strangers as 
they were to it, they pretended to be very exact in 
their Account of its Dimensions, and were positive 
it could not be above 7 or 8 Miles wide, but knew 
no more of the Matter than Star-gazers know of the 
Distance of the Fixt Stars. At the Same time, 
they were Simple enough to amuse our Men with 
Idle Stories of the Lyons, Panthers and Alligators, 
they were like to encounter in that dreadful 

In short, we saw plainly there was no Intelli- 
gence of this Terra Incognita to be got, but from 
our own Experience. For that Reason it was re- 
solv'd to make the requisite Dispositions to enter it 
next Morning. We allotted every one of the Sur- 
veyors for this painful Enterprise, with 12 Men to 



attend them. Fewer than that cou'd not be em- 
ploy'd in clearing the way, carrying the Chain, 
marking the Trees, and bearing the necessary Bed- 
ding and Provisions. Nor wou'd the Commission- 
ers themselves have Spared their Persons on this 
Occasion, but for fear of adding to the poor men's 
Burthen, while they were certain they cou'd add 
nothing to their Resolution. 

We quarter'd with our Friend and Fellow Trav- 
eller, William Wilkins, who had been our faithful 
Pilot to Coratuck, and liv'd about a mile from the 
Place where the Line ended. Every thing lookt so 
very clean, and the Furniture so neat, that we were 
tempted to Lodge within Doors. But the Novelty 
of being shut up so close quite spoil'd our rest, nor 
did we breathe so free by abundance, as when we 
lay in the open Air. 

14. Before nine of the Clock this Morning, the 
Provisions, Bedding and other Necessaries, were 
made up into Packs for the Men to carry on their 
Shoulders into the Dismal. They were victuall'd 
for 8 days at full Allowance, Nobody doubting but 
that wou'd be abundantly Sufficient to carry them 
thro' that Inhospitable Place; nor Indeed was it 
possible for the Poor Fellows to Stagger under 
more. As it was, their Loads weigh'd from 60 
to 70 Pounds, in just Proportion to the Strength 
of those who were to bear them. 

Twou'd have been unconscionable to have Sad- 
dled them with Burthens heavier than that, when 
they were to lugg them thro' a filthy Bogg, which 
was hardly practicable with no Burthen at all. 


Besides this Luggage at their Backs, they were 
oblig'd to measure the distance, mark the Trees, 
and clear the way for the Surveyors every Step 
they went. It was really a Pleasure to see with 
how much Cheerfulness they undertook, and with 
how much Spirit they went thro' all this Drudgery. 
For their Greater Safety, the Commissioners took 
care to furnish them with Peruvian-Bark, 1 Rhubarb 
and Hipocoacanah, in case they might happen, in 
that wet Journey, to be taken with fevers or 

Altho' there was no need of Example to inflame 
Persons already so cheerful, yet to enter the People 
with better grace, the Author and two more of 
the Commissioners accompanied them half a Mile 
into the Dismal. The Skirts of it were thinly 
Planted with Dwarf Reeds and Gall-Bushes, but 
when we got into the Dismal itself, we found the 
Reeds grew there much taller and closer, and, to 
mend the matter was so interlac'd with bamboe- 
briars, that there was no scuffling thro' them with- 
out the help of Pioneers. At the same time, we 
found the Ground moist and trembling under our 
feet like a Quagmire, insomuch that it was an easy 
Matter to run a Ten-Foot-Pole up to the Head 
in it, without exerting any uncommon Strength to 
do it. 

Two of the Men, whose Burthens were the least 

cumbersome, had orders to march before, with their 

Tomahawks, and clear the way, in order to make 

an Opening for the Surveyors. By their Assistance 

1 Bark of the cinchona-tree. 

1728, March] THE DIVIDING LINE 53 

we made a Shift to push the Line half a Mile in 3 
Hours, and then reacht a small piece of firm Land, 
about 100 Yards wide, Standing up above the rest 
like an Island. Here the people were glad to lay 
down their Loads and take a little refreshment, 
while the happy man, whose lot it was to carry the 
Jugg of Rum, began already, like Aesop's Bread- 
Carriers, to find it grow a good deal lighter. 

After reposing about an Hour, the Commission- 
ers recommended Vigour and Constancy to their 
Fellow-Travellers, by whom they were answer'd 
with 3 Cheerful Huzzas, in Token of Obedience. 
This Ceremony was no sooner over but they took 
up their Burthens and attended the Motion of the 
Surveyors, who, tho' they workt with all their 
might, could reach but one Mile farther, the same 
obstacles still attending them which they had met 
with in the Morning. 

However small this distance may seem to such as 
are us'd to travel at their Ease, yet our Poor Men, 
who were oblig'd to work with an unwieldy Load 
at their Backs, had reason to think it a long way; 
Especially in a Bogg where they had no firm Foot- 
ing, but every Step made a deep Impression, which 
was instantly filPd with Water. At the same time 
they were labouring with their Hands to cut down 
the Reeds, which were Ten-feet high, their Legs 
were hampered with the Bryars. Besides, the 
Weather happen'd to be very warm, and the tall- 
ness of the Reeds kept off every Friendly Breeze 
from coming to refresh them. And, indeed, it was 
a little provoking to hear the Wind whistling among 


the Branches of the White Cedars, which grew 
here and there amongst the Reeds, and at the same 
tune not have the Comfort to feel the least Breath 
of it. 

In the mean time the 3 Commissioners return'd 
out of the Dismal the same way they went in, and, 
having join'd their Brethren, proceeded that Night 
as far as Mr. Wilson's. 

This worthy Person lives within sight of the 
Dismal, in the Skirts whereof his Stocks range and 
Maintain themselves all the Winter, and yet he 
knew as little of it as he did of Terra Australis 
Incognita. He told us a Canterbury Tale of a North 
Briton, whose Curiosity Spurr'd him a long way 
into this great Desart, as he call'd it, near 20 Years 
ago, but he having no Compass, nor seeing the Sun 
for several Days Together, wander' d about till he 
was almost famisht; but at last he bethought him- 
self of a Secret his Countrymen make use of to 
Pilot themselves in a Dark day. 

He took a fat Louse out of his Collar, and ex- 
pos'd it to the open day on a Piece of White 
Paper, which he brought along with him for his 
Journal. The poor Insect having no Eye-lids, 
turn'd himself about till he found the Darkest Part 
of the Heavens, and so made the best of his way 
towards the North. By this Direction he Steer'd 
himself Safe out, and gave such a frightful account 
of the Monsters he saw, and the Distresses he 
underwent, that no mortall Since has been hardy 
enough to go upon the like dangerous Discovery. 

15. The Surveyors pursued their work with all 

1728, March] THE DIVIDING LINE 56 

Diligence, but Still found the Soil of the Dismal so 
Spongy that the Water ouzed up into every foot- 
step they took. To their Sorrow, too, they found 
the Reeds and Bryars more firmly interwoven than 
they did the day before. But the greatest Griev- 
ance was from large Cypresses, which the Wind 
had blown down and heap'd upon one another. 
On the Limbs of most of them grew Sharp Snags, 
Pointing every way like so many Pikes, that re- 
quir'd much Pains and Caution to avoid. 

These Trees being Evergreens, and Shooting 
their Large Tops Very high, are easily overset by 
every Gust of Wind, because there is no firm Earth 
to Steddy their Roots. Thus many of them were 
laid prostrate to the great Encumbrance of the 
way. Such Variety of Difficulties made the Busi- 
ness go on heavily, insomuch that, from Morning 
till ^Tight, the Line could advance no further than 
1 Mile and 31 Poles. Never was Rum, that cor- 
dial of Life, found more necessary than it was in 
this Dirty Place. It did not only recruit the People's 
Spirits, now almost Jaded with Fatigue, but serv'd 
to correct the Badness of the Water, and at the 
same time to resist the Malignity of the Air. When- 
ever the Men wanted to drink, which was very often, 
they had nothing more to do but to make a Hole, 
and the Water bubbled up in a Moment. But it 
was far from being either clear or well tasted, and 
had besides a Physical Effect, from the Tincture it 
receiv'd from the Roots of the Shrubbs and Trees 
that grew in the Neighbourhood. 

While the Surveyors were thus painfully em- 


ploy'd, the Commissioners discharged the long 
Score they had with Mr. Wilson, for the Men and 
Horses which had been quartered upon him during 
our Expedition to Coratuck. From thence we 
march'd in good Order along the East Side of the 
Dismal, and passt the long Bridge that lies over 
the South Branch of Elizabeth Kiver. At the End 
of 18 Miles we reacht Timothy Ivy's Plantation, 
where we picht our Tent for the first Time, and 
were furnisht with every thing the Place afforded. 

We perceiv'd the happy Effects of Industry in 
this Family, in which every one lookt tidy and 
clean, and carri'd in their countenances the chear- 
ful Marks of Plenty. We saw no Drones there, 
which are but too Common, alas, in that Part of the 
World. Tho', in truth, the Distemper of Laziness 
seizes the Men oftener much than the Women. 
These last Spin, weave and knit, all with their 
own Hands, while their Husbands, depending on 
the Bounty of the Climate, are Sloathfull in every 
thing but getting of Children, and in that only 
Instance make themselves useful Members of an 

There is but little Wool in that Province, tho' 
Cotton grows very kindly, and, so far South, is Sel- 
dom nippt by the Frost. The Good Women mix 
this with their Wool for their outer Garments; 
tho', for want of Fulling, that kind of Manufacture 
is Open and Sleazy. Flax likewise thrives there 
extreamly, being perhaps as fine as any in the 
World, and I question not might, with a little care, 
and pains, be brought to rival that of Egypt; and 

1728, March] THE DIVIDING LINE 57 

yet the Men are here so intolerable Lazy, they sel- 
dom take the trouble to propagate it. 

16. The Line was this day carry 'd one Mile and 
half and 16 Poles. The Soil continued soft and 
Miry, but fuller of Trees, especially White cedars. 
Many of these too were thrown down and piled in 
Heaps, high enough for a good Muscovite Fortifi- 
cation. The worst of it was, the Poor Fellows be- 
gan now to be troubled with Fluxes, occasion'd by 
bad Water and moist Lodgings: but chewing of 
Rhubarb kept that Malady within Bounds. 

In the mean time the Commissioners decampt 
early in the Morning, and made a March of 25 
Miles, as far as Mr. Andrew Mead's, who lives upon 
Nansimand River. They were no sooner got under 
the Shelter of that Hospitable Roof, but it began to 
rain hard, and continued so to do great part of the 
Night. This gave them much Pain for their 
Friends in the Dismal, whose sufferings spoilt their 
Taste for the good Chear, wherewith they were 
entertain'd themselves. 

However, late that Evening, these poor Men had 
the Fortune to come upon another Terra-firma, 
which was the Lucky er for them, because the Lower 
ground, by the rain that fell, was made a fitter 
Lodging for Tadpoles than men. 

In our Journey we remarkt that the North Side 
of this great Swamp lies higher than either the 
East or the West, nor were the approaches to it so 
full of Sunken Grounds. We passt by no less than 
two Quaker Meeting Houses, one of which had an 
Awkward Ornament on the West End of it, that 


seem'd to Ape a Steeple. I must own I expected 
no such Piece of Foppery from a Sect of so much 
outside Simplicity. 

That persuasion prevails much in the lower end 
of Nansimond county, for want of Ministers to 
Pilot the People a decenter way to Heaven. 

The ill Eeputation of Tobacco planted in those 
lower Parishes makes the Clergy unwilling to ac- 
cept of them, unless it be such whose abilities are 
as mean as their Pay. Thus, whether the Churches 
be quite void or but indifferently filled, the Quakers 
w r ill have an Opportunity of gaining Proselytes. 
Tis a wonder no Popish Missionaries are sent from 
Maryland to labour in this Neglected Vineyard, 
who we know have Zeal enough to traverse Sea 
and Land on the Meritorious Errand of making 

Nor is it less Strange that some Wolf in Sheep's 
cloathing arrives not from New England to lead 
astray a Flock that has no shepherd. People un- 
instructed in any Religion are ready to embrace 
the first that offers. Tis natural for helpless man 
to adore his Maker in Some Form or other, and 
were there any exception to this Rule, I should ex- 
pect it to be among the Hottentots of the Cape of 
Good Hope and of North Carolina. 

There fell a great deal of Rain in the Night, 
accompany'd with a Strong Wind. The fellow- 
feeling we had for the poor Dismalites, on Ac- 
count of this unkind Weather, rendered the Down 
we laid upon uneasy. We fancy 'd them half- 
drown'd in their Wet Lodging, with the Trees 

1728, March] THE DIVIDING LINE 69 

blowing down about their Ears. These "Were the 
Gloomy Images our Fears Suggested; tho' twas 
so much uneasiness clear gain. They happen'd to 
come of much better, by being luckily encampt on 
the dry piece of Ground afore-mention'd. 

17. They were, however, forct to keep the Sab- 
bath in Spite of their Teeth, contrary to the Dispen- 
sation our good Chaplain had given them. Indeed, 
their Short allowance of Provision would have 
justify'd their making the best of their way, with- 
out Distinction of days. Twas certainly a Work 
both of Necessity and Self-preservation, to save 
themselves from Starving. Nevertheless, the hard 
Rain had made every thing so thoroughly wet, 
that it was quite impossible to do any Business. 
They therefore made a vertue of what they could 
not help, and contentedly rested in their dry 

Since the Surveyors had enter'd the Dismal, 
they had laid Eyes on no living Creature: neither 
Bird nor Beast, Insect nor Reptile came in View. 
Doubtless, the Eternal Shade that broods over 
this mighty Bog, and hinders the sun-beams from 
blessing the Ground, makes it an uncomfortable 
Habitation for any thing that has life. Not so 
much as a Zealand Frog cou'd endure so Aguish a 

It had one Beauty, however, that delighted the 
Eye, tho' at the Expense of all the other Senses: 
the Moisture of the Soil preserves a continual 
Verdure, and makes every Plant an Evergreen, 
but at the same time the foul Damps ascend with- 


out ceasing, corrupt the Air, and render it unfit for 
Respiration. Not even a Turkey-Buzzard will 
venture to fly over it, no more than the Italian 
Vultures will over the filthy Lake Avernus, or the 
Birds in the Holy-Land over the Salt Sea, where 
Sodom and Gomorrah formerly stood. 1 

In these sad Circumstances, the kindest thing we 
cou'd do for our Suffering Friends was to give 
them a place in the Litany. Our Chaplain, for his 
Part, did his Office, and rubb'd us up with a Sea- 
sonable Sermon. This was quite a new thing to 
our Brethren of North Carolina, who live in a 
climate where no clergyman can Breathe, any more 
than Spiders in Ireland. 

For want of men in Holy Orders, both the Mem- 
bers of the Council and Justices of the Peace are 
empower' d by the Laws of that Country to marry 
all those who will not take One another's Word; 
but for the ceremony of Christening their children, 
they trust that to chance. If a Parson come in 
their way, they will crave a Cast of his officej as 
they call it, else they are content their Offspring 
should remain as Arrant Pagans as themselves. 

iByrd's description of this juniper-trees, which abound 

swamp is too unfavorable. The there. It is popularly called 

place is not uninhabited at this "juniper water," and is held 

day. Persons who live in the in such high esteem as drinking 

adjacent counties go thither to water that the inhabitants of 

hunt bears and deer as well that whole region send for it 

as wildcats. In the swamp is for many miles. I am assured, 

Lake Drummond, a favorite also, that there are many snakes 

angling-ground for local sports- in the swamp, and the only 

men. The water, which from reason Byrd's surveyors did not 

its dark color might well seem encounter them is the early 

unwholesome to the observers, season at which the expedition 

is discolored by roots of the was made. EDITOR. 

1728, March] 



They account it among their greatest advantages 
that they are not Priest-ridden, not remembering 
that the Clergy is rarely guilty of Bestriding such 
as have the misfortune to be poor. 1 

One thing may be said for the Inhabitants of 
that Province, that they are not troubled with any 
Keligious Fumes, and have the least Superstition 
of any People living. They do not know Sunday 
from any other day, any more than Robinson 
Crusoe did, which would give them a great Ad- 
vantage were they given to be industrious. But 
they keep so many Sabbaths every week, that their 
disregard of the Seventh Day has no manner of 
cruelty in it, either to Servants or Cattle. 

It was with some difficulty we cou'd make our 
People quit the good chear they met with at this 
House, so it was late before we took our Departure; 
but to make us amends, our Landlord was so good 
as to conduct us Ten Miles on our Way, as far as 
the Cypress Swamp, which drains itself into the 
Dismal. Eight Miles beyond that we forded the 
Waters of Coropeak, which tend the same way as 
do many others on that side. In Six Miles more 
we reacht the Plantation of Mr. Thomas Spight, 
a Grandee of N" Carolina. We found the good 
Man upon his Crutches, being crippled with the 
Gout in both his Knees. Here we flatter' d our- 
selves we should by this time meet with good Tyd- 
ings of the Surveyors, but had reckon'd, alas! 

1 Governor Burrington in 1731 
confirms this statement (Col. 
Recs. of N, C., III. 152-153). 

There were at that time a few 
Baptist and Quaker congrega- 
tions in North Carolina. 


without our Host: on the Contrary, we were told 
the Dismal was at least Thirty Miles wide at that 
Place. However, as nobody could say this on his 
own Knowledge, we Order'd Guns to be fired and 
a Drum to be beaten, but receiv'd no Answer, 
unless it was from that prating Nymph Echo, who, 
like a loquacious Wife, will always have the last 
Word, and Sometimes return three for one. 

18. It was indeed no Wonder our Signal was not 
heard at that time, by the People in the Dismal, 
because, in Truth, they had not then penetrated 
one Third of their way. They had that Morning 
fallen to work with great Vigour ; and, finding the 
Ground better than Ordinary, drove on the Line 2 
Miles and 38 poles. This was reckon'd an Her- 
culean day's Work, and yet they would not have 
Stopp'd there, had not an unpenetrable cedar 
Thicket chekt their Industry. Our Landlord had 
seated Himself on the Borders of this Dismal, for 
the Advantage of the Green Food His Cattle find 
there all Winter, and for the Rooting that Sup- 
ports His Hogs. This, I own, is some convenience 
to his Purse, for which his whole Family pay dear 
in their Persons, for they are devoured by mus- 
ketas all the Summer, and have Agues every 
Spring and Fall, which Corrupt all the Juices of 
their Bodies, give them a cadaverous complexion, 
and besides a lazy, creeping Habit, which they 
never get rid of. 

19. We Ordered Several Men to Patrole on the 
Edge of the Dismal, both towards the North and 
towards the South, and to fire Guns at proper Dis- 

1728, March] THE DIVIDING LINE 63 

tances. This they perform'd very punctually, but 
cou'd hear nothing in return, nor gain any Sort of 
Intelligence. In the mean time whole Flocks of 
Women and Children flew hither to Stare at us, 
with as much curiosity as if we had lately Landed 
from Bantam or Morocco. 

Some Borderers, too, had a great Mind to know 
where the Line wou'd come out, being for the most 
part Apprehensive lest their Lands Should be 
taken into Virginia. In that case they must have 
submitted to some Sort of Order and Government; 
whereas, in N Carolina, every One does what 
seems best in his own Eyes. There were some 
good Women that brought their children to be 
Baptiz'd, but brought no Capons along with them 
to make the solemnity cheerful. In the mean time 
it was Strange that none came to be marry'd in 
such a Multitude, if it had only been for the Nov- 
elty of having their Hands Joyn'd by one in Holy 
Orders. Yet so it was, that tho' our chaplain 
Christen' d above an Hundred, he did not marry so 
much as one Couple dureing the whole Expedition. 
But marriage is reckon'd a Lay contract in Caro- 
lina, as I said before, and a Country Justice can 
tie the fatal Knot there, as fast as an Arch- 

None of our Visiters could, however, tell us any 
News of the Surveyors, nor Indeed was it possible 
any of them shou'd at that time, They being still 
laboring in the Midst of the Dismal. 

It seems they were able to carry the Line this 
Day no further than one mile and 61 Poles, and 


that whole distance was thro' a Miry cedar Bogg, 
where the ground trembled under their Feet most 
frightfully. In many places too their Passage was 
retarded by a great number of fallen Trees, that 
lay Horsing upon one Another. 

Tho' many circumstances concurr'd to make 
this an unwholesome Situation, yet the Poor men 
had no time to be sick, nor can one conceive a 
more Calamitous Case than it would have been to 
be laid up in that uncomfortable Quagmire. Never 
were Patients more tractable, or willing to take 
Physick, than these honest Fellows; but it was 
from a Dread of laying their Bones in a Bogg 
that wou'd soon spew them up again. That Con- 
sideration also put them upon more caution about 
their Lodging. 

They first cover'd the Ground with Square 
Pieces of Cypress bark, which now, in the Spring, 
they cou'd easily Slip off the Tree for that purpose. 
On this they Spread their Bedding; but unhappily 
the Weight and Warmth of their Bodies made the 
Water rise up betwixt the Joints of the Bark, to 
their great Inconvenience. Thus they lay not 
only moist, but also exceedingly cold, because 
their Fires were continually going out. For no 
sooner was the Trash upon the Surface burnt 
away, but immediately the Fire was extinguisht by 
the Moisture of the Soil, Insomuch that it was 
great part of the Centinel's Business to rekindle it 
again in a Fresh Place, every Quarter of an Hour. 
Nor cou'd they indeed do their duty better, because 
Cold was the only Enemy they had to Guard 

1728, March] THE DIVIDING LINE 65 

against in a miserable Morass, where nothing can 

20. We could get no Tidings yet of our Brave 
Adventurers, notwithstanding we despatcht men to 
the likeliest Stations to enquire after them. They 
were still Scuffling in the Mire, and could not 
Possibly forward the Line this whole day more than 
one Mile and 64 Chains. Every Step of this Day's 
Work was thro' a cedar Bog, where the Trees were 
somewhat Smaller and grew more into a Thicket. 
It was now a great Misfortune to the Men to find 
their Provisions grow less as their Labour grew 
greater; They were all forct to come to short 
Allowance, and consequently to work hard without 
filling their Bellies. Tho' this was very severe 
upon English Stomachs, yet the People were so 
far from being discomfited at it, that they still kept 
up their good Humour, and merrily told a young 
Fellow in the Company, who lookt very Plump 
and Wholesome, that he must expect to go first to 
Pot, if matters shou'd come to Extremity. 

This was only said by way of Jest, yet it made 
Him thoughtful in earnest. However, for the 
Present he return'd them a very civil answer, let- 
ting them know that, dead or alive, he shou'd be 
glad to be useful to such worthy good Friends. 
But, after all, this Humorous Saying had one very 
good Effect, for that yonker, who before was a little 
enclin'd by his Constitution to be lazy, grew on a 
Sudden Extreamly Industrious, that so there might 
be less Occasion to carbonade him for the good of 
his Fellow-Travellers. 


While our Friends were thus embarrasst in the 
Dismal, the Commissioners began to ly under great 
uneasiness for them. They knew very well their 
Provisions must by this time begin to fall Short, 
nor cou'd they conceive any likely means of a 
Supply. At this tune of the Year both the Cattle 
and Hoggs had forsaken the Skirts of the Dismal, 
invited by the Springing Grass on the firm Land. 
All our hopes were that Providence wou'd cause 
some Wild Game to fall in their way, or else direct 
them to a wholesome Vegetable for Subsistence. 
In Short they were haunted with so many Frights 
on this Occasion, that they were in truth more 
uneasy than the Persons whose Case they la- 

We had several Visiters from Edenton, in the 
Afternoon, that came with Mr. Gale, who had pru- 
dently left us at Corotuck, to Scuffle thro' that 
dirty Country by our Selves. These Gentlemen, 
having good Noses, had smelt out, at 30 Miles 
Distance, the Precious Liquor, with which the 
Liberality of our good Friend Mr. Mead had just 
before Supply'd us. That generous Person had 
judg'd very right, that we were now got out of the 
Latitude of Drink proper for men in Affliction, and 
therefore was so good as to send his Cart loaden 
with all sorts of refreshments, for which the Com- 
missioners return'd Him their Thanks, and the 
Chaplain His Blessing. 

21. The Surveyors and their Attendants began 
now in good Earnest to be alarm'd with Apprehen- 
sions of Famine, nor could they forbear looking 

1728, March] THE DIVIDING LINE 67 

with Some Sort of Appetite upon a dog that had 
been the faithful Companion of their Travels. 

Their Provisions were now near exhausted. They 
had this Morning made the last Distribution, that 
so each might Husband his small Pittance as he 
pleas'd. Now it was that the fresh Colour'd Young 
Man began to tremble every Joint of Him, having 
dreamed, the Night before, that the Indians were 
about to Barbacue him over live coals. 

The Prospect of Famine determined the People, 
at last, with one consent, to abandon the Line for 
the Present, which advanced but slowly, and make 
the best of their way to firm Land. Accordingly 
they sat off very early, and, by the help of the 
Compass which they carried along with them, 
Steer'd a direct Westwardly Course. They marcht 
from Morning till Night, and Computed their 
Journey to amount to about 4 Miles, which was 
a great way, considering the difficulties of the 
Ground. It was all along a Cedar-Swamp, so dirty 
and perplext, that if they had not travell'd for their 
Lives, they cou'd not have reacht so far. 

On their way they espied a Turkey-Buzzard, 
that flew prodigiously high to get above the Noi- 
some Exhalations that ascend from that filthy 
place. This they were willing to understand as a 
good Omen, according to the Superstitions of the 
Ancients, who had great Faith in the Flight of 
Vultures. However, after all this tedious Journey, 
they could yet discover no End of their toil, which 
made them very pensive, especially after they had 
eat the last Morsel of their Provisions. But to 


their unspeakable comfort, when all was husht in 
the Evening, they heard the Cattle low, and the 
Dogs bark, very distinctly, which, to Men in that 
distress, was more delightful Music than Faustina 
or Farinelli cou'd have made. In the mean time 
the Commissioners could get no News of them 
from any of their Visiters, who assembled from 
every Point of the Compass. 

But the good Landlord had Visiters of another 
kind while we were there, that is to say, some in- 
dustrious Masters of Ships, that lay in Nansi- 
mond River. These worthy Commanders came to 
bespeak Tobacco from these Parts to make up their 
Loadings, in Contempt of the Virginia Law, which 
Positively forbad their taking in any made in 
North Carolina. Nor was this Restraint at all un- 
reasonable ; because they have no Law in Carolina, 
either to mend the Quality or lessen the quantity 
of Tobacco, or so much as to prevent the turning 
out of Seconds, all which cases have been pro- 
vided against by the Laws of Virginia. Wher- 
f ore, there can be no reason why the Inhabitants of 
that Province Shou'd have the same Advantage of 
Shipping their Tobacco in our Parts, when they 
will by no means submit to the same Restrictions 
that we do. 

22. Our Patrole happened not to go far enough to 
the Northward this Morning, if they had, the People 
in the Dismal might have heard the Report of their 
Guns. For this Reason they return'd without any 
Tydings, which threw us into a great tho' unneces- 
sary Perplexity. This was now the Ninth day 

1728, March] THE DIVIDING LINE 69 

since they enter'd into that inhospitable Swamp, and 
consequently we had reason to believe their Provi- 
sions were quite Spent. 

We knew they workt hard, and therefore would 
eat heartily, so long as they had wherewithal to 
recruit their Spirits, not imagining the Swamp so 
wide as they found it. Had we been able to guess 
where the Line wou'd come out, we wou'd have 
sent men to meet them with a fresh Supply ; but as 
we cou'd know nothing of that, and as we had 
neither Compass nor Surveyor to guide a Messen- 
ger on such an Errand, we were unwilling to 
expose him to no Purpose; Therefore, all we were 
able to do for them, in so great an Extremity, was 
to recommend them to a Merciful Providence. 

However long we might think the time, yet we 
were cautious of Shewing our uneasiness, for fear 
of Mortifying our Landlord. He had Done his best 
for us, and therefore we were unwilling he should 
think us dissatisfy'd with our Entertainment. In 
the midst of our concern, we were most agreeably 
surpriz'd, just after Dinner, with the News that 
the Dismalites were all Safe. These blessed Tid- 
ings were brought to us by Mr. Swan, the Caro- 
lina-Surveyor, who came to us in a very tatter'd 

After very Short Salutations, we got about Him 
as if He had been a Hottentot, and began to In- 
quire into his Adventures. He gave us a Detail 
of their uncomfortable Voyage thro' the Dismal, 
and told us, particularly, they had pursued their 
Journey early that Morning, encouraged by the 


good Omen of seeing the Crows fly over their 
Heads; that, after an Hour's march over very 
Rotten Ground, they, on a Sudden, began to find 
themselves among tall Pines, that grew in the 
Water, which in Many Places was Knee-deep. 
This Pine Swamp, into which that of Coropeak 
drain'd itself, extended near a Mile in Breadth; 
and tho' it was exceedingly wet, yet it was 
much harder at Bottom than the rest of the Swamp ; 
that about Ten in the Morning, they recovered 
firm Land, which they embraced with as much 
Pleasure as Shipwreckt Wretches do the shoar. 

After these honest adventurers had congratu- 
lated each other's Deliverance, their first Inquiry 
was for a good House, where they might Satisfy 
the Importunity of their Stomachs. Their good 
Genius directed them to Mr. Brinkley's, who 
dwells a little to the Southward of the Line. This 
Man began immediately to be very inquisitive, but 
they declar'd they had no Spirits to answer Ques- 
tions till after Dinner. 

" But pray, Gentlemen," said he, " answer me 
One Question at least: what shall we get for your 
Dinner?" To which they replied, "No Matter 
what, provided it be but Enough." He kindly 
supply'd their Wants as soon as possible, and by 
the Strength of that Refreshment they made a 
Shift to come to us in the Evening, to tell their 
own Story. They all lookt very thin, and as 
ragged as the Gibeonite Ambassadors did in the 
days of Yore. Our Surveyors told us they had 
measur'd Ten Miles in the Dismal, and Computed 

1728, March] THE DIVIDING LINE 71 

the Distance they had Marcht since to amount to 
about five more, So they made the whole Breadth 
to be 15 Miles in all. 

23. It was very reasonable that the Surveyors, 
and the men who had been Sharers in their Fatigue, 
should now have a little Rest. They were all, ex- 
cept one, in good Health and good heart, blessed 
be God! notwithstanding the dreadful Hardships 
they had gone through. It was really a Pleasure 
to see the Chearfulness wherewith they receiv'd 
the Order to prepare to re-enter the Dismal on the 
Monday following, in order to continue the Line 
from the Place where they had left off measuring, 
that so we might have the Exact Breadth of that 
Dirty Place. There were no more than two of 
them that cou'd be perswaded to be reliev'd on this 
Occasion, or Suffer the other men to Share the 
Credit of that bold Undertaking, Neither wou'd 
these have Suffer'd it had not one of them been 
very lame, and the Other much Indispos'd. 

By the Description the Surveyors gave of the 
Dismal, we were convinced that nothing but the 
Exceeding dry Season we had been bless'd with 
cou'd have made the passing of it practicable. It 
is the Source of no less than five Several Rivers 
which discharge themselves Southward into Albe- 
marle Sound, and of two that run northerly into 
Virginia. From thence tis easy to imagine that the 
Soil must be thoroughly Soakt with Water, or else 
there must be plentiful Stores of it under Ground; 
to supply so many Rivers ; especially since there is 
no Lake, or any considerable Body of that Element 


to be seen on the Surface. The Rivers that Head 
in it from Virginia are the South Branch of Nansi- 
mond, and the West Branch of Elizabeth; and 
those from Carolina are North-west River, North 
River, Pasquetank, Little River, and Pequimons. 

There is one remarkable part of the Dismal, 
lying to the south of the Line, that has few or no 
Trees growing on it, but contains a large Tract 
of tall Reeds. These being green all the Year 
round, and waveing with every Wind, have pro- 
cur' d it the Name of the Green Sea. 

We are not yet acquainted with the precise Ex- 
tent of the Dismal, the whole haveing never been 
Survey'd ; but it may be Computed at a Medium to 
be about 30 Miles long and 10 Miles broad, tho' 
where the Line crost it, twas compleatly 15 Miles 
wide. But it seems to grow Narrower towards 
the North, or at least does so in many Places. 
The Exhalations that continually rise from this 
vast Body of mire and Nastiness infect the Air for 
many Miles round, and render it very unwhole- 
some for the Bordering Inhabitants. It makes 
them liable to Agues, Pleurisies, and many other 
Distempers, that kill abundance of People, and 
make the rest look no better than Ghosts. It 
wou'd require a great Sum of Money to drain it, 
but the Publick Treasure cou'd not be better be- 
stow'd, than to preserve the Lives of his Majesty's 
Liege People, and at the same time render so 
great a Tract of swamp very Profitable, besides 
the advantage of making a Channel to trans- 
port by water-carriage goods from Albemarle 

1728, March] THE DIVIDING LINE 73 

Sound into Nansimond and Elizabeth Rivers, in 

24. This being Sunday, we had a Numerous con- 
gregation, which flockt to our Quarters from all the 
adjacent Country. The News that our Surveyors 
were come out of the Dismal, increased the Number 
very much, because it wou'd give them an Oppor- 
tunity of guessing, at least, whereabouts the Line 
wou'd cut, whereby they might form Some Judg- 
ment whether they belong'd to Virginia or Caro- 
lina. Those who had taken up Land within the 
Disputed Bounds were in great pain lest it should 
be found to ly in Virginia; because this being 
done contrary to an Express Order of that govern- 
ment, the Patentees had great reason to fear they 
should in that case have lost their land. But their 
Apprehensions were now at an end, when they 
understood that all the Territory which had been 
controverted was like to be left in Carolina. 

In the afternoon, those who were to re-enter the 
Dismal were furnisht with the Necessary Provi- 
sions, and Order'd to repair the Over-Night to 
their Landlord, Peter Brinkley's, that they might 
be ready to begin their Business early on Monday 
Morning. Mr. Irvin was excus'd from the Fatigue, 
in complement to his Lungs; but Mr. Mayo and 
Mr. Swan were Robust enough to return upon that 
painful Service, and, to do them Justice, they went 
with great Alacrity. The Truth was, they now 
knew the worst of it; and cou'd guess pretty near 
at the time when they might hope to return to Land 

74 COLONEL WILLIAM BYRD [1728, 1 March 

25. The Air was chill'd this Morning with a Smart 
North-west Wind, which favour'd the Dismalites 
in their Dirty March. They return' d by the Path 
they had made in coming out, and with great In- 
dustry arriv'd in the Evening at the Spot where the 
Line had been discontinued. 

After so long and laborious a Journey, they 
were glad to repose themselves on their couches 
of Cypress-bark, where their sleep was as sweet as 
it wou'd have been on a Bed of Finland Down. 

In the mean time, we who stay'd behind had 
nothing to do, but to make the best observations 
we cou'd upon that Part of the Country. The Soil 
of our Landlord's Plantation, tho' none of the best, 
seem'd more fertile than any thereabouts, where the 
Ground is near as Sandy as the Desarts of Affrica, 
and consequently barren. The Road leading from 
thence to Edenton, being in distance about 27 Miles, 
lies upon a Ridge call'd Sandy-Ridge, which is so 
wretchedly Poor that it will not bring Potatoes. 

The Pines in this Part of the country are of a 
different Species from those that grow in Virginia : 
their bearded Leaves are much longer and their 
Cones much larger. Each Cell contains a Seed of 
the Size and Figure of a black-ey'd Pea, which, 
Shedding in November, is very good Mast for Hogs, 
and fattens them in a Short time. 

1 According to the Old Style be positively misleading, and 

the new year began on March the editor has ventured to devi- 

25, and in the manuscript the ate from the literal text in 

new year appears as 1729. This, this single particular, so as to 

however, is an error of the make the needed correction 

copyist, as the line was run in throughout the remainder of 

1728. To repeat this error would the History. 

1728, March] THE DIVIDING LINE 75 

The Smallest of these Pines are full of Cones, 
which are 8 or 9 Inches long, and each affords 
commonly 60 or 70 Seeds. This Kind of Mast has 
the Advantage of all other, by being more con- 
stant, and less liable to be nippt by the Frost, or 
Eaten by the Caterpillars. The Trees also abound 
more with Turpentine, and consequently yield 
more Tarr, than either the Yellow or the "White 
Pine ; And for the same reason make more durable 
Timber for building. The Inhabitants hereabouts 
pick up Knots of Lightwood in Abundance, which 
they burn into tar, and then carry it to Norfolk or 
Kansimond for a Market. The Tar made hi this 
method is the less Valuable, because it is said to 
burn the Cordage, tho' it is full as good for all 
other uses, as that made in Sweden and Muscovy. 

Surely there is no place in the World where the 
Inhabitants live with less Labour than in N Caro- 
lina. It approaches nearer to the Description of 
Lubberland than any other, by the great felicity of 
the Climate, the easiness of raising Provisions, and 
the Slothfulness of the People. 

Indian Corn is of so great increase, that a little 
Pains will Subsist a very large Family with Bread, 
and then they may have meat without any pains at 
all, by the Help of the Low Grounds, and the great 
Variety of Mast that grows on the High-land. The 
Men, for their Parts, just like the Indians, impose 
all the Work upon the poor Women. They make 
their Wives rise out of their Beds early in the 
Morning, at the same time that they lye and Snore, 
till the Sun has run one third of his course, and 


disperst all the unwholesome Damps. Then, after 
Stretching and Yawning for half an Hour, they 
light their Pipes, and, under the Protection of a 
cloud of Smoak, venture out into the open Air; 
tho', if it happens to be never so little cold, they 
quickly return Shivering into the Chimney corner. 
When the weather is mild, they stand leaning with 
both their arms upon the corn-field fence, and 
gravely consider whether they had best go and 
take a Small Heat at the Hough: but generally 
find reasons to put it off till another time. 

Thus they loiter away their Lives, like Solomon's 
Sluggard, with their Arms across, and at the 
Winding up of the Year Scarcely have Bread to 

To speak the Truth, tis a thorough Aversion to 
Labor that makes People file off to N Carolina, 
where Plenty and a Warm Sun confirm them in 
their Disposition to Laziness for their whole Lives. 

26. Since we were like to be confin'd to this place, 
till the People return'd out of the Dismal, twas 
agreed that our Chaplain might Safely take a turn 
to Edenton, to preach the Gospel to the Infidels 
there, and Christen their Children. He was accom- 
pany'd thither by Mr. Little, One of the Carolina 
Commissioners, who, to shew his regard for the 
Church, offer'd to treat Him on the Road with a 
Fricassee of Rum. They fry'd half a Dozen 
Rashers of very fat Bacon in a Pint of Rum, both 
which being disht up together, serv'd the Company 
at once for meat and Drink. 

Most of the Rum they get in this Country comes 

1728, March] 



from New England, and is so bad and unwhole- 
some, that it is not improperly call'd "Kill- 
Devil." It is distill'd there from forreign molosses, 
which, if Skilfully manag'd, yields near Gallon 
for Gallon. Their molosses comes from the same 
country, and has the name of " Long Sugar " in 
Carolina, I suppose from the Ropiness of it, and 
Serves all the purposes of Sugar, both in their Eat- 
ing and Drinking. 

When they entertain their Friends bountifully, 
they fail not to set before them a Capacious Bowl 
of Bombo, so call'd from the Admiral of that name. 
This is a Compound of Hum and Water in Equal 
Parts, made palatable with the said long Sugar. 
As good Humour begins to flow, and the Bowl to 
Ebb, they take care to replenish it with Shear 
Rum, of which there always is a Reserve under 
the Table. But such Generous doings happen 
only when that Balsam of life is plenty; for they 
have often such Melancholy times, that neither 
Land-graves nor Cas sicks can procure one drop 
for their Wives, when they ly in, or are troubled 
with the Colick or Vapours. Very few in this Coun- 
try have the Industry to plant Orchards, which, in 
a Dearth of Rum, might supply them with much 
better Liquor. 

The Truth is, there is one Inconvenience that 
easily discourages lazy People from making This 
improvement: very often, in Autumn, when the 
Apples begin to ripen, they are visited with Nu- 
merous Flights of paraqueets, that bite all the Fruit 
to Pieces in a moment, for the sake of the Kernels. 


The Havock they make is Sometimes so great, that 
whole Orchards are laid waste in Spite of all the 
Noises that can be made, or Mawkins that can be 
dresst up, to fright 'em away. These Ravenous 
Birds visit North Carolina only during the warm 
Season, and so soon as the Cold begins to come 
on, retire back towards the Sun. They rarely Ven- 
ture so far North as Virginia, except in a very hot 
Summer, when they visit the most Southern Parts 
of it. They are very Beautiful; but like some 
other pretty Creatures, are apt to be loud and 

27. Betwixt this and Edenton there are many 
thuckleberry Slashes, which afford a convenient 
Harbour for Wolves and Foxes. The first of these 
wild Beasts is not so large and fierce as they are 
in other countries more Northerly. He will not 
attack a Man in the keenest of his Hunger, but run 
away from him, as from an Animal more mischie- 
vous than himself. 

The Foxes are much bolder, and will Sometimes 
not only make a Stand, but likewise assault any 
one that would balk them of their Prey. The In- 
habitants hereabouts take the trouble to dig abun- 
dance of Wolf -Pits, so deep and perpendicular, that 
when a Wolf is once tempted into them, he can 
no more Scramble out again, than a Husband who 
has taken the Leap can Scramble out of Matrimony. 

Most of the Houses in this Part of the Country 
are Log-houses, covered with Pine or Cypress 
Shingles, 3 feet long, and one broad. They are 
hung upon Laths with Peggs, and their doors too 

1728, March] THE DIVIDING LINE 79 

turn upon Wooden Hinges, and have wooden 
Locks to Secure them, so that the Building is 
finisht without Kails or other Iron- Work. They 
also set up their Pales without any Nails at all, 
and indeed more Securely than those that are 
nail'd. There are 3 Eails mortised into the Posts, 
the lowest of which serves as a Sill with a Groove 
in the Middle, big enough to receive the End of 
the Pales: the middle Part of the Pale rests 
against the Inside of the Next Rail, and the Top 
of it is brought forward to the outside of the up- 
permost. Such Wreathing of the Pales in and 
out makes them stand firm, and much harder to 
unfix than when nail'd in the Ordinary way. 1 

Within 3 or 4 Miles of Edenton, the Soil appears 
to be a little more fertile, tho' it is much cut with 
Slashes, which seem all to have a tendency towards 
the Dismal. 

This Town is Situate on the North side of Al- 
bemarle Sound, which is there about 5 miles over. 
A Dirty Slash runs all along the Back of it, which 
in the Summer is a foul annoyance, and furnishes 
abundance of that Carolina plague, musquetas. 
There may be 40 or 50 Houses, most of them 
Small, and built without Expense. A Citizen here 
is counted Extravagant, if he has Ambition enough 
to aspire to a Brick-chimney. Justice herself is 
but indifferently Lodged, the Court-House having 
much the Air of a Common Tobacco-House. I 
believe this is the only Metropolis in the Chris- 

1 " Wattled palings," as they are called, are occasionally found 
in the extremely rural parts of the State to this day. 


tian or Mahometan World, where there is neither 
Church, Chappel, Mosque, Synagogue, or any 
other Place of Publick "Worship of any Sect or 
Religion whatsoever. 

What little Devotion there may happen to be is 
much more private than their vices. The People 
seem easy without a Minister, as long as they are 
exempted from paying Hun. Sometimes the Soci- 
ety for propagating the Gospel has had the Charity 
to send over Missionaries to this Country ; but un- 
fortunately the Priest has been too Lewd for the 
people, or, which oftener happens, they too lewd 
for the Priest. For these Reasons these Reverend 
Gentlemen have always left their Flocks as arrant 
Heathen as they found them. Thus much how- 
ever may be said for the Inhabitants of Edenton, 
that not a Soul has the least taint of Hypocrisy, 
or Superstition, acting very Frankly and above- 
board in all their Excesses. 

Provisions here are extremely cheap, and ex- 
tremely good, so that People may live plentifully 
at a triffleing expense. Nothing is dear but Law, 
Physick, and Strong Drink, which are all bad in 
their Kind, and the last they get with so much 
Difficulty, that they are never guilty of the Sin of 
Suffering it to Sour upon their Hands. Their 
Vanity generally lies not so much in having a 
handsome Dining-Room, as a Handsome House of 
Office: in this Kind of Structure they are really 

They are rarely guilty of Flattering or making 
any Court to their governors, but treat them with 

1728, March] THE DIVIDING LINE 81 

all the Excesses of Freedom and Familiarity. 
They are of Opinion their rulers wou'd be apt to 
grow insolent, if they grew Rich, and for that 
reason take care to keep them poorer, and more 
dependent, if possible, than the Saints in New 
England used to do their Governors. They have 
very little coin, so they are forced to carry on their 
Home-Traffick with Paper-Money. This is the 
only Cash that will tarry hi the Country, and for 
that reason the Discount goes on increasing be- 
tween that and real Money, and will do so to the 
End of the Chapter. 

28. Our Tune passt heavily in our Quarters, where 
we were quite cloy'd with the Carolina Felicity of 
having nothing to do. It was really more insup- 
portable than the greatest Fatigue, and made us 
even envy the Drudgery of our Friends in the 
Dismal. Besides, tho' the Men we had with us 
were kept in Exact Discipline, and behav'd with- 
out Reproach, yet our Landlord began to be tired 
of them, fearing they would breed a Famine in his 

Indeed, so many keen Stomachs made great 
Havock amongst the Beef and Bacon, which he 
had laid in for his Summer Provision, nor cou'd he 
easily purchase More at that time of the Year, 
with the Money we paid him, because the People 
having no certain Market seldom provide any more 
of these Commodities than will barely supply their 
own Occasions. Besides the Weather was now 
grown too warm to lay in a fresh Stock so late in 
the Spring. These Considerations abated some- 


what of that chearfulness with which he bidd us 
Welcome in the Beginning, and made him think 
the time quite as long as we did till the Surveyors 

While we were thus all hands uneasy, we were 
comforted with the News that this Afternoon the 
Line was finisht through the Dismal. The Mes- 
senger told us it had been the hard work of three 
days to measure the Length of only 5 Miles, and 
mark the Trees as they past along, and by the 
most exact Survey they found the Breadth of the 
Dismal in this Place to be completely 15 Miles. 

How wide it may be in other Parts, we can give 
no Account, but believe it grows narrower towards 
the North; possibly towards Albemarle Sound it 
may be something broader, where so many Rivers 
issue out of it. All we know for certain is, that 
from the Place where the Line enter' d the Dismal, 
to where it came out, we found the Road round 
that Portion of it which belongs to Virginia to be 
about 65 Miles. How great the Distance may be 
from Each of those Points, round that Part that 
falls within the Bounds of Carolina, we had no 
certain Information: tho' tis conjectur'd it cannot 
be so little as 30 Miles. At which rate the whole 
Circuit must be about an Hundred. What a Mass 
of Mud and Dirt is treasur'd up within this filthy 
circumference, and what a Quantity of Water must 
perpetually drain into it from the riseing ground 
that Surrounds it on every Side? 

Without taking the Exact level of the Dismal, 
we may be sure that it declines towards the Places 

1728, March] THE DIVIDING LINE 83 

where the Several Rivers take their Rise, in order 
to carrying off the constant Supplies of Water. 
Were it not for such Discharges, the whole Swamp 
would long Since have been converted into a Lake. 
On the other Side this Declension must be very gen- 
^tle, else it would be laid perfectly dry by so many 
continual drains; Whereas, on the contrary, the 
Ground seems every where to be thoroughly 
drencht even in the dryest Season of the Year. 

The Surveyors concluded this day's Work with 
running 25 chains up into the Firm Land, where 
they waited further Orders from the Commissioners. 

29. This day the Surveyors proceeded with the 
Line no more than 1 Mile and 15 Chains, being 
Interrupted by a Mill Swamp, thro' which they made 
no difficulty of wading, in order to make their work 
more exact. 

Thus, like Norway-Mice, these worthy Gentlemen 
went right forward, without Suffering themselves to 
be turned out of the way by any Obstacle whatever. 

We are told by some Travellers, that those Mice 
march in mighty Armies, destroying all the fruits 
of the Earth as they go along. But Something 
Peculiar to those obstinate little Animals is, that 
nothing stops them in their career, and if a House 
happen to stand in their way, disdaining to go an 
Inch about, they crawl up one side of it, and down 
the other: or if they meet with any River, or other 
Body of Water, they are so determin'd, that they 
swim directly over it, without varying one Point 
from their course for the Sake of any Safety or 


The Surveyors were also hinder'd some Time by 
Setting up Posts in the great Road, to shew the 
Bounds between the two Colonies. 

Our Chaplain returned to us in the Evening 
from Edenton, in Company with the Carolina 
Commissioners. He had preacht there in the 
Court-House, for want of a consecrated Place, 
and made no less than 19 of Father Hennepin's 

By the permission of the Carolina Commission- 
ers, Mr. Swan was allow'd to go home, as soon as 
the Survey of the Dismal was finisht; He met with 
this Indulgence for a Reason that might very well 
have excust his coming at all; Namely, that he 
was lately marry'd. 

What remain' d of the Drudgery for this Season 
was left to Mr. Moseley, who had hitherto acted 
only in the capacity of a Commissioner. They of- 
fer'd to employ Mr. Joseph Mayo as their Surveyor 
in Mr. Swan's stead, but He thought it not proper 
to accept of it, because he had hitherto Acted as a 
Volunteer in behalf of Virginia, and did not care 
to change Sides, tho' it might have been to his 

30. The line was advanced this day 6 Miles and 
35 chains, the Woods being pretty clear, and inter- 
rupted with no Swamp, or other wet Ground. The 
Land hereabout had all the Marks of Poverty, 
being for the most Part Sandy and full of Pines. 
This kind of Ground, tho' unfit for Ordinary 
Tillage, will however bring Cotton and Potatoes 
in Plenty, and Consequently Food and Raiment 

1728, March] THE DIVIDING LINE 85 

to such as are easily contented, and, like the 
Wild Irish, find more Pleasure in Laziness than 

It also makes a Shift to produce Indian-corn, 
rather by the Felicity of the climate than by the 
Fertility of the Soil. They who are more Indus- 
trious than their Neighbours may make what Quan- 
tity of tar they please, tho' indeed they are not 
always sure of a Market for it. 

The Method of burning Tar in Sweden and Mus- 
covy Succeeds not well in this Warmer Part of 
the World. It seems they kill the Pine-Trees, by 
barking them quite round at a certain Height, 
which in those cold countreys brings down the 
Turpentine into the Stump in a Year's time. But 
experience has taught us that in warm Climates 
the Turpentine will not so easily descend, but is 
either fixt in the upper parts of the Tree, or fryed 
out by the intense Heat of the Sun. 

Care was taken to Erect a Post in Every Road 
that our Line ran thro', with Virginia carv'd on the 
North-Side of it, and Carolina on the South, that 
the Bounds might every where appear. In the 
Evening the Surveyors took up their Quarters at 
the House of one Mr. Parker, who, by the Advan- 
tage of a better Spot of Land than Ordinary, and 
a more industrious Wife, lives comfortably, and 
has a very neat plantation. 

31. It rain'd a little this Morning, but this, hap- 
pening again upon a Sunday, did not interrupt our 
Business. However the Surveyors made no Scru- 
ple of protracting and platting off their work upon 


that good day, because it was rather an Amuse- 
ment than a Drudgery. 

Here the Men feasted on the fat of the Land, and 
believing the dirtiest part of their work was over, 
had a more than Ordinary Gaiety of Heart. We 
christen'd two of our Landlord's children, which 
might have remained Infidels all their lives, had not 
we carry 'd Christianity home to his own Door. 

The Truth of it is, our Neighbours of North 
Carolina are not so zealous as to go much out of 
their way to procure this benefit for their children : 
Otherwise, being so near Virginia, they might, 
without exceeding much Trouble, make a Journey 
to the next Clergyman, upon so good an Errand. 

And indeed should the Neighbouring Ministers, 
once in two or three years, vouchsafe to take a 
turn among these Gentiles, to baptize them and 
their children, twould look a little Apostolical, and 
they might hope to be requited for it hereafter, if 
that be not thought too long to tarry for their 

April 1. The Surveyors getting now upon better 
Ground, quite disengag'd from Underwoods, pusht 
on the Line almost 12 Miles. They left Sommerton 
Chappel near two Miles to the Northward, so that 
there was now no Place of Publick Worship left 
in the whole Province of North Carolina. 

The high Land of North Carolina was barren, 
and cover'd with a deep Sand; and the Low 
Grounds were wet and boggy, insomuch that sev- 
eral of our Horses were mir'd, and gave us fre- 
quent Opportunitys to shew our Horsemanship. 

1728, April] THE DIVIDING LINE 87 

The Line cut William Spight's Plantation in 
two, leaving little more than his dwelling House 
and Orchard in Virginia. Sundry other Planta- 
tions were Split in the same unlucky Manner, 
which made the Owners accountable to both Gov- 
ernments. Wherever we passed we constantly 
found the Borderers laid it to Heart if their Land 
was taken into Virginia: They chose much rather 
to belong to Carolina, where they pay no Tribute, 
either to God or to Caesar. 

Another reason was, that the Government there 
is so Loose, and the Laws so feebly executed, that, 
like those in the Neighbourhood of Sydon for- 
merly, every one does just what seems good in his 
own Eyes. If the Governor's hands have been 
weak in that Province, under the Authority of the 
Lord Proprietors, much weaker then were the hands 
of the Magistrate, who, tho' he might have had 
Virtue enough to endeavour to punish Offenders, 
which very rarely happen'd, yet that vertue had 
been quite Impotent, for want of Ability to put it 
in execution. 

Besides, their might have been some Danger, per- 
haps, in venturing to be so rigorous, for fear of 
undergoing the Fate of an honest Justice in Coro- 
tuck Precinct. This bold Magistrate, it seems, 
taking upon him to order a fellow to the Stocks, 
for being disorderly in his Drink, was, for his in- 
temperate Zeal, carry'd thither himself, and nar- 
rowly escap'd being whippt by the Rabble into the 

This easy day's work carried the Line to the 


Banks of Somerton-Creek, that runs out of Chowan 
River, a little below the Mouth of Nottoway. 

2. In less than a Mile from Somerton creek the 
Line was carry'd to Black-water, which is the 
Name of the upper Part of Chowan, running some 
Miles above the Mouth of Nottoway. It must be 
observ'd that Chowan, after taking a compass 
round the most beautiful part of North Carolina, 
empties itself into Albermarle Sound, a few Miles 
above Edenton. The Tide flows 7 or 8 miles higher 
than where the River changes its Name, and is 
Navigable thus high for any small vessel. Our 
Line intersected it exactly half a Mile to the north- 
ward of the mouth of Nottoway. However, in 
Obedience to his Majesty's Command, we directed 
the Surveyors to come down the River as far as 
the Mouth of Nottoway, in order to continue our 
true West Line from thence. 

Thus we found the Mouth of Nottoway to lye 
no more than half a Minute farther to the North- 
ward than Mr. Lawson had formerly done. 1 That 
Gentleman's Observation, it seems, placed it in 
36 30', and our Working made it out to be 36 
30J' a very inconsiderable Variance. 

The Surveyors crost the River over against the 
Middle of the Mouth of Nottoway, where it was 
about 80 yards wide. From thence they ran the 
Line about half a Mile through a dirty Pocoson, 
as far as an Indian Field. Here we took up our 
Lodging in a moist Situation, having the Pocoson 

1 John Lawson was one of the surveyors on the part of North 
Carolina in the futile attempt to run the line in 1710. EDITOR. 

1728, April] THE DIVIDING LINE 89 

above mention'd on one Side of us, and a Swamp 
on the other. 

In this Camp 3 of the Meherin Indians made us 
a Visit. They told us that the Small Remains of 
their Nation had deserted their Ancient Town, sit- 
uated near the Mouth of Meherin River, for fear 
of the Cataubas, who had kill'd 14 of their People 
the Year before; and the few that Survived that 
Calamity, had taken refuge amongst the English, 
on the East side of Chowan. Tho', if the com- 
plaint of these Indians were true, they are hardly 
used by our Carolina Friends. But they are the 
less to be pitied, because they have ever been 
reputed the most false and treacherous to the Eng- 
lish of all the Indians in the Neighbourhood. 

Not far from the Place where we lay, I observ'd 
a large Oak which had been blown up by the Roots, 
the Body of which was Shiver'd into perfect Strings, 
and was, in truth, the most Violent Effects of Light- 
ning I ever saw. 

But the most curious Instance of that dread- 
ful meteor happen'd at York, where a man was 
kill'd near a Pine Tree in which the Lightening 
made a Hole before it Struck the Man, and left 
an exact Figure of the Tree upon his Breast, 
with all its Branches, to the wonder of all that 
beheld it, in which I shall be more particular 

We made another tryal of the Variation in this 
place, and found it some Minutes less than we had 
done at Coratuck-Inlet ; but so small a Difference 
might easily happen thro' some defect in one or 


other of the Observations, and, therefore, we 
alter'd not our compass for the Matter. 

3. By the advantage of clear woods, the Line was 
extended 12 miles and three Quarters, as far as the 
Banks of Meherin. Tho' the Mouth of this River 
lye 15 miles below the Mouth of Nottaway, yet it 
winds so much to the Northward, that we came 
upon it, after running this Small Distance. Dur- 
ing the first 7 Miles, we observed the Soil to be 
poor and Sandy; but as we approacht Meherin it 
grew better, tho' there it was cut to pieces by 
Sundry Miry Branches, which discharge them- 
selves into that River, Several of our Horses 
plunged up to the Saddle-Skirts, and were not 
disengaged without Difficulty. 

The latter Part of our Day's work was pretty 
laborious, because of the unevenness of the way, 
and becauss the low Ground of the River was full 
of Cypress- Snags, as Sharp and Dangerous to our 
Horses as so many chevaux-de-frize. We found 
the whole distance from the Mouth of Nottaway 
to Meherin River, where our Line intersected it, 
thirteen Miles and a Quarter. 

It was hardly possible to find a level large 
enough on the Banks of the River whereupon to 
pitch our Tent. But tho' the Situation was, on 
that Account, not very convenient for us, yet it 
was for our poor Horses, by reason of the Plenty 
of Small Reeds on which they fed voraciously. 

These Reeds are green here all the Year round, 
and will keep cattle in tolerable good Plight dur- 
ing the Winter. But whenever the Hogs come 

1728, April] THE DIVIDING LINE 91 

where they are, they destroy them in a Short time, 
by ploughing up their Roots, of which, unluckily, 
they are very fond. 

The River was in this place about as wide as the 
River Jordan, that is, 40 Yards, and wou'd be 
Navigable very high for flat Bottom-Boats and 
Canoes, if it were not so choakt up with large 
Trees, brought down by every Fresh. Tho' the 
Banks were full 20 feet high from the Surface of 
the Water, yet we saw certain Marks of their hav- 
ing been Overflow'd. 

These Narrow Rivers that run high up into the 
Country are Subject to frequent Inundations, when 
the Waters are roll'd down with such Violence as 
to carry all before them. The Logs that are then 
floated, are very fatal to the bridges built over 
these rivers, Which can hardly be contriv'd Strong 
enough to stand against so much Weight and Vio- 
lence join'd together. 

The Isle of Wight County begins about 3 Miles 
to the East of Meherin River, being divided from 
that of Nansimond only by a Line of Markt trees. 

4. The River was here hardly fordable, tho' the 
Season had been very dry. The Banks too were 
so Steep that our Horses were forced to climb 
like Mules to get up them. Nevertheless we had 
the Luck to recover the Opposite Shore without 

We halted for half an hour at Charles Ander- 
son's, who lives on the Western Banks of the 
River, in order to christen one of his children. In 
the mean time, the Surveyors extended the Line 


2 Miles and 39 chains, in which small Distance 
Meherin River was so serpentine, that they crost 
it 3 times. 

Then we went on to Mr. Kinchin's, a Man of 
Figure and Authority in X Carolina, who lives 
about a Mile to the Southward of the Place where 
the Surveyors left off. By the Benefit of a little 
pains, and good Management, this worthy Magis- 
trate lives in much Affluence. 

Amongst other Instances of his Industry, he 
had planted a good Orchard, which is not common 
in that Indolent climate; nor is it at all Strange, 
that such improvident People, who take no 
thought for the Morrow, shou'd save themselves 
the Trouble to make Improvements that will not 
pay them for several Years to come. Tho' if they 
cou'd trust futurity for any thing, they certainly 
wou'd for Cyder, which they are so fond of, that 
they generally drink it before it is done working, 
lest the Fermentation might unluckily turn it 

It is an Observation, which rarely fails of being 
true, both in Virginia and Carolina, that those 
who take care to plant good Orchards are, in their 
General characters, Industrious People. This 
held good in our LANDLORD, who had many 
Houses built on this Plantation, and every One 
kept in decent Repair. His Wife, too, was tidy, 
his Furniture clean, his Pewter bright, and 
nothing seem'd to be wanting to make his Home 

Mr. Kinchin made us the Compliment of his 

1728, April] THE DIVIDING LINE 93 

House, but because we were willing to be as little 
troublesome as- possible, we order'd the Tent to be 
pitch'd in his Orchard, where the Blossoms of the 
Apple Trees contributed not a little to the sweet- 
ness of our Lodging. 

Because the Spring was now pretty forward, 
and the Rattle-Snakes began to crawl out of their 
Winter-Quarters, and might grow dangerous, both 
to the Men and their Horses, it was determin'd 
to proceed no farther with the Line till the Fall. 
Besides, the Uncommon Fatigue the People had 
undergone for near 6 Weeks together, and the 
Inclination they all had to visit their Respective 
Familys, made a Recess highly reasonable. 

The Surveyors were employ'd great part of the 
Day, in forming a Correct and Elegant Map of 
the Line, from Corotuck-Inlet to the Place where 
they left off. On casting up the account in the 
most accurate manner, they found the whole dis- 
tance we had run to amount to 73 Miles and 13 
chains. Of the Map they made two fair copies, 
which agreeing exactly, were subscrib'd by the 
Commissioners of both colonies, and one of them 
was delivered to those on the Part of Virginia, 
and the other to those on the Part of North Caro- 

6. Thus we fmish'd our Spring Campaign, and 
having taken leave of our Carolina-Friends, and 
agreed to meet them again the Tenth of Septem- 
ber following, at the same Mr. Kinchin's, in order 
to continue the Line, we crosst Meherin River near 
a Quarter of a Mile from the House. About ten 


Miles from that we halted at Mr. Kindred's Plan- 
tation, where we Christen'd two Children. 

It happen'd that some of Isle of Wight militia 
Were exercising in the Adjoining Pasture, and 
there were Females enough attending that Martial 
Appearance to form a more invincible corps. 

Ten miles farther we passed Nottoway River 
at Bolton's Ferry, and took up our Lodgings 
about three Miles from thence, at the House of 
Richard Parker, an honest Planter, whose Labours 
were rewarded with Plenty, which, in this country 
is the Constant Portion of the Industrious. 

7. The Next day being Sunday, we order'd No- 
tice to be sent to all the Neighbourhood that there 
wou'd be a Sermon at this Place, and an Oppor- 
tunity of Christening their Children. But the 
Likelihood of Rain got the better of their Devo- 
tion, and what perhaps, Might Still be a Stronger 
motive of their Curiosity. In the Morning we 
despacht a runner to the Nottoway Town, to let 
the Indians know we intended them a Yisit that 
Evening, and our honest Landlord was so kind as 
to be our Pilot thither, being about 4 Miles from 
his House. 

Accordingly in the Afternoon we marcht in 
good Order to the Town, where the Female Scouts, 
station'd on an Eminence for that purpose, had 
no sooner spy'd us, but they gave Notice of our 
Approach to their Fellow-Citizens by continual 
Whoops and Cries, which cou'd not possibly have 
been more dismal at the Sight of their most im- 
placable Enemy s. 

1728, April] THE DIVIDING LINE 95 

This Signal Assembled all their Great Men, who 
receiv'd us in a Body, and conducted us into the 
Fort. This Fort was a Square Piece of Ground, 
inclos'd with Substantial Puncheons, or Strong 
Palisades, about ten feet high, and leaning a little 
outwards, to make a Scalade more difficult. 

Each side of the Square might be about 100 
Yards long, with Loop-holes at proper Distances, 
through which they may fire upon the Enemy. 

Within this Inclosure we found Bark Cabanes 
Sufficient to lodge all their people, in Case they 
should be obliged to retire thither. These Ca- 
banes are no other but Close Arbours made of 
Saplings, arched at the top, and cover'd so well 
with Bark as to be proof against all Weather. 
The fire is made in the Middle, according to the 
Hibernian Fashion, the Smoak whereof finds no 
other Yent but at the Door, and so keeps the 
whole family Warm, at the Expense both of their 
Eyes and Complexion. 

The Indians have no standing Furniture in their 
Cabanes but Hurdles to repose their Persons upon, 
which they cover with Mats or Deer-skins. We 
were conducted to the best Appartments in the 
Fort, which just before had been made ready for 
our Reception, and adorn'd with new Mats, that 
were sweet and clean. 

The Young Men had Painted themselves in a 
Hideous Manner, not so much for Ornament as 
Terror. In that frightful Equipage they enter- 
tain'd us with Sundry War-Dances, wherein they 
endeavour'd to look as formidable as possible. 


The Instrument they danct to was an Indian- 
drum, that is, a large Gourd with a Skin bract 
tort over the Mouth of it. The Dancers all Sang 
to this Musick, keeping exact Time with their 
feet, while their Heads and Arms were screw'd 
into a thousand Menacing Postures. 

Upon this occasion the Ladies had array' d them- 
selves in all their finery. They were Wrapt in 
their Red and Blue Match-Coats, thrown so Neg- 
ligently about them, that their Mehogony Skins 
appear' d in Several Parts, like the Lacedaemonian 
Damsels of Old. Their Hair was breeded with 
white and Blue Peak, and hung gracefully in a 
large Roll upon their Shoulders. 

This peak Consists of Small Cylinders cut out 
of a Conque-Shell, drill'd through and Strung like 
Beads. It serves them both for Money and 
Jewels, the Blue being of much greater Value 
than the White, for the same reason that Ethio- 
pian Mistresses in France are dearer than French, 
because they are more Scarce. The Women wear 
Necklaces and Bracelets of these precious Mate- 
rials, when they have a mind to appear lovely. 
Tho' their complexions be a little Sad-Colour'd, 
yet their Shapes are very Strait and well propor- 
tion'd. Their Faces are Seldom handsome, yet 
they have an Air of Innocence and Bashfulness, 
that with a little less dirt wou'd not fail to make 
them desirable. Such Charms might have had 
their full Effect upon Men who had been so long 
deprived of female conversation, but that the 
whole Winter's Soil was so crusted on the Skins 

1728, April] 



of those dark Angels, that it requir'd a very strong 
Appetite to approach them. The Bear's oyl, with 
which they anoint their Persons all over, makes 
their Skins Soft, and at the Same time protects 
them from every Species of Vermin that use to be 
troublesome to other uncleanly People. 

We were unluckily so many, that they cou'd not 
well make us the Complement of Bed-fellows, ac- 
cording to the Indian Rules of Hospitality, tho' a 
grave Matron whisper'd one of the Commissioners 
very civily in the Ear, that if her Daughter had 
been but one year Older, she should have been at 
his Devotion. 

It is by no means a loss of Reputation among 
the Indians, for Damsels that are Single to have 
Intrigues with the Men; on the contrary, they 
count it an Argument of Superior Merit to be 
liked by a great ISTumber of Gallants. However, 
like the Ladys that Game they are a little Mer- 
cenary in their Amours, and seldom bestow their 
Favours out of Stark Love and Kindness. But 
after these Women have once appropriated their 
Charms by Marriage, they are from thenceforth 
faithful to their Yows, and will hardly ever be 
tempted by an Agreeable Gallant, or be provokt 
by a Brutal or even by a fumbling Husband to go 

The little Work that is done among the Indians 
is done by the poor Women, while the men are 
quite idle, or at most employ'd only in the Gentle- 
manly Diversions of Hunting and Fishing. 

In this, as well as in their Wars, they now use 


nothing but Fire- Arms, which they purchase of 
the English for Skins. Bows and Arrows are 
grown into disuse, except only amongst their Boys. 
]S~or is it ill Policy, but on the contrary very pru- 
dent, thus to furnish the Indians with Fire- Arms, 
because it makes them depend entirely upon the 
English, not only for their Trade, but even for 
their subsistence. Besides, they were really able to 
do more mischief, while they made use of Arrows, 
of which they wou'd let Silently fly Several in a 
Minute with Wonderful Dexterity, whereas now 
they hardly ever discharge their Fire-locks more 
than once, which they insidiously do from be- 
hind a Tree, and then retire as nimbly as the 
Dutch Horse us'd to do now and then formerly in 

We put the Indians to no expense, but only of 
a little Corn for our Horses, for which in Grati- 
tude we cheer'd their hearts with what Bum we 
had left, which they love better than they do their 
Wives and Children. 

Tho' these Indians dwell among the English, 
and see in what Plenty a little Industry enables 
them to live, yet they chuse to continue in their 
Stupid Idleness, and to Suffer all the Inconveni- 
ences of Dirt, Cold, and Want, rather than to dis- 
turb their heads With care, or defile their Hands 
with labour. 

The whole Number of People belonging to the 
Notoway Town, if you include Women and Chil- 
dren, amount to about 200. These are the only 
Indians of any consequence now remaining within 

1728, April] 



the Limits of Virginia. The rest are either 
removed, or dwindled to a very inconsiderable 
Number, either by destroying one another, or else 
by the Small-Pox and other Diseases. Tho' no- 
thing has been so fatal to them as their ungovern- 
able Passion for Rum, with which, I am sorry to 
say it, they have been but too liberally supply'd by 
the English that live near them. 

And here I must lament the bad Success Mr. 
Boyle's Charity 1 has hitherto had towards convert- 
ing any of these poor Heathens to Christianity. 
Many children of our Neighbouring Indians have 
been brought up in the College of William and 
Mary. They have been taught to read and write, 
and have been carefully Instructed hi the Princi- 
ples of the Christian Religion, till they came to be 
Yet after they return'd home, instead of 


civilizeing and converting the rest, they have im- 
mediately Relapt into Infidelity and Barbarism 

And some of them too have made the worst use 
of the Knowledge they acquir'd among the Eng- 
lish, by employing it against their Benefactors. 
Besides, as they unhappily forget all the good 
they learn, and remember the 111, they are apt to 

1 Robert Boyle, an influential 
English chemist, left a sum of 
money to be invested by his 
trustees for some worthy char- 
ity. Dr. James Blair, who was 
about the same time in England 
soliciting funds for the founda- 
tion of William and Mary Col- 
lege, induced the trustees to 

appropriate most of this fund to 
the education of Indian youths 
in the new college. The fund 
was invested in England in an 
estate called Brafferton, and the 
building erected at Williams- 
burg fortheuseof the Indian stu- 
dents was called Brafferton Hall. 
It is still standing. EDITOR. 

100 COLONEL WILLIAM BYRD [1728, April 

be more vicious and disorderly than the rest of 
their Countrymen. 

I ought not to quit this Subject without doing 
Justice to the great Prudence of Colo Spotswood 
in this Affair. That Gentleman was lieut Gov- 
ernor of Virginia when Carolina was engaged in 
a Bloody War with the Indians. At that critical 
Time it was thought expedient to keep a Watchful 
Eye upon our Tributary Savages, who we knew 
had nothing to keep them to their Duty but their 

Then it was that he demanded of each Nation a 
Competent Number of their their great Men's 
Children to be sent to the College, where they 
serv'd as so many Hostages for the good Be- 
haviour of the Rest, and at the same time were 
themselves principled in the Christian Religion. 
He also Plac'd a School-Master among the Saponi 
Indians, at the salary of Fifty Pounds P Annum, 
to instruct their Children. The Person that 
undertook that Charitable work was Mr. Charles 
Griffin, a Man of good Family, who by the In- 
nocence of his Life, and the Sweetness of his 
Temper, was perfectly well qualify'd for that 
pious undertaking. Besides, he had so much the 
Secret of mixing Pleasure with instruction, that 
he had not a Scholar, who did not love him affec- 

Such Talents must needs have been blest with a 
Proportionable Success, had he not been unluckily 
remov'd to the College, by which he left the good 
work he had begun unfinisht. In short, all the 

1728, April] THE DIVIDING LINE 101 

Pains he had undertaken among the Infidels had 
no other Effect but to make them something 
cleanlier than other Indians are. 

The Care Colo Spotswood took to tincture the 
Indian Children with Christianity produced the 
following Epigram, which was not publisht during 
his Administration, for fear it might then have 
lookt like flattery. 

Long has the Furious Priest assay'd in Vain, 
With Sword and Faggot, Infidels to gain, 
But now the Milder Soldier wisely tryes 
By Gentler Methods to unveil their Eyes. 
Wonders apart, he knew 'twere vain t'engage 
The fix'd Preventions of Misguided Age. 
With fairer Hopes he forms the Indian Youth 
To early Manners, Probity and Truth. 
The Lyon's whelp thus on the Lybian Shore \ 
Is tam'd and Gentled by the Artful Moor, > 
Not the Grim Sire, inured to Blood before. ) 

I am sorry I can't give a Better Account of 
the State of the Poor Indians with respect 
to Christianity, altho' a great deal of Pains 
has been and still continues to be taken with 
them. For my Part, I must be of Opinion, as 
I hinted before, that there is but one way of 
Converting these poor Infidels, and reclaiming 
them from Barbarity, and that is, Charitably to 
intermarry with them, according to the Modern 
Policy of the most Christian King in Canada and 

Had the English done this at the first Settle- 
ment of the Colony, the Infidelity of the Indians 

102 COLONEL WILLIAM BYRD [1728, April 

had been worn out at this Day, with their Dark 
Complexions, and the Country had swarm'd with 
People more than it does with Insects. 

It was certainly an unreasonable Nicety, that 
prevented their entering into so good-Natur'd an 
Alliance. All Nations of men have the same 
Natural Dignity, and we all know that very bright 
Talents may be lodg'd under a very dark Skin. 
The principal Difference between one People and 
another proceeds only from the Different Oppor- 
tunities of Improvement. 

The Indians by no means want understanding, 
and are in their Figure tall and well-proportion'd. 
Even their Copper-colour'd Complexion wou'd 
admit of Blanching, if not in the first, at the 
farthest in the Second Generation. 

I may safely venture to say, the Indian Women 
would have made altogether as Honest Wives for 
the first Planters, as the Damsels they us'd to pur- 
chase from aboard the Ships. It is Strange, there- 
fore, that any good Christian Shou'd have refused 
a wholesome, Straight Bed-fellow, when he might 
have had so fair a Portion with her, as the Merit 
of saving her Soul. 

8. We rested on our clean Mats very comfor- 
tably, tho' alone, and the next Morning went to the 
Toilet of some of the Indian Ladys, where, what 
with the Charms of their Persons and the Smoak 
of their Apartments, we were almost blinded. 
They offer'd to give us Silk-Grass Baskets of 
their own making, which we Modestly refused, 
knowing that an Indian present, like that of a 

1728, April] THE DIVIDING LINE 103 

Nun, is a Liberality put out to Interest, and a 
Bribe plac'd to the greatest Advantage. 

Our Chaplain observ'd with concern, that the 
Ruffles of Some of our Fellow Travellers were a 
little discolour'd with pochoon, wherewith the good 
Man had been told those Ladies us'd to improve 
their invisible charms. 

About 10 a Clock we marched out of Town in 
good order, & the War Captains saluted us with a 
Volley of Small-Arms. From thence we pro- 
ceeded over Black-water Bridge to colo' Henry 
Harrisons, where we congratulated each other upon 
our Return into Christendom. 

Thus ended our Progress for this Season, which 
we may justly say was attended with all the Suc- 
cess that could be expected. Besides the Punctual 
Performance of what was Committed to us, we had 
the Pleasure to bring back every one of our Com- 
pany in perfect Health. And this we must ac- 
knowledge to be a Singular Blessing, considering 
the Difficulties and Dangers to which they had 
been expos'd. 

We had reason to fear the many Waters and 
Sunken Grounds, thro' which We were oblig'd to 
wade, might have thrown the men into Sundry 
Acute distempers; especially the Dismal, where 
the Soil was so full of Water, and the Air so full 
of Damps, that nothing but a Dutchman cou'd live 
in them. 

Indeed the Foundation of all our Success was the 
Exceeding dry Season. It rain'd during the whole 
Journey but rarely, and then, as when Herod built 

104 COLONEL WILLIAM BYRD [1728, Sept. 

his Temple, only in the Night or upon the Sabbath, 
when it was no hindrance at all to our progress. 

THE tenth of September being thought a little 
too soon for the Commissioners to meet, in order 
to proceed on the Line, on account of Snakes, 'twas 
agreed to put it off to the twentieth of the same 
Month, of which due Notice was sent to the Caro- 

19. We, on the part of Virginia, that we might 
be sure to be punctual, arriv'd at Mr. Kinchin's, 
the place appointed, on the 19th, after a Journey 
of three days, in which nothing Remarkable hap- 

We found three of the Carolina-Commissioners 
had taken Possession of the House, having come 
thither by water from Edenton. By the Great 
Quantity of Provisions these Gentlemen brought, 
and the few men they had to eat them, we were 
afraid they intended to carry the Line to the 
South sea. 

They had SOOfbs of bacon and dry'd Beef, and 
500fbs of Bisket, and not above three or four men. 
The misfortune was, they forgot to provide Horses 
to carry their good things, or else trusted to the 
Incertainty of hireing them here, which, consider- 
ing the Place, was leaving too much to that Jilt, 

On our part we had taken better Care, being 
completely furnisht with everything necessary for 
transporting our Baggage and Provisions. In- 
deed we brought no other Provisions out with us 

1728, Sept.] THE DIVIDING LINE 105 

but lOOOfbs of Bread, and had Faith enough to de- 
pend on Providence for our Meat, being desirous 
to husband the publick Money as much as possible. 

We had no less than 20 men, besides the Chap- 
lain, the Surveyors and all the Servants, to be Sub- 
sisted upon this Bread. However, that it might 
hold out the better, our men had been Order'd to 
provide themselves at Home with Provision for 
Ten days, in which time we judg'd we should get 
beyond the Inhabitants, where Forest-Game of all 
sorts was like to be plenty at that time of the 

20. This being the day appointed for our Rendez- 
vous, great part of it was Spent in the careful fix- 
ing our Baggage and Assembling our Men, who 
were order' d to meet us here. We took care to 
examine their Arms, and made proof of the Pow- 
der provided for the Expedition. 

Our Provision-Horses had been hinder'd by the 
rain from coming up exactly at the Day; but this 
Delay was the less Disappointment, by reason of 
the ten days' Subsistence the men had been di- 
rected to provide for themselves. 

Mr. Moseley did not join us till the afternoon, 
nor Mr. Swan till Several Days after. 

Mr. Kinchin had unadvisedly sold the Men a 
little Brandy of his own making, which produced 
much disorder, causing some to be too cholerick, 
and others too loving; Insomuch that a Damsel, 
who assisted in the Kitchen, had certainly Suffer'd 
what the Nuns call Martyrdom, had she not capitu- 
lated a little too soon. 

106 COLONEL WILLIAM BYRB [1728, Sept. 

This outrage would have calPd for some severe 
Discipline, had she not bashfully withdrawn her- 
self early in the Morning, & so carry'd off the 

21. We despatcht away the Surveyors without 
Loss of Time, who, with all their diligence, could 
carry the Line no farther than 3 Miles and 176 
Poles, by reason the Low- Ground was one entire 
Thicket. In that distance they crost Meherin 
River the 4th time. In the mean while the Vir- 
ginia-Commissioners thought proper to conduct 
their Baggage a farther way about, for the Con- 
venience of a clearer Road. 

The Carolina-Gentlemen did at length, more by 
Fortune than forecast, hire a clumsy Vehicle, 
something like a cart, to transport their Effects as 
far as Roanoak. This wretched Machine, at first 
Setting out, met with a very rude choque, that 
broke a Case-Bottle of Cherry Brandy in so un- 
lucky a Manner that not one precious Drop was 
saved. This Melancholy Beginning forboded an 
unprosperous Journey, and too quick a Return, 
to the Persons most immediately concerned. 

In our way we crosst Fountain's Creek, which 
runs into Meherin River, so call'd from the disas- 
ter of an unfortunate Indian Trader who had for- 
merly been drowned in it, and, like Icarus, left his 
Name to that fatal stream. We took up our 
Quarters on the Plantation of John Hill, where we 
pitcht our Tent, with design to tarry till such time 
as the Surveyors cou'd work their way to us. 

22. This being Sunday, we had an Opportunity 

1728, Sept.] THE DIVIDING LINE 107 

of resting from our Labours. The expectation of 
such a Novelty as a Sermon in these Parts brought 
together a Numerous Congregation. When the 
Sermon was over, our Chaplain did his part to- 
wards making Eleven of them Christians. 

Several of our men had Intermitting f eavers, but 
were soon restor'd to their Health again by proper 
Eemedies. Our chief Medicine was Dogwood 
Bark, which we used, instead of that of Peru, with 
good Success. Indeed, it was given in larger 
Quantity, but then, to make the Patients amends, 
they swallowed much fewer Doses. 

In the afternoon our Provision-Horses arrived 
Safe in the Camp. They had met with very heavy 
Kains, but, thank God, not a Single Bisket receiv'd 
the least Damage thereby. 

We were furnisht by the Neighbours with very 
lean Cheese and very fat Mutton, upon which oc- 
casion twill not be improper to draw one conclu- 
sion, from the Evidence of North Carolina, that 
Sheep would thrive much better in the Woods than 
in Pasture Land, provided a careful Shepherd were 
employed to keep them from Straying, and, by the 
help of Dogs, to protect them also from the wolves. 

23. The Surveyors came to us at Night, tho' 
they had not brought the Line so far as our Camp, 
for which reason we thought it needless to go 
forward till they came up with us. They cou'd 
run no more than 4 Miles and 5 Poles, because 
the Ground was every where grown up with thick 

The Soil here appear'd to be very good, tho' 

108 COLONEL WILLIAM BYRD [1728, Sept. 

much broken betwixt Fountain creek and Roanoak 
River. The Line crost Meherin the 5th and last 
time, nor were our People sorry to part with a 
Stream the Meanders of which had given them so 
much Trouble. 

Our Hunters brought us four wild Turkeys, 
which at that Season began to be fat and very 
delicious, especially the Hens. 

These Birds seem to be of the Bustard kind, 
and fly heavily. Some of them are exceedingly 
large, and weigh upwards of 40 Pounds; Kay, 
some bold Historians venture to say, upwards of 
50. They run very fast, stretching forth their 
Wings all the time, like the Ostrich, by way of 
Sails to quicken their Speed. 

They roost commonly upon very high Trees, 
Standing near some River or Creek, and are so 
stupify'd at the Sight of Fire, that if you make a 
Blaze in the Night near the Place where they 
roost, you may fire upon them Several times suc- 
cessively, before they will dare to fly away. 

Their Spurs are so Sharp and Strong that the 
Indians used formerly to point their Arrows with 
them, tho' now they point them with a Sharp white 
Stone. In the Spring the Turkey-Cocks begin 
to gobble, which is the Language wherein they 
make Love. 

It rain'd very hard in the Night, with a violent 
Storm of Thunder and Lightening, which oblig'd 
us to trench in our Tent all round, to carry off 
the Water that fell upon it. 

24. So soon as the men could dry their Blan- 

1728, Sept,] THE DIVIDING LINE 109 

kets, we sent out the Surveyors, who now meeting 
with more favourable Grounds, advanced the line 7 
Miles and 82 Poles. However, the Commissioners 
did not think proper to decamp that day, believing 
they might easily overtake the Surveyors the next. 
In the mean time they sent out some of their most 
expert Gunners, who brought in four more wild 

This part of the Country being very proper for 
raising Cattle and Hogs, we observ'd the Inhab- 
itants lived in great plenty without killing them- 
selves with Labour. 

I found near our Camp some Plants of that kind 
of Rattle-Snake Root, called Star-grass. The 
Leaves shoot out circularly, and grow Horizon- 
tally and near the Ground. The Root is in Shape 
not unlike the Rattle of that Serpent, and is a 
Strong Antidote against the bite of it. It is very 
bitter, and where it meets with any Poison, works 
by Yiolent Sweats, but where it meets with none, 
has no Sensible Operation but that of putting the 
Spirits into a great Hurry, and so of promoting 

The Rattle- snake has an utter Antipathy to this 
Plant, insomuch that if you Smear your hands 
with the Juice of it, you may handle the Viper 
Safely. Thus much I can say on my own Experi- 
ence, that once in July, when these Snakes are in 
their greatest Vigour, I besmear'd a Dog's Nose 
with the Powder of this Root, and made him 
trample on a large Snake Several times, which, 
however, was so far from biting him, that it per- 

110 COLONEL WILLIAM BYRD [1728, Sept. 

fectly Sicken'd at the Dog's Approach, and turn'd 
its Head from him with the Utmost Aversion. 

Our Chaplain, to shew his Zeal, made an Ex- 
cursion of 6 Miles to christen 2 children, but with- 
out the least regard to the good Chear at these 

25. The Surveyors taking the Advantage of clear 
Woods, pusht on the Line 7 Miles and 40 Poles. 
In the mean time the Commissioners marcht with 
the Baggage about 12 miles, and took up their 
Quarters near the Banks of the Beaver Pond, 
(which is one Branch of Fountain's creek,) just 
by the place where the Surveyors were to finish 
their day's work. 

In our march one of the men kill'd a Small Rat- 
tle-Snake, which had no more than two Rattles. 
Those Vipers remain in Vigour generally till 
towards the End of September, or Sometimes 
later, if the Weather continue a little warm. On 
this consideration we had provided three Several 
Sorts of Rattle- Snake-Root, made up into proper 
Doses, and ready for immediate use, in case any 
one of the Men or their Horses had been bitten. 

We crosst Fountain's Creek once more in our 
Journey this day, and found the Grounds very 
Rich, notwithstanding they were broken and 

Near the place where we encampt the county of 
Brunswick is divided from the Isle of Wight. 
These Counties run quite on the back of Surry 
and Prince George, and are laid out in very 
irregular Figures. 

1728, Sept.] 



As a Proof the Land mended hereabouts, we 
found the Plantations began to grow thicker by 
much than we had found them lower down. 

26. We hurry'd away the Surveyors without Loss 
of time, who extended the Line 10 Miles and 160 
Poles, the Grounds proving dry and free from 
Under-woods. By the way the chain-carriers 
kill'd two more Rattle-Snakes, which I own was 
a little ungrateful, because two or three of the 
Men had Strided over them without receiving any 
Hurt; tho' one of these Vipers had made bold to 
Strike at one of the Baggage Horses, as he went 
along, but by good Luck his Teeth only grazed on 
the hoof, without doing him any Damage. How- 
ever, these Accidents were, I think, so many 
Arguments that we had very good Reason to 
defer our coming out till the 20th of September. 

"We observ'd Abundance of St. Andrew's Cross 
in all the Woods we passed thro', which is the 
common Remedy used by the Indian traders to 
cure their horses when they are bitten by Rattle- 

It grows on a Strait Stem, about 18 Inches high, 
and bears a Yellow Flower on the Top, that has 
an Eye of Black in the Middle, with Several Pairs 
of Harrow Leaves Shooting out at right Angles 
from the Stalk over against one another. 

This Antidote grows Providentially all over the 
Woods, and upon all Sorts of Soil, that it may be 
every where at hand in Case a Disaster should 
Happen, and may be had all the hot Months while 
the Snakes are dangerous. 

112 COLONEL WILLIAM BYBD [1728, Sept. 

About four a'clock in the Afternoon we took up 
our Quarters upon Caban Branch, which also dis- 
charges itself into Fountain Creek. On our way 
we observed Several Meadows cloth'd with very 
rank-Grass, and Branches full of tall Reeds, in 
which Cattle keep themselves fat good part of the 
Winter. But Hogs are as injurious to both as 
Goats are said to be to Vines, and for that Reason 
it was not lawful to Sacrifice them to Bacchus. 
We halted by the way to Christen two Children 
at a Spring, where their Mothers waylaid us for 
that good Purpose. 

27. It was ten of the clock before the Surveyors 
got to work, because some of the Horses had 
straggled to a great Distance from the Camp. 
Nevertheless, meeting with Practicable Woods, 
they advanct the Line 9 Miles and 104 Poles. 
We crosst over Pea-Creek about four Miles from 
our Quarters, and three Miles farther, Lizzard- 
Creek, both which empty their Waters into Roa- 
noak River. 

Between these two Creeks a poor Man waited 
for us with five Children to be baptiz'd, and we 
halted till the Ceremony was ended. The Land 
seem'd to be very good, by the largeness of the 
Trees, tho' very Stony. We proceeded as far as 
Pidgeon-Roost-Creek, which also runs into Roa- 
noak, and there Quarter'd. 

We had not the pleasure of the Company of any 
of the Carolina-Commissioners in this day's March, 
except Mr. Moseley's, the rest tarrying behind to 
wait the coming up of their Baggage-Cart, which 

1728, Sept.] THE DIVIDING LINE 113 

they had now not seen nor heard (though the 
Wheels made a Dismal Noise) for several days 

Indeed it was a very difficult Undertaking to 
conduct a Cart thro' such pathless and perplext 
Woods, and no wonder if its Motion was a little 
Planetary. We would have payd them the Com- 
plement of waiting for them, cou'd we have done 
it at any other Expense but that of the Publick. 

In the Stony Grounds we rode over we found 
great Quantity of the true Ipocoacanna, which in 
this part of the World is call'd Indian-Physick. 
This has Several Stalks growing up from the Same 
Root about a Foot high, bearing a Leaf resembling 
that of a Straw-Berry. It is not so strong as that 
from Brazil, but has the same happy Effects, If 
taken in Somewhat a larger Dose. It is an Excel- 
lent Yomit, and generally cures intermitting Fevers 
and Bloody Fluxes at once or twice taking. There 
is abundance of it in the upper part of the Country, 
where it delights most in a Stony Soil intermixt 
with black Mold. 

28. Our Surveyors got early to work, yet cou'd 
forward the Line but 6 miles and 121 Poles, be- 
cause of the uneven Grounds in the Neighbour- 
hood of Roanoak, which they crosst in this Day's 

In that Place the River is 49 Poles wide, and 
rolls down a crystal Stream of very Sweet water, 
Insomuch that when there comes to be a great 
Monarch in this Part of the World, he will cause 
all the Water for his own Table to be brought 

114 COLONEL WILLIAM BYKD [1728, Sept. 

from Roanoak, as the great Kings of Persia did 
theirs from the Nile and Choaspis, because the 
Waters of those Rivers were light, and not apt to 
corrupt. 1 

The great Falls of Roanoak lie about 20 Miles 
lower, to which a Sloop of Moderate Burthen may 
come up. There are, besides these, many Smaller 
Falls above, tho' none that entirely intercept the 
Passage of the River, as the great Ones do, by a 
Chain of Rocks for 8 Miles together. 

The River forks about 36 Miles higher, and both 
Branches are pretty equal in Breadth where they 
divide, tho' the Southern, now call'd the Dan, runs 
up the farthest. That to the North runs away 
near North-west, and is call'd the Staunton, and 
heads not far from the Source of Appamatuck 
River, while the Dan stretches away pretty near 
West & runs clear thro' the great Mountains. 

We did not follow the Surveyors till towards 
Noon, being detain'd in our camp to Christen 
Several more Children. We were conducted a 
nearer way, by a famous Woodsman, call'd Epaph- 
roditus Bainton. This Forester Spends all his 
time in ranging the Woods, and is said to make 
great Havock among the Deer, and other Inhabi- 
tants of the Forest, not much wilder than Himself. 

We proceeded to the Canoe-Landing on Roa- 
noak, where we passt the River with the Baggage. 

lr rhe same Humour prevails and take in a But of Water 
at this day in the Kings of Den- from a Spring on the Table Hill, 
mark, who order all the East and bring it to Coppenhagen, 
India Ships of that nation to for their Majesty's own Drink- 
call at the Cape of Good Hope, ing. (Original note.) 

1728, Sept.] 



But the Horses were directed to a Ford about a 
Mile higher, call'd by the Indians Moni-seep, which 
signifies, in their Jargon, Shallow Water. This 
is the Ford where the Indian-Traders used to cross 
with their Horses, in their way to the Catauba 

There are many Rocks in the River thereabouts, 
on which grows a kind of Water Grass, which the 
wild. Geese are fond of, and resort to it in great 

We landed on the South Side of Roanoak at a 
Plantation of Colo. Mumford's, where, by that Gen- 
tleman's Special Directions, we met with Sun- 
dry Refreshments. Here we picht our Tent, for 
the benefit of the Prospect, upon an Eminence that 
overlookt a broad Piece of Low Ground, very rich, 
tho' liable to be overflowed. 

By the way, one of our Men kill'd another Rat- 
tle-Snake, with 11 Rattles, having a large Gray 
Squirrel in his Maw, the head of which was already 
digested, while the Body remain'd Stil entire. 

The way these Snakes catch their Prey is thus: 
They Ogle the poor little animal, till by force of 
the Charm he falls down Stupify'd and Senseless 
on the Ground. In that condition the Snake ap- 
proaches, and moistens first one Ear and then the 
Other with his Spawl, and after that the other Parts 
of the Head, to make all Slippery. When that is 
done, he draws this Member into his Mouth, and 
after it, by Slow Degrees, all the rest of the Body. 

29. This being Sunday, we had Divine Service 
and a Sermon, at which Several of the Borderers as- 

116 COLONEL WILLIAM BYRD [1728, Sept. 

sisted, and we concluded the Duties of the Day in 
the Christening five Children. Our Devotion be- 
ing perform'd in the Open Field, like that of Mr. 
Whitfield's Flocks, an unfortunate Shower of Rain 
had almost disperst our Congregation. About four 
in the Afternoon the Carolina-Commissioners made 
a Shift to come up with us, whom we had left at 
Pidgeon-Roost Creek the Fryday before, waiting 
for their Provisions. When their Cart came up 
they prudently discharg'd it, and rather chose to 
hire two Men to carry some part of their Baggage. 
The Rest they had been Obliged to leave behind, 
in the Crotch of an Old Tree, for want of proper 
Conveniences to transport it any farther. 

We found in the low Ground Several Plants 
of the Fern Root, which is said to be much the 
Strongest Antidote yet discover'd against the 
Poison of the Rattle-Snake. The Leaves of it 
resemble those of Fern, from whence it obtain'd 
its Name. Several Stalks shoot from the same 
Root, about 6 Inches long, that ly mostly on the 
Ground. It grows in a very Rich Soil, under the 
Protection of Some tall Tree, that Shades it from 
the Meridian Beams of the Sun. The Root has a 
faint Spicy tast, and is preferr'd by the Southern 
Indians to all other Counter-poisons in this Country. 

But there is another sort preferr'd by the 
Northern Indians, that they call Seneca Rattle- 
Snake-Root, to which wonderful Yertues are as- 
crib'd in the Cure of Pleurisys, Feavers, Rhuma- 
tisms, and Dropsys; besides it being a powerful 
Antidote against the Venom of the Rattle-Snake. 

1728, Sept.] THE DIVIDING LINE 117 

In the Evening the Messenger we had sent to 
Christanna return'd with five Saponi Indians. We 
cou'd not entirely rely on the Dexterity of our own 
Men, which induced us to send for some of the 
Indians. We agreed with two of the most expert 
of them, upon reasonable Terms, to hunt for us the 
remaining Part of our Expedition. But one of 
them falling Sick soon after, we were content to 
take only the other, whose Hunting Name was 

This Indian, either by his Skill or good Luck, 
Supply'd us plentifully all the way with Meat, 
Seldom discharging his piece in vain. 

By his Assistance, therefore, we were able to 
keep our men to their Business, without Suffering 
them to Straggle about the Woods, on pretence of 
furnishing us with Necessary Food. 

30. It had rain'd all night, and made every thing 
so wet, that our Surveyors cou'd not get to their 
Work before Noon. They cou'd therefore measure 
no more than four Miles and 220 Poles, which, 
according to the best information we cou'd get, 
was near as high as the uppermost Inhabitant at 
that time. 

We crost the Indian Trading path above-men- 
tion'd about a Mile from our Camp, and a Mile be- 
yond that forded Haw-Tree-Creek. The Woods we 
passed thro' had all the Tokens of Sterility, except a 
small Poison'd Field, on which grew no Tree bigger 
than a Slender Sapling. The larger Trees had 
been destroyed, either by Fire or Caterpillars, 
which is often the Case in the upland Woods, and 

118 COLONEL WILLIAM BYKD [1728, act. 

the places where such Desolation happens are 
call'd Poison'd Fields. 

We took up our Quarters upon a Branch of 
Great Creek, where there was tolerable good Grass 
for the poor Horses. These poor Animals having 
now got beyond the Latitude of Corn, were obliged 
to Shift as well as they cou'd for themselves. 

On our way the men rous'd a Bear, which being 
the first we had seen since we came out, the poor 
Beast had many pursuers. Several Persons con- 
tended for the Credit of killing him: tho' he was 
so poor he was not worth the Powder. This was 
some Disappointment to our Woodsmen, who com- 
monly prefer the Flesh of Bears to every kind of 
Yenison. There is Something indeed peculiar to 
this Animal, namely, that its fat is very firm, and 
may be eaten plentifully without rising in the 
Stomach. The Paw (which, when stript of the 
hair, looks like a Human Foot,) is accounted a 
delicious Morsel by all who are not Shockt at the 
ungracious Resemblance it bears to a Human 

Oct. 1. There was a white Frost this morning 
on the Ground, occasioned by a North- West Wind, 
which stood our Friend in dispersing all Aguish 
Damps, and making the Air wholesome at the Same 
tune that it made it cold. Encourag'd therefore 
by the Weather, Our Surveyors got to work early, 
and by the Benefit of Clear Woods, and Level 
Ground, drove the Line 12 Miles and 12 Poles. 

At a Small Distance from our Camp we crost 
Great Creek, and about 7 Miles farther Nut-bush 

1728, Oct.] THE DIVIDING LINE 119 

Creek, so call'd from the many Hazle-Trees grow- 
ing upon it. By good Luck Many Branches of 
these Creeks were full of Reeds, to the great com- 
fort of our Horses. Near five Miles from thence 
we encampt on a Branch that runs into Nut-Bush 
Creek, where those Reeds flourisht more than 
Ordinary. The Land we marcht over was for the 
most part broken and Stony, and in some places 
cover' d over with Thickets almost impenetrable. 

At Night the Surveyors, taking Advantage of a 
very clear Sky, made a third Tryal of the Varia- 
tion, and found it Still something less than 3 
Degrees, so that it did not diminish by advancing 
towards the West, or by approaching the Moun- 
tains, nor yet by encreasing our distance from the 
Sea; but remain'd much the Same we had found 
it at Corotuck-Inlet. 

One of our Indians kilPd a large Fawn, which 
was very welcome, tho', like Hudibras's Horse, it 
had hardly Flesh enough to cover its Bones. 

In the low Grounds the Carolina Gentlemen 
shew'd us another Plant, which they said was 
used in their country to cure the Bite of the Rat- 
tle-Snake. It put forth Several Leaves in figure 
like a Heart, and was clouded so like the common 
Assarabacca, that I conceived it to be of that 

2. So soon as the Horses cou'd be found, we 
hurry'd away the Surveyors, who advanct the Line 
9 Miles and 254 Poles. About 3 Miles from the 
Camp they crosst a large Creek, which the Indians 
call'd Massamoni, Signifying, in their Language, 


Paint-Creek, because of the great Quantity of 
Red ochre found in its banks. This in every 
Fresh tinges the Water just as the same Mineral 
did formerly, and to this day continues to tinge, 
the famous River Adonis, in Phoenicia, by which 
there hangs a celebrated Fable. 

Three Miles beyond that we past another Water 
with difficulty, calPd Yaypatsco, or Bever Creek. 
Those industrious Animals had damm'd up the 
water so high, that we had much ado to get over. 
Tis hardly credible how much work of this kind 
they will do in the Space of one Night. They 
bite young Saplings into proper Lengths with 
their Fore-teeth, which are exceeding Strong and 
Sharp, and afterwards drag them to the Place 
where they intend to Stop the Water. 

Then they know how to join Timber and Earth 
together with so much Skill, that their Work is 
able to resist the most violent Flood that can hap- 
pen. In this they are qualify'd to instruct their 
Betters, it being certain their damms will stand 
firm when the Strongest that are made by men 
will be carry' d down the Stream. 

We observed very broad low Grounds upon this 
Creek, with a growth of large Trees, and all the 
other Signs of Fertility, but seem'd subject to be 
every where overflow'd in a fresh. 

The certain way to catch these Sagacious Ani- 
mals is thus : Squeeze all the Juice out of the large 
Pride of the Beaver, and 6 drops out of the small 
Pride. Powder the inward Bark of Sassafras, and 
mix it with this Juice, then bait therewith a Steel 

1728, Oct.] THE DIVIDING LINE 121 

Trap, and they will eagerly come to it, and be 

About three Miles and a half farther we came 
to the Banks of another creek, call'd, in the 
Saponi Language, Ohimpa-moni, Signifying Jump- 
ing Creek, from the frequent Jumping of Fish 
during the Spring Season. 

Here we encampt, and by the time the Horses 
were hobbled, our Hunters brought us no less than 
a Brace and a half of Deer, which made great 
Plenty, and consequently great content in our 

Some of our People had Shot a great Wild Cat, 
which was that fatal moment making a comfort- 
able Meal upon a Fox-Squirrel, and an Ambitious 
Sportsman of our Company claim'd the merit of 
killing this monster after it was dead. 

The Wild-cat is as big again as any Household- 
Cat, and much the fiercest Inhabitant of the 
Woods. Whenever 'tis disabled, it will tear its 
own Flesh for madness. Altho' a Panther will 
run away from a Man, a Wild-cat will only make a 
Surly Retreat, now and then facing about, if he 
be too closely pursued ; and will even pursue in his 
1 111-11, if he observe the least Sign of Fear or even 
of caution in those that pretend to follow Him. 

The Flesh of this Beast, as well as of the Pan- 
On r, is as white as veal, and altogether as sweet 
and delicious. 

tt. We got to work early this Morning, and car- 
ry'd the line 8 Miles and a 160 Poles. We forded 
Several Runs of Excellent Water, and afterwards 


traverst a large levil of high land full of lofty 
Walnut, Poplar, and "White Oak Trees, which 
are certain Proofs of a fruitful Soil. This levil 
was near two Miles in length, and of an unknown 
breadth, quite out of Danger of being overflow'd, 
which is a misfortune most of the Low Grounds 
are liable to in those Parts. As we marcht along 
we saw many Buffalo-Tracks, and abundance of 
their Dung very Fresh, but could not have the 
pleasure of seeing them. They either Smelt us 
out, having that sense very Quick, or else were 
alarm'd at the Noise that so many People must 
necessarily make in marching along. At the 
Sight of a Man they will Snort and Grunt, cock 
up their ridiculous Short Tails, and tear up the 
Ground with a Sort of Timorous Fury. 

These wild Cattle hardly ever range alone, but 
herd together like those that are tame. They are 
Seldom seen so far North as 40 of latitude, de- 
lighting much in canes and Reeds, which grow 
generally more Southerly. 

We quarter'd on the Banks of a Creek that the 
Inhabitants call Tewahominy, or Tuskarooda 
creek, because one of that Nation had been kill'd 
thereabouts, and his Body thrown into the Creek. 

Our People had the Fortune to kill a Brace of 
does, one of which we presented to the Carolina- 
Gentlemen, who were glad to partake of the 
Bounty of Providence, at the same time that they 
sneer'd at us for depending upon it. 

4. We hurry'd away the Surveyors about 9 this 
Morning, who extended the Line 7 Miles and 160 

1728, Oct.] THE DIVIDING LINE 123 

Poles, notwithstanding the Ground was exceed- 
ingly uneaven. At the Distance of five Miles we 
forded a stream to which we gave the Name of 
Blewing creek, because of the great Number of 
those Fowls that then frequented it. 

About 2^ Miles beyond that, we came upon Sugar- 
Tree-Creek, so call'd from the many Trees of that 
kind that grow upon it. By tapping this Tree, in 
the first Warm weather in February, one may get 
from 20 to 40 Gallons of Liquor, very sweet to the 
tast and agreeable to the Stomach. This may be 
boil'd into molosses first, and afterwards into very 
good Sugar, allowing about 10 Gallons of the 
Liquor to make a Pound. There's no doubt, too, 
that a very fine Spirit may be distill'd from the 
molosses, at least as good as Bum. The Sugar 
Tree delights only in Rich Ground, where it grows 
very tall, and by the Softness and Spunginess of 
the Wood shou'd be a quick Grower. 

Near this Creek we discovered likewise Several 
Spice-Trees, the Leaves of which are fragrant, and 
the Berries they bear are black when dry, and of a 
hot tast, not much unlike Pepper. 

The low Grounds upon the creek are very wide, 
sometimes on one Side, Sometimes on the Other; 
tho' most commonly upon the Opposite Shore the 
high-land advances close to the Bank, only on the 
North- Side of the Line it spreads itself into a 
great Breadth of rich low Ground on both sides 
the Creek for four Miles together, as far as this 
Stream runs into Hico-River, whereof I shall pres- 
ently make mention. 


One of our Men Spy'd three Buffaloes, but his 
Piece being loaded only with Goose-shot, he was 
able to make no effectual Impression on their thick 
hides ; however, this Disappointment was made up 
by a Brace of Bucks, and as many Wild Turkeys, 
kill'd by the rest of the company. 

Thus Providence was very Bountiful to our 
Endeavours, never disappointing those that faith- 
fully rely upon it, and pray heartily for their Daily 

5. This day we met with such uneven Grounds, 
and thick Underwoods, that with all our Industry 
we were able to advance the Line but 4 Miles and 
312 Poles. In this small Distance it intersected 
a large stream four times, which our Indian at first 
mistook for the South Branch of Roanoke River; 
but, discovering his Error soon after, he assur'd us 
'twas a River called Hicootomony, 1 or Turkey- 
Buzzard River, from the great Number of those 
unsavoury Birds that roost on the tall Trees grow- 
ing near its banks. 

Early in the Afternoon, to our very great sur- 
prize, the Commissioners of Carolina acquainted 
us with their Resolution to return Home. This 
Declaration of theirs seem'd the more abrupt, be- 
cause they had not been so kind as to prepare us, 
by the least Hint, of their Intention to desert us. 

We therefore let them understand they Appear'd 
to us to abandon the Business they came about 
with too much Precipitation, this being but the 
15th day since we came out the last time. But, 

1 Shortened to Hico. 

1728, Oct.] THE DIVIDING LINE 125 

altho' we were to be so unhappy as to lose the 
Assistance of their great Abilities, yet we, who 
were concern'd for Virginia, determin'd by the 
Grace of God, not to do our Work by Halves, but, 
all deserted as we were like to be, shou'd think it 
our duty to push the Line quite to the Mountains ; 
and if their Government should refuse to be bound 
by so much of the Line as was run without their 
Commissioners, yet at least it would bind Virginia, 
and Stand as a Direction how far his Majesty's 
Lands extend to the Southward. 

In short, these Gentlemen were positive, and the 
most we could agree upon was to Subscribe plats 
of our work as far as we had Acted together; tho' 
at the same time we insisted these Plats should be 
got ready by Monday Noon at farthest, when we 
on the Part of Virginia intended, if we were alive, 
to move forward without farther loss of Time, the 
Season being then too far advanct to admit of any 
unnecessary or complaisant delays. 

6. We lay still this day, being Sunday, on the 
Bank of Hico River, and had only Prayers, our 
Chaplain not having Spirits enough to preach. 
The Gentlemen of Carolina assisted not at our 
Publick Devotions, because they were taken up 
all the Morning in making a formidable Protest 
against our Proceeding on the Line without them. 

When the Divine Service was over, the Sur- 
veyors sat about making the Plats of so much of 
the Line as we had run this last Campaign. Our 
pious Friends of Carolina assisted in this work 
with some Seeming Scruple, pretending it was a 


Violation of the Sabbath, which we were the more 
Surpriz'd at, because it happen'd to be the first 
Qualm of Conscience they had ever been troubled 
with dureing the whole journey. They had made 
no Bones of Staying from prayers to hammer out 
an unnecessary Protest, tho' Divine Service was 
no Sooner over, but an unusual Fit of Godliness 
made them fancy that finishing the Plats, which 
was now matter of necessity, was a prophanation 
of the Day. However, the Expediency of losing 
no tune, for us who thought it our duty to finish 
what we had undertaken, made such a Labour 

In the Afternoon, Mr. Fitz William, one of the 
Commissioners for Virginia, acquainted his Col- 
legues it was his Opinion, that by his Majesty's 
Order they could not proceed farther on the Line, 
but in Conjunction with the Commissioners of 
Carolina; for which reason he intended to retire, 
the Kext Morning, with those Gentlemen. 

This lookt a little odd in our Brother Commis- 
sioner; tho', in Justice to Him, as well as to our 
Carolina Friends, they stuck by us as long as our 
good Liquor lasted, and were so kind to us as to 
drink our good Journey to the Mountains in the 
last Bottle we had left. 

7. The Duplicates of the plats cou'd not be 
drawn fair this day before Koon, when they were 
countersign'd by the Commissioners of Each 
Government. Then those of Carolina deliver'd 
their Protest, which was by this time lickt into 
form, and sign'd by them all. And we have been 

1728, Oct.] THE DIVIDING LINE 127 

so just to them as to set it down at full length in 
the Appendix, that their Reasons for leaving us 
may appear in their full Strength. 

After having thus adjusted all our Affairs with 
the Carolina Commissioners, and kindly supply'd 
them with Bread to carry them back, which they 
hardly deserv'd at our hands, we took leave both 
of them and our colleague, Mr. Fitzwilliam. 

This Gentleman had stil a Stronger Reason for 
hurrying him back to Williamsburg, which was, 
that neither the General Court might lose an able 
Judge, nor himself a double Salary, not despairing 
in the least but he shou'd have the whole pay of 
Commissioner into the Bargain, tho' he did not 
half the Work. This, to be sure, was relying more 
on the Interest of his Friends than on the Justice 
of his cause; in which, however, he had the mis- 
fortune to miscarry, when it came to be fairly 

It was two a clock in the Afternoon before these 
arduous Affairs could be despatcht, and then, all 
forsaken as we were, we held on our course to- 
wards the West. But it was our misfortune to 
meet with so many Thickets in this Afternoon's 
Work, that we cou'd advance no further than 2 
Miles and 260 Poles. 

In this small Distance we crosst the Hico the 
fifth time, and Quarter'd near Buffalo-Creek, so 
nam'd from the frequent Tokens we discover'd of 
that American Behemoth. 

Here the Bushes were so intolerably thick, that 
we were oblig'd to cover the Bread Baggs with 


our Deer Skins, otherwise the Joke of one of the 
Indians must have happen'd to us in good Earnest, 
that in a few days We must cut up our House to 
make Bag's for the Bread, and so be forct to ex- 
pose our Backs in compliment to our Bellys. 

We computed we had then Bisquet enough left 
to last us, with good Management, Seven Weeks 
longer; And this being our chief Dependence, it 
imported us to be very careful both in the Carriage 
and the Distribution of it. 

We had no other Drink but what Adam drank 
in Paradise, tho' to our comfort we found the 
Water excellent, by the Help of which we per- 
ceiv'd our Appetites to mend, our Slumbers to 
Sweeten, the Stream of Life to run cool and peace- 
ably in our Veins, and if ever we dreamt of Wo- 
men, they were kind. 

Our men kill'd a very fat Buck and Several 
Turkeys. These two kinds of Meat boil'd together, 
with the addition of a little Rice or French Barley, 
made excellent Soupe, and, what happens rarely in 
Other good things, it never cloy'd, no more than 
an Engaging Wife wou'd do, by being a Constant 

Our Indian was very Superstitious in this Mat- 
ter, and told us, with a face full of concern, that if 
we continued to boil Venison and Turkey together, 
we Shou'd for the future kill nothing, because the 
Spirit that presided over the Woods would drive 
all the Game out of our Sight. But we had the 
Happiness to find this an Idle Superstition, and 
tho 5 his Argument could not convince us, yet our 

1728, Oct.] THE DIVIDING LINE 129 

repeated Experience at last, with much ado, con- 
vinc'd Him. 

We observ'd abundance of Colt's foot and 
Maiden-hair in many Places, and nowhere a larger 
Quantity than here. They are both Excellent Pec- 
toral Plants, and seem to have greater Vertues 
much in this part of the World than in more North- 
ern climates; and I believe it may pass for a Rule 
in Botanicks, that where any Vegetable is planted 
by the hand of Nature, it has more Vertue than in 
Places whereto it is transplanted by the Curiosity 
of Man. 

8. Notwithstanding we hurry 'd away the Sur- 
veyors very early, yet the Underwoods embarrass'd 
them so much that they cou'd with Difficulty ad- 
vance the Line 4 Miles and 20 Poles. 

Our Cloaths Suffer'd extreamely by the Bushes, 
and it was really as much as both our hands could 
do to preserve our Eyes in our Heads. Our poor 
Horses, too, could hardly drag their Loads thro' 
the Saplings, which stood so close together that it 
was necessary for them to draw and carry at the 
same time. 

We quarter'd near a Spring of very fine Water, 
Soft as oyl and as cold as Ice, to make us amends 
for the want of Wine. And our Indian knockt 
down a very fat Doe, just time enough to hinder 
us from going Supperless to Bed. 

The heavy Baggage cou'd not come up with us, 
because of the Excessive badness of the Ways. 
This gave us no Small uneasiness, but it went 
worse with the poor men that guarded it. They 


had nothing in the World with them but dry Bread, 
nor durst they eat any of that, for fear of inflaming 
their Thirst, in a Place where they could find no 
Water to quench it. 

This was, however, the better to be endured, 
because it was the first Fast any one had kept 
dureing the whole Journey, and then, Thanks to 
the gracious Guardian of the Woods! there was 
no more than a Single Meal lost to a few of the 

We were entertain'd this Night with the Yell 
of a whole Family of Wolves, in which we cou'd 
distinguish the Treble, Tenor and Bass, very 
clearly. These Beasts of Prey kept pretty much 
upon our Track, being tempted by the Garbage of 
the Creatures we kill'd every day; for which we 
were Serenaded with their Shrill Pipes almost 
every Night. This Beast is not so untamable as 
the Panther, but the Indians know how to gentle 
their Whelps, and use them about their cabans 
instead of Dogs. 

9. The Thickets were hereabouts so impenetra- 
ble, that we were obliged, at first setting off this 
Morning, to order four Pioneers to clear the way 
before the Surveyors. But after about 2 Miles of 
these rough- woods, we had the Pleasure to meet 
with Open Grounds and not very uneven, by the 
help of which we were enabled to push the Line 
about 6 Miles. 

The Baggage that lay Short of our camp last 
Night came up about Noon, and the Men made 
heavy Complaints, that they had been half Starv'd, 

1728, Oct.] THE DIVIDING LINE 131 

like Tantalus, in the midst of plenty, for the Rea- 
son above mention'd. 

The Soil we past over this Day was generally 
very good, being cloath'd with large Trees, of 
Poplar, Hiccory, and Oak. But another certain 
Token of its Fertility was, that wild Angelica 
grew plentifully upon it. 

The Root of this Plant being very warm and 
Aromatick, is coveted by Woodsmen extremely as 
a dry Dram, that is, when Rum, that cordial for all 
Distresses, is wanting. 

Several Deer came into our View as we marcht 
along, but none into the Pot, which made it neces- 
sary for us to sup on the Fragments we had been 
so provident as to carry along with us. This being 
but a temperate Repast, made some of our hungry 
Fellows call the Place we lodg'd at that Night, 
Bread and Water Camp. 

A great Flock of Cranes flew over our Quarters, 
that were exceeding Clamorous in their Flight. 
They seem to steer their Course towards the South 
(being Birds of Passage) in Quest of Warmer 
Weather. They only took this Country in their 
way, being as rarely met with, in this part of the 
World, as a Highwayman or a Beggar. 

These Birds travel generally in Flocks, and 
when they roost they place Sentinels upon some of 
the highest Trees, which constantly stand upon 
one leg to keep themselves waking. 1 

1 Nor are these Birds the only whenever they go upon any 

Animals that appoint Scouts to mischievous Expedition, such 

keep the main Body from being as robbing an Orchard, they 

surpriz'd. For the Baboons, place centinels to look out 


Our Indian kill'd nothing all day but a Mountain 
Patridge, which a little resembled the common 
Partridge in the Plumage, but was near as large 
as a Dunghill Hen. These are very frequent to- 
wards the Mountains, tho' we had the fortune to 
meet with very few. They are apt to be Shy, and 
consequently the Noise of so great a Number of 
People might easily Scare them away from our 

We found what we conceiv'd to be Good Lime- 
stone in several Places, and a great Quantity of 
Blue Slate. 

10. The day began very fortunately by killing a 
Fat Doe, and Two Brace of wild Turkeys ; so the 
Plenty of the Morning made amends for the Short 
Commons over Night. One of the new men we 
brought out with us the last time was unfortu- 
nately heard to wish himself at Home, and for that 
Shew of Impatience was publickly reprimanded at 
the Head of the men, who were all drawn up to 
witness his Disgrace. 

He was askt how he came so soon to be tired of 
the Company of so many brave Fellows, and whe- 

towards every Point of the cured in a few Minutes out of 

Compass, and give notice of Harm' sway. In the mean time, 

any danger. Then ranking if any of the Scouts should be 

themselves in one File, that careless at their Posts & Suffer 

reaches from the mountains any Surprize, they are torn to 

where they harbour, to the pieces without Mercy. In case 

Orchard they intend to rob, of danger these centinels Set up 

some of them toss the Fruits a fearful cry, upon which the 

from the Trees to those that rest take the alarm, and Scour 

stand nearest, these throw them away to the Mountains as fast 

to the next, and so from one to as they can. (Original note.) 
tother, til the fruit is all se- 

1728, Oct.] THE DIVIDING LINE 133 

ther it was the Danger or Fatigue of the Journey 
that dishearten'd Him? This publick Keproof 
from thenceforward put an effectual Stop to all 
complaints, and not a man amongst us after that 
pretended so much as to wish himself in Paradise. 

A Small Distance from our Camp we crosst a 
pleasant Stream of Water c&ll'd Cocquade Creek, 
and something more than a Mile from thence our 
Line intersected the South Branch of Roanoak 
River the first time, which we call'd the Dan. It 
was about 200 Yards wide where we forded it, and 
when we came over to the West Side, we found 
the Banks lin'd with a Forest of Tall canes, that 
grew more than a furlong in depth. So that it 
cost us abundance of time and Labour to cut a 
Passage thro' them wide enough for our Baggage. 

In the mean time we had leizure to take a full 
view of this qljarming River. The Stream, which 
was perfectly clear, ran down about two Knots, or 
two Miles, an- Hour, when the water was at the 
lowest. The Bottom was cover'd with a coarse 
Gravel, Spangled very thick with a Shining Sub- 
stance, that almost dazzled the eye, and the Sand 
upon either Shore Sparkled with the same Splendid 

At first Sight, the Sun-Beams giving a Yellow 
cast to these Spangles made us fancy them to be 
Gold-Dust, and consequently that all our Fortunes 
were made. Such Hopes as these were the less 
extravagant, because several Rivers lying much 
about the Same Latitude with this have formerly 
abounded with Fragments of that tempting Metal. 


Witness the Tagus in Portugal, the Heber in 
Thrace, and the Pactolus in Lesser Asia; Not to 
mention the Rivers on the Gold Coast in Africa, 
which ly in a more Southern Climate. 

But we soon found our Selves mistaken, and our 
Gold Dust dwindled into small Flakes of ising- 
glass. However, tho' this did not make the River 
so rich as we cou'd wish, yet it made it exceed- 
ingly Beautiful. 

We marcht about two Miles and a half beyond 
this River, as far as Cane Creek, so call'd from a 
Prodigious Quantity of tall canes that fring'd the 
Banks of it. 

On the West side of this Creek we markt out 
our Quarters, and were glad to find our Horses 
fond of the canes, tho' they Scowred them smartly 
at first, and discolor' d their Dung. This beautiful 
Vegetable grows commonly from 12 to 16 feet 
High, and some of them as thick as a Man's wrist. 

Tho' these appear'd large to us, yet they are no 
more than Spires of Grass, if compar'd to those 
which some curipus Travellers tell us grow in the 
East Indies, one Joint of which will make a Brace 
of Canoes, if saw'd in two in the Middle. Ours 
continue green thro' all the Seasons during the 
Space of Six Years, and the Seventh shed their 
Seed, wither away and Die. The Spring following 
they begin to Shoot again, and reach their former 
Stature the Second or third Year after. 

They grow so thick, and their Roots lace to- 
gether so firmly, that they are the best Guard that 
can be of the River-Bank, which wou'd otherwise 

1728, Oct.] THE DIVIDING LINE 135 

be washt away by the frequent Inundations that 
happen in this part of the World. 

They would also serve excellently well to plant 
on the Borders of Fish-Ponds and Canals, to secure 
their sides from falling in ; tho' I fear they would 
not grow kindly in a cold Country, being seldom 
seen here so Northerly as 38 Degrees of Latitude. 

11. At the Distance of 4 Miles and 60 Poles 
from the Place where we encampt, we came upon 
the River Dan a Second time; tho' It was not so 
wide in this Place as where we crosst it first, 
being not above a 150 yards over. 

The West Shore continued to be cover'd with 
the Canes above mention'd, but not to so great a 
Breadth as before, and 'tis Remarkable that these 
canes are much more frequent on the West Side of 
the River than on the East, where they grow gen- 
erally very scattering. 

It was Still a beautiful Stream, rolling down its 
limpid and murmuring waters among the Rocks, 
which lay scatter'd here and there, to make up the 
variety of the Prospect. 

It was about two Miles from this River to the 
End of our Day's Work, which led us mostly over 
Broken Grounds and troublesome Underwoods. 
Hereabout, from one of the Highest hills, we made 
the first Discovery of the Mountains, on the North- 
west of our course. They seem'd to lye off at a 
vast Distance, and lookt like Ranges of Blue 
clouds rising one above another. 

We encampt about two Miles beyond the River, 
where we made good chear upon a very fat Buck, 


that luckily fell in our way. The Indian likewise 
Shot a Wild Turkey, but confest he wou'd not 
bring it us, lest we shou'd continue to provoke the 
Guardian of the Forrest, by cooking the Beasts of 
the Field and the Birds of the Air together in one 

This Instance of Indian Superstition, I confess, 
is countenanced in some measure by the Levitical 
Law, which forbad the mixing of things of a Dif- 
ferent Nature together in the Same field, or in the 
Same Garment, and why not then in the same 

But, after all, if the Jumbleing of two Sorts of 
Flesh together be a Sin, how intolerable an Of- 
fence must it be to make a Spanish Ole, that is, a 
Hotchpotch of every kind of thing that is eatable? 
And the good People of England wou'd have a 
great deal to answer for, for beating up so many 
different Ingredients into a Pudding. 

12. We were so cruelly intangled with Bushes 
and Grape- Vines all day, that we could advance 
the Line no farther than 5 Miles and 28 Poles. 

The Vines grow very thick in these Woods, 
twineing lovingly round the Trees almost every 
where, especially to the Saplings. This makes it 
evident how Natural both the Soil and Climate of 
this Country are to Vines, tho' I believe most to 
our own Vines. 

The Grapes we commonly met with were black, 
tho' there be two or three kinds of White Grapes 
that grow wild. The Black are very Sweet, but 
Small, because the Strength of the Vine spends 

1728, Oct.] THE DIVIDING LINE 137 

itself in Wood; tho' without Question a proper 
Culture would make the same Grapes both larger 
and Sweeter. But, with all these Disadvantages, 
I have Drunk tolerably good Wine prest from them, 
tho' made without Skill. There is then good Reason 
to believe it might Admit of great Improvement, if 
rightly managed. 

Our Indian kill'd a Bear, of two years old, that 
was feasting on these Grapes. He was very fat, 
as they generally are in that season of the year. 
In the fall, the Flesh of this Animal has a high 
Relish, different from that of other Creatures, tho' 
inclining nearest to that of Pork, or rather of Wild 

A true Woodsman prefers this Sort of meat to 
that of the fattest Venison, not only for the Haul- 
gout but also because the Fat of it is well tasted, 
and never rises in the stomach. Another proof of 
the goodness of this meat is, that it is less apt to 
corrupt than any other we are acquainted with. 
As agreeable as such rich Diet was to the men, yet 
we who were not accustom'd to it, tasted it at first 
with some sort of Squeamishness, that Animal be- 
ing of the Dog-kind ; tho' a little Use soon recon- 
cil'd us to this American Venison. And that its 
being of the Dog kind might give us the less dis- 
gust, we had the Example of that Ancient and polite 
People, the Chinese, who reckon Dog's Flesh too 
good for any under the Quality of a mandarin. 

This Beast is in truth a very clean Feeder, living, 
while the Season lasts, upon Acorns, Chesnuts 
and Chinkapins, Wild-Hony and Wild-Grapes. 


They are naturally not carniverous, unless Hunger 
constrains them to it, after the Mast is all gone, 
and the Products of the Woods quite exhausted. 

They are not provident enough to lay up any 
Hoard, like the Squirrels, nor can they, after all, 
live very long upon licking their Paws, as Sr John 
Mandevil and some Travellers tell us, but are forct 
in the Winter Months to quit the Mountains, and 
visit the Inhabitants. 

Their Errand is then to Surprise a poor Hog at 
a Pinch to keep them from Starving. And to shew 
that they are not Flesh-Eaters by Trade, they de- 
vour their Prey very awkwardly. 

They don't kill it right out, and feast upon its 
Blood and Entrails, like other ravenous Beasts, 
but having, after a fair pursuit, seiz'd it with their 
Paws, they begin first upon the Rump, and so de- 
vour one collop after another, till they come to the 
Vitals, the poor Animal crying all the while, for 
several Minutes together. However, in so doing, 
Bruin acts a little imprudently, because the dismal 
outcry of the Hog alarms the Neighbourhood, and 
'tis odds but he pays the forfeit with his Life, be- 
fore he can Secure his Retreat. 

But Bears soon grow weary of this unnatural 
Diet, and about January, when there is nothing to 
be got in the Woods, they retire into some cave or 
hollow Tree, where they Sleep away two or three 
Months very comfortably. But then they quit their 
Holes in March, when the Fish begin to run up the 
Rivers, on which they are forct to keep Lent, till 
some Fruit or Berry comes in Season. 

1728, Oct.] THE DIVIDING LINE 139 

But Bears are fondest of chesnuts, which grow 
plentifully towards the Mountains, upon very large 
Trees, where the Soil happens to be rich. We 
were curious to know how it happen'd that many 
of the outward Branches of those Trees came to 
be brok off in that Solitary Place, and were in- 
form'd that the Bears are so discreet as not to 
trust their unwieldy Bodies on the Smaller Limbs 
of the Tree, that would not bear their weight; but 
after venturing as far as is safe, which they can 
judge to an Inch, they bite off the End of the 
Branch, which falling down, they are content to 
finish their Repast upon the Ground. In the same 
Cautious Manner they secure the Acorns that 
grow on the weaker Limbs of the Oak. And 
it must be allow'd that, in these Instances, a 
Bear carries Instinct a great way, and Acts more 
reasonably than many of his Betters, who indis- 
creetly Venture upon frail Projects that wont bear 

13. This being Sunday, we rested from our Fa- 
tigue, and had leisure to reflect on the signal 
Mercies of Providence. 

The great Plenty of Meat wherewith Bearskin 
furnisht us in these lonely Woods made us once 
more Shorten the men's allowance of Bread, from 
5 to 4 Pounds of bisket a week. This was the 
more necessary, because we knew not yet how long 
our Business might require us to be out. 

In the Afternoon our Hunters went forth, and 
return'd triumphantly with three brace of wild 
Turkeys. They told us they cou'd see the Moun- 


tains distinctly from every Eminence, tho' the At- 
mosphere was so thick with Smoak that they 
appear'd at a greater Distance than they really 

In the Evening we examin'd our Friend Bear- 
skin, concerning the Religion of his Country, and 
he explain'd it to us, without any of that Reserve 
to which his Nation is Subject. 

He told us he believ'd there was one Supreme 
God, who had Several Subaltern Deities under 
Him. And that this Master- God made the World 
a long time ago. That he told the Sun, the Moon, 
and Stars, their Business in the Beginning, which 
they, with good looking after, have faithfully per- 
form'd ever Since. 

That the same Power that made all things at 
first has taken care to keep them in the same 
Method and Motion ever since. 

He believ'd God had form'd many Worlds be- 
fore he form'd this, but that those Worlds either 
grew old and ruinous, or were destroyed for the 
Dishonesty of the Inhabitants. 

That God is very just and very good ever 
well pleas'd with those men who possess those 
God-like Qualities. That he takes good People 
into his safe Protection, makes them very rich, fills 
their Bellies plentifully, preserves them from sick- 
ness, and from being surpriz'd or Overcome by 
their Enemies. 

But all such as tell Lies, and Cheat those they 
have Dealings with, he never fails to punish with 
Sickness, Poverty and Hunger, and, after all that, 

1728, Oct.] THE DIVIDING LINE 141 

Suffers them to be knockt on the Head and scalpt 
by those that fight against them. 

He believ'd that after Death both good and bad 
People are conducted by a strong Guard into a 
great Road, in which departed Souls travel to- 
gether for some tune, till at a certain Distance this 
Koad forks into two Paths, the one extremely 
Levil, and the other Stony and Mountainous. 

Here the good are parted from the Bad by a 
flash of Lightening, the first being hurry'd away 
to the Right, the other to the Left. The Right 
hand Road leads to a charming warm Country, 
where the Spring is everlasting, and every Month 
is May; and as the year is always in its Youth, so 
are the People., and particularly the Women are 
bright as Stars, and never Scold. 

That in this happy Climate there are Deer, Tur- 
keys, Elks, and Buffaloes innumerable, perpetually 
fat and gentle, while the Trees are loaded with 
delicious Fruit quite throughout the four Seasons. 

That the Soil brings forth Corn Spontaneously, 
without the Curse of Labour, and so very whole- 
some, that None who have the happiness to eat of 
it are ever Sick, grow old, or dy. 

Near the Entrance into this Blessed Land Sits 
a Venerable Old Man on a Mat richly woven, who 
examins Strictly all that are brought before Him, 
and if they have behav'd well, the Guards are 
order'd to open the Crystal Gate, and let them 
enter into the Land of Delights. 

The left Hand Path is very rugged and uneaven, 
leading to a dark and barren Country, where it is 


always Winter. The Ground is the whole year 
round cover'd with Snow, and nothing is to be seen 
upon the Trees but Icicles. 

All the People are hungry, yet have not a Mor- 
sel of any thing to eat, except a bitter kind of 
Potato, that gives them the Dry-Gripes, and fills 
their whole Body with loathsome Ulcers, that 
Stink, and are insupportably painfull. 

Here all the Women are old and ugly, having 
Claws like a Panther, with which they fly upon the 
Men that Slight their Passion. For it seems these 
haggard old Furies are intolerably fond, and ex- 
pect a vast deal of Cherishing. They talk much 
and exceedingly Shrill, giving exquisite Pain to 
the Drum of the Ear, which in that Place of the 
Torment is so tender, that every Sharp Note 
wounds it to the Quick. 

At the End of this Path sits a dreadful old 
Woman on a monstrous Toad-Stool, whose head is 
cover'd with Rattle-Snakes instead of Tresses, 
with glaring white Eyes, that strike a Terror un- 
speakable into all that behold her. 

This Hag pronounces Sentence of Woe upon 
all the miserable Wretches that hold up their 
hands at her Tribunal. After this they are de- 
liver'd over to huge Turkey-Buzzards, like harpys, 
that fly away with them to the Place above men- 

Here, after they have been tormented a certain 
Number of years, according to their several De- 
grees of Guilt, they are again driven back into 
this World, to try if they will mend their Manners, 

1728, Oct.] THE DIVIDING LINE 143 

and merit a place the next time in the Regions of 

This was the Substance of Bearskin's Religion, 
and was as much to the purpose as cou'd be ex- 
pected from a meer State of Nature, without one 
Glimpse of Revelation or Philosophy. 

It contain'd, however, the three Great Articles 
of Natural Religion: The Belief of a God; The 
Moral Distinction betwixt Good and Evil ; and the 
Expectation of Rewards and Punishments in An- 
other World. 

Indeed, the Indian Notion of a Future Happi- 
ness is a little Gross and Sensual, like Mahomet's 
Paradise. But how can it be otherwise, in a Peo- 
ple that are contented with Nature as they find 
Her, and have no other Lights but what they re- 
ceive from purblind Tradition? 

14. There having been great Signs of Rain yes- 
terday Evening, we had taken our Precautions in 
Securing the Bread, and trenching in our Tent. 

The men had also Stretcht their Blankets upon 
Poles, Penthouse fashion, against the Weather, so 
that nobody was taken unprepar'd. 

It began to fall heavily about three a'clock in 
the Morning, and held not up till near Noon. 
Everything was so thoroughly Soakt, that we laid 
aside all thoughts of decamping that Day. 

This gave leizure to the most expert of our Gun- 
ners to go and try their Fortunes, and they suc- 
ceeded so well, that they return'd about Noon with 
three fat Deer, and 4 wild Turkeys. Thus Provi- 
dence took care of us, and however short the Men 


might be in their Bread, 'tis certain they had Meat 
at full Allowance. 

The Cookery went on Merrily all Night long, 
to keep the Damps from entering our Pores; and 
in truth the Impressions of the Air are much more 
powerfull upon empty Stomachs. 

In such a Glut of Provisions, a true Woodsman, 
when he has nothing else to do, like our honest 
countrymen the Indians, keeps eating on, to avoid 
the imputation of Idleness ; Though, in a Scarcity, 
the Indian will fast with a much better Grace than 
they. They can Subsist Several days upon a little 
Rockahominy, which is parcht Indian Corn reduc'd 
to powder. This they moisten in the hollow of 
their Hands with a little water, and 'tis hardly cred- 
ible how small a Quantity of it will Support them. 
Tis true they grow a little lank upon it, but to make 
themselves feel full, they gird up their Loins very 
tight with a Belt, taking up a Hole every day. 
With this Slender Subsistence they are able to 
travel very long Journeys; but then, to make 
themselves Amends, when they do meet with bet- 
ter Chear, they eat without ceasing, till they have 
raven'd themselves into another Famine. 

This was the first time we had ever been de- 
tain'd a whole day in our camp by the Rain, and 
therefore had Reason to bear it with the more 

As I sat in the Tent I overheard a learn'd con- 
versation between one of our men and the Indian. 
He ask't the Englishman what it was that made 
that rumbling noise when it thunder'd? 

1728, Oct.] THE DIVIDING LINE 145 

The man told him merrily, that the God of the 
English was firing his great Guns upon the God 
of the Indians, which made all the roaring in the 
clouds, and that the Lightening was only the Flash 
of those Guns. 

The Indian carrying on the Humour reply'd very 
gravely, He believed that might be the case in- 
deed, and that the Rain which follow'd upon the 
Thunder must be occasion'd by the Indian God's 
being so scar'd he could not hold his Water. 

The few good Husbands amongst us took some 
thought of their Backs as well as their Bellies, and 
made use of this Opportunity to put their Habili- 
ments in repair, which had Suffer' d wofully by the 

The Horses got some rest by reason of the bad 
weather, but very little Food, the chief of their For- 
age being a little wild Rosemary, which resembles 
the Garden Rosemary pretty much in Figure, but not 
at all in taste or smell. This Plant grows in small 
Tufts here and there on the Barren Land in these 
upper Parts, and the Horses liked it well, but the 
misfortune was, they cou'd not get enough of it 
to fill their Bellies. 

15. After the Clouds brake away in the Morning, 
the People dryed their Blankets with all diligence. 
Nevertheless, it was Noon before we were in con- 
dition to move forward, and then were so puzzled 
with passing the river twice in a Small Distance, 
that we could advance the Line in all no farther 
than One Single Mile and 300 Poles. 

The first time we past the Dan this day was 240 


Poles from the Place where we lay, and the Second 
time was one Mile and Seven Poles beyond that. 
This was now the fourth tune we forded that fine 
River, which still tended westerly, with many Short 
and returning Reaches. 

The Surveyors had much Difficulty in getting 
over the River, finding it deeper than formerly. 
The Breadth of it here did not exceed fifty Yards. 
The Banks were about 20 feet high from the Wa- 
ter, and beautifully beset with canes. 

Our Baggage Horses crost not the River here 
at all, but, fetching a compass, went round the 
Bent of it. On our Way we forded Sable-Creek, 
so call'd from the Dark Colour of the Water, which 
happen'd, I suppose, by its being Shaded on both 
Sides with canes. 

In the Evening we quartered in a Charming 
Situation near the angle of the River, from whence 
our Eyes were carried down both Reaches, which 
kept a Straight Course for a great way together. 

This Prospect was so beautiful, that we were 
perpetually climbing up to a Neighbouring emi- 
nence, that we might enjoy it in more Perfection. 

Now the Weather grew cool, the Wild Geese 
began to direct their Flight this way from Hud- 
son's Bay, and the Lakes that lay North-west 
of us. 

They are very lean at their first coming, but fat- 
ten soon upon a Sort of Grass that grows on the 
Shores and Rocks of this River. 

The Indians call this Fowl Cohunks, from the 
hoarse Note it has, and begin the year from the 

1728, Oct.] THE DIVIDING LINE 147 

Coming of the Cohunks, which happens in the Be- 
ginning of October. 

These Wild Geese are guarded from cold by a 
Down, that is exquisitely soft and fine, which 
makes them much more valuable for their Fea- 
thers than for their Flesh, which is dark and 

The Men chast a Bear into the Kiver that got 
safe over, notwithstanding the continual fire from 
the Shore upon Him. He Seem'd to Swim but 
heavily, considering it was for his Life. 

Where the Water is Shallow, 'tis no Uncommon 
thing to see a Bear sitting, in the Summer time, 
on a heap of Gravel in the Middle of the River, 
not only to cool himself, but likewise for the Ad- 
vantage of Fishing, particularly for a small Shell- 
fish, that is brought down with the Stream. 

In the upper part of James River I have ob- 
served this Several times, and wonder'd very 
much, at first, how so many heaps of small Stones 
came to be piled up in the Water, till at last we 
spy'd a Bear Sitting upon one of them, looking 
with great attention on the Stream, and rakeing up 
Something with his Paw, which I take to be the 
Shell-fish above mention'd. 

16. It was Ten a'clock this Morning before the 
Horses cou'd be found, having hidden themselves 
among the canes, whereof there was great plenty 
just at hand. Not far from our camp we went over 
a Brook, whose Banks were edg'd on both Sides 
with these canes. But three Miles further we 
forded a larger Stream, which we call'd Low Land 


Creek, by reason of the great Breadth of Low 
Grounds inclos'd between that and the River. 

The high Land we travell'd over was very good, 
and the low Grounds promis'd the greatest Fertil- 
ity of any I had ever seen. 

At the End of 4 Miles and 311 Poles from where 
we lay, the Line intersected the Dan the fifth time. 
We had day enough to carry it farther, but the 
Surveyors cou'd find no Safe ford over the River. 

This obliged us to ride two Miles up the River 
in quest of a Ford, and by the way we traverst 
Several Small Indian Fields, where we conjec- 
tur'd the SAWRO'S had been used to plant Corn, 
the Town where they had liv'd lying Seven or 
Eight Miles more Southerly, upon the Eastern 
Side of the River. 

These Indian Fields produced a Sweet kind of 
Grass, Almost knee-high, which was excellent 
Forage for the Horses. 

It must be observ'd, by the way, that Indian 
Towns, like Religious Houses, are remarkabler 
for a fruitful Situation; for being by Nature not 
very Industrious, they choose such a Situation as 
will Subsist them with the least Labour. 

The Trees grew Surprisingly large in this low- 
Ground, and amongst the rest we observ'd a tall 
kind of hiccory, peculiar to the Upper Parts of the 
Country. It is cover'd with a very rough Bark, 
and produces a Nut with a thick Shell that is 
easily broken. The Kernel is not so rank as that 
of the Common Hiccory, but altogether as oily. 

And now I am upon the Subject of these Nuts, 

1728, Oct.] THE DIVIDING LINE 149 

it may not be improper to remark, that a very 
great benefit might be made of Nut-Oyl in this 
Colony. The Walnuts, the Hiccory-Nuts, and 
Pig-nuts, contain a vast deal of Oyl, that might 
be press'd out in great abundance with proper 

The Trees grow very kindly, and may be easily 
propagated. They bear plenty of Nuts every 
year, that are now of no other use in the World 
but to feed Hogs. 'Tis certain there is a large 
Consumption of this Oyl in Several of our Manu- 
factures, and in some parts of France, as well as 
in other Countries, it is eaten instead of Oyl-Olive, 
being tolerably Sweet and wholesome. 

The Indian kill'd a fat Buck, and the men 
brought in four Bears and a Brace of wild Tur- 
keys, so that this was truly a Land of Plenty, both 
for man and Beast. 

17. We detacht a Party this morning early in 
Search of a Ford, who after all cou'd find None 
that was safe; tho' dangerous as it was, we de- 
termin'd to make use of it, to avoid all further de- 
lay. Accordingly we rode over a Narrow Ledge 
of Rocks, Some of which lay below the Surface 
of the Water, and some above it. 

Those that lay under the Water were as Slip- 
pery as Ice; and the Current glided over them so 
swiftly, that tho' it was only Water, it made us 
perfectly drunk. Yet we were all so fortunate as 
to get safe over to the West Shore, with no other 
Damage than the Sopping some of our Bread by 
the flounceing of the Horses. 


The tedious time Spent in finding out this Ford, 
and in getting all the Horses over it, prevented our 
carrying the Line more than 2 Miles and 250 Poles. 

This was the last time we crost the Dan with our 
Line, which now began to run away more South- 
erly, with a very flush and plentiful Stream, the 
Description whereof must be left to future Dis- 
coveries, tho' we are well assured by the Indians 
that it runs thro' the Mountains. 

We conducted the Baggage a round about way 
for the Benefit of evener Grounds, and this carry' d 
us over a broad Levil of exceeding rich Land, full 
of large Trees, with Vines marry'd to them, if I 
may be allow'd to speak so Poetically. 

We untreed a young Cub in our March, that 
made a brave Stand against one of the best of our 
Dogs. This and a Fawn were all the Game that 
came in our way. 

In this day's Journey, as in many others before, 
we saw beautiful Marble of Several Colours, and 
particularly that of the Purple kind with white 
Streaks, and in some places we came across large 
pieces of pure Alabaster. 

We markt out our Quarters on the Banks of a 
purling Stream, which we call'd Casquade Creek, 
by reason of the Multitude of Water-Falls that 
are in it. But, different from all other Falls that 
ever I met with, the Rocks over which the water 
roll'd were Soft, and would Split easily into broad 
Flakes, very proper for Pavement; and some Frag- 
ments of it seem'd soft enough for Hones, and the 
Grain fine enough. 

1728, Oct.] THE DIVIDING LINE 151 

Near our Camp we found a prickly Shrub, rise- 
ing about a foot from the Ground, something like 
that which bears the Barberry, tho' much Smaller. 
The Leaves had a fresh, agreeable Smell, and I 
am perswaded the Ladies would be apt to fancy 
a Tea made of them, provided they were told how 
far it came, and at the Same time were obliged to 
buy it very dear. 

About a Mile to the South- West of our Camp 
rose a regular Mount, that commanded a full Pros- 
pect of the Mountains, and an Extensive Yiew of 
the Flat Country. But being, with respect to the 
high Mountains, no more than a Pimple, we call'd 
it by that Name. 

Presently after Sunset we discovered a great 
Light towards the West, too bright for a fire, and 
more resembling the Aurora Borealis. This, all 
our Woodsmen told us, was a Common Appear- 
ance in the High Lands, and generally foreboded 
bad Weather. Their Explanation happen'd to be 
exactly true, for in the Night we had a Violent 
Gale of Wind, accompany'd with Smart Hail, that 
rattled frightfully amongst the Trees, tho' it was 
not large enough to do us any Harm. 

[18] . We crost Casquade Creek over a Ledge of 
Smooth Rocks, and then Scuffled thro' a mighty 
Thicket, at least three Miles long. The whole 
was one continued Tract of rich high Land, the 
woods whereof had been burnt not long before. 
It was then overgrown with Saplings of Oak, 
Hiccory and Locust, interlac'd with Grape Vines. 
In this fine Land, however, we met with no Water, 


till at the End of three Miles we luckily came upon 
a Chrystal Stream, which, like some Lovers of 
Conversation, discover'd every thing committed to 
its faithless Bosom. 

Then we came upon a piece of Rich Low 
Ground, covered with large Trees, of the extent 
of half a Mile, which made us fancy ourselves not 
far from the River; tho' after that we ascended 
gently to higher Land, with no other Trees grow- 
ing upon it except Butter-wood, which is one 
Species of White Maple. 

This being a dead Levil, without the least De- 
clivity to carry off the Water, was moist in many 
Places, and produc'd abundance of Grass. All 
our Woodsmen call these flat Grounds High-Land- 
Ponds, and in their Trading Journeys are glad to 
halt at such Places for Several days together, to 
recruit their Jaded Horses, especially in the Win- 
ter Months, when there is little or no Grass to be 
found in other Places. 

This High-Land-Pond extended above two 
Miles, our Palfrey's Snatching greedily at the 
Tufts of Grass, as they went along. After we 
got over this Level, we descended some Stony 
Hills for about half a Mile, and then came upon a 
large Branch of the River, which we christen' d the 
Irvin, in honour of our learned Professor. This 
River we forded with much Difficulty and some 
Danger, by reason of the Hollow- Spaces betwixt 
the Rocks, into which our Horses plunged almost 
every Step. 

The Irvin runs into the Dan about four Miles to 

1728, Oct.] THE DIVIDING LINE 153 

the Southward of the Line, and seem'd to roll down 
its Waters from the N. N. W. in a very full and 
Limpid stream, and the Murmur it made, in 
tumbling over the Rocks, caus'd the Situation to 
appear very Romantick, and had almost made 
some of the Company Poetical, tho' they drank 
nothing but Water. 

We encampt on a pleasant Hill, overlooking the 
River, which seem'd to be deep every where ex- 
cept just where we forded. In the mean time, 
neither the Chain of Rocks, nor any other that we 
cou'd observe in this Stream, was so uninterrupted, 
but that there were Several Breaks where a Canoe, 
or even a Moderate Flat-bottom'd Boat, might 
Shear clear. >Tor have we reason to believe there 
are any other Falls (except the great ones, thirty 
Miles below Moniseep-Ford) that reach quite 
across, so as to interrupt the Navigation for Small 
Craft. And I have been informed that, even at 
those Great Falls, the Blowing up a few Rocks 
wou'd open a Passage at least for canoes, which 
certainly wou'd be an unspeakable Convenience 
to the Inhabitants of all that beautiful Part of the 

The Indian kill'd a very fat Doe, and came 
across a Bear, which had been put to Death and 
was half devour'd by a Panther. The last of these 
Brutes reigns absolute Monarch of the Woods, 
and in the keenness of his hunger will venture to 
attack a Bear; tho' then 'tis ever by surprize, as all 
Beasts of the cat kind use to come upon their 


Their Play is to take the poor Bears napping, 
they being very drowsy Animals, and tho' they be 
exceedingly Strong, yet their Strength is heavy, 
while the Panthers are too Nimble and cunning to 
trust themselves within their Hugg. 

As formidable as this Beast is to his Fellow 
Brutes, he never has the confidence to venture 
upon a Man, but retires from him with great 
respect, if there be a way open for his Escape. 
However, it must be confesst, his Voice is a little 
contemptible for a Monarch of the Forrest, being 
not a great deal louder nor more awful than the 
Mewing of a Household Cat. 1 

In South Carolina they call this Beast a Tyger, 
tho' improperly, and so they do in some parts of 
the Spanish West Indies. Some of their Authors, 
a little more properly, complement it with the 
Name of a Leopard. But none of these are the 
Growth of America, that we know of. 

The whole Distance the Surveyors advanc'd the 
Line this day amounted to 6 Miles and 30 Poles, 
which was no small Journey, considering the 
Grounds we had traverst were exceedingly rough 
and uneven, and in many Places intolerably en- 
tangled with Bushes. All the Hills we ascended 

1 Some Authors, who have Southern Parts of America 

given an Account of the South- being join'd by the Isthmus of 

ern Continent of America, Darien, if there were Lyons in 

wou'd make the World believe either they would find their 

there are Lyons ; but in all like- way into the other, the Lati- 

lihood they were mistaken, im- tudes of each being equally 

agining these Panthers to be proper for that generous animal. 

Lyons. What makes this prob- (Original note. ) 
able is, that the Northern and 

1728, Oct.] THE DIVIDING LINE 155 

were encumber'd with Stones, many of which 
seem'd to contain a Metallick Substance, and the 
Yallies we crost were interrupted with Miry 
Branches. From the Top of every Hill we cou'd 
discern distinctly, at a great Distance to the 
Northward, three or four Ledges of Mountains, 
rising one above another; and on the highest of 
all rose a Single Mountain, very much resembling 
a Woman's Breast. 

19. About four Miles beyond the River Irvin, we 
forded Matrimony Creek, call'd so by an unfortu- 
nate marry'd man, because it was exceedingly 
noisy and impetuous. However, tho' the Stream 
was Clamorous, yet, like those Women who make 
themselves plainest heard, it was likewise perfectly 
clear and unsully'd. 

Still half a Mile further we saw a Small Moun- 
tain, about five Miles to the North-west of us, which 
we call'd the Wart, because it appeared no bigger 
than a Wart, in Comparison of the great Moun- 
tains which hid their haughty Heads in the Clouds. 

We were not able to extend the Line farther 
than 5 Miles and 135 Poles, notwithstanding we 
began our March Early in the Morning, and did 
not encamp till it was almost dark. 

We made it the later by endeavouring to Quar- 
ter in some convenient Situation, either for Grass 
or Canes. But Night Surprising us, we were 
oblig'd to Lodge at last upon High and uneven 
Ground, which was so overgrown with Shrubs 
and Saplings, that we cou'd hardly see ten yards 
around us. 


The most melancholy part of the Story was, that 
our Horses had Short Commons. The poor Crea- 
tures were now grown so weak that they Stagger' d 
when we mounted them. Nor wou'd our own Fare 
have been at all more plentiful, had we not been so 
provident as to carry a Load of Meat along with 
us. Indeed, the Woods were too thick to shew us 
any sort of Game but one Wild Turkey, which 
help'd to enrich our Soup. 

To make us amends, we found abundance of very 
Sweet Grapes, which, with the help of Bread, 
might have f urnish'd out a good Italian Repast, in 
the Absence of more Savoury Food. 

The men's Mouths water'd at the Sight of a Pro- 
digious Flight of Wild Pigeons, which flew high 
over our Heads to the Southward. 

The Flocks of these Birds of Passage are so 
amazingly great, Sometimes, that they darken the 
Sky; nor is it uncommon for them to light in such 
Numbers on the Larger Limbs of Mulberry-Trees 
and Oaks as to break them down. 

In their Travels they make vast Havock among 
the Acorns and Berries of all Sorts, that they wast 
whole Forrests in a short time, and leave a Famine 
behind them for most other Creatures ; and under 
Some Trees where they light, it is no Strange thing 
to find the ground cover' d three Inches thick with 
their Dung. These Wild Pigeons commonly breed 
in the uninhabitated parts of Canada, and as the 
Cold approaches assemble their Armies and bend 
their Course Southerly, Shifting their Quarters, like 
many of the Winged kind, according to the Sea- 

1728, Oct.] THE DIVIDING LINE 157 

son. But the most remarkable thing in their 
Flight, as we are told, is that they never have 
been observ'd to return to the Northern Countries 
the same way they came from thence, but take 
quite another Rout, I suppose for their better 

In these long Flights they are very lean, and 
their Flesh is far from being white or tender, tho' 
good enough upon a March, when Hunger is the 
sauce, and makes it go down better than Truffles 
and Morels wou'd do. 

20. It was now Sunday, which we had like to 
have spent in Fasting as well as Prayer; for our 
Men, taking no Care for the Morrow, like good 
Christians, but bad Travellers, had improvidently 
Devour'd all their Meat for Supper. 

They were order'd in the Morning to drive up 
their Horses, lest they shou'd stray too far from 
the Camp and be lost, in case they were let alone 
all day. At their Return they had the very great 
Comfort to behold a monstrous fat Bear, which 
the Indian had kill'd very Seasonably for their 

We thought it still necessary to make another 
Reduction of our Bread, from four to three Pounds 
a Week to every man, computing that we had still 
enough in that Proportion to last us Three weeks 

The Atmosphere was so smoaky all round us, 
that the Mountains were again growing invisible. 
This happen'd not from the Hazyness of the Sky, 
but from the fireing of the Woods by the Indians, 


for we were now near the Route the Northern 
Savages take when they go out to War against the 
Cataubas and other Southern Nations. 

On their way the Fires they make in their 
camps are left burning, which, catching the dry 
Leaves that ly near, soon put the adjacent Woods 
into a flame. 

Some of our men in Search of their Horses 
discovered one of those Indian camps, where not 
long before they had been Furring and dressing 
their Skins. 

And now I mention the Northern Indians, it 
may not be improper to take Notice of their im- 
placable Hatred to those of the South. Their 
Wars are everlasting, without any Peace, Enmity 
being the only Inheritance among them that de- 
scends from Father to Son, and either Party will 
march a thousand Miles to take their Revenge upon 
such Hereditary Enemies. 

These long Expeditions are Commonly carry'd 
on in the following Manner ; Some Indian, remark- 
able for his Prowess, that has rais'd himself to the 
Reputation of a War-Captain, declares his Inten- 
tion of paying a Visit to some southern Nation; 
Hereupon as many of the Young Fellows as have 
either a Strong Thirst of Blood or Glory, list them- 
selves under his command. 

With these Volunteers he goes from One Con- 
federate Town to another, listing all the Rabble 
he can, til he has gather'd together a competent 
Number for Mischief. 

Their Arms are a Gun and Tomahawk, and all 

1728, Oct.] THE DIVIDING LINE 159 

the Provisions they carry from Home is a Pouch 
of Rockahominy. Thus provided and accoutr'd, 
they march towards their Enemy's Country, not in 
a Body, or by a certain Path, but Straggling in 
Small Numbers, for the greater convenience of 
Hunting and passing along undiscover'd. 

So soon as they approach the Grounds on which 
the Enemy is used to hunt, they never kindle 
any Fire themselves, for fear of being found out by 
the smoak, nor will they Shoot at any kind of 
Game, tho' they shou'd be half Famisht, lest they 
might alarm their Foes, and put them upon their 

Sometimes indeed, while they are still at some 
distance, they roast either Yenison or Bear, till it 
is very dry, and then having Strung it on their 
Belts, wear it round their Middle, eating very 
Sparingly of it, because they know not when they 
shall meet with a fresh Supply. But coming 
nearer, they begin to look all round the Hemi- 
sphere, to watch if any smoke ascends, and listen 
continually for the Report of Guns, in order 
to make some happy Discovery for their own 

It is amazing to see their Sagacity in discern- 
ing the Track of a Human Foot, even amongst dry 
leaves, which to our Shorter Sight is quite undis- 

If by one or more of those Signs they be able to 
find out the Camp of any Southern Indians, they 
Squat down in some Thicket, and keep themselves 
hush and Snug till it is dark; Then creeping up 


Softly, they approach near enough to observe all 
the Motions of the Enemy. And about two a 
Clock in the Morning, when they conceive them to 
be in a Profound Sleep, for they never keep Watch 
and Ward, pour in a Volley upon them, each Sin- 
gling out his Man. The Moment they have dis- 
charg'd their Pieces, they rush in with their 
Tomahawks, and make sure work of all that are 

Sometimes, when they find the Enemy Asleep 
around their little Fire, they first Pelt them with 
little Stones to wake them, and when they get 
up, fire in upon them, being in that posture a 
better Mark than when prostrate on the Ground. 

Those that are kill'd of the Enemy, or disabled, 
they Scalp, that is, they cut the Skin all round the 
Head just below the hair, and then clapping their 
Feet to the poor Mortal's Shoulders, pull the Scalp 
off clean, and carry it home in Triumph, being as 
proud of those Trophies, as the Jews used to be of 
the Foreskins of the Philistines. 

This way of Scalping was practised by the An- 
cient Scythians, who us'd these hairy Scalps as 
Towels at Home, and Trappings for their Horses 
when they went abroad. 

They also made Cups of their Enemies' Skulls, 
in which they drank Prosperity to their country, 
and Confusion to all their Foes. 

The Prisoners they happen to take alive in these 
expeditions generally pass their time very Scurvily. 
They put them to all the Tortures that ingenious 
Malice and cruelty can invent. And (what shews 

1728, Oct.] THE DIVIDING LINE 161 

the baseness of the Indian Temper in Perfection) 
they never fail to treat those with the greatest In- 
humanity that have distinguish'd themselves most 
by their Bravery; and, if he be a War-Captain, 
they do him the Honour to roast him alive, and 
distribute a Collop to all that had a Share in steal- 
ing the Victory. 1 

They are very cunning in finding out new ways 
to torment their unhappy Captives, tho', like those 
of Hell, their usual Method is by Fire. Sometimes 
they Barbecue them over live-Coals, taking them 
off every now and then, to prolong their Misery; 
at other times they will Stick Sharp Pieces of 
Lightwood all over their Body's, and setting them 
afire, let them burn down into the Flesh to the 
very Bone. And when they take a Stout Fellow, 
that they believe able to endure a great deal, they 
will tear all the Flesh off his Bones with red hot 

While these and such like Barbarities are prac- 
tising, the Victors are so far from being touch'd 
with Tenderness and Compassion, that they dance 
and Sing round these wretched Mortals, shewing 
all the Marks of Pleasure and Jollity. And if 

1 Tho' who can reproach the crucified in cold Blood, For no 
poor Indians for this, when other fault but for having de- 
Homer makes his celebrated fended their City most cora- 
Hero, Achilles, drag the Body of geously against Him, dureing a 
Hector at the Tail of his chariot, Siege of Seven Months. And 
for having fought gallantly in what was still more brutal, he 
defence of his Country. Nor dragg'd alive - - at the Tail 
was Alexander the Great, with of his Chariot, thro' all the 
all his Fam'd Generosity, less Streets, for defending the Town 
inhuman to the brave Tyrians, with so much Vigour. (Origi- 
2000 of whom he ordered to be nal note.) 


such cruelties happen to be executed in their 
Towns, they employ their Children in tormenting 
the Prisoners, in order to extinguish in them be- 
times all Sentiments of Humanity. 

In the mean time, while these poor "Wretches are 
under the Anguish of all this inhuman Treatment, 
they disdain so much as to groan, Sigh, or shew 
the least Sign of Dismay or concern, so much as in 
their Looks ; on the Contrary, they make it a Point 
of Honour all the time to Soften their Features, 
and look as pleas'd as if they were in the Actual 
Enjoyment of Some Delight; and if they never 
sang before in their Lives, they will be sure to be 
Melodious on this sad and Dismal Occasion. 

So prodigious a Degree of Passive Valour in the 
Indians is the more to be wonder'd at, because in 
all Articles of Danger they are apt to behave like 
Cowards. And what is still more Surprizeing, the 
very Women discover, on such Occasions, as great 
Fortitude and Contempt, both of Pain and Death, 
as the Gallantest of their Men can do. 

21. The Apprehension we had of losing the 
Horses in these Copse Woods were too well 
founded, nor were the Precautions we us'd Yester- 
day of driveing them up Sufficient to prevent their 
Straying away afterwards, notwithstanding they 
were securely hobbled. 

We therefore Order'd the men out early this 
Morning to look diligently for them, but it was 
late before any cou'd be found. It seems they 
had straggled in quest of Forrage, and, besides all 
that, the Bushes grew thick enough to conceal 

1728, Oct.] THE DIVIDING LINE 163 

them from being Seen at the Smallest Distance. 
One of the People was so bewilder'd in search of 
his Horse, that he lost Himself, being no great 

However, because we were willing to save tune, 
we left two of our most expert Woodsmen behind 
to beat all the Adjacent Woods in Quest of Him. 

In the mean while the Surveyors proceeded vig- 
ourously on their Business, but were so perplext 
with Thickets at their first setting off, that their 
Progress was much retarded. 

They were no sooner over that Difficulty, but 
they were oblig'd to encounter another. The rest 
of the day's- Work lay over very Sharp Hills, where 
the dry leaves were so Slippery that there was 
hardly any hold for their Feet. Such Rubbs as 
these prevented them from Measuring more than 
4 Miles and 270 Poles. 

Upon the Sides of these Hills the Soil was rich, 
tho' full of Stones, and the Trees reasonably large. 

The Smoak continued still to Veil the Moun- 
tains from our Sight, which made us long for Rain, 
or a brisk Gale of Wind, to disperse it. Nor was 
the loss of this wild Prospect all our concern, but 
we were apprehensive lest the Woods shou'd be 
burnt in the Course of our Line before us, or hap- 
pen to take fire behind us, either of which wou'd 
effectually have Starv'd the Horses, and made us 
all Foot Soldiers. But we were so happy, thank 
God ! as to escape this Misfortune in every Part 
of our Progress. 

We were exceedingly uneasy about our lost 

164 COLONEL WILLIAM BYKI> [1728, Oct. 

man, knowing he had taken no Provision of any 
kind, nor was it much Advantage towards his Sup- 
port, that he had taken his Gun along with him, 
because he had rarely been guilty of putting any 
thing to Death. 

He had unluckily wander' d from the Camp Sev- 
eral Miles, and after Steering Sundry unsuccessful 
Courses, in order to return, either to us or to the 
Line, was at length so tired he could go no Far- 
ther. In this Distress he sat himself down under 
a Tree, to recruit his jaded Spirits, and at the same 
time indulge a few Melancholy Reflections. 

Famine was the first Phantom that appear' d to 
him, and was the more frightfull, because he fan- 
cy' d himself not quite Bear enough to Subsist long 
upon licking his Paws. 

In the mean time the two Persons we had sent 
after him hunted diligently great part of the day 
without coming upon his Track. They fir'd their 
Pieces towards every Point of the Compass, but 
cou'd perceive no fireing in return. However, 
advancing a little farther, at last they made a 
lucky Shot, that our Straggler had the good For- 
tune to hear, and he returning the Salute, they soon 
found each other with no Small Satisfaction. But 
tho' they lighted of the man, they cou'd by no 
means light of his Horse, and therefore he was 
oblig'd to be a Foot Soldier all the rest of the 

Our Indian shot a Bear so prodigiously fat, that 
there was 110 way to kill Him but by fireing in at 
his Ear. 

1728, Oct.] THE DIVIDING LINE 165 

The fore part of the Skull of that Animal being 
guarded by a double Bone, is hardly penetrable, 
and when it is very fat, a Bullet aim'd at his Body 
is apt to lose its force, before it reaches the Vitals. 
This Animal is of the Dog kind, and our Indians, 
as well as Woodsmen, are as fond of its Flesh as 
the Chinese can be of that of the Common Hound. 

22. Early in the Morning we sent back two men 
to make further Search for the horse that was 
Stray 'd away. We were unwilling the Poor man 
shou'd Sustain such a Damage as wou'd eat out 
a large Part of his Pay, or that the Publick shou'd 
be at the Expense of reembursing Him for it. 

These foresters hunted all over the Neighbour- 
ing Woods, and took as much pains as if the Horse 
had been their own Property, but all their Dili- 
gence was to no purpose. 

The Surveyors, in the mean time, being fearful 
of leaving these men too far behind, advanc'd the 
Line no farther than One Mile and 230 Poles. 

As we rode along we found no less than three 
Bears and a fat Doe, that our Indian, who went out 
before us, had thrown in our Course, and we were 
very glad to pick them up. 

About a Mile from the Camp we crost Miry 
Creek, So call'd because Several of the Horses 
were mired in its Branches. About 230 Poles 
beyond that, the Line intersected another River, 
that seem'd to be a Branch of the Irvin, to which 
we gave the Name of the Mayo, in complement 
to the other of our Surveyors. It was about 50 
Yards wide where we forded it, being just below 



a Ledge of Rocks, which reacht across the River, 
and made a natural casquade. 

Our Horses cou'd hardly keep their feet over 
these Slippery Rocks, which gave Some of their 
Riders no small Palpitation. 

This River forks about a Quarter of a Mile 
below the Ford, and has Some Scattering Canes 
growing near the Mouth of it. 

We picht our Tent on the Western Banks of 
the Mayo, for the Pleasure of being lull'd to Sleep 
by the Casquade. Here our Hunters had leisure 
to go out and try their Fortunes, and return'd 
loaden with Spoil. They brought in no less than 
Six Bears, exceedingly fat, so that the frying pan 
had no rest all Night. We had now the Opportu- 
nity of trying the speed of these lumpish Animals 
by a fair Course it had with the Nimblest of our 

A Cubb of a year Old will run very fast, be- 
cause, being upon his growth, he is never encum- 
ber' d with too much fat; but the Old ones are 
more Sluggish and unwieldy, especially when 
Mast is Plenty. Then their Nimblest Gait is only 
a heavy Gallop, and their Motion is still Slower 
down hill, where they are oblig'd to Sidle very 
awkwardly, to keep their Lights from riseing up 
into their Throat. 

These Beasts always endeavour to avoid a man, 
except when they are wounded, or happen to be 
engaged in the Protection of their Cubbs. 

By the force of these Instincts and that of Self- 
Preservation, they will now and then throw off all 

1728, Oct.] THE DIVIDING LINE 167 

Reverence for their Maker's Image. For that 
Reason, excess of hunger will provoke them to the 
same Desperate Attack, for the support of their 

A Memorable Instance of the last Case is said to 
have happened not long ago in New England, 
where a Bear assaulted a Man just by his own 
Door, and rearing himself upon his Haunches, 
offer'd to take him lovingly into his Hug. But 
the Man's Wife observing the Danger her Hus- 
band was in, had the courage to run behind the 
Bear, and thrust her two Thumbs into his Eyes. 
This made Bruin quit the Man, and turn short 
upon the Woman to take his Revenge, but She had 
the Presence of mind to spring back with more 
than Female Agility, and so both their Lives were 

23. At the Distance of 62 Poles from where we 
lay, we crost the South Branch of what we took 
for the Irvin, nor was it without Difficulty we got 
over, tho' it happen'd to be without Damage. 

Great part of the way after that was Mountain- 
ous, so that we were no sooner got down one Hill, 
but we were oblig'd to climb up another. Only 
for the last Mile of our Stage, we encounter'd a 
Locust Thicket that was level, but interlac'd terri- 
bly with Bryars and Grape Vines. 

We forded a large creek, no less than five times, 
the Banks of which were so steep that we were 
f orc'd to cut them down with a Hough. 

We gave it the Name of Crooked creek, because 
of its frequent Meanders. The Sides of it were 


planted with Shrub-Canes, extremely inviting to 
the Horses, which were now quite jaded with clam- 
bering up so many Precipices, and tugging thro' 
so many dismal Thickets, notwithstanding which 
we pusht the Line this day Four Miles and 69 
Poles. The men were so unthrifty this Morning 
as to bring but a Small Portion of their Abundance 
along with them. This was the more unlucky, be- 
cause we cou'd discover no Sort of Game the whole 
livelong Day. Woodsmen are certainly good 
Christians in one respect, at least, that they always 
leave the Morrow to care for itself; tho' for that 
very reason they ought to pray more fervently f or 
their Dayly Bread than most of them remember 
to do. 

The Mountains were still conceal'd from our 
Eyes by a cloud of Smoak. As we went along we 
were alarmed at the Sight of a great Fire, which 
shewed itself to the Northward. This made our 
small Corps march in closer Order than we us'd to 
do, lest perchance we might be waylaid by Indians. 
It made us look out Sharp to see if we cou'd dis- 
cover any Track or other Token of these insidious 
Forresters, but found none. In the mean time we 
came often upon the Track of Bears, which can't 
without some Skill be distinguisht from that of 
Human Creatures, made with Naked Feet. And 
Indeed a Young Woodsman wou'd be puzzled to 
find out the Difference, which consists principally 
in a Bear's Paws being something Smaller than a 
Man's foot, and in its leaving sometimes the Mark of 
its Claws in the Impression made upon the Ground. 

1728, Oct.] THE DIV1U1JSG LINE 169 

The Soil where the Locust Thicket grew, was 
exceedingly rich, as it constantly is, where that 
kind of Tree is Naturally and largely produc'd. 

But the Desolation made there lately, either by 
Fire or Caterpillars, had been so general, that we 
could not see a Tree of any Bigness standing 
within our Prospect. And the Reason why a Fire 
makes such a Havock in these lonely Parts is 

The Woods are not there burnt every year, as 
they generally are amongst the Inhabitants. But 
the dead Leaves and Trash of many years are 
heapt up together, which being at length kindled 
by the Indians that happen to pass that way, fur- 
nish fewel for a conflagration that carries all 
before it. 

There is a beautiful Range of Hills, as levil as 
a Terr ass- Walk, that overlooks the Valley through 
which Crooked Creek conveys its Spiral Stream. 

This Terrass runs pretty near East and West, 
about two Miles South of the Line, and is almost 
Parallel with it. 

The Horses had been too much harassed to per- 
mit us to ride at all out of our way, for the plea- 
sure of any Prospect, or the gratification of any 
Curiosity. This confin'd us to the Narrow Sphere 
of our Business, and is at the same time a just 
Excuse for not animating our Story with greater 

24. The Surveyors went out the sooner this 
Morning, by reason the men lost very little time in 
cooking their Breakfast. They had made but a 


Spare Meal over !Night, leaving nothing but the 
Hide of a Bear for the Morrow. Some of the 
keenest of them got up at Midnight to Cook that 
nice Morsel after the Indian Manner. 

They first Singed the Hair clean off, that none 
of it might Stick in their Throats ; then they boil'd 
the Pelt into Soup, which had a Stratum of Grease 
Swimming on it full half an Inch Thick. However, 
they commended this Dish extremely; tho' I be- 
lieve the Praises they gave it were more owing to 
their good Stomach than to their good Tast. 

The Line was extended 6 Miles and 300 Poles, 
and in that Distance crosst Crooked Creek at least 
eight times more. 

We were f orct to scuffle through a Thicket about 
two Miles in breadth, planted with Locusts and 
hiccory Sapplings, as close as they cou'd stand 
together. Amongst these there was hardly a Tree 
of Tolerable Growth within View. It was a dead 
Plane of Several Miles Extent, and very fertile 
Soil. Beyond that the "Woods were open for about 
three Miles, but Mountainous. All the rest of our 
Day's Journey was pester'd with Bushes and 
Grape Vines, in the thickest of which we were 
obliged to take up our Quarters, near one of the 
Branches of Crooked creek. 

This Night it was the Men's good fortune to 
fare very sumptuously. The Indian had kill'd 
two large Bears, the fatest of which he had taken 
napping. One of the People too Shot a Raccoon, 
which is also of the Dog-kind, and as big as a 
small Fox, tho' its Legs are Shorter, and when fat 

1728, Oct.] THE DIVIDING LINE 171 

has much a higher relish than either Mutton or 
Kid. "Pis naturally not Carniverous, but very 
fond of Indian corn and Parsimons. 

The fat of this Animal is reckon'd very good to 
asswage Swellings and Inflammations. Some old 
Maids are at the Trouble of breeding them up 
tame, for the pleasure of seeing them play over as 
many Humorous Tricks as a Munkey. It climbs 
up small Trees, like a Bear, by embraceing the 
Bodies of them. 

Till this Night we had accustom'd ourselves to 
go to Bed in our Night- Gowns, believing we 
should thereby be better secur'd from the cold: 
but upon tryal found we lay much warmer by 
Stripping to our Shirts, and Spreading our Gowns 
over us. 

A True Woodsman, if he have no more than a 
Single Blanket, constantly pulls all off, and, lying 
on one part of it, draws the other over him, believ- 
ing it much more refreshing to ly so, than in his 
cloaths ; and if he find himself not warm enough, 
Shifts his Lodging to Leeward of the Fire, in 
which Situation the smoak will drive over him, and 
effectually correct the cold Dews that wou'd other- 
wise descend upon his Person, perhaps to his great 

25. The Air clearing up this Morning, we were 
again agreeably surprized with a full Prospect of 
the Mountains. They discover'd themselves both 
to the North and South of us, on either side, not 
distant above ten Miles, according to our best 


We cou'd now see those to the North rise in 
four distinct Ledges, one above another, but those 
to the South form'd only a Single Ledge, and that 
broken and interrupted in many Places ; or rather 
they were only single Mountains detacht from each 

One of the Southern Mountains was so vastly 
high, it seem'd to hide its head in the Clouds, and 
the West End of it terminated in a horrible Preci- 
pice, that we call'd the Despairing Lover's Leap. 
The Next to it, towards the East, was lower, except 
at one End, where it heav'd itself up in the form 
of a vast Stack of Chimnys. 1 

The Course of the Northern Mountains seem'd 
to tend West-South- West, and those to the South- 
ward very near West. We cou'd descry other 
Mountains ahead of us, exactly in the Course of 
the Line, tho' at a much greater distance. In this 
Point of Yiew, the Ledges on the right and Left 
both seem'd to close, and form a Natural Amphi- 

Thus, 'twas our Fortune to be wedg'd in betwixt 
these two Ranges of Mountains, insomuch that if 
our Line had run ten Miles on either Side, it had 
butted before this day either upon one or the other, 
both of them now Stretching away plainly to the 
Eastward of us. 

It had rain'd a little in the Night, which disperst 
the smoak and open'd this Romantick Scene to us 
all at once, tho' it was again hid from our Eyes as 
we mov'd forwards, by the rough Woods we had the 

i Probably Pilot Mountain. 

1728, Oct.] THE DIVIDING LINE 173 

Misfortune to be engag'd with. The Bushes were 
so thick for near four Miles together, that they tore 
the Deer-Skins to Pieces that guarded the Bread- 
Bags. Tho', as rough as the Woods were, the Soil 
was extremely good all the way, being washt down 
from the Neighbouring Hills into the Plane Coun- 
try. Notwithstanding all these Difficulties, the 
Surveyors drove on the line 4 Miles and 205 Poles. 

In the mean time we were so unlucky as to meet 
with no Sort of Game the whole day, so that the 
men were oblig'd to make a frugal distribution of 
what little they left in the Morning. 

We encampt upon a small Rill, where the Horses 
came off as temperately as their Masters. They 
were by this time grown so thin, by hard Travel 
and Spare Feeding, that henceforth, in pure Com- 
passion, we chose to perform the greater Part of 
the Journey on foot. And as our Baggage was 
by this time grown much lighter, we divided it, 
after the best Manner, that every Horse's Load 
might be proportion'd to the Strength he had left. 
Tho', after all the prudent Measures we cou'd take, 
we perceiv'd the Hills began to rise upon us so 
fast in our Front, that it wou'd be impossible for 
us to proceed much farther. 

We saw very few Squirrels in the upper parts, 
because the Wild Cats devour them unmercifully. 
Of these there are four kinds: The Fox Squirrel, 
the Gray, the Flying, and the Ground-Squirrel. 

These last resemble a Eat in every thing but 
the Tail, and the black and Russet Streaks that 
run down the Length of their little Bodies. 


26. We found our way grow still more Mountain- 
ous, after extending the Line 300 Poles farther. 
"We came then to a Rivulet that ran with a Swift 
Current towards the South. This we fancy'd to 
be another Branch of the Irvin, tho' some of these 
men, who had been Indian Traders, judg'd it 
rather to be the head of Deep River, that dis- 
charges its Stream into that of Pee Dee; but this 
seem'd a wild Conjecture. 

The Hills beyond that River were exceedingly 
lofty, and not to be attempted by our Jaded Pal- 
freys, which could now hardly drag their Legs 
after them upon level Ground. Besides, the Bread 
began to grow Scanty, and the Winter Season to 
advance apace upon us. 

We had likewise reason to apprehend the Con- 
sequences of being intercepted by deep Snows, and 
the Swelling of the many Waters between us and 
Home. The first of these Misfortunes would 
starve all our Horses, and the Other ourselves, by 
cutting off our Retreat, and obliging us to Winter 
in those Desolate Woods. These considerations 
determin'd us to Stop short here, and push our 
Adventures no farther. The last Tree we markt 
was a Red Oak, growing on the Bank of the 
River; and to make the Place more remarkable, 
we blaz'd all the Trees around it. 

We found the whole Distance from Corotuck 
Inlet to the Rivulet Where we left off, to be, in a 
Strait Line, Two Hundred and Forty-one Miles 
and Two Hundred and Thirty Poles. And from 
the Place where the Carolina Commissioners de- 

1728, Oct.] THE DIVIDING LINE 175 

serted us, 72 Miles and 302 Poles. This last part 
of the Journey was generally very hilly, or else 
grown up with troublesome Thickets and under- 
woods, all which our Carolina Friends had the 
Discretion to avoid. 

We encampt in a dirty Valley near the Rivulet 
above-mention'd, for the advantage of the Canes, 
and so sacrificed our own Convenience for that of 
our Horses. 

There was a Small Mountain half a Mile to the 
Northward of us, which we had the Curiosity to 
Climb up in the Afternoon, in Order to enlarge 
our Prospect. From thence we were able to dis- 
cover where the two Ledges of Mountains clos'd, 
as near as we cou'd guess, about 30 Miles to the 
West of us, and lamented that our present circum- 
stances wou'd not permit us to advance the Line 
to that Place, which the Hand of Nature had 
made so very remarkable. 

Not far from our Quarters one of the men pickt 
up a pair of Elk's Horns, not very large, and dis- 
cover'd the Track of the Elk that had Shed them. 
It was rare to find any Tokens of those Animals 
so far to the South, because they keep commonly 
to the Northward of 37 degrees, as the Buffaloes, 
for the most part, confine themselves to the South- 
ward of that Latitude. 

The Elk is full as big as a Horse, and of the 
Deer kind. The Stags only have Horns, and 
those exceedingly large and Spreading. Their 
Colour is Something lighter than that of the Red 
Deer, and their Flesh tougher. Their swiftest 


Speed is a large trot, and in that Motion they turn 
their Horns back upon their Kecks, and Cock their 
Noses aloft in the Air. Nature has taught them 
this Attitude to save their Antlers from being 
entangled in the Thickets, which they always 
retire to. They are very shy, and have the Sense 
of Smelling so exquisite that they wind a man at 
a great distance. For this reason they are Seldom 
Seen but when the Air is moist, in which Case 
their smell is not so Nice. 

They commonly herd together, and the Indians 
say, if one of the Drove happen by some Wound 
to be disabled from making his Escape, the rest 
will forsake their fears to defend their Friend, 
which they will do with great obstinacy, till they 
are kill'd upon the Spot. Tho' otherwise, they 
are so alarm'd at the Sight of a man, that to avoid 
him they will Sometimes throw themselves down 
very high Precipices into the River. 

A misadventure happen' d here, which gave us 
no Small perplexity. One of the Commissioners 
was so unlucky as to bruise his Foot against a 
Stump, which brought on a formal Fit of the 

It must be own'd there cou'd not be a more un- 
seasonable time, nor a more improper Situation, 
for any one to be attackt by that cruel Distemper. 
The Joint was so inflam'd that he cou'd neither 
draw Shoe nor Boot upon it; and to ride without 
either wou'd have expos'd him to so many rude 
knocks and Bruises, in those rough Woods, as to 
be intolerable even to a Stoick. 

1728, Oct.] THE DIVIDING LINE 177 

It was happy, indeed, that we were to rest here 
the next day, being Sunday, that there might be 
leisure for trying some Speedy Remedy. Ac- 
cordingly he was persuaded to bathe his Foot in 
Cold "Water, in Order to repel the Humour and 
asswage the Inflamation. This made it less pain- 
ful, and gave us hopes, too, of reducing the Swell- 
ing in a Short time. 

Our men had the fortune to kill a Brace of 
Bears, a fat Buck, and a Wild Turkey, all which 
paid them with Interest for Yesterday's Absti- 
nence. This constant and Seasonable Supply of 
all our daily Wants made us reflect thankfully on 
the Bounty of Providence. 

And that we might not be unmindful of being 
all along fed by Heaven in this great and Solitary 
Wilderness, we agreed to Wear in our Hats the 
Maosti, which is, in Indian, the Beard of the Wild 
Turkey-Cock, and on our Breasts the Figure of 
that Fowl with its Wings extended, and holding in 
its Claws a scrowl with this Motto, "VICE 
COTURNICUM," meaning that we had been Sup- 
ported by them in the Wilderness in the room of 

27. This being Sunday we were not wanting in 
our Thanks to Heaven for the Constant Support 
and Protection we had been favour'd with. Nor 
did our Chaplain fail to put us in mind of Our 
Duty by a Sermon proper for the Occasion. 

We order'd a Strict Inquiry to be made into the 
Quantity of Bread we had left, and found no more 
than wou'd Subsist us a Fortnight at Short Allow- 


ance. We made a fair Distribution of our whole 
Stock, and at the Same time recommended to the 
Men to manage this, their last Stake, to the best 
advantage, not knowing how long they would be 
oblig'd to live upon it. 

We likewise directed them to keep a Watchfull 
eye upon their Horses, that none of them might be 
missing the next Morning, to hinder our Return. 

There fell some Rain before Noon, which made 
our Camp more a Bogg than it was before. This 
moist Situation began to infect some of the men 
with Fevers, and some with Fluxes, which how- 
ever we soon remov'd with Peruvian Bark and 

In the Afternoon we marcht up again to the top 
of the Hill to entertain our Eyes a Second time 
with the View of the Mountains, but a perverse 
Fog arose that hid them from our Sight. 

In the Evening we deliberated which way it 
might be most proper to return. We had at first 
intended to cross over at the foot of the Mountains 
to the head of James River, that we might be able 
to describe that Natural Boundary so far. But, 
on Second Thoughts, we found many good Reasons 
against that laudable Design, Such as the Weak- 
ness of our Horses, the Scantiness of our Bread, 
and the near approach of Winter. We had Cause 
to believe the way might be full of Hills, and the 
farther we went towards the North, the more dan- 
ger there wou'd be of Snow. Such considerations 
as these determined us at last to make the best of 
our way back upon the Line, which was the Strait- 

1728, Oct.] THE DIVIDING LINE 179 

est, and Consequently the shortest way to the In- 
habitants. We knew the worst of that Course, 
and were sure of a beaten Path all the way, while 
we were totally ignorant what Difficulties and 
Dangers the other Course might be attended with. 
So Prudence got the better for once of Curiosity, 
and the Itch for new Discoveries gave Place to 

Our Inclination was the Stronger to cross over 
according to the Course of the Mountains, that we 
might find out whether James River and Appamat- 
tock River head there, or run quite thro' them. 
'Tis Certain that Potomec passes in a large Stream 
thro' the Main Ledge, and then divides itself into 
two considerable Rivers. That which Stretches 
away to the Northward is call'd the Cohungaroota, 1 
and that which flows to the South-west, hath the 
Name of Sharantow. 2 

The Course of this last Stream is near parallel 
to the Blue Ridge of Mountains, at the distance 
only of about three or four Miles. Tho' how far it 
may continue that Course has not yet been suffi- 
ciently discover'd, but some Woodsmen pretend to 
say it runs as far as the source of Roanoak; Nay, 
they are so very particular as to tell us that Roa- 
noak, Sharantow, and another Wide Branch of the 
Missassippi,all head in one and the Same Mountain. 

What dependence there may be upon this Con- 

1 Which by a Late Survey has Branches of Missassippi, takes 

been found to extend above 200 its Rise, and runs South- West, 

Miles before it reaches its as this River dos South-East. 

Source, in a Mountain, from ( Original note. ) 

whence Allegany, one of the 2 Shenandoah. EDITOR. 


jectural Geography, I wont pretend to say, tho' 
'tis certain that Sharantow keeps close to the 
Mountains, as far as we are acquainted with its 
Tendency. We are likewise assur'd that the South 
Branch of James River, within less than 20 Miles 
East of the Main Ledge, makes an Elbow, and runs 
due South-west, which is parallel with the Moun- 
tains on this side. But how far it Stretches that 
way, before it returns, is not yet certainly known, 
no more than where it takes its Rise. 

In the mean time it is Strange that our Woodsmen 
have not had Curiosity enough to inform themselves 
more exactly of these particulars, and it is Stranger 
Still that the Government has never thought it 
worth the Expense of making an accurate Survey 
of the Mountains, that we might be Masters of that 
Natural Fortification before the French, who in some 
Places have Settlements not very distant from it. 

It therefore concerns his Majesty's Service very 
nearly, and the Safety of His Subjects in this part 
of the World, to take Possession of so important a 
Barrier in time, lest our good Friends, the French, 
and the Indians, thro' their Means, prove a perpet- 
ual Annoyance to these Colonies. 

Another Reason to invite us to Secure this great 
Ledge of Mountains is, the Probability that very 
Valuable Mines may be discover'd there. Nor 
wou'd it be at all extravagant to hope for Silver 
Mines, among the rest, because Part of these 
Mountains ly exactly in the same Parallel, as well 
as upon the Same Continent with New Mexico, and 
the Mines of St. Barb. 

1728, Oct.] THE DIVIDING LINE 181 

28. We had given Orders for the Horses to 
be brought up early, but the likelyhood of more 
Rain prevented our being over-hasty in decamp- 
ing. Nor were we out in our conjectures, for 
about ten a'clock it began to fall very plentifully. 

Our Commissioner's Pain began now to abate, 
as the Swelling encreas'd. He made an excellent 
Figure for a Mountaineer, with one boot of Leather 
and the other of Flannel. Thus accowtur'd, he 
intended to mount, if the Rain had not happen'd 
opportunely to prevent him. 

Tho', in Truth, it was hardly possible for Him 
to ride with so Slender a Defense, without expos- 
ing his Foot to be bruis'd and tormented by the 
Saplings, that stood thick on either side of the Path. 
It was therefore a most Seasonable Rain for Him, 
as it gave more time for his Distemper to abate. 

Tho' it may be very difficult to find a certain 
Cure for the Gout, yet it is not improbable but 
some things may ease the Pain, and Shorten the 
Fits of it. And those Medicines are most likely 
to do this, that Supple the Parts, and clear the 
Passage Through the Narrow Vessels, that are 
the Seat of this cruel Disease. Nothing will do 
this more Suddenly than Rattle- snake's Oyl, which 
will even penetrate the Pores of Glass when 
warm'd in the sun. 

It was unfortunate, therefore, that we had not 
taken out the Fat of those Snakes we had kill'd 
some time before, for the Benefit of so useful an 
Experiment, as well as for the Relief of our Fel- 


But lately the Seneca Rattle-Snake-Root has 
been discover'd in this Country, which being in- 
fus'd in Wine, and drank Morning and Evening, 
has in Several Instances had a very happy Effect 
upon the Gout, and enabled Cripples to throw 
away their Crutches and walk several Miles, and, 
what is Stranger Still, it takes away the Pain in 
half an hour. 

Nor was the Gout the only Disease among us 
that was hard to cure. We had a man in our Com- 
pany who had too Voracious a Stomach for a 
Woodsman. He ate as much as any other two, 
but all he Swallow'd stuck by him till it was 
carry'd off by a Strong Purge. Without this 
Assistance, often repeated, his Belly and Bowels 
wou'd swell to so enormous a Bulk that he cou'd 
hardly breathe, especially when he lay down, just 
as if he had had an Asthma; tho', notwithstanding 
this oddness of constitution, he was a very Strong, 
lively Fellow, and us'd abundance of Violent Ex- 
ercise, by which 'twas wonderfull the Peristaltick 
Motion was not more Vigorously promoted. 

We gave this poor Man Several Purges, which 
only eas'd Him for the present, and the next day 
he wou'd grow as burly as ever. At last we gave 
Him a Moderate Dose of ippocoacanah, in Broth 
made very Salt, which turn'd all its Operations 
downwards. This had so happy an Effect that, 
from that day forward to the End of our Journey, 
all his Complaint ceas'd, and the passages con- 
tinued unobstructed. 

The Rain continued most of the Day and Some 


Westover Gate (&{orth}. 


)ay and 

1728, Oct.] THE DIVIDING LINE 183 

part of the Night, which incommoded us much in 
our Dirty Camp, and made the men think of 
Nothing but Eating, even at the time when no- 
body cou'd Stir out to make provision for it. 

29. Tho' we were flattered in the morning with 
the usual Tokens of a fair Day, yet they all blew 
over, and it rain'd hard before we cou'd make 
ready for our Departure. 

This was still in favour of our Podagrous Friend, 
whose Lameness was now grown better, and the 
Inflamation fallen. Nor did it seem to need above 
one day more to reduce it to its Natural Propor- 
tion, and make it fit for the Boot; And effectually 
The Rain procur'd this'Benefit for him, and gave him 
particular Reason to believe his Stars propitious. 

Notwithstanding the falling Weather, our Hunt- 
ers sally'd out in the afternoon, and drove the 
Woods in a Ring, which was thus performed. 
From the circumference of a large Circle they all 
march't inwards, and drove the Game towards the 
center. By this means they shot a Brace of fat 
Bears, which came very seasonably, because we 
had made clean Work in the Morning and were in 
Danger of dining with St. Anthony, or his Grace 
Duke Humphry. 

But in this Expedition the unhappy man who 
had lost himself once before, Straggled again so 
far in Pursuit of a Deer, that he was hurry'd a 
second tune quite out of his knowledge. And 
Night coining on before he cou'd recover the 
Camp, he was obliged to lie down, without any of 
the Comforts of Fire, Food or covering; Nor 


would his Fears suffer him to Sleep very Sound, 
because, to his great disturbance, the Wolves 
howl'd all that Night, and the Panthers scream'd 
most frightfully. 

In the Evening a brisk North- Wester swept all 
the Clouds from the Sky, and expos'd the moun- 
tains as well as the Stars to our Prospect. 

That which was the most lofty to the South- 
ward, and which we call'd the Lover's Leap, some 
of our Indian Traders fondly fancy'd was the 
Kiawan mountain, which they had formerly seen 
from the country of the Cherokees. 

They were the more positive by reason of the 
prodigious Precipice that remarkably distinguished 
the West End of it. 

We seem'd however not to be far enough South 
for that, tho' 'tis not improbable but a few miles 
farther the Course of our Line might carry us to 
the most Northerly Towns of the Cherokees. 

What makes this the more credible, is the North 
West Course, that our Traders take from the 
Catawbas for some hundred miles together, when 
they carry Goods that round-about way to the 

It was a great Pity that the want of Bread, and 
the Weakness of our Horses, hinder'd us from 
making the Discovery. Tho' the great Service of 
such an Excursion might have been to the Coun- 
try wou'd certainly have made the attempt not 
only pardonable, but much to be commended. 

Our Traders are now at the vast Charge and 
Fatigue of travelling above five hundred miles for 

1728, Oct.] THE DIVIDING LINE 185 

the Benefit of that traffique which hardly quits cost. 
Wou'd it not then be worth the Assembly's while 
to be at some charge to find a Shorter cut to carry 
on so profitable a Trade, with more advantage, 
and less hazard and Trouble, than they do at pres- 
ent? For I am persuaded it will not then be half 
the Distance that our Traders make it now, nor 
half so far as Georgia lies from the Northern 
Clans of that Nation. 

Such a Discovery would certainly prove an un- 
speakable Advantage to this Colony, by facilitating 
a Trade with so considerable a nation of Indians, 
which have 62 Towns, and more than 4000 Fight- 
ing Men. Our Traders at that rate would be able 
to undersell those sent from the other Colonies so 
much, that the Indians must have reason to deal 
with them preferable to all others. 

Of late the new Colony of Georgia has made 
an act obliging us to go 400 miles to take out a 
License to traffick with these Cherokee s, tho' many 
of their Towns ly out of their Bounds, and we had 
carry'd on this Trade 80 years before that Colony 
was thought of. 

30. In the Morning early the man who had gone 
astray the day before found his way to the Camp, 
by the Sound of the Bells that were upon the 
Horses' Necks. 

At nine a'clock we began our March back toward 
the rising Sun; for tho' we had finisht the Line, 
yet we had not yet near finisht our Fatigue. We 
had after all 200 good miles at least to our several 
Habitations, and the Horses were brought so low, 


that we were oblig'd to travel on foot great part of 
the way, and that in our Boots, too, to save our 
Legs from being torn to pieces by the Bushes and 
Briars. Had we not done this, we must have left 
all our Horses behind, which cou'd now hardly 
drag their Legs after them, and with all the favour 
we cou'd show the poor Animals, we were forc'd 
to set Seven of them free, not far from the foot of 
the Mountains. 

Four men were despatcht early to clear the Road, 
that our Lame Commissioner's leg might be in less 
danger of being bruis'd, and that the Baggage 
Horses might travel with less difficulty and more 

As we past along, by favour of a Serene Sky, 
we had still, from every Eminence, a perfect view 
of the Mountains, as well to the North as to the 
South. We could not forbear now and then facing 
about to survey them, as if unwilling to part with 
a Prospect, which at the same time, like some 
Rake's, was very wild and very Agreeable. 

We encourag'd the Horses to exert the little 
Strength they had, and being light, they made a 
shift to jog on about Eleven Miles. We Encampt 
on Crooked Creek, near a Thicket of Canes. In 
the front of our Camp rose a very beautiful Hill, 
that bounded our View at about a Mile's Distance, 
and all the Intermediate space was cover'd with 
green canes. Tho', to our Sorrow, Fire-wood was 
Scarce, which was now the harder upon us, because 
a north- wester blew very cold from the Mountains. 

The Indian kill'd a stately, fat Buck, & we pickt 

1728, Oct.] THE DIVIDING LINE 187 

his Bones as clean as a score of Turky-Buzzards 
cou'd have done. 

By the advantage of a clear night, we made 
tryal once more of the Variation, and found it much 
the same as formerly. 

This being his Majesty's Birth-Day, we drank all 
the Loyal Healths in excellent Water, not for the 
sake of the drink, (like many of our fellow sub- 
jects,) but purely for the Sake of the Toast. And 
because all Public Mirth shou'd be a little noisy, 
we fir'd several volleys of Canes, instead of Guns, 
which gave a loud report. 

We threw them into the Fire, where the Air 
enclosed betwixt the Joints of the Canes, being 
expanded by the violent Heat, burst its narrow 
Bounds with a considerable explosion I 

In the Evening one of the men knockt down an 
Opossum, which is a harmless little Beast, that 
will seldom go out of your way, and if you take 
hold of it, it will only grin, and hardly ever bite. 
The Flesh was well tasted and Tender, approach- 
ing nearest to Pig, which it also resembles in Big- 
ness. The colour of its Fur was a Goose Gray, 
with a Swine's Snout, and a Tail like a Rat, but at 
least a foot long. By twisting this Tail about the 
arm of a Tree, it will hang with all its weight, and 
swing to any thing it wants to take hold of. 

It has five Claws on the fore Feet of equal 
length, but the hinder feet have only Four claws, 
and a sort of Thumb standing off at a proper 

Their Feet being thus form'd, qualify them for 


climbing up Trees to catch little Birds, which they 
are very fond of. 

But the greatest Particularity of this creature, 
and which distinguishes it from most others that 
we are acquainted with, is the FALSE BELLY of 
the FEMALE, into which her Young retreat in 
time of Danger. She can draw the Slit, which is 
the Inlet into this Pouch, so close, that you must 
look narrowly to find it, especially if she happen 
to be a Virgin. 

Within the False Belly may be seen seven or 
eight Teats, on which the young Ones grow from 
their first Formation till they are big enough to 
fall off, like ripe Fruit from a Tree. This is so 
odd a method of Generation, that I should not have 
believed it without the Testimony of mine own 
Eyes. Besides a knowing and credible Person 
has assur'd me he has more than once observ'd the 
Embryo Possums growing to the Teat before they 
were compleatly Shaped, and afterwards wacht 
their daily growth till they were big enough for 
Birth. And all this he could the more easily pry 
into, because the Damm was so perfectly gentle and 
harmless, that he could handle her just as he 

I cou'd hardly persuade myself to publish a thing 
so contrary to the Course that Nature takes in the 
Production of other Animals, unless it were a 
Matter Commonly believ'd in all Countries where 
that Creature is produc'd, and has been often ob- 
served by Persons of undoubted credit and under- 

1728, Oct.] THE DIVIDING LINE 189 

They say that the Leather-winged Bats produce 
their Young in the same uncommon Manner. And 
that young Sharks at Sea, and the Young Vipers 
ashoar, run down the Throats of their Damms 
when they are closely pursued. 

The frequent crossing of Crooked Creek, and 
mounting the Steep Banks of it, gave the finishing 
stroke to the foundering of our Horses: and no 
less than two of them made a full stop here, and 
would not advance a foot farther, either by fair 
means or foul. 

We had a Dreamer of Dreams amongst us, who 
warned me in the Morning to take care of myself, 
or I shou'd infallibly fall into the Creek; I thank'd 
him kindly, and used what Caution I cou'd, but 
was not able it seems to avoid my Destiny, for 
my Horse made a false step and laid me down at 
my full Length in the water. 

This was enough to bring dreaming into credit, 
and I think it much for the Honour of our expedi- 
tion, that it was grac'd not only with PRIEST but 
also with a PKOPHET. 

We were so perplext with this Serpentine Creek, 
as well as in Passing the Branches of the Irvin, 
(which were swell'd since we saw them before,) 
that we could reach but 5 miles this whole day. 
In the Evening We pitched our Tent near Miry 
creek, (tho' an uncomfortable place to lodge in) 
purely for the advantage of the Canes. 

Our Hunters killed a large Doe and two Bears, 
which made all other misfortunes easy. Certainly 
no Tartar ever lov'd Horse-flesh, or Hottentot Guts 


and Garbage, better than Woodsmen do Bear. 
The truth of it is, it may be proper food perhaps 
for such as Work or Ride it off, but, with our 
Chaplain's Leave, who lov'd it much, I think it 
not a very proper dyet for saints, because 'tis apt 
to make them a little too rampant. 

And now, for the good of mankind, and for the 
better Peopling an Infant colony, which has no 
want but that of Inhabitants, I will venture to pub- 
lish a Secret of Importance, which our Indian dis- 
clos'd to me. I askt him the reason why few or 
none of his Countrywomen were barren? To which 
curious Question he answered, with a Broad grin 
upon his Pace, they had an infallible SECRET 
for that. Upon my being importunate to know 
what the secret might be, he informed me that, if 
any Indian woman did not prove with child at a 
decent time after Marriage, the Husband, to save 
his Reputation with the women, forthwith entered 
into a Bear-dyet for Six Weeks, which in that 
time makes him so vigorous that he grows exceed- 
ingly impertinent to his poor wife and 'tis great 
odds but he makes her a Mother in Nine Months. 

And thus I am able to say, besides, for the Rep- 
utation of the Bear Dyet, that all the Marryed 
men of our Company were joyful Fathers within 
forty weeks after they got Home, and most of the 
Single men had children sworn to them within the 
same time, our chaplain always excepted, who, with 
much ado, made a shift to cast out that impor- 
tunate kind of Devil, by Dint of Fasting and 

1728, Nov.] THE DIVIDING LINE 191 

Nov. 1. By the negligence of one o Che Men 
in not hobbling his Horse, he straggled so far that 
he could not be found. This stopt us all the Morn- 
ing long; Yet, because our Tune should not be en- 
tirely lost, we endeavoured to observe the Latitude 
at twelve a clock. Though our observation was 
not perfect, by reason the Wind blew a little too 
fresh, however, by Such a One as we cou'd make, 
we found ourselves in 36 20' only. 

Notwithstanding our being thus delay'd, and the 
unevenness of the Ground, over which we were 
oblig'd to walk, (for most of us serv'd now in the 
Infantry,) we travelled no less than 6 miles, Tho' 
as merciful as we were to our poor Beasts, another 
of 'em tired by the way, & was left behind for the 
Wolves & Panthers to feast upon. 

As we marcht along, we had the fortune to kill 
a Brace of Bucks, as many Bears, and one wild 
Turkey. But this was carrying Sport to wanton- 
ness, because we butchered more than we were 
able to transport. We ordered the Deer to be 
quarter'd and divided amongst the Horses for the 
lighter Carriage, and recommended the Bears to 
our dayly attendants, the Turkey-Buzzards. 

We always chose to carry Yenison along with 
us rather than Bear, not only because it was less 
cumbersome, but likewise because the People cou'd 
eat it without Bread, which was now almost spent. 
Whereas the other, being richer food, lay too 
heavy upon the stomach, unless it were lightened 
by something farinaceous. This is what I thought 
proper to remarque, for the service of all those 


whose Business or Diversion shall oblige them to 
live any time in the Woods. 

And because I am persuaded that very usefull 
Matters may be found out by Searching this great 
Wilderness, especially the upper parts of it about 
the Mountains, I conceive it will help to engage 
able men in that good work, if I recommend a 
wholesome kind of Food, of very small Weight 
and very great Nourishment, that will secure them 
from Starving, in case they shou'd be so unlucky 
as to meet with no Game. The Chief discourage- 
ment at present from penetrating far into the Woods 
is the trouble of carrying a Load of Provisions. I 
must own Famine is a frightful Monster, and for 
that reason to be guarded against as well as we 
can. But the common precautions against it, are 
so burthensome, that People can't tarry long out, 
and go far enough from home, to make any effectual 

The Portable Provisions I would furnish our 
Foresters withal are Glue-Broth and rockahomini: 
one contains the Essence of Bread, the other of 

The best way of making Glue-Broth is after the 
following method: Take a Leg of Beef, Yeal, 
Venison, or any other Young Meat, because Old 
Meat will not so easily Jelly. Pare off all the fat, 
in which there is no Nutriment, and of the Lean 
make a very strong Broth, after the usual Manner, 
by boiling the meat to Rags till all the Goodness 
be out. After Skimming off what fat remains, 
pour the Broth into a wide Stew-Pan, well tinn'd, 

1728, Nov.] THE DIVIDING LINE 193 

& let it simmer over a gentle, even Fire, till it 
come to a thick Jelly. Then take it off and set it 
over Boiling Water, which is an Evener Heat, and 
not so apt to burn the Broth to the Vessel. Over 
that let it evaporate, stirring it very often till it be 
reduc'd, when cold, into a Solid Substance like 
Glue. Then cut it into small Pieces, laying them 
Single in the Cold, that they may dry the Sooner. 
When the Pieces are perfectly dry, put them into 
a Cannister, and they will be good, if kept Dry, a 
whole East India Yoyage. 

This Glue is so Strong, that two or three Drams, 
dissolv'd in boiling Water with a little Salt, will 
make half a pint of good Broth, & if you shou'd be 
faint with fasting or Fatigue, let a small piece of 
this Glue melt in your Mouth, and you will find 
yourself surprisingly refreshed. 

One Pound of this cookery wou'd keep a man in 
good heart above a Month, and is not only Nour- 
ishing, but likewise very wholesome. Particularly 
it is good against Fluxes, which Woodsmen are 
very liable to, by lying too near the moist ground, 
and guzzling too much cold Water. But as it will 
be only us'd now and then, in times of Scarcity, 
when Game is wanting, two Pounds of it will be 
enough for a Journey of Six Months. 

But this Broth will be still more heartening, if 
you thicken every mess with half a Spoonful of 
Rockahominy, which is nothing but Indian Corn 
parched without burning, and reduced to Powder. 
The Fire drives out all the Watery Parts of the 
Corn, leaving the Strength of it behind, and this 

194: COLONEL WILLIAM BYRD [1728, Nov. 

being very dry, becomes much lighter for carriage 
and less liable to be Spoilt by the Moist Air. 

Thus half a Dozen Pounds of this Sprightful 
Bread will sustain a Man for as many Months, 
provided he husband it well, and always Spare it 
when he meets with Venison, which, as I said be- 
fore, may be very Safely eaten without any Bread 
at all. 

By what I have said, a Man needs not encumber 
himself with more than 8 or 10 Pounds of Pro- 
visions, tho' he continue half a year in the Woods. 

These and his Gun will support him very well 
during that time, without the least danger of keep- 
ing one Single Fast. And tho' some of his days 
may be what the French call Jours maigres, yet 
there will happen no more of those than will be 
necessary for his health, and to carry off the Ex- 
cesses of the Days of Plenty, when our Travellers 
will be apt to indulge their Lawless Appetites too 

2. The Heavens frowned this Morning, and 
threaten'd abundance of Rain, but our Zeal for re- 
turning made us defy the Weather, and decamp a 
little before Noon. Yet we had not advanct two 
Miles, before a Soaking Shower made us glad to 
pitch our Tent as fast as we could. We chose for 
that purpose a rising Ground, half a mile to the 
East of MATRIMONY CREEK. This was the first 
and only time we were caught in the Rain, during 
the whole Expedition. It us'd before to be so civil 
as to fall in the night, after we were safe in our 
Quarters, and had trencht ourselves in; or else it 

1728, Nov.] THE DIVIDING LINE 195 

came upon us on Sundays, when it was no Inter- 
ruption to our Progress, nor any Inconvenience to 
our Persons. 

We had, however, been so lucky in this Particu- 
lar before, that we had abundant Reason to take 
our present soaking patiently, and the Misfortune 
was the less, because we had taken the Precaution 
to keep all our Baggage and Bedding perfectly 

This Rain was enliven'd with very loud Thunder, 
which was echo'd back by the Hills in the Neigh- 
bourhood in a frightful Manner. There is some- 
thing in the Woods that makes the Sound of this 
Meteor more awfull, and the Violence of the Light- 
ening more Visible. The Trees are frequently 
Shiver'd quite down to the Root, and sometimes 
perfectly twisted. But of all the Effects of 
Lightening that ever I heard of, the most amazing 
happen' d in this country, in the Year 1736. 

In the Summer of that year a Surgeon of a Ship, 
whose Name was Davis, came ashoar at York to 
visit a Patient. He was no sooner got into the 
House, but it began to rain with many terrible 
Claps of Thunder. When it was almost dark there 
came a dreadful Flash of Lightning, which Struck 
the Surgeon dead as he was walking about the 
Room, but hurt no other Person, tho' several were 
near him. At the same time it made a large Hole 
in the Trunk of a Pine Tree, which grew about 
Ten Feet from the Window. But what was most 
surprising in this Disaster was, that on the Breast 
of the unfortunate man that was kill'd was the 


Figure of a Pine Tree, as exactly delineated as 
any Limner in the World could draw it, nay, the 
Resemblance went so far as to represent the colour 
of the Pine, as well as the Figure. The Light- 
ning must probably have passed thro' the Tree first 
before it struck the Man, and by that means have 
printed the Icon of it on his breast. 

But whatever may have been the cause, the Ef- 
fect was certain, and can be attested by a Cloud of 
Witnesses who had the curiosity to go and see 
this Wonderful Phenomenon. 

The worst of it was, we were forced to Encamp 
in a barren place, where there was hardly a blade 
of Grass to be seen, Even the wild Rosemary 
failed us here, which gave us but too just appre- 
hensions that we should not only be oblig'd to 
trudge all the way home on foot, but also to lug 
our Baggage at our Backs into the Bargain. 

Thus we learnt by our own Experience, that 
Horses are very improper animals to use in a long 
Ramble into the Woods, and the better they have 
been used to be fed, they are still the worse. Such 
will fall away a great deal faster, and fail much 
sooner, than those which are wont to be at their 
own keeping. Besides, Horses that have been 
accustom'd to a Plane and Champaign Country 
will founder presently, when they come to clamber 
up Hills, and batter their Hoofs against continal 

We need Welsh Runts, and Highland Gallo- 
ways to climb our Mountains withal ; they are us'd 
to Precipices, and will bite as close as Banstead 

1728, Nov.] THE DIVIDING LINE 197 

Down Sheep. But I should much rather recom- 
mend Mules, if we had them, for these long and 
painful Expeditions ; tho' till they can be bred, cer- 
tainly Asses are the fittest Beasts of Burthen 
for the Mountains. They are sure-footed, patient 
under the heaviest Fatigue, and will subsist upon 
Moss, or Browsing on Shrubs all the Winter. One 
of them will carry the Necessary Luggage of four 
Men, without any Difficulty, and upon a Pinch will 
take a Quarter of Bear or Venison upon their 
Backs into the Bargain. 

Thus, when the Men are light and disengaged 
from every thing but their Guns, they may go the 
whole Journey on foot with pleasure. And tho' 
my Dear Countrymen have so great a Passion for 
riding, that they will often walk two miles to catch 
a Horse, in Order to ride One, yet, if they '11 please 
to take my Word for ' t, when they go into the 
Woods upon Discovery, I would advise them by 
all Means to march a-foot, for they will then be 
deliver'd from the great Care and Concern for 
their Horses, which takes up too large a portion of 
their time. 

Over Night we are now at the trouble of hob- 
bling them out, and often of leading them a mile 
or two to a convenient place for Forrage, and then 
in the morning we are some Hours in finding them 
again, because they are apt to stray a great way 
from the place where they were turn'd out. Now 
and then, too, they are lost for a whole day to- 
gether, and are frequently so weak and jaded, that 
the Company must ly still Several days, near some 


Meadow, or High-land Pond, to recruit them. All 
these delays retard their Progress intolerably; 
whereas, if they had only a few Asses, they wou'd 
abide close to the Camp, and find Sufficient food 
everywhere, and in all Seasons of the Year. Men 
wou'd then be able to travel Safely over Hills and 
Dales, nor wou'd the Steepest Mountains obstruct 
their Progress. 

They might also search more narrowly for Mines 
and other Productions of Nature, without being 
confin'd to level grounds, in Compliment to the 
jades they ride on. And one may foretell, without 
the Spirit of Divination, that so long as Woodsmen 
continue to range on Horse-back, we shall be Stran- 
gers to our own Country, and a few or no valuable 
Discoveries will ever be made. 

The FRENCH COURIERS de Bois, who have run 
from one End of the Continent to the other, have 
performed it all on foot, or else in all probability 
must have continued as ignorant as we are. 

Our Country has now been inhabited more than 
130 years by the English, and still we hardly know 
any thing of the Appalachian Mountains, that are 
no where above 250 miles from the sea. Whereas 
the French, who are later comers, have rang'd 
from Quebec Southward as far as the Mouth of 
Mississippi, in the bay of Mexico, and to the West 
almost as far as California, which is either way 
above 2000 miles. 

3. A North-west Wind having clear'd the Sky, 
we were now tempted to travel on a Sunday, for 
the first time, for want of more plentiful Forage, 

1728, Nov.] THE DIVIDING LINE 199 

though some of the more Scrupulous amongst us 
we [re] unwilling to do Evil, that good might come 
of it, and make our Cattle work a Good part of the 
Day in order to fill their Bellies at Night. How- 
ever, the Chaplain put on his casuistical Face, and 
offer'd to take the sin upon Himself. We there- 
fore consented to move a Sabbath Day's Journey 
of 3 or 4 Miles, it appearing to be a Matter of 
some necessity. 

On the way our unmerciful Indian kill'd no less 
than two Brace of Deer and a large Bear. We 
only prim'd the Deer, being unwilling to be en- 
cumbered with their whole Carcasses. The rest 
we consign'd to the Wolves, which in Return 
seranaded us great part of the Night. They are 
very clamerous in their Banquets, which we know 
is the way some other Brutes have, in the extrava- 
gance of their Jollity and Sprightliness, of ex- 
pressing their thanks to Providence. 

We came to our Old camp, in Sight of the River 
Irvin, whose Stream was Swell'd now near four 
feet with the Rain that fell the Day before. This 
made it impracticable for us to ford it, nor could 
we guess when the water wou'd fall enough to let 
us go over. 

This put our Mathematical Professor, who shou'd 
have set a better Example, into the Vapours, fearing 
he shou'd be oblig'd to take up his Winter Quarters 
in that doleful Wilderness. But the rest were 
not affected with his want of Faith, but preserved 
a Firmness of Mind Superior to such little Adverse 
Accidents. They trusted that the same good 


Providence which had most remarkably prosper'd 
them hitherto, would continue his goodness and 
conduct them safe to the End of their Journey. 

However, we found plainly that travelling on the 
Sunday, contrary to our constant Rule, had not 
thriven with us in the least. We were not gamers 
of any distance by it, because the River made us 
pay two days for Violating one. 

Nevertheless, by making this Reflection, I would 
not be thought so rigid an observer of the Sabbath 
as to allow of no Work at all to be done, or Jour- 
neys to be taken upon it. I should not care to ly 
still and be knockt on the head, as the Jews were 
heretofore by Antiochus, because I believ'd it un- 
lawful to stand upon my Defense on this good day. 
Nor would I care, like a certain New England 
Magistrate, to order a Man to the Whipping Post, 
for daring to ride for a Midwife on the Lord's Day. 

On the contrary, I am for doing all acts of Ne- 
cessity, Charity, and Self -Preservation, upon a 
Sunday as well as other days of the Week. But, 
as I think our present March cou'd not Strictly be 
justify'd by any of these Rules, it was but just we 
should suffer a little for it. 

I never could learn that the Indians set apart 
any day of the Week or the Year for the Service 
of God. They pray, as Philosophers eat, only 
when they have a stomach, without having any set 
time for it. Indeed these Idle People have very 
little occasion for a sabbath to refresh themselves 
after hard Labour, because very few of them ever 
Labour at all. Like the wild Irish, they would 

1728, Nov.] THE DIVIDING LINE 201 

rather want than Work, and are all men of Plea- 
sure, to whom every day is a day of rest. 

Indeed, in their Hunting, they will take a little 
Pains ; but this being only a Diversion, then* spirits 
are rather rais'd than depress'd by it, and therefore 
need at most but a Night's Sleep to recruit them. 

4. By some Stakes we had driven into the River 
yesterday, we perceiv'd the Water began to fall, 
but fell so Slowly that we found we must have pa- 
tience a day or two longer. And because we were 
unwilling to ly altogether Idle, we sent back some 
of the men to bring up the two Horses that tir'd 
the Saturday before. They were found near the 
place where we had left them, but seemed too 
sensible of their Liberty to come to us. They 
were found Standing indeed, but as Motionless as 
the Equestrian statue at CHARING-CROSS. 

We had great reason to apprehend more Rain 
by the clouds that drove over our Heads. The 
boldest amongst us were not without some Pangs 
of uneasiness at so very Sullen a Prospect. How- 
ever, God be prais'd! it all blew over in a few 

If much Rain had fallen, we resolv'd to make a 
Raft and bind it together with Grape Vines, to 
Ferry ourselves and Baggage over the River. 
Tho', in that Case, we expected the Swiftness of 
the Stream wou'd have carry'd down our Raft a 
long way before we cou'd have tugg'd it to the 
opposite shoar. 

One of the Young Fellows we had sent to bring 
up the tired Horses entertained us in the Evening 


with a remarkable adventure he had met with that 

He had straggled, it seems, from his Company 
in a mist, and made a cub of a year old betake it- 
self to a Tree. While he was new-priming his 
piece, with intent to fetch it down, the Old Gen- 
tlewoman appeared, and perceiving her Heir ap- 
parent in Distress, advanc'd open-mouth'd to his 

The man was so intent upon his Game, that she 
had approacht very near him before he perceived 
her. But finding his Danger, he faced about upon 
the Enemy, which immediately rear'd upon her 
posteriors, & put herself in Battle Array. 

The Man, admiring at the Bear's assurance, en- 
deavour'd to fire upon Her, but by the Dampness of 
the Priming, his Gun did not go off. He cockt it 
a second time, and had the same misfortune. After 
missing Fire twice, he had the folly to punch the 
Beast with the muzzle of his Piece; but mother 
Bruin, being upon her Guard, seized the Weapon 
with her Paws, and by main strength wrenched it 
out of the Fellow's Hands. 

The Man being thus fairly disarm'd, thought him- 
self no longer a Match for the Enemy, and there- 
fore retreated as fast as his Legs could carry him. 

The brute naturally grew bolder upon the flight 
of her Adversary, and pursued him with all her 
heavy speed. For some tune it was doubtful 
whether fear made one run faster, or Fury the 
other. But after an even course of about 50 yards, 
the Man had the Mishap to Stumble over a Stump, 

1728, Nov.] THE DIVIDING LINE 203 

and fell down his full Length. He now wou'd 
have sold his Life a Penny-worth; but the Bear, 
apprehending there might be some Trick in the 
Fall, instantly halted, and lookt with much atten- 
tion on her Prostrate Foe. 

In the mean while, the Man had with great pres- 
ence of Mind resolved to make the Bear believe he 
was dead, by lying Breathless on the Ground, in 
Hopes that the Beast would be too generous to 
kill him over again. To carry on the Farce, he 
acted the Corpse for some time without dareing to 
raise his head, to see how near the Monster was to 
him. But in about two Minutes, to his unspeak- 
able Comfort, he was rais'd from the Dead by the 
Barking of a Dog, belonging to one of his com- 
panions, who came Seasonably to his Rescue, and 
drove the Bear from pursuing the Man to take 
care of her Cub, which she fear'd might now fall 
into a second Distress. 

5. We Judg'd the Waters were assuag'd this 
morning to make the River fordable. Therefore 
about Ten we try'd the Experiment, and every 
Body got over Safe, except one man, whose Horse 
Slipt from a Rock as he forded over, and threw 
him into the River. But being able to swim, he 
was not Carry'd down the Stream very far before 
he recover'd the North Shore. 

At the Distance of about 6 miles we passt CAS- 
CADE CHEEK, and 3 Miles farther we came upon 
the Banks of the Dan, which we crost with much 
Difficulty, by reason the Water was risen much 
higher than when we forded it before. 


Here the same unlucky Person happen' d to be 
duckt a Second time, and was a Second time 
Sav'd by Swimming. My own Horse too plunged 
in such a Manner that his Head was more than 
once under Water, but with much more ado recov- 
er'd his Feet, tho' he made so low an obeisance, 
that the water ran fairly over my Saddle. 

We continued our march as far as LOWLAND 
CREEK, where we took up our Lodging, for the 
benefit of the Canes and Winter Grass that grew 
upon the rich Grounds thereabouts. On our way 
thither we had the Misfortune to drop another 
Horse, though he carry' d nothing the whole day 
but his Saddle. We showed the same favour to 
most of our Horses, for fear, if we did not do it, 
we should in a little time be turned into Beasts of 
Burthen ourselves. 

Custom had now made travelling on foot so fa- 
miliar, that we were able to walk ten Miles with 
Pleasure. This we cou'd do in our Boots, not- 
withstanding our way lay over rough Woods and 
uneven Grounds. 

Our learning to walk in heavy Boots was the 
same advantage to us that learning to Dance High 
Dances in Wooden Shoes is to the French, it made 
us most exceedingly Nimble without them. 

The Indians, who have no way of travelling but 
on the Hoof, make nothing of going 25 miles a 
day, and carrying their little Necessaries at their 
backs, and Sometimes a Stout Pack of Skins into 
the Bargain. And very often they laugh at the 
English, who can't Stir to Next Neighbour with- 

1728, Nov.] THE DIVIDING LINE 205 

out a Horse, and say that 2 Legs are too much for 
such lazy people, who cannot visit their next neigh- 
bour without six. 

For their Parts, they were utter Strangers to 
all our Beasts of Burthen or Carriage, before the 
Slothful Europeans came amongst them. They 
had on no part of the American Continent, or in 
any of the Islands, either Horses or Asses, Cam- 
els, Dromedaries or Elephants, to ease the Legs 
of the Original Inhabitants, or to lighten their 

Indeed, in South America, and particularly in 
Chili, they have a useful animal call'd "paco." 
This creature resembles a Sheep pretty much; 
only in the Length of the Neck, and figure of the 
Head, it is more like a Camel. It is very near as 
high as the ass, and the Indians there make use of 
it for carrying moderate Burthens. 

The Fleece that grows upon it is very Valuable 
for the fineness, length and Glossiness of the 
Wool. It has one remarkable Singularity, that 
the Hoofs of its fore-feet have three Clefts, and 
those behind no more than one. The Flesh of this 
Animal is something drier than our Mutton, but 
altogether as well tasted. 

When it is Angry, it has no way of resenting 
its wrongs, but by spitting in the Face of those 
that provoke it: and if the Spawl happen to light 
on the bare Skin of any Person, it first creates an 
Itching, and afterwards a Scab, if no Remedy be 
applied. The way to manage these pacos, and 
make them tractable, is, to bore a hole in their 


ears, through which they put a Rope, and then 
guide them just as they please. 

In Chili, they wear a beautiful kind of Stuff, 
with thread made of this Creature's Wool, which 
has a Gloss Superior to any Camlet, and is sold 
very dear in that country. 

6. The Difficulty of finding the Horses among the 
tall Canes made it late before we decampt. We 
traversed very hilly Grounds, but to make amends 
it was pretty clear of Underwood. 

We avoided crossing the Dan twice by taking a 
Compass round the bent of it. There was no pass- 
ing by the angle of the River without halting a 
moment to entertain our Eyes again with that 
Charming Prospect. When that pleasure was 
over we proceeded to Sable Creek, and encamped a 
little to the East of it. 

The River thereabouts had a charming effect, 
its Banks being adorn'd with green canes, sixteen 
feet high, which make a Spring all the year, as 
well as plenty of Forage all the Winter. 

One of the Men wounded an Old Buck, that was 
gray with years, and seem'd by the Reverend 
Marks he bore upon him, to confirm the current 
Opinion of that animal's Longevity. The Smart 
of his Wounds made him not only turn upon the 
Dogs, but likewise pursue them to some Distance 
with great Fury. 

However he got away at last, though by the 
blood that issued from his Wound he could not 
run far before he fell, and without doubt made 
a comfortable repast for the wolves. However 

1728, Nov.] THE DIVIDING LINE 207 

the Indian had better Fortune, and supply'd us 
with a fat Doe, and a young Bear two years 
old. At that Age they are in their Prime, and, if 
they be fat withal, they are a Morsel for a Car- 

All the Land we Travell'd over this day, and 
the day before, that is to say from the river Irvin 
to Sable Creek, is exceedingly rich, both on the 
Virginia Side of the Line, and that of Carolina. 1 
Besides whole Forests of Canes, that adorn the 
Banks of the River and Creeks thereabouts, the 
fertility of the Soil throws out such a Quantity of 
Winter Grass, that Horses and Cattle might keep 
themselves in Heart all the cold Season without 
the help of any Fodder. Nor have the low 
Grounds only this advantage, but likewise the 
Higher Land, and particularly that which we call 
the Highland Pond, which is two miles broad, and 
of a length unknown. 

I question not but there are 30,000 Acres at 
least, lying Altogether, as fertile as the Lands 
were said to be about Babylon, which yielded, if 
Herodotus tells us right, an Increase of no less 
that 2 or 300 for one. But this hath the Advantage 
of being a higher, and consequently a much heal- 
thier, Situation than that. So that a Colony of 1000 
families might, with the help of Moderate Indus- 
try, pass their time very happily there. 

lit was this tract of land called it " The Land of Eden ; 

which Byrd bought from the but when he surveyed his tract 

North Carolina commissioners, he found a good deal of it was 

to whom it was granted in pay- highland and by no means very 

ment for their services. Byrd attractive. EDITOR. 


Besides grazing and Tillage, which would 
abundantly compensate their Labour, they might 
plant Vineyards upon the Hills, in which Situation 
the richest Wines are always produc'd. 

They might also propagate white Mulberry 
Trees, which thrive exceedingly in this climate, in 
order to the feeding of silk- worms, and making of 
Eaw Silk. 

They might too produce Hemp, Flax and Cotton, 
in what quantity they pleas'd, not only for their 
own use, but likewise for Sale. Then they might 
raise very plentiful Orchards, of both Peaches and 
Apples, which contribute as much as any Fruit to 
the Luxury of Life. There is no Soil or Climate 
will yield better Rice than this, which is a Grain 
of prodigious Increase, and of very wholesome 
Nourishment. In short every thing will grow 
plentifully here to supply either the Wants or 
Wantonness of Man. 

Nor can I so much as wish that the more tender 
Vegetables might grow here, such as Orange, 
Lemon, and Olive Trees, because then we shou'd 
lose the much greater benefit of the brisk North- 
West Winds, which purge the Air, and sweep 
away all the Malignant Fevers, which hover over 
countries that are always warm. 

The Soil wou'd also want the advantages of 
Frost, and Snow, which by their Nitrous Particles 
contribute not a little to its Fertility. Besides the 
Inhabitants wou'd be deprived of the Variety and 
Sweet Vicissitude of the Season, which is much 
more delightful than one dull and Constant Sue- 

1728, Nov.] THE DIVIDING LINE 209 

cession of Warm Weather, diver sify'd only by 
Rain and Sun Shine. 

There is also another convenience, that happens 
to this country by cold weather it destroys a 
great Number of Snakes, and other Venomous 
Reptiles, and troublesome Insects, or at least lays 
them to Sleep for Several Months, which otherwise 
would annoy us the whole year round, & multiply 
beyond all Enduring. 

Though Oranges and Lemons are desirable 
Fruits, and Usefull enough in many Cases, yet, 
when the Want of them is Supply'd by others more 
useful, we have no cause to complain. 

There is no climate that produces every thing, 
since the Deluge Wrencht the Poles of the World 
out of their Place, nor is it fit it shou'd be so, be- 
cause it is the Mutual Supply one country receives 
from another, which creates a mutual Traffic and 
Intercourse amongst men. And in Truth, were it 
not for the correspondence, in order to make up 
for each other's Wants, the Wars betwixt Bor- 
dering Nations, like those of the Indians and other 
barbarous People, wou'd be perpetual and irrecon- 

As to Olive Trees, I know by Experience they 
will never stand the Sharpness of our Winters, but 
their Place may be Supply'd by the Plant call'd 
Sessamun, which yields an infinite quantity of large 
Seed, from whence a Sweet Oyl is prest, that is 
very wholesome and in use amongst the People of 
Lesser Asia. Likewise it is us'd in Egypt, prefer- 
ably to oyl olive, being not so apt to make those 


that eat it Constantly break out into Scabs, as they 
do in many parts of Italy. This would grow very 
kindly here, and has already been planted with 
good Success in North Carolina, by way of Ex- 

7. After crossing the Dan, we made a march of 
8 miles, over Hills and Dales as far as the next 
Ford of that River. And now we were by Prac- 
tice become such very able Footmen, that we easily 
outwalkt our Horses, and cou'd have marcht much 
farther, had it not been in pity to their Weakness. 
Besides here was plenty of Canes, which was 
reason enough to make us Shorten our Journey. 
Our Gunners did great Execution as they went 
along, killing no less than two Brace of Deer, and 
as many Wild Turkeys. 

Though Practice will soon make a man of toler- 
able Yigour an able Footman, yet, as a Help to 
bear Fatigue I us'd to chew a Root of Ginseng as 
I Walk't along. This kept up my Spirits, and 
made me trip away as nimbly in my half Jack- 
Boots as younger men cou'd in their Shoes. This 
Plant is in high Esteem in China, where it sells 
for its Weight in Silver. Indeed it does not grow 
there, but in the Mountains of Tartary, to which 
Place the emperor of China Sends 10,000 Men 
every Year on purpose to gather it. But it grows 
so scattering there, that even so many hands can 
bring home no great Quantity. Indeed it is a 
Vegetable of so many vertues, that Providence 
has planted it very thin in every Country that has 

1728, Nov.] THE DIVIDING LINE 211 

the happiness to produce it. Nor indeed is Man- 
kind worthy of so great a Blessing, since Health 
and long Life are commonly Abus'd to ill Pur- 
poses. This noble Plant grows likewise at the 
Cape of Good Hope, where it is Call'd kanna, and 
is in wonderful Esteem among the Hottentots. It 
grows also on the northern continent of America, 
near the Mountains, but as Sparingly as Truth & 
Public Spirit. It answers exactly both to the Fig- 
ure and vertues of that which grows in Tartary, so 
that there can be no doubt of its being the Same. 

Its vertues are, that it gives an uncommon 
Warmth and Vigour to the Blood, and frisks the 
Spirits, beyond any other Cordial. It chears the 
Heart even of a Man that has a bad Wife, and 
makes him look down with great Composure on 
the crosses of the World. It promotes insensible 
Perspiration, dissolves all Phlegmatick and Viscous 
Humours, that are apt to obstruct the Narrow 
channels of the Nerves. It helps the Memory, 
and would quicken even Helvetian dullness. 'Tis 
friendly to the Lungs, much more than Scolding 
itself. It comforts the Stomach, and Strengthens 
the Bowels, preventing all Colicks and Fluxes. In 
one Word, it will make a Man live a great while, 
and very well while he does live. And what is 
more, it will even make Old Age amiable, by ren- 
dering it lively, chearful, and good-humour'd. 
However 'tis of little use in the Feats of Love, as 
a great prince once found, who hearing of its in- 
vigorating Quality, sent as far as China for some 


of it, though his ladys could not boast of any 
Advantage thereby. 1 

We gave the Indian the Skins of all the Deer 
that he Shot himself, and the Men the Skins of 
what they Kill'd. And every Evening after the 
Fires were made, they stretcht them very tight 
upon Sticks, and dry'd them. This, by a Noctur- 
nal Fire, appear'd at first a very odd Spectacle, 
every thing being dark and gloomy round about. 
After they are Dry'd in this manner they may be 
folded up without Damage, till they come to be 
dress' d according to Art. 

The Indians dress them with Deer's Brains, and 
so do the English here by their example. For Ex- 
pedition's Sake they often Stretch their Skins over 
Smoak in order to dry them, which makes them 
smell so disagreeably that a Rat must have a good 
Stomach to gnaw them in that condition; nay, 'tis 
said, while that Perfume continues in a Pair of 
Leather Breeches, the Person who wears them will 
be in no Danger of that Villainous little insect the 
French call Morpion. And now I am upon the 
subject of Insects, it may not be improper to men- 
tion some few Remedies against those that are 
most Vexatious in this Climate. There are two 
Sorts without Doors, that are great Nuisances, the 
Tikes, and the Horse Flies. The Tikes are either 
Deer-tikes, or those that annoy the Cattle. The 
first kind are long, and take a very Strong Gripe, 
being most in remote Woods, above the Inhabitants. 

1 Ginseng is still found in Virginia and constitutes a considerable 
article of trade in some of the interior counties. EDITOR. 

1728, Nov.] THE DIVIDING LINE 213 

The other are round, and more generally insinu- 
ate themselves into the Flesh, being in all places 
where Cattle are frequent. Both these Sorts are 
apt to be troublesome during the Warm Season, 
but have such an aversion to Penny Royal, that 
they will attack no Part that is rubb'd with the 
Juice of that fragrant Vegetable. And a Strong 
Decoction of this is likewise the most effectual 
Remedy against Seed-tikes, which bury themselves 
in your Legs, when they are so small you can 
hardly discern them without a MICKOSCOPE. 

The Horse Flies are not only a great Grievance 
to Horses, but likewise to those that ride them. 
These little Yixons confine themselves chiefly to 
the Woods, and are most in moist Places. Tho' 
this Insect be no bigger than an Ordinary Fly, it 
bites very Smartly, darting its little Proboscis into 
the Skin the instant it lights upon it. These are 
offensive only in the hot months, and in the Day 
time, when they are a great Nuisance to Travel- 
lers; insomuch that it is no Wonder they were for- 
merly employed for one of the Plagues of Egypt. 
But Dittany, which is to be had in the Woods all 
the while those Insects remain in Vigor, is a Sure 
Defense against them. For this purpose, if you 
stick a Bunch of it on the Head-Stall of your 
Bridle, they will be sure to keep a respectful 

Thus, in what part of the Woods soever any 
thing mischievous or troublesome is found, kind 
Providence is sure to provide a Remedy. And 
'tis probably one great Reason why God was 


pleas'd to create these, and many other Vexatious 
Animals, that Men sho'd exercise their Wits and 
Industry, to guard themselves against them. 

Bears' Oyl is used by the Indians as a Gen- 
eral Defence, against every Species of Vermin. 
Among the rest, they say it keeps both Bugs and 
Musquetas from assaulting their Persons, which 
wou'd otherwise devour Such uncleanly People. 
Yet Bears' Grease has no strong Smell, as that 
Plant had which the Egyptians formerly us'd 
against musquetas, resembling our palma Christi, 
the Juice of which smelled so disagreeably, that 
the Remedy was worse than the Disease. 

Against musquetas, in Egypt, the Richer Sort 
us'd to build lofty Towers, with Bed-chambers in 
the Tops of them, that they might rest undis- 
turbed. 'Tis certain that these Insects are no High 
Fliers, because their Wings are weak and their 
Bodies so light, that if they mount never so little, 
the wind blows them quite away from their Course, 
and they become an easy prey to the Martins, East 
India Bats, and other Birds that fly about in con- 
tinual Quest of them. 

8. As we had twice more to cross the Dan over 
two fords, that lay no more than 7 miles from each 
other, we judg'd the Distance wou'd not be much 
greater to go round the Bent of it. Accordingly 
we sent the Indian and two white Men that way, 
who came up with us in the Evening, after fetch- 
ing a compass of about 12 Miles. 

They told us that, about a mile from our last 
Camp, they passed a creek fortify'd with Steep 

1728, Nov.] THE DIVIDING LINE 216 

Cliffs, which therefore gain'd the name of Cliff 
Creek. Near 3 miles beyond that they forded a 
Second Creek, on the Margin of which grew abun- 
dance of Tall canes and this was call'd Hix's creek, 
from one of the Discoverers. Between these two 
creeks lies a level of exceeding rich Land, full of 
large Trees, and cover'd with black Mould, as 
fruitful, if we believe them, as that which is yearly 
overflow' d by the Nile. 

We who marched the nearest way upon the Line 
found the Ground rising and falling between the 
two Fords of the Dan, which almost broke our 
own Wind, and the Hearts of our Jaded Palfreys. 
When we had passed the last Ford, it was a Sen- 
sible Joy to find ourselves Safe over all the Waters 
that might cut off our Retreat. And we had the 
greater Reason to be Thankfull, because so late in 
the Year it was very unusual to find the rivers so 

We catcht a large Tarapin in the River, which 
is one kind of Turtle. The flesh of it is whole- 
some, and good for Consumptive People. It lays 
a great Number of Eggs, not larger but rounder 
than those of Pigeons. These are Soft, but 
withal so tough that 'tis difficult to break them, yet 
are very Sweet and invigorating, so that some 
Wives recommend them earnestly to their Hus- 

One of the Men, by an Overstrain, had unhap- 
pily got a Running of the Reins, for which I gave 
him every Morning a little Sweet Gumm dissolved 
in Water, with good success. This gumm distils 


from a large Tree, call'd the Sweet-Gum Tree, 
very Common in Virginia, and is as healing in its 
Virtue as Balm of Gilead, or the Balsams of Tolu 
and of Peru. It is likewise a most Agreeable par- 
fume, very little inferior to Ambergris. 

And now I have mention'd Ambergris, I hope it 
will not be thought an unprofitable digression, to 
give a faithful Account how it is produced, in 
Order to reconcile the various Opinions concerning 
it. It is now certainly found to be the Dung of 
the Sper Maceti Whale, which is at first very black 
and unsavoury. But after having been washt for 
some Months in the Sea, and blanch' d in the Sun, 
it comes at length to be of a Gray colour, and from 
a most offensive Smell, contracts the finest fra- 
grancy in the World. 

Besides the Pragrancy of this Animal Substance, 
'tis a very rich and innocent Cordial, which raises 
the spirits without Stupifying them afterwards, like 
Opium, or intoxicating them like Wine. The Ani- 
mal Spirits are amazingly refreshed by this Cor- 
dial, without the Danger of any ill consequence, 
and if Husbands were now and then to dissolve a 
little of it in their Broth, their Consorts might be 
the better for it, as well as themselves. In the 
Bahama Islands (where a great Quantity is found, 
by reason the Sperma Ceti Whales resort thither 
continually,) it is us'd as an Antidote against the 
Venomous Fish which abound thereabouts, where- 
with the People are apt to Poison themselves. 

We are not only oblig'd to that Whale for this 
rich parfume, but also for the Sper Maceti itself, 

1728, Nov.] THE DIVIDING LINE 217 

which is the Fat of that Fish's Head boil'd and 
purg'd from all its impuritys. What remains is of 
a balsamick and detersive Quality, very friendly 
to the Lungs, and usefull in many other Cases. 

The Indian had kill'd a fat Doe in the compass 
he took round the Elbow of the River, but was 
content to Prime it only, by reason it was too 
far off to lug the whole Carcass upon his Back. 
This, and a Brace of Wild Turkeys which our 
Men had Shot, made up all our Bill of Fare this 
Evening, but could only afford a Philosophical 
Meal to so many craving Stomachs. 

The Horses were now so lean that any thing 
would gall those that carry'd the least Burthen; 
no Wonder then if Several of them had sore 
Backs, especially now the Pads of the Saddles 
and Packs were press'd flat with long and con- 
stant Use. This would have been another Mis- 
fortune, had we not been provided with an easy 
Remedy for it. 

One of the Commissioners, believing that Such 
Accidents might happen in a far Journey, had fur- 
nisht himself with Plasters of Strong Glue spread 
pretty thick. We laid on these, after making 
them running hot, which, Sticking fast, never fell 
off till the Sore was perfectly heal'd. In the 
mean time it defended the part so well, that the 
Saddle might bear upon it without Danger of 
further Injury. 

9. We reckon'd ourselves now pretty well out 
of the Latitude of Bears, to the great Grief of 
most of the company. There was Still Mast 


enough left in the Woods to keep the Bears from 
drawing so near to the Inhabitants. They like 
not the neighbourhood of Merciless Man, till 
Famine compels them to it. They are all Black 
in this part of the "World, and so is their Dung, 
but it will make Linnen white, being tolerably 
good Soap, without any Preparation but only 

These Bears are of a Moderate Size, whereas 
within the Polar Circles they are white, and much 
larger. Those of the Southern Parts of Muscovy 
are of a Russet Colour, but among the SA- 
MOEIDS, as well as in GREENLAOT) and NOVA 
ZEMBLA, they are as white as the snow they con- 
verse with, and by some Accounts are as large as 
a Moderate Ox. 

The Excessive Cold of that Climate sets their 
Appetites so Sharp, that they will Attack a Man 
without Ceremony, and even climb up a Ship's Side 
to come at him. They range about and are very 
Mischievous all the time the Sun is above the Ho- 
rizon, which is something more than Five Months ; 
but after the Sun is Set for the rest of the Year, 
they retire into Holes, or bury themselves under 
the Snow, and Sleep away the Dark Season with- 
out any Sustenance at all. 5 Tis pitty our Beggars 
and Pickpockets Cou'd not do the Same. 

Our Journey this day was above 12 Miles, and 
more than half the way terribly hamper'd with 
Bushes. We tir'd another Horse, which we were 
oblig'd to leave two miles short of where we En- 
campt, and indeed Several others were upon the 

1728, Nov.] THE DIVIDING LINE 219 

Careen almost every Step. Now we wanted one 
of those celebrated Musicians of Antiquity, who, 
they tell us, among many other Wonders of their 
Art, cou'd play an air which, by its Animateing 
Briskness wou'd make a Jaded Horse caper and 
curvet much better than any Whip, Spur, or even 
than Swearing. Tho' I fear our poor Beasts were 
so harast that it wou'd have been beyond the Skill 
of Orpheus himself so much as to make them 
prick up their ears. 

For Proof of the Marvellous Power of Music 
among the Ancients, some Historians say, that one 
of those Skilful Masters took upon him to make 
the great Alexander start up from his Seat, and 
handle his Javelin, whether he would or not, by 
the force of a sprightly Tune, which he knew how 
to play to Him. The King ordered the man to 
bring his Instrument, and then fixing himself 
firmly in his chair, and determining not to Stir, he 
bade him to Strike up as- soon as he pleas'd. The 
Musician obey'd, and presently rous'd the Hero's 
Spirits with such Warlike Notes, that he was con- 
strain'd, in Spite of all his Resolution, to spring up 
and fly to his Javelin with great martial Fury. 

We can the easier credit these Prophane Stories 
by what we find recorded in the Oracles of Truth, 
where we are told the Wonders David performed 
by Sweetly touching his Harp. He made nothing 
of driving the Evil Spirit out of Saul, tho' a cer- 
tain rabbi assures us he could not do so much by 
his Wife, MICHAL, when she happen'd to be in 
her Ayrs. 


The greatest Instance we have of the Power of 
Modern Music is that which cures those who in 
Italy are bitten by the little Spider called the Ta- 
rantula. The whole method of which is perform'd 
in the following manner. 

In Apulia it is a common Misfortune for People 
to be bitten by the Tarantula, and most about 
Taranto and Gallipoli. This is a gray spider, not 
very large, with a narrow Streak of white along 
the Back. It is no wonder there are many of 
these Villanous Insects, because, by a Ridiculous 
Superstition 'tis accounted great Inhumanity to 
kill them. They believe, it seems, that if the 
Spider come to a Violent Death, all those who had 
been bitten by it will certainly have a Return of 
their Frenzy every Year as long as they live. But 
if it dye a Natural Death, the Patient will have a 
chance to recover in two or three Years. 

The Bite of the tarantula gives no more pain 
than the Bite of a musqueta, and makes little or 
no inflamation on the Part, especially when the 
Disaster happens in April or May ; but, its Yenom 
encreasing with the Heat of the Season, has more 
fatal Consequences in July and August. The 
Persons who are so unhappy as to be bitten in 
those Warm Months, fall down on the Place in a 
few Minutes, and lye senseless for a considerable 
time, and when they come to themselves feel hor- 
rible Pains, are very Sick at their Stomachs, and 
in a Short time break out into foul Sores ; but those 
who are bitten in the Milder Months have much 
gentler Symptoms. They are longer before the 

1728, Nov.] THE DIVIDING LINE 221 

Distemper Shows itself, and then they have a small 
Disorder in their Senses, are a little sick, and per- 
haps have some Moderate Breakings-out. 

However, in both cases, the Patient keeps upon 
the Bed, not caring to stir, till he is rous'd by a 
Tune, proper for his particular case. Therefore, 
as soon as the Symptoms discover themselves, a 
Tarantula Doctor is sent for, who, after viewing 
carefully the condition of the Person, first tries 
one Tune and then another, until he is so fortunate 
as to hit the Phrenetic turn of the Patient. No 
sooner does this happen but he begins to Wag a 
finger, then a Hand, and afterwards a Foot, till at 
last he springs up and dances Round the Room, 
with a Surprising Agility, rolling his Eyes and 
looking wild the whole time. This dancing-Fit 
lasts commonly about 25 minutes, by which time 
he will be all in a Lather. Then he sits down, falls 
a laughing, and returns to his Senses. So Plenti- 
ful a Perspiration discharges so much of the Venom 
as will keep off the Return of the Distemper for a 
whole Year. Then it will Visit Him again, and 
must be remov'd in the Same Merry Manner. But 
three dancing Bouts will do the Business, unless, 
peradventure, the Spider, according to the Vulgar 
Notion, has been put to a Violent Death. 

The Tunes Play'd to expel this Whimsical 
Disorder, are of the Jigg-kind, and exceed not 
15 in number. The Apulians are frequently 
dancing off the Effects of this Poison, and no 
Remedy is more commonly apply'd to any other 
Distemper elsewhere, than those Sprightly Tunes 


are to the Bite of the Tarantula in that part of 

It is remarkable that these Spiders have a greater 
Spight to the Natives of the Place than they have 
to Strangers, and Women are oftener bitten than 
Men. Tho' there may be a Reason for the last, 
because Women are more confin'd to the House, 
where these Spyders keep, and their coats make 
them liable to Attacks unseen, whereas the Men 
can more easily discover, and brush them off their 
Legs. Nevertheless, both Sexes are cur'd the 
Same way, and thereby Show the Wonderful 
Effects of Music. 

Considering how far we had walkt, and conse- 
quently how hungry we were, we found but Short 
commons when we came to our Quarters. One 
Brace of Turkeys was all the Game we cou'd meet 
with, which almost needed a Miracle to enable 
them to Suffice so many Voracious Appetites. 
However, they just made a Shift to keep Famine, 
and consequently Mutiny, out of the Camp. At 
Night we lodg'd upon the Banks of Buffalo Creek, 
where none of us cou'd complain of loss of Rest, 
for having eaten too heavy and Luxurious a 

10. In a Dearth of Provisions our Chaplain pro- 
nounc'd it lawful to make bold with the Sabbath, 
and send a Party out a-Hunting. They fired the 
Dry Leaves in a Ring of five Miles' circumference, 
which, burning inwards, drove all the Game to the 
Centre, where they were easily killed. 

It is really a pitiful Sight to see the extreme 

1728, Nov.] THE DIVIDING LINE 223 

Distress the poor deer are in, when they find them- 
selves Surrounded with this Circle of Fire; they 
weep and Groan like a Human Creature, yet can't 
move the compassion of those hard-hearted People, 
who are about to murder them. This unmerciful 
Sport is called Fire Hunting, and is much practic'd 
by the Indians and Frontier Inhabitants, who 
sometimes, in the Eagerness of their Diversion, 
are Punish't for their cruelty, and are hurt by one 
another when they Shoot across at the Deer which 
are in the Middle. 

What the Indians do now by a Circle of Fire, 
the ancient Persians performed formerly by a circle 
of Men: and the same is practis'd at this day in 
Germany upon extraordinary Occasions, when any 
of the Princes of the Empire have a Mind to make 
a General Hunt, as they call it. At such times 
they order a vast Number of People to Surround a 
whole Territory. Then Marching inwards in close 
Order, they at last force all the Wild Beasts into 
a Narrow Compass, that the Prince and his Com- 
pany may have the Diversion of Slaughtering as 
many as they please with their own hands. 

Our Hunters massacred two Brace of Deer after 
this unfair way, of which they brought us one 
Brace whole, and only the Primings of the rest. 
So many were absent on this Occasion, that we 
who remained excusd the Chaplain from the 
Trouble of spending his Spirits by Preaching to so 
thin a Congregation. One of the men, who had 
been an old Indian Trader, brought me a Stem of 
Silk Grass, which was about as big as my little 


Finger. But, being so late in the Year that the 
Leaf was fallen off, I am not able to describe the 

The Indians use it in all their little Manufac- 
tures, twisting a Thread of it that is prodigiously 
Strong. Of this they make their Baskets and the 
Aprons which their Women wear about their Mid- 
dles, for Decency's Sake. These are long enough 
to wrap quite round them and reach down to their 
Knees, with a Fringe on the under part by way of 

They put on this modest covering with so much 
art, that the most impertinent curiosity can't in the 
^egligentest of their Motions or Postures make 
the least discovery. As this species of Silk Grass 
is much Stronger than Hemp, I make no doubt but 
Sail Cloth and Cordage might be made of it with 
considerable Improvement. 

11. We had all been so refresht by our day of 
rest, that we decamp'd earlier than Ordinary, and 
passed the Several Fords of Hico River. The 
Woods were thick great Part of this Day's Jour- 
ney, so that we were forced to scuffle hard to 
advance 7 miles, being equal in fatigue to double 
that distance of Clear and Open Grounds. 

We took up our Quarters upon Sugar-tree Creek, 
in the same camp we had lain in when we came 
up, and happen'd to be entertained at Supper with 
a Rarity we had never had the fortune to meet 
with before, during the whole Expedition. 

A little wide of this creek, one of the men had 
the Luck to meet with a Young Buffalo of two 

1728, Nov.] THE DIVIDING LINE 225 

Years Old. It was a Bull, which, notwithstanding 
he was no older, was as big as an ordinary Ox. 
His Legs are very thick and very Short, and his 
Hoofs exceeding broad. His Back rose into a 
kind of Bunch a little above the Shoulders, which 
I believe contributes not a little to that creature's 
enormous Strength. His Body is vastly deep 
from the shoulders to the Brisket, sometimes 6 
feet in those that are full grown. The portly figure 
of this Animal is disgrac'd by a Shabby little Tail, 
not above 12 Inches long. This he cocks up on 
end whenever he's in a Passion, and, instead of 
lowing or bellowing, grunts with no better grace 
than a Hog. 

The Hair growing on his Head and Neck is 
long and Shagged, and so Soft that it will Spin 
into Thread not unlike Mohair, which might be 
wove into a Sort of Camlet. Some People have 
Stockings knit of it, that would have serv'd an 
Israelite during his forty Years' march thro' the 

Its horns are short and Strong, of which the In- 
dians make large Spoons, which they say will Split 
and fall to Pieces whenever Poison is put into 
them. Its Colour is a dirty Brown, and its hide 
so thick that it is Scarce penetrable. However, it 
makes very Spongy Sole Leather by the ordinary 
method of Tanning, tho' this fault might by good 
Contrivance be mended. 

As thick as this poor Beast's Hide was, a Bullet 
made Shift to enter it and fetch him down. It was 
found all alone, tho' Buffaloes Seldom are. They 


usually range about in Herds, like other cattle, and, 
tho' they differ something in figure, are certainly 
of the Same Species. There are two Reasons for 
this Opinion: the Flesh of both has exactly the 
same taste, and the mixed Breed betwixt both, they 
say, will generate. All the Difference I could 
perceive between the Flesh of Buffalo and Com- 
mon Beef was, that the Flesh of the first was much 
Yellower than that of the other, and the Lean 
something tougher. 

The Men were so delighted with this new dyet, 
that the Gridiron and Frying-Pan had no more rest 
all night, than a poor Husband Subject to Curtain 
Lectures. Buffaloes may be easily tamed when 
they are taken Young. The best way to catch 
them is to carry a Milch Mare into the Woods, and 
when you find a Cow and a Calf, to kill the Cow, 
and then having catch' d the Calf to Suckle it upon 
the Mare. After once or twice Sucking Her, it will 
follow her Home, and become as gentle as another 

If we cou'd get into a breed of them, they might 
be made very usefull, not only for the Dairy, by 
giving an Ocean of Milk, but also for drawing 
vast and cumbersome Weights by their prodigious 
Strength. These, with the other Advantages I 
mention' d before, wou'd make this sort of Cattle 
more profitable to the owner, than any other we are 
acquainted with, though they would need a world 
of Provender. 

Before we marcht this Morning, every man took 
care to pack up some Buffalo Steaks in his Wallet, 

1728, Nov.] THE DIVIDING LINE 227 

besides what he crammed into his Belly. When 
Provisions were Plenty, we always found it Diffi- 
cult to get out early, being too much Embarrast 
with a long-winded Breakfast. 

However, by the Strength of our Beef, we made 
a shift to walk about 12 Miles, crossing Blewing 
and Tewaw-homini Creeks. And because this last 
Stream receiv'd its Appelation from the Disaster 
of a Tuscarora Indian, it will not be Straggling 
much out of the way to say something of that Par- 
ticular Nation. 

These Indians were heretofore very numerous 
and powerful, making, within time of Memory, at 
least a Thousand Fighting Men. Their Habita- 
tion, before the War with Carolina, was on the 
North Branch of Neuse River, commonly call'd 
Connecta Creek, in a pleasant and fruitful Coun- 
try. But now the few that are left of that Nation 
live on the North Side of MORATUCK, which is 
all that Part of Roanok below the great Falls, 
towards ALBEMABLE Sound. 

Formerly there were Seven Towns of these Sav- 
ages, lying not far from each other, but now their 
Number is greatly reduc'd. 

The Trade they have had the Misfortune to 
drive with the English has furnisht them constantly 
with Rum, which they have used so immoderately, 
that, what with the Distempers, and what with the 
Quarrels it begat amongst them, it has proved a 
double Destruction. 

But the greatest Consumption of these savages 
happened by the war about Twenty-Five years 


ago, on Account of some Injustice the Inhabi- 
tants of that Province had done them about their 

It was on that Provocation they resented their 
wrongs a little too severely upon Mr. Lawson, 
who, under Colour of being Surveyor gen'l, had 
encroacht too much upon their Territories, at 
which they were so enrag'd, that they waylaid 
him, and cut his Throat from Ear to Ear, but at 
the same time releas'd the Baron de Graffenried, 
whom they had Seized for Company, because it 
appear' d plainly he had done them no Wrong. 1 

This Blow was followed by some other Bloody 
Actions on the Part of the Indians, which brought 
on the War, wherein many of them were but [sic] 
off, and many were oblig'd to flee for Refuge to 
the Senecas, so that now there remain so few, that 
they are in danger of bing [sic] quite exterminated 
by the Catawbas, their mortal Enemies. 

These Indians have a very odd Tradition 
amongst them, that many years ago, their Nation 
was growm so dishonest, that no man cou'd keep 
any Goods, or so much as his loving Wife to him- 
self. That, however, their God, being unwilling 
to root them out for their crimes, did them the 
honour to send a Messenger from Heaven to in- 
struct them, and set Them a perfect Example of 
Integrity and kind Behavior towards one another. 

But this holy Person, with all his Eloquence and 
Sanctity of Life, was able to make very little 

1 For an account of this massacre see De Graffenreid's narrative 
in the Colonial Records of North Carolina, I. 905. 

1728, Nov.] THE DIVIDING T^INE 229 

Reformation amongst them. Some few Old Men 
did listen a little to his Wholesome Advice, but all 
the Young fellows were quite incorrigible. They 
not only Neglected his Precepts, but derided and 
Evil Entreated his Person. At last, taking upon 
Him to reprove some Young Rakes of the Conechta 
Clan very sharply for their impiety, they were so 
provok'd at the Freedom of his Rebukes, that they 
tied him to a Tree, and shot him with Arrows 
through the Heart. But their God took instant 
Vengeance on all who had a hand in that Monstrous 
Act, by Lightning from Heaven, & has ever since 
visited their Nation with a continued Train of 
Calamities, nor will he ever leave off punishing, 
and wasting their People, till he shall have blotted 
every living Soul of them out of the World. 

Our Hunters shot nothing this whole day but a 
straggling Bear, which happen'd to fall by the 
Hand of the very Person who had been lately dis- 
arm'd and put to flight, for which he declar'd War 
against the whole Species. 

13. We pursued our Journey with all Diligence, 
and forded Ohimpamony Creek about Noon, and 
from thence proceeded to Yatapsco, which we 
cou'd not cross without difficulty. The Beavers 
had dammed up the Water much higher than we 
found it at our going up, so that we were oblig'd 
to lay a Bridge over a part that was shallower than 
the rest, to facilitate our passage. 

Beavers have more of Instinct, that Half -Brother 
of Reason, than any other Animal, especially in 
matters of Self -Preservation. In their Houses 


they always contrive a Sally-Port, both towards 
the Land and towards the Water, that so they may 
escape by One, if their Retreat shou'd happen to 
be cut off at the other. 

They perform all their Works in the Dead of 
Night, to avoid Discovery, and are kept diligently 
to it by the Master Beaver, which by his age or 
strength has gain'd to himself an Authority over 
the rest. If any of the Gang happen to be lazy, 
or will not exert himself to the utmost in felling of 
Trees, or dragging them [to] the place where they 
are made use of, this Superintendent will not fail 
to chastise him with the Flat of the Tail, where- 
with he is able to give unmerciful strokes. 

They lie Snug in their Houses all day, unless 
some unneighbourly Miller chance to disturb their 
repose, by demolishing their Dams for supplying 
his Mill with Water. 

It is rare to see one of them, and the Indians for 
that Reason have hardly any way to take them, 
but by laying Snares near the place where they 
dam up the Water. But the English Hunters have 
found out a more effectual Method, by using the 
following receipt. Take the large Pride of the 
Beaver, Squeeze all the Juice out of it, then take 
the small Pride, and Squeeze out about 5 or 6 
Drops. Take the inside of Sassafras Bark, Pow- 
der it, and mix it with the Liquor, and place this 
Bait conveniently for your Steel Trap. 

The Story of their biting off their Testicles to 
compound for their Lives, when they are pur- 
sued, is a story taken upon trust by Pliny, like 

1728, Nov.] THE DIVIDING LINE 231 

many others. Nor is it the Beaver's Testicles that 
carry the Perfume, but they have a Pair of Glands 
just within the Fundament, as Sweet as Musk, that 
perfume their Dung, and communicate a strong 
scent to their Testicles, by being plac'd near them. 

It is true Several creatures have Strange instincts 
for their Preservation, as the Egyptian Frog, we 
are told by Elian, will carry a whole Joint of a 
Reed across its Mouth, that it may not be swallow'd 
by the ibis. 

And this Long-neckt fowl will give itself a 
clyster with its Beak, whenever it finds itself too 
costive or feverish. The Dogs of that Country 
lap the Water of the Nile in a full Trot, that they 
may not be Snapped by the Crocodiles. Both 
Beavers and Wolves, we know, when one of their 
Legs is caught in a Steel Trap, will bite it off, that 
they may escape with the rest. The Flesh of the 
Beavers is tough and dry, all but the Tail, which, 
like the Parrot's Tongue, was one of the far- 
fetched Rarities with which Heliogabalus used to 
furnish his Luxurious Table. 

The Fur of these creatures is very valuable, 
especially in the more Northern Countries, where 
it is longer and finer. This the Dutch have lately 
contriv'd to mix with their Wool, and Weave into 
a Sort of Drugget, that is not only warm, but won- 
derfully light and Soft. They also make Gloves 
and Stockings of it, that keep out the Cold almost 
as well as the Fur itself, and do not look quite so 

There is a deal of Rich low Ground on Yapatsco 


Creek, but I believe liable to be overflow'd in a 
fresh. However, it might be proper enough for 
Rice, which receives but little Injury from Water. 

We encampt on the Banks of Massamony Creek, 
after a Journey of more than 11 Miles. By the 
way we Shot a fat Doe and a wild Turkey, which 
fed us all plentifully. And we have reason to say, 
by our own happy Experience, that no man need 
to despair of his daily Bread in the Woods, whose 
faith is but half so large as his Stomach. 

14. Being at length happily arriv'd within 20 
Miles of the uppermost Inhabitants, we despacht 
two Men who had the ablest Horses, to go before, 
and get a Beef kill'd and some Bread bak'd to re- 
fresh their Fellow Travellers, upon their arrival. 
They had likewise Orders to hire an express to 
carry a Letter to the Governor, giving an Account 
that we were all returned in Safety. This was the 
more necessary, because we had been so long ab- 
sent that many now began to fear we were, by this 
time, Scalpt and barbecu'd by the Indians. 

We decampt with the rest of the People about 
ten a clock, and marched near 12 Miles. In our 
way we Crost Nutbush Creek, and 4 Miles farther 
we came upon a beautiful Branch of Great Creek, 
where we took up our Quarters. The Tent was 
pitched upon an Eminence, which overlookt a wide 
Piece of low Grounds, cover'd with Reeds and 
watered by a Crystal Stream, gliding thro' the 
Middle of it. On the Other Side of this delightful 
Yalley, which was about half a Mile wide, rose a 
Hill that terminated the Yiew, and in the figure of 

1728, Nov.] THE DIVIDING LINE 233 

a Semicircle closed in upon the opposite Side of 
the Valley. This had a most agreeable Effect 
upon the Eye, and wanted nothing but Cattle 
grazing in the Meadow, and Sheep and Goats 
feeding on the Hill, to make it a Compleat Rural 

The Indian kilPd a Fawn, which, being upon its 
growth, was not fat, but made some amends by 
being tender. He also Shot an Otter, but our 
People were now better fed than to eat such 
Coarse Food. The truth of it is, the Flesh of this 
Creature has a rank Fishy taste, and for that 
reason might be a proper Regale for the Samoeids, 
who drink the CZAR of MUSCOVY'S health and 
toast their Mistresses in a Bumper of Train Oil. 

The Carthusians, to save then 1 Vow of eating no 
Flesh, pronounce this Amphibious Animal to be a 
Fish, and feed upon it as such, without Wounding 
their Consciences. 

The Skin of the Otter is very Soft, and the 
Swedes make Caps and Socks of it, not only for 
Warmth, but also because they fancy it Strength- 
ens the Nerves, and is good against all Distempers 
of the Brain. 

The otter is a great Devourer of Fish, which are 
its Natural Food, and whenever it betakes itself to 
a Vegetable Dyet, it is as some high-Spirited 
Wives obey their Husbands, by pure Necessity. 
They dive after their Prey, tho' they can't continue 
long under Water, but thrust their Noses up to 
the Surface now and then for Breath. They are 
great Enemies to Weirs Set up in the Rivers to 


catch Fish, devouring or biting to pieces all they 
find there. Nor is it either easy to fright them 
from this kind of Robbery, or to destroy them. 
The best way I cou'd ever find was to float an Old 
Wheel just by the Weir, and so soon as the Otter 
has taken a large Fish, he will get upon the 
Wheel to eat it more at his ease, which may give 
you an Opportunity of firing upon him from the 

One of our People Shot a large Gray Squirrel 
with a very Bushy Tail, a singular use of which 
our merry Indian discover'd to us. He said when- 
ever this little Animal has occasion to cross a run 
of Water, he launches a Chip or Piece of Bark 
into the Water, on which he embarks, and, hold- 
ing up his Tail to the wind, he Sails over very 
Safely. If This be true, it is probable men learnt 
at first the use of Sails from these ingenious little 
Animals, as the Hottentots learnt the Physical use 
of most of their Plants from the Baboons. 

15. About three Miles from our Camp we passed 
GREAT CREEK, and then, after traversing very 
barren grounds for 5 Miles together, we crost the 
Tradeing Path, and soon after had the pleasure of 
reaching the uppermost Inhabitant. This was a 
Plantation belonging to colonel Mumford, where 
our Men almost burst themselves with Potatoes 
and Milk. Yet as great a Curiosity as a House 
was to us Foresters, still we chose to lie in the 
Tent, as being much the cleaner and sweeter 

The Tradeing Path above-mention' d receives its 

1728, Nov.] THE DIVIDING LINE 235 

Name from being the Route the Traders take with 
their Caravans, when they go to traffick with the 
Catawbas and other Southern Indians. The Ca- 
tawbas live about 250 Miles beyond Roanoke 
River, and yet our Traders find their Account in 
transporting Goods from Virginia to trade with 
them at their own Towne. 

The Common Method of carrying on this Indian 
Commerce is as follows: Gentlemen send for 
Goods proper for such a Trade from England, and 
then either Venture them out at their own Risk to 
the Indian Towns, or else credit some Traders with 
them of Substance and Reputation, to be paid in 
Skins at a certain Price agreed betwixt them. 

The Goods for the Indian Trade consist chiefly 
in Guns, Powder, Shot, Hatchets, (which the 
Indians call Tomahawks,) Kettles, red & blue 
Planes, Duffields, Stroudwater blankets, and some 
Cutlary Wares, Brass Rings and other Trinkets. 

These Wares are made up into Packs and Car- 
ry'd upon Horses, each Load being from 150 to 200 
Pounds, with which they are able to travel about 
20 Miles a day, if Forage happen to be plentiful. 

Formerly a Hundred Horses have been employ'd 
in one of these Indian Caravans, under the Con- 
duct of 15 or 16 Persons only, but now the Trade 
is much impaired, insomuch that they seldom go 
with half that Number. 

The Course from Roanoke to the Catawbas is 
laid down nearest South-west, and lies thro' a fine 
Country, that is Water'd by Several beautiful 


Those of the greatest Note are, first. Tar river, 
which is the upper Part of Pamptico, Flat river, 
Little river and Eno river, all three Branches of 

Between Eno and Saxapahaw rivers are the 
Haw old fields, which have the Reputation of 
containing the most fertile high land in this part 
of the World, lying in a Body of about 50,000 

This Saxapahaw is the upper Part of Cape Fair 
River, the falls of which lye many Miles below the 
Trading Path. 

Some Mountains overlook this Rich Spot of 
Land, from whence all the Soil washes down into 
the Plane, and is the cause of its exceeding Fer- 
tility. Not far from thence the Path crosses 
ARAMANCHY River, a branch of Saxapahaw, and 
about 40 Miles beyond that, Deep River, which 
is the N Branch of Pedee. Then 40 miles beyond 
that, the Path intersects the Yadkin, which is there 
half a Mile over, and is supposed to be the South 
Branch of the same Pedee. 

The Soil is exceedingly rich on both sides the 
Yadkin, abounding in rank Grass and prodigiously 
large Trees; and for plenty of Fish, Fowl and 
Yenison, is inferior to No Part of the Northern 
Continent. There the Traders commonly lie Still 
for some days, to recruit their Horses' Flesh as well 
as to recover their own Spirits. Six Miles further 
is Crane Creek, so nam'd from its being the Ren- 
dezvous of great Armies of Cranes, which wage a 
more cruel War at this day, with the Frogs and 

1728, Nov.] THE DIVIDING LINE 237 

the Fish, than they us'd to do with the Pigmies in 
the Days of Homer. 

About three- score Miles more bring you to the 
first Town of the Catawbas, call'd Nauvasa, situ- 
ated on the banks of Santee river. Besides this 
Town there are five Others belonging to the same 
Nation, lying all on the same Stream, within the 
Distance of 20 Miles. 

These Indians were all call'd formerly by the 
general Name of the Usherees, and were a very 
Numerous and Powerful People. But the frequent 
Slaughters made upon them by the Northern In- 
dians, and, what has been still more destructive by 
far, the Intemperance and Foul Distempers intro- 
duc'd amongst them by the Carolina Traders, have 
now reduc'd their Numbers to little More than 400 
Fighting Men, besides Women & Children. It is 
a charming Place where they live, the Air very 
Wholesome, the Soil fertile, and the Winters ever 
mild and Serene. 

In Santee river, as in Several others of Carolina, 
a Small kind of allegator is frequently seen, which 
perfumes the Water with a Musky Smell. They 
Seldom exceed Eight Feet in Length in these 
parts, whereas, near the Equinoctial, they come up 
to twelve or Fourteen. And the heat of the Cli- 
mate don't only make them bigger, but more Fierce 
and Voracious. They watch the Cattle there when 
they come to drink and Cool themselves in the 
River ; and because they are not able to drag them 
into the Deep Water, they make up by Strategem 
what they want in Force. They Swallow great 


Stones, the Weight of which being added to their 
Strength, enables them to tug a Moderate Cow 
under Water, and as soon as they have drown'd 
her, they discharge the Stones out of their Maw 
and then feast upon the Carcass. However, as 
Fierce and Strong as these Monsters are, the In- 
dians will surprise them tapping as they float 
upon the Surface, get astride upon their Necks, 
then whip a short piece of wood like a Truncheon 
into their Jaws, & holding the Ends with their two 
hands, hinder them from diving by keeping their 
mouths open, and when they are almost Spent, they 
will make to the shoar, where their Riders knock 
them on the Head and Eat them. This Amphibi- 
ous Animal is a Smaller kind of Crocodile, having 
the Same Shape exactly, only the Crocodile of the 
Kile is twice as long, being when full grown from 
20 to Thirty Feet. This Enormous Length is the 
more to be wonder' d at, because the Crocodile is 
hatcht from an Egg very little larger than that of 
a Goose. It has a long Head, which it can open 
very wide, with very Sharp & Strong teeth. Their 
Eyes are Small, their Legs Short, with Claws upon 
their Feet. Their Tail makes half the Length of 
their Body, and the whole is guarded with hard 
impenetrable Scales, except the Belly, which is 
much Softer and Smoother. They keep much 
upon the Land in the day time, but towards the 
Evening retire into the Water to avoid the Cold 
Dews of the Night. They run pretty fast right 
forward, but are very awkward and Slow in turn- 
ing, by reason of their unwieldy Length. It is an 

1728, Nov.] THE DIVIDING LINE 239 

Error that they have no Tongue, without which 
they cou'd hardly Swallow their Food ; but in eat- 
ing they move the upper Jaw only, Contrary to all 
other Animals. The way of catching them in 
Egypt is, with a Strong Hook fixt to the End of a 
chain, and baited with a joynt of Pork, which they 
are very fond of. But a live Hog is generally 
tyed near, the Cry of which allures them to the 
Hook. This Account of the Crocodile will agree 
in most particulars with the Alligator, only the 
Bigness of the last cannot entitle it to the Name 
of " Leviathan," which Job gave formerly to the 
crocodile, and not to the Whale, as some Inter- 
preters wou'd make us believe. 

So Soon as the Catawba Indians are inform'd of 
the Approach of the Virginia Caravans, they send 
a Detachment of their Warriors to bid them Wel- 
come, and escort them Safe to their Town, where 
they are receiv'd with great Marks of Distinction. 
And their Courtesys to the VIRGINIA Traders, 
I dare say, are very Sincere, because they sell 
them better Goods and better Pennyworths than 
the Traders of Carolina. They commonly reside 
among the Indians till they have bartered their 
Goods away for Skins, with which they load their 
Horses and come back by the Same Path they went. 

There are generally some Carolina Traders that 
constantly live among the Catawbas, and pretend 
to Exercise a dictatorial Authority over them. 
These petty Rulers don't only teach the honester 
Savages all sorts of Debauchery, but are unfair in 
their dealings, and use them with all kinds of Op- 


pression. Nor has their Behaviour been at all 
better to the rest of the Indian Nations, among 
whom they reside, by abusing then* Women and 
Evil-entreating their Men; and, by the way, this 
was the true Reason of the fatal War which the 
Nations roundabout made upon Carolina in the 
year 1713. 

Then it was all that the Neighbouring Indians, 
grown weary of the Tyranny and Injustice with 
which they had been abus'd for many Years, re- 
solv'd to endure their bondage no longer, but 
enter' d into General Confederacy against their 
Oppressors of Carolina. 

The Indians open'd the War by knocking most 
of those little Tyrants on the Head that dwelt 
amongst them, under pretence of regulating their 
Commerce, and from thence Carry'd their Resent- 
ment so far as to endanger both NORTH and 

16. We gave Orders that the Horses shou'd pass 
Roanoak River at Monisep Ford, while most of the 
Baggage was transported in a Canoe. 

We landed at the Plantation of Cornelius Keith, 
where I beheld the wretchedest Scene of Poverty 
I had ever met with in this happy Part of the 
World. The Man, his Wife and Six Small Chil- 
dren, liv'd in a Penn, like so many Cattle, without 
any Roof over their Heads but that of Heaven. 
And this was their airy Residence in the Day 
time, but then there was a Fodder Stack not far 
from this Inclosure, in which the whole Family 
sheltered themselves a night's and in bad weather. 

1728, Nov.] THE DIVIDING LINE 241 

However, 'twas almost worth while to be as poor 
as this Man was, to be as perfectly contented. All 
his Wants proceeded from Indolence, and not from 
Misfortune. He had good Land, as well as good 
Health and good Limbs to work it, and, besides, 
had a Trade very useful to all the Inhabitants 
round about. He cou'd make and set up Quern 
Stones very well, and had proper Materials for that 
purpose just at Hand, if he cou'd have taken the 
pains to fetch them. 

There is no other kind of Mills l in those remote 
parts, and, therefore, if the Man wou'd have Workt 
at his Trade, he might have liv'd very comfortably. 
The poor woman had a little more Industry, and 
Spun Cotton enough to make a thin covering for 
her own and her children's Nakedness. 

I am sorry to say it, but Idleness is the general 
character of the men in the Southern Parts of this 
Colony as well as in North Carolina. The Air is 
so mild, and the Soil so fruitful, that very little 
Labour is requir'd to fill their Bellies, especially 
where the Woods afford such Plenty of Game. 
These Advantages discharge the Men from the 
Necessity of killing themselves with Work, and 
then for the other Article of Raiment, a very little 
of that will suffice in so temperate a Climate. But 
so much as is absolutely Necessary falls to the 
good women's Share to provide. They all Spin, 
weave and knit, whereby they make a good Shift 

1 The Editor has seen old North Carolina, which tradition 
quern-mills, or hand-mills, in said were in use well into the 
some of the remote sections of nineteenth century. 


to cloath the whole Family ; and to their credit be 
it recorded, many of them do it very completely, 
and thereby reproach their Husbands' Laziness 
in the most inoffensive way, that is to say, by dis- 
covering a better Spirit of Industry in themselves. 

From thence we mov'd forward to Colo Mum- 
ford's other Plantation, under the Care of Miles 
Riley, where, by that Gentleman's Directions, we 
were again Supply'd with many good things. Here 
it was we discharg'd our Worthy Friend and Fel- 
low Travellaur, Mr. Bearskin, who had so plenti- 
fully Supplyed us with Provisions during our long 
Expedition. We rewarded Him to his Heart's 
content, so that he return'd to his Town loaden, 
both with Riches and the Reputation of haveing 
been a great Discoverer. 

17. This being Sunday, we were Seasonably put 
in mind how much we were oblig'd to be thankf ull 
for our happy return to the Inhabitants. Indeed, 
we had great reason to reflect with Gratitude on 
the Signal Mercies we had receiv'd. First, that we 
had, day by day, been fed by the Bountifull hand 
of Providence in the desolate Wilderness, Inso- 
much that if any of our People wanted one Single 
Meal during the whole Expedition, it was intirely 
owing to their own imprudent Management. 

Secondly, that not one Man of our whole Com- 
pany, had any Violent Distemper or bad Accident 
Befall him, from One End of the Line to the other. 
The very worst that happen'd was, that One of 
them gave himself a Smart cut on the Pan of his 
knee with a Tomahawk, which we had the good 

1728, Nov.] THE DIVIDING LINE 243 

Fortune to cure in a Short time, without the help 
of a Surgeon. 

As for the Misadventures of Sticking in the 
Mire and falling into Rivers and Creeks, they were 
rather Subjects of Mirth than complaint, and serv'd 
only to diversify our Travels with a little farcicall 
Variety. And, lastly, that many uncommon Inci- 
dents have concurr'd to prosper our Undertaking. 
We had not only a dry Spring before we went out, 
but the preceding Winter, and even a Year or two 
before, had been much dryer than Ordinary. This 
made not only the Dismal, but likewise most of 
the Sunken Grounds near the Sea-Side, just hard 
enough to bear us, which otherwise had been quite 

And the whole time we were upon the Business, 
which was in all about Sixteen Weeks, we were 
never catch't in the Rain except once, ~Nor was our 
Progress Interrupted by bad Weather above 3 or 
4 days at most. Besides all this, we were Sur- 
priz'd by no Indian Enemy, but all of us brought 
our Scalps back Safe upon our Heads. 

This cruel Method of Scalping of Enemies is 
practis'd by all the Savages in America, and per- 
haps is not the least proof of their Original from 
the Northern Inhabitants of Asia. Among the 
Ancient Scythians it was constantly us'd, who car- 
ry' d about these hairy Scalps as Trophies of Vic- 
tory. They serv'd them too as Towels at home, 
and Trappings for their Horses abroad. But 
these were not content with the Skin of their 
Enemies' Heads, but also made use of their Sculls 


for cups to drink out of upon high Festival 
days, & made greater Ostentation of them than 
if they had been made of Gold or the purest 

Besides the Duties of the Day, we christen'd 
one of our Men who had been bred a Quaker. The 
Man desir'd this of his own mere Motion, without 
being tamper' d with by the Parson, who was will- 
ing every one shou'd go to Heaven his own way. 
But whether he did it by the Conviction of his 
Own Reason, or to get rid of some Trouble- 
some Forms and Restraints, to which the Saints 
of that Perswasion are Subject, I can't Positively 

18. We proceeded over a Levil Road 12 Miles, 
as far as George Hixe's Plantation, on the South 
Side Meherrin River, Our Course being for the 
most part North-East. By the way we hired a 
Cart to transport our Baggage, that we might the 
better befriend our Jaded Horses. 

Within 2 Miles of our Journey's End this day, 
we met the Express We had sent the Saturday 
before to give Notice of our Arrival. He had 
been almost as Expeditious as a carrier Pigeon, 
rideing in 2 Days no less than 200 Miles. 

All the Grandees of the Sappony Nation did us 
the Honour to repair hither to meet us, and our 
worthy Friend and Fellow Traveller, Bearskin, 
appear'd among the gravest of them in his Robes 
of ceremony. Four Young Ladies of the first 
Quality came with them, who had more the Air 
of cleanliness than any copper-Colour'd Beauties I 

1728, Nov.] THE DIVIDING LINE 245 

had ever seen; Yet we resisted all their Charms, 
notwithstanding the long Fast we had kept from 
the Sex, and the Bear Dyet we had been so long 
engag'd in. Nor can I say the Price they sat upon 
their Charms was at all Exorbitant. A Princess 
for a Pair of Red Stockings can't, surely, be thought 
buying Repentance much too dear. 

The Men had something great and Venerable in 
their countenances, beyond the common Mien of 
Savages ; and indeed they ever had the Reputation 
of being the Honestest, as well as the bravest In- 
dians we have ever been acquainted with. 

This People is now made up of the Remnant of 
Several other Nations, of which the most consider- 
able are the Sapponys, the Occaneches, and Steu- 
kenhocks, who not finding themselves Seperately 
Numerous enough for their Defence, have agreed 
to unite into one Body, and all of them now go 
under the Name of the Sapponys. 

Each of these was formerly a distinct Nation, 
or rather a Several clan or Canton of the Same 
Nation, Speaking the Same Language, and using 
the same Customs. But their perpetual Wars 
against all other Indians, in time, reduc'd them so 
low as to make it Necessary to join their Forces 

They dwelt formerly not far below the Moun- 
tains, upon Yadkin River, about 200 Miles West 
and by South from the Falls of Roanoak. But 
about 25 Years ago they took Refuge in Virginia, 
being no longer in condition to make Head not 
only against the Northern Indians, who are their 


Implacable enemies, but also against most of those 
to the South. All the Nations round about, bear- 
ing in mind the Havock these Indians us'd for- 
merly to make among their Ancestors in the 
Insolence of their Power, did at length avenge it 
Home upon them, and made them glad to apply to 
this Government for protection. 

Colo Spotswood, our then lieut. governor, having 
a good Opinion of their Fidelity & Courage, Set- 
tled them at Christanna, ten Miles north of Roa- 
noak, upon the belief that they wou'd be a good 
Barrier on that Side of the Country, against the 
Incursion of all Foreign Indians. And in Earnest 
they wou'd have Serv'd well enough for that Pur- 
pose, if the White People in the Neighbourhood 
had not debauch't their Morals, and ruin'd their 
Health with Rum, which was. the Cause of many 
disorders, and ended at last in a barbarous Murder 
committed by one of these Indians when he was 
drunk, for which the poor Wretch was executed 
when he was sober. 

It was a matter of great Concern to them, how- 
ever, that one of their Grandees should be put to 
so ignominious a Death. All Indians have as great 
an Aversion to hanging as the Muscovites, tho 5 
perhaps not for the same cleanly reason: These 
last believing that the Soul of one that dies in this 
manner, being forc'd to Sally out of the Body at 
the Postern, must needs be defiled. The Sapponys 
took this Execution so much to Heart, that they 
soon after quitted their Settlement and remov'd in 
a Body to the Cataubas. 

1728, Nov.] THE DIVIDING LINE 247 

The Daughter of the TETERO KING went away 
with the Sapponys, but being the last of her 
Nation, and fearing she Shou'd not be treated ac- 
cording to her Rank, poison'd herself, like an Old 
Roman, with the Root of the Trumpet-Plant. Her 
Father dy'd 2 Years before, who was the most 
intrepid Indian we have been acquainted with. He 
had made himself terrible to all other Indians by 
His Exploits, and had escaped so many Dangers 
that he was esteem'd invulnerable. But at last he 
dy'd of a Pleurisy, the last Man of his Race and 
Nation, leaving only that unhappy Daughter be- 
hind him, who would not long survive Him. 

The most uncommon Circumstance in this Indian 
visit Was, that they all came on Horse-back, which 
was certainly intended for a Piece of State, because 
the Distance was but 3 Miles, and 'tis likely they 
had walk't a foot twice as far to catch their Horses. 
The Men rode more awkwardly than any Dutch 
Sailor, and the Ladies bestrode their Palfreys a la 
mode de France, but were so bashful about it, that 
there was no persuading them to Mount till they 
were quite out of our Sight. 

The French Women use to ride a-straddle, not 
so much to make them sit firmer in the Saddle, as 
from the hopes the same thing might peradventure 
befall them that once happen'd to the Nun of 
ORLEANS, who escaping out of a Nunnery, took 
Post en CAVALIER, and in ten Miles' hard ride- 
ing had the good Fortune to have all the Tokens 
of a Man break out upon her. 

This Piece of History ought to be the more 


credible, because it leans upon much the same 
Degree of Proof as the Tale of Bishop Bur- 
net's Two Italian NUKS, who, according to his 
Lordship's Account, underwent the Same happy 
Metamorphosis, probably by some other Violent 

19. From hence we despatch't the Cart with our 
Baggage under a Guard, and crosst MEHEKRIN 
River, which was not 30 Yards wide in that Place. 
By the help of Fresh Horses that had been sent us, 
we now began to mend our Pace, which was also 
quicken'd by the Strong Inclinations we had to get 

In the Distance of 5 Miles we forded MEHER- 
KIN creek, which was very near as broad as the 
River. About 8 Miles farther we came to STUR- 
GEOsr-Creek, so call'd from the Dexterity an 
OCCAANECHY Indian shewed there in Catching 
one of those Royal Fish, which was perform'd 
after the following Manner. 

In the Summer time 'tis no unusual thing for 
Sturgeons to Sleep on the Surface of the Water, 
and one of them having wander'd up into this 
Creek in the Spring, was floating in that drowsy 

The Indian, above mention'd, ran up to the Neck 
into the Creek a little below the Place where he 
discover'd the Fish, expecting the Stream wou'd 
soon bring his Game down to Him. He judg'd 
the Matter right, and as Soon as it came within 
his Reach, -he whip't a running Noose over his 
Jole. This waked the Sturgeon, which being 

1728, Nov.] THE DIVIDING LINE 249 

Strong in its own Element darted immediately 
under Water and dragg'd the Indian after Him. 
The Man made it a Point of Honour to keep his 
Hold, which he did to the Apparent Danger of 
being drown'd. Sometimes both the Indian and 
the Fish disappear' d for a Quarter of a Minute, & 
then rose at some Distance from where they dived. 
At this rate they continued flouncing about, Some- 
times above, and sometimes under Water, for a 
considerable time, till at last the Hero Suffocated 
his Adversary, and haled his Body ashoar in 

About Six Miles beyond that, we passed over 
Wicco-quoi creek, Named so from the Multitude 
of Rocks over which the Water tumbles in a 
Fresh, with a bellowing Noise. Not far from 
where we went over, is a Rock much higher than 
the rest, that Strikes the Eye with agreeable Hor- 
ror, and near it a very Talkative Eccho, that, like 
a fluent Helpmeet, will return her good Man Seven 
Words for one, & after all, be Sure to have the 
Last. It speaks not only the Language of Men, 
but also of Birds & Beasts, and often a Single 
Wild Goose is cheated into the Belief that Some 
of his Company are not far off, by hearing his own 
cry multiply'd; & 'tis pleasant to see in what a 
flutter the Poor Bird is, when he finds himself 

On the Banks of this creek are very broad low- 
Grounds in many Places, and abundance of good 
high-Land, tho' a little Subject to Floods. 

We had but two Miles more to Capt. EM- 


BRY'S, where we found the Housekeeping much 
better than the House. Our Bountifull Landlady 
had set her Oven and all her Spits, Pots, Grid- 
irons and Saucepans to work, to diversify our 
Entertainment, tho' after all it prov'd but a Ma- 
hommetan Feast, there being Nothing to drink but 
Water. The worst of it was, we had unluckily 
outrid the Baggage, and for that Reason were 
oblig'd to Lodge very Sociably in the Same Apart- 
ment with the Family, where, reckoning Women 
and Children, we muster' d in all no less than Nine 
Persons, who all pigg'd loveingly together. 

20. In the Morning colo Boiling, who had been 
Surveying in the Neighbourhood, and Mr. Walker, 
who dwelt not far off, came to visit us; And the 
last of these Worthy Gentlemen, fearing that our 
drinking so much Water might incline us to Pleu- 
risys, brought us a kind Supply both of Wine and 

It was Noon before we cou'd disengage Our- 
selves from the Courtesies of this Place, and then 
the two Gentlemen above-mention'd were so good 
as to accompany us that day's Journey, tho' they 
cou'd by no means approve of our LITHUANIAN 
Fashion of Dismounting now and then, in order to 
walk part of the way on foot. 

We cros't Nottoway River not far from our 
Landlord's House, where it seem'd to be about 25 
Yards over. This River divides the County of 
Prince George from that of BRUNSWICK. We 
had not gone 8 Miles farther before our Eyes were 
bless'd with the Sight of Sapponi chappel, which 

1728, Nov.] THE DIVIDING LINE 251 

was the first House of Prayer we had seen for 
more than two calendar Months. 

About 3 Miles beyond that, we passed over 
Stony Creek, where One of those that Guarded 
the Baggage kill'd a Polcat, upon which he made 
a comfortable Repast. Those of his company were 
so SQUEAMISH they cou'd not be persuaded at 
first to tast, as they said, of so unsavoury an Ani- 
mal ; but seeing the Man Smack his Lips with more 
pleasure than usual, they ventur'd at last to be 
of his Mess, and instead of finding the Flesh rank 
and high-tasted, they owned it to be the Sweetest 
Morsel they had ever eat in their Lives. 

The ill Savour of this little Beast lys altogether 
in its Urine, Which Nature has made so detestably 
ill-scented on purpose to furnish a helpless Crea- 
ture with Something to defend itself. For as 
some Brutes have Horns and Hoofs, and others 
are arm'd with Claws, Teeth and Tushes for their 
Defence; and as Some Spit a Sort of Poison at 
their Adversaries, like the Paco; and others dart 
Quills at their Pursuers, like the Porcupine; and 
as some have no Weapons to help themselves but 
their Tongue, and others none but their Tails; so 
the poor Polcat 5 s safety lies altogether in the irre- 
sistible Stench of its Water; insomuch that when 
it finds itself in Danger from an Enemy, it Mois- 
tens its bushy Tail plentifully with this Liquid 
Amunition, and, then with great fury, Sprinkles it 
like a Shower of Rain full into the Eyes of its 
Assailant, by which it gains time to make its 


Nor is the Polcat the only Animal that defends 
itself by a Stink. At the CAPE OP GOOD HOPE 
is a little Beast, call'd a Stinker, as big as a Fox, 
and Shap't like a Ferret, which being pursued has 
no way to save himself but by farting and Squit- 
tering. And then such a Stench ensues that None 
of its Pursuers can Possibly stand it. 

At the End of 30 good Miles, we arriv'd in 
the Evening at colo Boiling's, where first, from a 
Primitive Course of Life, we began to relapse into 
Luxury. This Gentleman lives within Hearing of 
the Falls of Appamatuck River, which are very 
Noisy whenever a Flood happens to roll a greater 
stream than ordinary over the Rocks. 

The River is Navigable for Small Craft as 
high as the Falls, and at Some distance from 
thence fetches a compass, and runs nearly par- 
allel with James River almost as high as the 

While the Commissioners fared Sumptuously 
here, the poor Chaplain and two Surveyors, stoppt 
Ten Miles Short at a poor Planter's House, in 
Pity to their Horses, made a Saint ANTHONY'S 
Meal, that is, they Supp't upon the Pickings of 
what Stuck in then- Teeth ever since Breakfast. 
But to make them amends, the good Man laid them 
in his own Bed, where they all three nestled to- 
gether in one cotton Sheet and one of Brown Oz- 
nabrugs, made Still Something Browner by two 
Months' Copious Perspiration. 

21. But those worthy Gentlemen were so alert 
in the Morning after their light Supper, that they 

1728, Nov.] THE DIVIDING LINE 253 

came up with us before Breakfast, & honestly paid 
their Stomachs all they ow'd them. 

We made no more than a Sabbath day's Journey 
from this to the next Hospitable House, namely, 
that of our great Benefactor, Colo Mumford. We 
had already been much befriended by this Gen- 
tleman, who, besides sending Orders to his Over- 
seers at ROANOAK to let us want for nothing, 
had, in the Beginning of our Business, been so 
kind as to recommend most of the Men to us 
who were the faithfull Partners of our Fatigue. 

Altho' in most other ATCHIEVEMENTS those 
who command are apt to take all the HONOUR 
to themselves of what perhaps was more owing to 
the Vigour of those who were under them, Yet I 
must be more just, and allow these brave Fellows 
their full Share of credit for the Service we per- 
form'd, & must declare, that it was in a great 
Measure owing to their Spirit and indefatigable 
Industry that we overcame many Obstacles in the 
Course of our Line, which till then had been 
esteem'd unsurmountable. 

Nor must I at the Same tune omit to do Justice 
to the Surveyors, and particularly to Mr. Mayo, 
who besides an eminent degree of Skill, encountered 
the same Hardships and underwent the Same 
Fatigue that the forwardest of the Men did, 
and that with as much Chearfulness as if Pain 
had been his Pleasure, and Difficulty his real 

Here we discharg'd the few Men we had left, 
who were all as Ragged as the GIBEONITE AM- 


BASSADORS, tho', at the Same time, their Rags 
were very honourable, by the Service they had 
so Vigorously performed in making them so. 

22. A little before Noon we all took leave and 
dispers't to our Several Habitations, where we were 
so happy as to find all our Familys well. This 
crown'd all our other Blessings, and made our 
Journey as prosperous as it had been painfull. 

Thus ended our Second Expedition, in which we 
extended the Line within the Shadow of the Chariky 
Mountains, where we were oblig'd to Set up our 
Pillars, like Hercules, and return Home. 

We had now, upon the whole, been out Sixteen 
Weeks, including going and returning, and had 
travell'd at least Six Hundred Miles, and no Small 
part of that Distance on foot. Below, towards 
the Sea Side, our Course lay through MARSHES, 
SWAMPS, and great Waters; and above, over 
Steep HILLS, Craggy ROCKS, and Thickets, hardly 
penetrable. Notwithstanding this variety of Hard- 
ships, we may say, without Vanity, that we faith- 
fully obey'd the King's Orders, and perform 5 d 
the Business effectually, in which we had the 
Honour to be employ'd. 

Nor can we by any Means reproach Ourselves 
of having put the Crown to any exorbitant Expense 
in this difficult affair, the whole Charge, from Be- 
ginning to End, amounting to no more than One 
Thousand Pounds. But let no one concern'd in 
this painful Expedition complain of the Scantiness 
of his Pay, so long as His Majesty has been Gra- 
ciously pleas'd to add to our Reward the HONOUR 

1728, Nov.] THE DIVIDING LINE 255 

of his ROYAL approbation, and to declare, not- 
withstanding the Desertion of the CAROLINA COM- 
MISSIONERS, that the Line by us run shall hereafter 
Stand as the true Boundary betwixt the GOVERN- 



To the Foregoing Journal, containing the second Charter 
to the Proprietors of CAROLINA, confirming and enlarging 
the first, and also several other acts to which it refers. 
These are plac'd by themselves at the End of the Book, that 
they may not interrupt the Thread of the Story, and the 
Header will be more at liberty whether he will please to 
read them or not, being something dry and unpleasant. 

The Second Charter granted by KING CHARLES 2D 
to the Proprietors of CAROLINA. 

[Here follows the full text of the Charter. Only the be- 
ginning, the part which concerns boundaries, is here given. 
The complete document is easily accessible to the general 
reader. It may be found in the Colonial Records of North 
Carolina, Vol. I., p. 102. EDITOR.] 

CHARLES, by the GRACE of GOD, &c. : WHEREAS, by 
our LETTERS PATENT, bearing date the four and twen- 
tieth day of march, in the fifteenth year of our Reign, we 
were graciously pleas' d to grant unto our right trusty and 
right well beloved cousin and councellor, Edward, Earl of 
Clarendon, our high Chancellor of England, Our right trusty 
and right intirely beloved Cousin and Counsellor, George, 
Duke of Albemarle, Master of our Horse, our right trusty 
and well beloved William, now Earl of Craven, our Right 
trusty and well beloved Counsellor, Anthony, Lord Ashley, 
Chancellor of our Exchequer, our right trusty and well be- 
loved Counsellor, Sir George Carterett, Knight and Baronet, 
vice Chamberlain of our household, our right trusty and 
well beloved, Sir John Colleton, Knight and Baronet, and 
Sir William Berkley, 1 Knight, all that Province, Territory, 
1 The name of John Berkeley is omitted. EDITOR. 


or Tract of Ground, called Carolina, situate, lying and being 
within our Dominions of America, extending from the 
North End of the Island called Luke Island, which lys in 
the Southern Virginia Seas, and within Six and thirty De- 
grees of the Northern Latitude ; and to the West as far as 
the South Seas ; & so respectively as far as the River of 
Mathias, which bordereth upon the Coast of Florida, & 
within one and thirty Degrees of the Northern Latitude, 
and so west in a direct Line as far as the South Seas afore- 
said. Now know ye, that, at the humblest request of the 
said Grantees in the aforesaid Letters Patent named, and 
as a further mark of our especial favour towards them, we 
are graciously pleas'd to enlarge our said Grant unto them 
according to the Bounds & limits hereafter Specify'd & in 
favour to the pious and noble purpose of the said Edward, 
Earl of Clarendon, George, Duke of Albemarle, William, 
Earl of Craven, John, Lord Berkley, Anthony, Lord Ashley, 
Sir George Carterett, Sir John Colleton, and Sir William 
Berkley, we do give and grant to them, their Heirs and 
Assigns, all that Province, Territory, or tract of Ground, 
Situate, lying and being within our Dominions of America 
aforesaid, extending North and Eastward as far as the 
North end of Carahtuke Eiver or Inlet, upon a Streight 
westerly line to Wyonoake Creek, which lys within or about 
the Degrees of thirty-six and thirty Minutes Northern Lati- 
tude, and so West in a Direct line as far as the South Seas ; 
& south and westward as far as the Degrees of twenty-nine 
inclusive Northern Latitude, & so west in a direct line as 
far as the South seas ; together with all and Singular ports, 
harbours, Bays, rivers & inlets belonging unto the Province 
or Territory aforesaid, etc. 

At the Court of St James's the Isf day of March, 1710. 
Present, The Queen's most Excellent Majesty in Council. 

Upon reading this day at the Board a Representation 
from the Rt Honble the Lords Commissioners for trade & 


Plantations, in the Words following : In pursuance of your 
Majesty's Pleasure, Commissioners have been appointed on 
the Part of your Majesty's Colony of Virginia, as likewise 
on the Part of the Province of Carolina, for the settling the 
Bounds between those Governments ; And they have met 
several times for that purpose, but have not agreed upon 
any one Point thereof, by reason of the trifleing delays of 
the Carolina Commissioners, & of the many difficulties by 
them rais'd in relation to the proper Observations & survey 
they were to make. However, the Commissioners for Vir- 
ginia have deliver'd to your Majesty's Lieut Governor of 
that Colony an Account of their proceedings, which Account 
has been under the Consideration of your Majesty's Council 
of Virginia, &c they have made a Report thereon to the 
said Lieut Governor, who haveing lately transmitted unto 
us a Copy of that Report, we take leave humbly to lay the 
Substance thereof before your Majesty, which is as follows : 
That the Commissioners of Carolina are both of them 
Persons engag'd in Interest to obstruct the Settling the 
Boundarys between that Province and the Colony of Vir- 
ginia ; for one of them has for several Years been Surveyor 
General of Carolina, has acquired to himself great Profit by 
surveying Lands within the controverted Bounds, & has 
taken up several Tracts of Land in his own Name, & sold 
the same to others, for which he stands still oblig'd obtain 
Patents from the Government of Carolina. The other of 
them is at this time Surveyor General, & hath the same 
Prospect of advantage by making future surveys within the 
said Bounds. That the Behavior of the Carolina Commis- 
sioners has tended visibly to no other End than to protract 
and defeat the Settling this Affair : and particularly Mr. 
Moseley has us'd so many Shifts & Excuses to disappoint 
all Conferences with the Commissioners of Virginia, as 
plainly shew his Aversion to proceed in a Business that 
tends so manifestly to his disadvantage. His prevaricating 
on this occasion has been so undiscreet and so unguarded, 
as to be discover'd in the presence of the Lieut Governor 


of Virginia. He started so many objections to the Powers 
granted to the Commissioners of that Colony, with design to 
render their conferences ineffectual, that his Joint Commis- 
sioner cou'd hardly find an excuse for him. And when the 
Lieut Governor had with much adoe prevailed with the said 
Mr. Moseley to appoint a time for meeting the Commission- 
ers of Virginia, & for bringing the necessary Instruments to 
take the Latitude of the Bounds in dispute, which Instru- 
ments he owned were ready in Carolina, he not only fail'd 
to comply with his own appointment, but after the Com- 
missioners of Virginia had made a Journey to his House, 
and had attended him to the Places proper for observing 
the Latitude, he wou'd not take the trouble of carrying his 
own Instrument, but contented himself to find fault with 
the Quadrant produced by the Virginia Commissioners, tho 
that Instrument had been approv'd by the best Mathemati- 
cians, and is of universal Use. From all which it is evident 
how little hopes there are of Settling the Boundarys above- 
mention'd, in concert with the present Commissioners for 
Carolina. That tho the Bounds of the Carolina Charter 
are in express words limited to Weyanoak Creek, lying in 
or about 36 30' of Northern Latitude, yet the Commis- 
sioners for Carolina have not by any of their Evidences 
pretended to prove any such Place as Weyanoak Creek, the 
amount of their Evidence reaching no further than to prove 
which is Weyanoak Biver, & even that is contradicted by 
affidavit taken on the part of Virginia ; by which affidavits 
it appears that, before the Date of the Carolina Charter to 
this day, the place they pretend to be Weyanoak Biver 
was, & is still, called Nottoway Biver. But supposing the 
same had been called Weyanoak Biver, it can be nothing to 
their purpose, there being a great difference between a 
Biver & a Creek. Besides, in that Country there are divers 
Bivers & Creeks of the same Name, as Potomeck Biver & 
Potomeck Creek, Bappahannock Biver, & Bappahannock 
Creek, & Several others, tho there are many Miles' distance 
between the mouths of these Bivers and the mouths of these 
Creeks. It is also observable, that tfce Witnesses on the 


Part of Carolina are all very Ignorant persons, & most of 
them of ill fame & Reputation, on which Account they had 
been forced to remove from Virginia to Carolina. Further, 
there appeared to be many contradictions in their Testi- 
monys, whereas, on the other hand, the witnesses to prove 
that the Right to those Lands is in the Government of 
Virginia are Persons of good Credit, their knowledge of the 
Lands in question is more ancient than any of the witnesses 
for Carolina, & their Evidence fully corroborated by the 
concurrent Testimony of the Tributary Indians. And that 
right is farther confirm'd by the Observations lately taken 
of the Latitude in those parts, by which tis plain, that the 
Creek proved to be Weyanoak Creek by the Virginia Evi- 
dences, & sometimes call'd Wicocon, answers best to the 
Latitude described in the Carolina Charter, for it lys in 
36 40', which is ten Minutes to the Northward of the 
Limits described in the Carolina grant, Whereas Nottoway 
River, lys exactly in the Latitude of 37 , 1 and can by no 
construction be suppos'd to be the Boundary described in 
their Charter ; So that upon the whole Matter, if the Com- 
missioners of Carolina had no other view than to clear the 
just right of the Proprietors, such undeniable Demon- 
strations wou'd be Sufficient to convince them ; but the said 
Commissioners gave too much Cause to suspect that they 
mix their own private Interest with the Claim of the Pro- 
prietors, & for that reason endeavor to gain time in order 
to obtain Grants for the Land already taken up, and also to 
secure the rest on this occasion, we take notice, that they 
proceed to survey the Land in dispute, notwithstanding the 
assurance given by the Government of Carolina to the Con- 
trary by their letter of the 17th of June, 1707, to the Gov- 
ernment of Virginia, by which letter they promised that no 
lands should be taken up within the controverted bounds 
till the same were settled. 2 

1 The commissioners in 1728 here to give the North Carolina 
found that it was really in 36 side of this controversy. Byrd's 
30J'. See above, p. 88. own statement goes far toward 

2 There is not space enough justifying that colony. (See in- 


Whereupon we humbly propose, that the Lords Proprie- 
tors be acquainted with the foregoing Complaint of the 
trifleing delays of their Commissioners, which delays tis 
reasonable to believe have proceeded from the self-interest 
of those Commissioners, and that therefore your Majesty's 
pleasure be signify'd to the said Lords Proprietors, that by 
the first Opportunity they send Orders to their Governour or 
Commander in Chief of Carolina for the time being, to issue 
forth a new Commission, to the purport of that lately 
issued, therby constituting two other Persons, not having 
any personal Interest in, or claim to, any of the Land lying 
within the Boundary's in the room of Edward Moseley & 
John Lawson. The Carolina Commissioners to be appointed 
being strictly required to finish their Survey, & to make a 
return thereof in conjunction with the Virginia Commis- 
sioners, within six months, to be computed from the time, 
that due notice shall be given by your Majesty's Lieut 
Governor of Virginia to the Governor or Commander in 
Chief of Carolina, of the time & place, which your Majesty's 
said Lieut Governor shall appoint for the first meeting of 
the Commissioners on one part & the other. In order where- 
unto we humbly offer, that directions be sent to the said 
Lieut Governor, to give such Notice accordingly j & if after 
Notice so given, the Carolina Commissioners shall refuse or 
neglect to Join with those on the part of Virginia, in mak- 
ing such survey, as likewise a Return thereof within the 
time before mention'd ; that then and in such Case, the 
Commissioners on the part of Virginia be directed to draw 
up an Account of the proper observations and Survey which 

fra, pp. 24, 88.) In 1699 North this the southern colony, satis- 

Carolina had sent commission- fled that the disputed territory 

ers to Virginia to make arrange- belonged to it, seems to have 

ments for running the line ; but been rather indifferent to the 

the latter colony refused to matter, till Virginia urged its 

move in the matter, because final settlement. The whole 

Harvey, the deputy governor matter may well be taken up in 

of North Carolina, had not been a separate treatment, 
confirmed by the king. After 


they shall have made for ascertaining the Bounds between 
Virginia & Carolina, and to deliver the same in Writing 
under their Hands and Seals to the Lieut Governor and 
Council of Virginia, to the end the same may be laid before 
your Majesty, for your Majesty's final Determination therein, 
within, with regard to the Settling of those Boundarys ; the 
Lords Proprietors haveing, by an Instrument under their 
Hands, submitted the same to Your Majesty's royal deter- 
mination, which instrument, dated in March, 1708, is lying 
in this Office. 

And lastly, we humbly propose, that your Majesty's fur- 
ther pleasure be signifyd to the said Lords Proprietors, 
and in like manner to the Lieut Governor of Virginia, that 
no Grants be pass'd by either of those Governments of any 
of the Lands lying within the controverted Bounds, until 
such Bounds shall be ascertained and settled as aforesaid, 
whereby it may appear whether those Lands do of Eight be- 
long to your Majesty, or to the Lords Proprietors of Carolina. 

Her Majesty in Council, appro veing of the said Eepre- 
sentation, is pleas'd to order, as it is hereby ordered, that 
the Et Honble the Lords Commissioners for Trade & Plan- 
tations Do signify e her Majesty's pleasure herein to her 
Majesty's Lieut Governor or Commander in Chief of Virginia 
for the time being, and to all Persons to whom it may 
belong, as is propos'd by their Lordships in the said Eepre- 
sentation, and the Et Honble the Lords Proprietors of Caro- 
lina are to do what on their part does appertain. 


PROPOSALS for determining the Controversy relating to the 
Bounds between the Governments of Virginia and North 
Carolina, most humbly offered for his Majesty'' 8 Royal Ap- 
probation, and for the Consent of the Et Honble the Lords 
Proprietors of Carolina. 

Forasmuch as the dispute between the said two Govern- 
ments about their true Limits continues still, notwithstand- 


ing the several meetings of the Commissioners, and all the 
proceedings of many Years past, in order to adjust that affair, 
& seeing no speedy Determination is likely to ensue, unless 
some Medium be found out, in which both Partys may in- 
cline to acquiesce, wherefore both the underwritten Gov- 
ernors having met, and consider'd the prejudice both to 
the King & the Lords Proprietors* Interests, by the con- 
tinuance of this contest, and truly endeavouring a De- 
cision, which they Judge comes nearest the Intention of 
Eoyal Charter granted to the Lords Proprietors, do, with 
the advice & consent of their respective Councils, propose 
as follows. 

That from the mouth of Corotuck Kiver or Inlet, & 
setting the Compass on the North Shoar, thereof a due West 
Line be run & fairly mark'd, & if it happen to cut Chowan 
Eiver, between the mouths of Nottoway Eiver and Wicocon 
Creek, then shall the same direct Course be continued to- 
wards the Mountains, and be ever deem'd the Sole divideing 
line between Virginia & Carolina. 

That if the said West Line cuts Chowan Eiver to the 
Southward of Wicocon Creek, then from point of Intersec- 
tion the Bounds shall be allow' d to continue up the middle 
of the said Chowan Eiver to the middle of the Entrance 
into the said Wicocon Creek, and from thence a due West 
Line shall divide the said two Governments. 

That if a due West Line shall be found to pass through 
Islands or to cut out small Slips of Land, which might much 
more conveniently be included in one Province or the other 
by Natural Water Bounds, In such Cases the Persons ap- 
pointed for runing the Line shall have power to settle 
Natural Bounds, provided the Commissioners of both Sides 
agree thereto, and that all such Variations from the West 
Line, be particularly Noted in the Maps or Plats, which 
they shall return, to be put upon the Eecords of both Gov- 
ernments, all which is Humbly submitted by 



Order of the King and Council upon the foregoing Proposals, 
At the Court of St. James's the 28th day of March, 1729. 1 
Present, the King's most Excellent Majesty in Council. 

WHEREAS it has been represented to his Majesty at the 
Board, that for adjusting the disputes, which have Subsisted 
for many Years past, between the Colonys of Virginia and 
North Carolina, concerning their true Boundarys, the late 
Governors of the said colonys did some time since agree 
upon certain Proposals for regulating the said Boundarys 
for the future, to which Proposals the Lords Proprietors of 
Carolina have given their assent ; And whereas the said 
Proposals were this day presented to his Majesty as proper 
for his Royal Approbation, 

His Majesty is thereupon pleas'd, with the Advice of his 
Privy Council, to approve of the said Proposals, a copy 
whereof is hereunto annex' t, and to order, as it is hereby 
order' d, that the Governor or Commander in Chief of the 
Colony of Virginia, do settle the said Boundarys, in con- 
junction with the Governor of North Carolina, agreeable to 
the said Proposals. 


The Lieut Governor of Virginia's Commission 
in obedience to His Majesty's Order. 

George the second, by the Grace of God, of great Britain, 
France and Ireland King, Defender of the Faith, to our 
trusty and well beloved William Byrd, Richard Fitz-Wil- 
liam, and William Dandridge, Esqrs., members of our 
council of the Colony and Dominion of Virginia, Greeting : 
Whereas our late Royal Father of Blessed memory was 
graciously pleas' d, by Order in his Privy Council, bearing 
date the 28 day of March 1727, to approve of certain Pro- 
posals agreed upon by Alexander Spotswood, Esqr. late Lieut 
1 It should be 1727. EDITOR. 


Governor of Virginia, on the one part, and Charles Eden 
Esqr. late Governoor of the Province of North Carolina, for 
determining the Controversy relating to the Bounds between 
the said two Governments, and was farther pleased to direct 
and Order, that the said Boundarys shond be laid out & 
settled agreeable to the said Proposals. Know ye, there- 
fore, that reposing special trust and confidence in your 
Ability & Provident circumspection, have assign'd, consti- 
tuted & appointed, & by these presents do assign, constitute 
& appoint you & every of you jointly & severally, our Com- 
missioners for & on behalf of our Colony & Dominion of 
Virginia, to meet the Commissioners appointed or to be 
appointed on the part of the Province of North Carolina, 
and in conjunction with them to cause a Line or Lines of 
Division to be run and markt, to divide the said two Gov- 
ernments according to the proposals above-mention'd, & 
the order of our late Royal Father, Copies of both which 
you will herewith receive, and we do further give and 
grant unto you, and in case of the Death or absence of any 
of you, such of you as shall be present, full power and 
Authority to treat & agree with the said Commissioners of 
the Province of North Carolina on such rules and Methods 
as you shall Judge most expedient for the adjusting and 
finally determining all disputes or controversies which 
may arise, touching any Islands or other small Slips of Land 
which may happen to be intersected or cut off by the divid- 
ing Line aforesaid, and which may with more conveniency 
be included in the One Province or the other by natural 
water bounds, agreeable to the proposals aforemention'd, 
and generally to do and perform all matters and things 
requisite for the final determination and Settlement of the 
said Boundarys, according to the said Proposals. And to 
the end our Service herein may not be disappointed through 
the refusal or delay of the Commissioners for the Province 
of North Carolina, to act in Conjunction with you in settling 
the Boundarys aforesaid, we do hereby give & grant unto 
you, or such of you as shall be present at the time and place 


appointed for running the dividing Line aforesaid, full 
power and Authority to cause the said Line to be run and 
mark'd out, conformable to the said proposals, having due 
regard to the doing equal Justice to Us, and to the Lords 
Proprietors of Carolina, any refusal, disagreement, or op- 
position of the said Commissioners of North Carolina not- 
withstanding. And in that case we hereby require you to 
make a true report of your proceedings to our Lieut Gov- 
ernor, or Commander in Chief of Virginia, in order to be 
laid before us for our approbation, and final determination 
herein. And in case any Person or Persons whatsoever 
shall presume to disturb, Molest or resist you, or any of the 
Officers or Persons by your direction, in running the said 
Line, and executing the Powers herein given you, we do 
by these presents Give and Grant unto you, or such of you as 
shall be attending the service aforesaid, full power & Au- 
thority by Warrant under your or any of your hands and 
Seals, to order and command all and every the Militia 
Officers in our counties of Princess Anne, Norfolk, Nanse- 
mond, & Isle of Wight, or other the adjacent Counties, to- 
gether with the Sheriff of each of the said Counties, or either 
of them, to raise the Militia & posse of the said Several 
Counties, for the removing all force and opposition, which 
shall or may be made to you in the due Execution of this 
our Commission, & we do hereby will and require, as well 
the Officers of the said militia, as all other our Officers & 
loving Subjects within the said Counties, & all others whom 
it may concern, to be obedient, aiding & assisting unto you 
in all & Singular the Premises. And we do in like manner 
command & require you, to cause fair Maps & descriptions 
of the said Dividing Line, and the remarkable places through 
which it shall pass, to be made and return'd to our Lieut 
Governor or Commander in Chief of our said Colony for 
the time being, in order to be entered on Kecord in the 
proper Offices within our said Colony. Provided that you 
do not, by colour of this our Commission, take upon you or 
determine any Private man's property, in or to the Lands 


which shall by the said dividing Line be included within 
the Limits of Virginia, nor of any other matter or thing 
that doth not relate immediately to the adjusting, settling 
& final Determination of the Boundary aforesaid, conform- 
able to the Proposals hereinbefore mention'd, and not other- 
wise. In Witness whereof we have caused these presents 
to be made. Witness our trusty and well beloved William 
Gooch, Esqr. our Lieut Governor & Commander in Chief of 
our Colony & Dominion of Virginia, under the seal of our 
said Colony, at Williamsburgh the 14th day of December, 
1727. in the first Year of our Reign. 


The Governour of N. Carolina's Commission in 
Obedience to His Majesty's Order. 

Sir Richard Everard, Baronet, Governor, Captain Gene- 
ral, Admiral, and Commander in Chief of the said Province : 
To Christopher Gale, Esqr. Chief Justice, John Lovick Esqr., 
Secretary, Edward Moseley, Esqr., Surveyor General & 
William Little Esqr., Attorney General, Greeting : Whereas 
many disputes & differences have formerly been between 
the Inhabitants of this province and those of his Majesty's 
Colony of Virginia, concerning the Boundarys and Limits 
between the said two Governments, which having been 
duly considered by Charles Eden, Esqr., late Governor of 
this Province, and Alexander Spotswood, Esqr., late Gov- 
ernor of Virginia, they agreed to certain proposals for deter- 
mining the said controversy, & humbly offer' d the same for 
his Majesty's Royal Approbation, and the consent of the 
true & absolute Lords Proprietors of Carolina, and his 
Majesty having been pleas'd to signify his Royal approba- 
tion of those proposals ( consent' d unto by the true and ab- 
solute Lords Proprietors of Carolina) and given directions 
for adjusting & settling the Boundarys as near as may be to 
the said Proposals : 


I, therefore, reposing especial trust and confidence in you 
the said Christopher Gale, John Lovick, Edward Moseley 
and William Little, to be Commissioners, on the part of the 
true and absolute Lords Proprietors, and that you in con- 
junction with such Commissioners as shall be nominated for 
Virginia, use your utmost Endeavours, and take all necessary 
care in adjusting and settling the said boundarys, by draw- 
ing such a distinct Line or Lines of Division between 
the said two Provinces, as near as reasonable you can to the 
Proposals made by the two former Governours, and the 
Instructions herewith given you. Given at the Council 
Chamber in Edenton, under my hand, and the Seal of the 
Colony, the 21st day of February, anno Dom 1727, 1 and in 
the first year of the Keign of our sovereign Lord, King 
George the Second. 


The Protest of the Carolina Commissioners, against our 
Proceeding on the Line icithout them. 

We the underwritten Commissioners for the Government 
of N. Carolina, in conjunction with the Commissioners on 
the part of Virginia, having run the Line for the division 
of the two Colonys from Corotuck Inlet, to the South Branch 
of Eoanoak Eiver ; being in the whole about 170 Miles, and 
near 50 Miles without the Inhabitants, being of Opinion 
we had run the Line as far as would be requisite for a 
long time, Judged the carrying it farther would be a need- 
less charge and trouble. And the Grand Debate which had 
so long Subsisted between the two Governments, about 
Wyanoke Eiver or Creek, being settled at our former 
meeting in the Spring, when we were ready on our parts to 
have gone with the Line to the utmost Inhabitants, which 
if it had been done, the Line at any time after might have 
been continued at an easy expense by a Surveyor on each 
1 February 21, 1728, by New Style. EDITOR. 


side ; and if at any time hereafter there shou'd be occasion 
to carry the Line on further than we have now run it, which 
we think will not be in an Age or two, it may be done in 
the same easy manner, without the great Expense that now 
attends it. And on the Conference of all the Commissioners, 
we have communicated our sentiments thereon, and declar'd 
our Opinion, that we had gone as far as the Service re- 
quired, and thought proper to proceed no farther ; to which 
it was answered by the Commissioners for Virginia, that 
they Should not regard what we did, but if we desisted, 
they wou'd proceed without us. But we, conceiving by 
his Majesty's Order in Council they were directed to Act 
in conjunction with the Commissioners appointed for Caro- 
lina, & having accordingly run the Line jointly so far, and 
Exchanged Plans, thought they cou'd not carry on the 
Bounds singly ; but that their proceedings without us wou'd 
be irregular & invalid, and that it wou'd be no Boundary, 
and thought proper to enter our Dissent thereto. Where- 
fore, for the reasons aforesaid, in the name of his Excellency 
the Lord Palatine, and the rest of the true and absolute 
Lords proprietors of Carolina, we do hereby dissent and 
Disallow of any farther proceedings with the Bounds with- 
out our Concurrence, and pursuant to our Instructions do 
give this our DISSENT in Writing. 




October 7th, 1728. 

The Answer of the Virginia Commissioners 
to the foregoing protest. 

WHEREAS, on the 7th of October last, a paper was de- 
li ver'd to us by the Commissioners of N. Carolina, in the 
Stile of a Protest, against our carrying any farther, without 
them, the dividing Line between the 2 Governments, we, 


the underwritten Commissioners on the part of Virginia, 
having maturely considered the reasons offer'd in the said 
PROTEST, why those Gentlemen retir'd so soon from that 
Service, beg leave to return the following answer : 

They are pleas'd in the first place to alledge, by way of 
Reason, that having run the Line near 50 Miles beyond the 
Inhabitants, it was Sufficient for a long time, in their Opin- 
ion for an Age or two. To this we answer that, by break- 
ing off so soon, they did but imperfectly obey his Majesty's 
Order, assented to by the Lords Proprietors. The plain 
meaning of that Order was, to ascertain the Bounds betwixt 
the two Governments as far towards the Mountains as we 
cou'd, that neither the King's Grants may hereafter en- 
croach on the Lords Proprietors', nor theirs on the Right 
of his Majesty. And tho the distance towards the great 
Mountains be not precisely determin'd, yet surely the West 
line shou'd be carry 'd as near them as may be, that both 
the King's Lands and those of their Lordships, may be taken 
up the faster, and that his Majesty's Subjects may as soon 
as possible extend themselves to that Natural Barrier. 
This they will certainly do in a few Years, when they know 
distinctly in which Government they may enter for the 
Land, as they have already done in the more northern parts 
of Virginia. So that 'tis Strange the Carolina Commission- 
ers should affirm, that the distance only of 50 Miles above 
the Inhabitants wou'd be sufficient to carry the Line for an 
Age or two, especially considering that, two or three days 
before the date of their Protest, Mr. Mayo had enter'd with 
them for 2000 Acres of Land, within 5 Miles of the Place 
where they left off. Besides, if we reflect on the richness of 
the Soil in those parts, & the convenience for Stock, we may 
foretell, without the Spirit of Divination, that there will be 
many Settlements higher than those Gentlemen went, in 
less than ten Years, and Perhaps in half that time. 

Another reason mention'd in the Protest for their retiring 
so soon from the Service is, that their going farther wou'd 
be a needless charge and Trouble. And they alledge that 


the rest may be done by one Surveyor on a side, in an easy 
manner, whenever it shall be thought necessary. 

To this we answer, that Frugality for the Public is a rare 
virtue, but when the public Service must Suffer by it, it 
degenerates into a Vice. And this will ever be the Case 
when Gentlemen Execute the orders of their Superiors by 
halves, but had the Carolina Commissioners been sincerely 
frugal for their Government, why did they carry out Pro- 
visions Sufficient to support them and their Men for ten 
Weeks, when they intended not to tarry half that time? 
This they must own to be true, since they brought 1000 Ibs. 
of Provisions along with them. Now, after so great an Ex- 
pence in their preparations, it had been no mighty Addition 
to their Charge, had they endured the Fatigue 5 or 6 Weeks 
longer. It wou'd at most have been no more than they 
must be at, whenever they finish their Work, even tho they 
shou'd fancy it proper to trust a matter of that consequence 
to the Management of one Surveyor. Such a one must 
have a Number of Men along with him, both for his assis- 
tance and Defense, and those Men must have Provisions to 
Support them. 

These are all the reasons these Gentlemen think fit to 
mention in their protest, tho they had in truth a more 
Powerful argument for retiring so abruptly, which, because 
they forgot, it will be neighbourly to help them out. The 
provisions they intended to bring along with them, for want 
of Horses to carry them, were partly droppt by the way, & 
what they cou'd bring was husbanded so ill, that after 18 
days, (which was the whole time we had them in our Com- 
pany,) they had no more left, by their own confession, than 
two Pounds of Biscuit for each Man, to carry them home. 
However, tho this was an unanswerable Reason for Gentle- 
men for leaving the Business unfinisht, it was none at all 
for us, who had at that time Bread Sufficient for 7 Weeks 
longer. Therefore, lest their want of Management might 
put a stop to his Majesty's Service, & frustrate his Royal in- 
tentions, we judg'd it our Duty to proceed without them, 


and have extended the Dividing Line so far West as to leave 
the great Mountains on each hand to the Eastward of us. 
And this we have done with the same fidelity & exactness 
as if the Gentlemen had continued with us. Our surveyors 
(whose Integrity I am perswaded they will not call in Ques- 
tion) continued to Act under the same Oath, which they 
had done from the beginning. Yet, notwithstanding all 
this, if the Government of N. Carolina shou'd not hold itself 
bound by that part of the Line which we made without the 
assistance of the Commissioners, yet we shall have this bene- 
fit in it at least, that his Majesty will know how far his 
Lands reach towards the South, & consequently where his 
Subjects may take it up, & how far they may be granted 
without Injustice to the Lords Proprietors. To this we 
may also add, that having the Authority of our Commission, 
to act without the Commissioners of Carolina, in Case of 
their disagreement or refusal, we thought ourselves bound 
upon their Ee treat to finish the Line without them, lest his 
Majesty's Service might Suffer by any honour or neglect on 
their part. 



The Names of the Commissioners to direct the running of the 
Line between Virginia and North Carolina. 


-LUJLV^JLJ. _1_X _!. J. _L M~A TT J- J-J -1-J -I- -i -- J-*J- I ysj / TT 

' > Commissioners for Virginia. 




^Commissioners for Carolina. 



ALEX'E IEVIN, \ a , _ 7 . . . 

WILLIAM MAYO, } SurVey rS f r Vn K imik 





1 Surveyors for N. Carolina- 

part of Virginia to run the 
and N. Carolina. 

On the 2d expedition. 
Peter Jones, 
Thomas Jones, 
Thomas Short, 
Robert Hix, 
John Evans, 
Stephen Evans ; 
John Ellis, 
John Ellis, Jr. 
Thomas Wilson, 
George Tilman, 
Charles Kimbal, 
George Hamilton, 
Thomas Jones, Jun r - 
James Petillo, 
Rich'd Smith, 
Abraham Jones, 
Edward Powell, 
William Pool, 
William Calvert, 
James Whitlock, 
Thomas Page. 

Account of the Expence of running the Line between 
Virginia and N. Carolina. 

To the Men's Wages in Currant Money . . . 227 10 J 
To Sundry Disbursements for Provisions, &c. . 174 01 6 
To Paid the Men for 7 Horses lost . 44 

Names of the Men employed on the 
Line between that Colony 

On the first expedition. 

1. Peter Jones, 

2. Thomas Jones, 

3. Thomas Short, 

4. Robert Hix, 

5. John Evans, 

6. Stephen Evans, 

7. John Ellis, 

8. John Ellis, Jr. 

9. Thomas Wilson, 

10. George Tilman, 

11. Charles Kimbal, 

12. George Hamilton, 
Robert Allen, 
Thomas Jones, Jun r - 

15. James Petillo, 

16. Richard Smith, 
John Rice. 



495 11 6 

1 There is an error, either in transcribing these amounts or in 
finding their sum. EDITOR. 


The Sum of 495 11 6 Current Money reduc't 

at 15 p cent. Sterling amounts to 430 8 10 

To paid to colo Byrd 142 5 7 

To paid to colo Dandridge 142 5 7 

To paid to Mr. Fitz-William 94 

To paid to the Chaplain, Mr. Fountain ... 20 

To paid to Mr. William Mayo 75 

To paid to Mr. Alex Irvin 75 

To paid for a Tent and Marquis 20 


This Summ was discharged by a Warrant out of His Ma- 
jesty's Quitrents from the Lands in Virginia. 




Anno 1733. 

EPT. 11. Having recommended 
my Family to the Protection of the 
Almighty, I crost the river with 2 
Servants and 4 Horses, and rode 
to Colo. Mumford's. There I met 
my Friend, Mr Banister, who was 
to be the kind Companion of my Travels. I stayed 
dinner with the Good Colonel, while Mr. Banister 
made the best of his way home, to get his Equipage 
ready, in order to join me the next day. After 
dining plentifully, and wishing all that was good 
to the household, I proceeded to Major Mumford's, 
who had also appointed to go along with me. I 
was the more obliged to Him, because he made me 
the Complement to leave the Arms of a pretty 
Wife, to lye on the Cold Ground for my Sake. 
She seemed to chide me with her Eyes, for coming 
to take her Bed-fellow from her, now the Cold 


282 COLONEL WILLIAM EYED [1733, Sept. 

weather came on, and to make my peace, I was 
forced to promise, to take abundance of Care of 
Him, in Order to restore him Safe and Sound to 
her Embraces. 

12. After the Major had cleared his Pipes, in 
calling with much Authority about him, he made a 
Shift to truss up his Baggage about Nine a'Clock. 
Near the Same Hour my Old Friend and Fellow 
Traveller, Peter Jones, came to us compleatly ac- 
coutred. Then we fortifi'd ourselves with a Beef- 
Steake, kis't our Landlady for good Luck, and 
mounted about ten. The Major took one Robin 
Boiling with him, as Squire to his Body, as well as 
Conductor of his Baggage. Tom Short had prom- 
ised to attend me, but had marry'd a Wife and could 
not come. We cros't Hatcher's Run, Gravelly Run, 
Stony Creek, and in the distance of about 20 Miles 
reach't Sappony chappel, where Mr. Banister join'd 
us. Thus agreeably reinforc't we proceeded ten 
Miles further, to Major Embry's, on the South Side 
of Nottoway River. The Major was ill of a purging 
and vomiting, attended with a Feaver which had 
brought him low; but I prescribed him a Gallon 
or two of Chicken Broth, which wasn't him as clean 
as a Gun, and quench't his feaver. Here Major 
Mayo met us, well equip't for a March into the 
Woods, bringing a Surveyor's Tent, that would 
Shelter a Small Troop. Young Tom Jones also 
repaired hither to make his Excuse ; but Old Tom 
Jones, by the priviledge of his Age, neither came 
nor sent, so that we were not so strong as we in- 
tended, being disappointed of 3 of our Ablest 

1733, Sept.] A JOURNEY TO EDEN 283 

Foresters. The Entertainment we met with was 
the less Sumptuous by Keason of our Landlord's 
Indisposition. On this Occasion we were as little 
Troublesome as possible, by sending part of our 
Company to Richard Birch's, who lives just by the 
Bridge over the River/ We sent for an Old In- 
dian called Shacco-Will, living about 7 Miles off, 
who reckon'd himself 78 years Old. This fellow 
pretended he could conduct us to a Silver Mine, 
that lyes either upon Eno River, or a Creek of it, 
not far from where the Tuscaruros once lived. 
But by some Circumstances in his Story, it seems 
to be rather a Lead than a Silver Mine. How- 
ever, such as it is, he promised to go and Shew it 
to me whenever I pleased. To comfort his Heart, 
I gave him a Bottle of Rum, with which he made 
himself very happy, and all the Familey very mis- 
erable by the horrible Noise he made all Night. 
13. Our Landlord had great relief from my 
Remedy, and found himself easy this Morning. 
On this Account we took our departure with more 
Satisfaction, about Nine, and having pick't up our 
Friends at Mr. Birch's, pursued our Journey over 
Quoique Creek, and Sturgeon Run, as far as 
Brunswick Court house, about 12 Miles beyond 
Notoway. By the way, I sent a Runner half a 
Mile out of the Road to Colo. Drury Stith's, who 
was so good as to come to us. We cheer'd Our 
hearts with Three Bottles of pretty good Madeira, 
which made Drury talk very hopefully of his cop- 
per Mine. We easily prevailed with him to let us 
have his Company, upon condition we would take 

284 COLONEL WILLIAM EYED [1733, Sept. 

the Mine in our way. From thence we proceeded 
to Meherin River, which lys 8 Miles beyond the 
Court house, and in our way forded Great Creek. 
For fear of being belated, we called not at my 
Quarter, where Dom Pedro is Overseer, and lives in 
good Repute amongst his Neighbours. In Com- 
plement to the little Major we went out of our 
way, to ly at a Settlement of his upon Cock's 
Creek, 4 Miles Short of Roanoak. Our Fare here 
was pretty Coarse, but Mr. Banister and I took 
possession of the Bed, while the rest of the Com- 
pany lay in Bulk upon the Floor. This Night the 
little Major made the first discovery of an impa- 
tient and peevish Temper, equally unfit both for a 
Traveller and a Husband. 

14. In the Morning my friend Tom Wilson made 
me a Yisit, and gave me his Parole that he would 
meet us at Blue Stone Castle. We took Horse 
about Nine, and in the distance of Ten Miles 
reach't a Quarter of Colo. Stith's, under the 
Management of John Tomasin. This Plantation 
lies on the West Side of Stith's Creek, which was 
so full of Water, by reason of a Fresh in the 
River, that we cou'd not ford it, but we and our 
Baggage were paddled over in a canoe, and our 
Horses swam by our Sides. After Staying here 
an Hour, with some of Diana's Maids of Honour, 
we cross't Miles' Creek a Small Distance off, and 
at the End of Eight Miles were met by a tall, mea- 
gre Figure, which I took at first for an Apparition, 
but it proved to be Colo. Stith's Miner. I con- 
cluded that the unwholesome Yapours arising from 

1733, Sept.] A JOURNEY TO EDEN 285 

the Copper Mine had made this Operator such a 
Skeleton, but upon Enquiry understood that it 
was Shear Famine had brought him so low. He 
told us his Stomach had not been bles't with one 
Morsel of Meat for more than three Weeks, and 
that too he had been obliged to Short Allowance 
of Bread, by reason Corn was Scarce and to be 
f etch't from Tomasin's, which was ten long Miles 
from the Mine where he liv'd. However, in Spite 
of this Spare dyet, the man was chearfull, and ut- 
tered no Complaint. Being conducted by him, we 
reach't the Mines about five a'clock, and pitch't 
our Tents, for the first time, there being yet no 
building erected but a Log-house, to Shelter the 
Miner and his two Negroes. We examined the 
Mine and found it dip't from East to West, and 
shew'd but a Slender Vein, embody'd in a hard 
rock of White Spar. The Shaft they had opened 
was about 12 feet deep, and 6 Over. I saw no 
more than one Peck of good Ore above Ground, 
and that promis'd to be very Rich. The Engineer 
seem'd very sanguine, and had not the least doubt 
but his Employer's Fortune was made. He made 
us the Complement of 3 Blasts, and We filled his 
Belly with good Beef in return, which in his 
hungry Circumstances was the most agreeable 
Present we cou'd make him. 

15. It rain'd in the Morning, which made us de- 
camp later than we intended, but the Clouds clear- 
ing away about ten, We wish't good luck to the 
Mine and departed. We left Colo. Stith there to 
keep fast with his Miner, and directed our Course 

286 COLONEL WILLIAM BYRD [1733, Sept. 

thro' the Woods to Boucher's Creek, which hath 
its Name from an honest Fellow that lives upon it. 
This place is about 6 Miles from Colo. Stith's 
works, and can also boast of a very fair Shew of 
Copper Oar. It is dug out of the side of a Hill, 
that rises gradually from the Creek to the House. 
The good Man was from Home himself; but his 
Wife, who was as old as one of the Sybills, re- 
fresh't us with an Ocean of Milk. By the Strength 
of that Entertainment, we proceeded to Mr. Mum- 
ford's Quarter, about 5 Miles off, where Joseph 
Colson is Overseer. Here our thirsty Companions 
rais'd their drooping Spirits with a chearfull Dram, 
and having wet both Eyes, we rode on 7 Miles 
farther to Blue Stone Castle, 5 whereof were thro' 
my own Land, that is to say, all above Sandy 
Creek. My Land there in all extends 10 Miles 
upon the River; and 3 charming Islands, namely, 
Sapponi, Occaneeche, and Totero, run along the 
whole length of it. The lowest of these Islands is 
three Miles long, the next 4, and the uppermost 3, 
divided from each other by only a Narrow Strait. 
The Soil is rich in all of them, the Timber large, 
and a kind of Pea, very gratefull to Cattle and 
Horses, holds green all the Winter. Roanoke 
River is divided by these Islands ; that part which 
runs on the North Side is about 80 Yards, and that 
on the South more than 100. A large Fresh will 
overflow the lower part of these Islands, but never 
covers all, so that the Cattle mav always recover a 
Place of Security. The Middlemost Island, called 
Occaneeche Island, has several fields in it where 

1733, Sept.] A JOURNEY TO EDEN 287 

Occaneeche Indians formerly lived, and there are 
still some remains of the Peach Trees they planted. 
Here grow likewise excellent wild Hops without 
any Cultivation. My Overseer, Harry Morris, did 
his utmost to entertain me and my Company; the 
worst of it was, we were obliged all to be litter'd 
down in one Room, in Company with my Landlady 
and four children, one of which was very Sick, and 
consequently very fretfull. 

16. This being Sunday, and the place where we 
were quite out of Christendom, very little Devotion 
went forward. I thought it no harm to take a 
Sabbath day's Journey, & rode with my Overseer 
to a new Entry I had made upon Blue Stone Creek, 
about 3 Miles from the Castle, and found the Land 
very fertile & convenient. It consists of Low 
Grounds and Meadows on both Sides the Creek. 
After taking a View of this, we rode 2 Miles farther 
to a Stony Place, where there were some Tokens 
of a Copper Mine, but not hopefull enough to lay 
me under any Temptation. Then we return'd to 
the Company, and found Tom Wilson was come 
according to his promise, in order to proceed into 
the Woods along with Us. Jo. Colson likewise 
entered into pay, having cautiously made his Bar- 
gain for a Pistole. There were 3 Tuskeruda In- 
dians, (which I understood had been kept on my 
Plantation to hunt for Harry Morris,) that with 
much ado were also persuaded to be of the party. 
My Landlady cou'd not forbear discovering some 
broad Signs of the fury, by breaking out into inso- 
lent & passionate Expressions against the poor 

288 COLONEL WILLIAM BYKD [1733, Sept. 

Negroes. And if my Presence cou'd not awe Her, 
I concluded she could be very outrageous when I 
was an hundred Miles off. This inference I came 
afterwards to understand was but too true, for, 
between the Husband and the Wife, the Negroes 
had a hard tune of it. 

17. We set off about nine from Blue Stone 
Castle, and rode up the Eiver 6 Miles, (one half 
of which distance was on my own Land,) as far as 
Major Mumford's Quarter, where Master Hogen 
was Tenant upon Halves. Here were no great 
Marks of Industry, the Weeds being near as high 
as the Corn. My Islands run up within a little 
way of this Place, which will expose them to the 
Inrode of the Major's Creatures. That call'd 
Totero Island, lyes too convenient not to receive 
Damage that way; but we must guard against it 
as well as we can. After the Major had convinct 
Himself of the Idleness of his Tenant, he return'd 
back to Blue ,Stone, and Harry Morris and I went 
in quest of a fine Copper Mine, which he had 
Secured for me in the Fork. For which purpose, 
about a Quarter of a Mile, higher than Hogen' s, 
we crost a Narrow Branch of the River into a 
small Island, not yet taken up, and after traversing 
that, forded a much wider Branch into the Fork of 
the Roanoke River. Where we landed was near 3 
Miles higher up than the Point of the Fork. We 
first directed our Course Easterly towards that 
Point, which was very Sharp, and each Branch of 
the River Where it divided first seem'd not to 
exceed 80 Yards in Breadth. The Land was 

1733, Sept.] A JOURNEY TO EDEN 289 

broken and barren off from the River, till we came 
within half a Mile of the Point where the Low- 
grounds began. The Same Sort of Low Ground 
run up each Branch of the River. That on the 
Staunton (being the Northern Branch) was but 
Narrow, but that on the South, which is called the 
Dan, seem'd to carry a wedth of at least half a 
Mile. After discovering this Place, for which I 
intended to enter, we rode up the Mid-land 5 Miles 
to view the Mine, which in my Opinion hardly 
answered the Trouble of riding so far out of our 
way. We returned downwards again about 4 
Miles, and a Mile from the Point found a good 
Ford over the North Branch, into the upper end of 
Totero Island. We crost the River there, and 
near the Head of the Island saw a large Quantity 
of Wild Hops growing, that smelt fragrantly, and 
seem'd to be in great perfection. At our first 
Landing we were so hampered with Brambles, Yines 
and Poke Bushes, that our Horses could hardly 
force their way thro' them. However, this Diffi- 
culty held only about 25 Yards at each end of the 
Island, all the rest being very level and free from 
Underwood. We met with Old Fields where the 
Indians had formerly liv'd, and the Grass grew as 
high as a Horse and his Rider. In one of these 
Fields were large Duck Ponds, very firm at the 
Bottom, to which Wild fowl resort in the Winter. 
In the Woody part of the Island grows a Vetch, 
that is green all the Winter, and a great Support 
for Horses & Cattle, tho' it is to be fear'd the 
Hogs will root it all up. There is a Cave in this 

290 COLONEL WILLIAM BYED [1733, Sept. 

Island, in which the last Totero King, with only 2 
of his Men, defended himself against a great Host 
of Northern Indians, & at last oblig'd them to 
retire. We forded the Streight out of this into 
Occaneechy Island, which was full of large Trees, 
and rich Land, and the South part of it is too high 
for any flood less than Noah's to drown it, we rode 
about 2 Miles down this Island, (being half the 
length of it,) where finding ourselves opposite to 
Blue Stone Castle, we pass't the River in a canoe, 
which had been ordered thither for that purpose, & 
join'd our Friends, very much tired, not so much 
with the length of the Journey, as with the heat of 
the Weather. 

18. We lay by till the return of the Messenger 
that we sent for the Amunition, and other things 
left at the Court house. Nor had the Indians yet 
join'd us according to their Promise, which made 
us begin to doubt of their Veracity. I took a Soli- 
tary Walk to the first Ford of Blue JStone Creek, 
about a Quarter of a Mile from the House. This 
Creek had its Name from the Colour of the Stones, 
which pav'd the Bottom of it, and are so smooth 
that tis probable they will burn into Lime. I took 
care to return to my Company by Dinner time that 
I might not trespas upon their Stomachs. In the 
Afternoon I was paddled by the Overseer and one 
of my Servants up the Creek, but cou'd proceed 
little farther than a Mile because of the Shoal 
Water. All the way we perceiv'd the Bottom of 
the Creek full of the Blue Stones above mention'd, 
Sufficient in quantity to build a large Castle. At 

1733, Sept.] A JOURNEY TO EDEN 291 

our return we went into the Middle of the River, 
and stood upon a large Blue Rock to Angle, but 
without any Success. We broke off a Fragment 
of the Rock, and found it as heavy as so much 
Lead. Discouraged by our ill Luck, we repair'd 
to the Company, who had procured some Pieces of 
Copper Oar from Cargil's Mine, which seem'd full 
of Metal. This Mine lies about 2 Miles higher 
than Major Mumford's Plantation, and has a better 
Shew than any yet discover'd. There are so many 
appearances of Copper in these Parts, that the In- 
habitants seem to be all Mine-mad, and neglect 
making of Corn for their present necessitys, in 
hopes of growing very Rich hereafter. 

19. The Heavens lowr'd a little upon us in the 
Morning, but, like a Damsel ruffled by too bold 
an Address, it soon clear'd up again. Because I 
detested Idleness, I caus'd my Overseer to paddle 
me up the River as far as the Streight that divides 
Occaneechy from Totero Island, which is about 20 
Yards wide. There runs a Swift Stream continu- 
ally out of the South part of the River into the 
North, and is in some places very deep. We crost 
the South part of the opposite Shoar, to view 
another entry I had made, beginning at Buffalo 
Creek and running up the River to guard my 
Islands, and keep off bad Neighbours on that Side. 
The Land seems good enough for Corn along the 
River, but a Quarter of a Mile back tis broken, and 
full of Stones. After satisfying my Curiosity, I 
return'd the way that I came, and shot the same 
Streight back again, and paddled down the River 

292 COLONEL WILLIAM BYRD [1733, Sept. 

to the Company. When we got home, we laid the 
foundation of two large Citys. One at Shacco's, 
to be called Richmond, and the other at the Point 
of Appamattuck River, to be nam'd Petersburgh. 1 
These Major Mayo offered to lay out into Lots 
without Fee or Reward. The Truth of it is, these 
two places being the uppermost Landing of James 
and Appamattux Rivers, are naturally intended for 
Marts, where the Traffick of the Outer Inhabitants 
must Center. Thus we did not build Castles only, 
but also Citys in the Air. In the Evening our 
Ammunition arrived safe, and the Indians came to 
us, resolving to make part of our Company, upon 
Condition of their being Supply 5 d with Powder and 
Shot, and having the Skins of all the Deer they 
kill'd to their own proper use. 

20. Every thing being ready for a March, we 
left Blue Stone Castle about ten. My Company 
consisted of 4 Gentlemen (Namely, Maj Mayo, 
Maj Mumford, Mr. Banister and Mr. Jones,) and 
5 Woodsmen, Thomas Wilson, Henry Morris, Jo- 
seph Colson, Robert Boiling and Thomas Hooper, 
4 Negroes and 3 Tuscaruda Indians. With this 
small Troop we proceeded up the River as far as 
Hogen's, above which, about a quarter of a Mile, 
we forded into the little Island, and from thence 
into the Fork of the River. The Water was risen 
so high, that it ran into the Top of my Boots, 

1 Richmond took its name Virginia Gazette, April, 1737. 

from a fancied resemblance to (See Campbell's Hist, of Va., 

the site of the town by the same p. 421. ) Petersburg took its 

name near London. Its lots name from a local inhabitant, 
were advertised for sale in the 

1733, Sept.] A JOURNEY TO EDEN 293 

but without giving me any Cold, altho I rid in my 
wet Stockings. We Landed 3 Miles above the 
point of the Fork, and, after marching three Miles 
farther, reacht the Tenement of Peter Mitchell, 
the highest Inhabitant on Roanoke River. Two 
Miles above that we forded a Water, which we 
named Birche's Creek, not far from the Mouth, 
where it discharges itself into the Dan. From 
thence we rode thro charming Low-Grounds, for 
6 Miles together, to a larger Stream, which we 
agreed to call Banister River. We were puzzled 
to find a Ford by reason the Water was very high, 
but at last got safe over, about 1J Mile from the 
Banks of the Dan. In our way we kill'd 2 very 
large Rattle-Snakes, One of 15 and the other of 12 
Rattles. They were both fat, but nobody would 
be persuaded to carry them to our Quarters, altho 
they would have added much to the Luxury of our 
Supper. We pitcht our Tents upon Banister 
River, where we feasted on a Young Buck which 
had the ill luck to cross our way. It rain'd great 
part of the Night, with very loud Thunder, which 
rumbled frightfully amongst the tall Trees that 
Surrounded us in that low Ground, but, thank 
God ! without any Damage. Our Indians kill'd 3 
deer, but were so lazy they brought them not to 
the Camp, pretending for their Excuse that they 
were too lean. 

21. The necessity of drying our Baggage pre- 
vented us from marching till 11 a'clock. Then we 
proceeded thro low-Grounds which were tolerably 
wide for 3 Miles together, as far as a Small Creek, 

294 COLONEL WILLIAM BYRD [1733, Sept. 

named by us Morris's Creek. This Tract of Land 
I persuaded Mr. Banister to enter for, that he 
might not be a loser by the Expedition. The Low 
Grounds held good a Mile beyond the Creek, and 
then the Highland came quite to the River, and 
made our travelling more difficult. All the way 
we went we perceiv'd there had been tall Canes 
lately growing on the Bank of the River, but were 
universally kill'd; And inquiring into the reason 
of this destruction, we were told that the Nature 
of those Canes was, to shed their Seed but once in 
Seven Years, and the Succeeding Winter to dye, 
and make Room for Young ones to grow up in 
their Places. Thus much was certain, that 4 Years 
before we saw Canes grow and flourish in Several 
Places, where they now lay dead and dry upon the 
Ground. The whole distance we travell'd in this 
day by Computation was 15 Miles, and then the 
Appearance of a black Cloud, which threaten'd a 
Gust, oblig'd us to take up our Quarters. We had 
no sooner got our Tents over our Heads, but it 
began to rain and thunder furiously, and one Clap 
succeeded the Lightening the same Instant, and 
made all tremble before it. But, blessed be God! 
it spent its fury upon a tall Oak just by our Camp. 
Our Indians were so fearfull of falling into the 
hands of the Cataubas, that they durst not lose 
Sight of us all day; so they kill'd nothing, and we 
were forc'd to make a temperate Supper upon 
Bread and Cheese. It was Strange we met with 
no Wild Turkeys, this being the Season in which 
great Numbers of them used to be seen towards 

1733, Sept.] A JOURNEY TO EDEN 295 

the Mountains. They commonly perch on the high 
Trees near the Rivers and Creeks. But this Voy- 
age, to our great Misfortune, there were none to be 
found. So that we cou'd not commit that Abomi- 
nation, in the Sight of all Indians, of mixing the 
Flesh of Deer & Turkey in our Broth. 

22. We were again oblig'd to dry our Bag- 
gage, which had thoroughly soakt with the heavy 
Rain that fell in the Night. While we staid for that, 
our Hunters knockt down a Brace of Bucks, where- 
with we made ourselves amends for our Scanty 
Supper the aforegoing Night. All these Matters 
being duly perform'd made it near Noon before 
we Sounded to Horse. We marcht about 2 Miles 
over fine low-Grounds to a most pleasant Stream, 
which we nam'd the Medway, and by the way dis- 
cover'd a rich Neck of Highland that lay on the 
South Side of the Dan, and lookt very tempting. 
Two Miles beyond the Medway, we forded another 
Creek, which we called Maosty Creek. The whole 
distance between these 2 Streams lay exceeding 
rich Land, & the same continued 2 Miles higher. 
This body of Low-Ground tempted me to enter for 
it, to serve as a Stage between my Land at the 
Fork, and the Land of Eden. The Heavens lookt 
so menacing that we resolved to take up our Quar- 
ters 2 Miles above Maosty Creek, where we in- 
trencht ourselves on a rising Ground. We had no 
sooner taken these Precautions, but it began to 
rain unmercifully, and to put out our Fire as fast 
as we cou'd kindle it; nor was it only a hasty 
Shower, but continued with great impetuosity most 

296 COLONEL WILLIAM EYED [1733, Sept. 

part of the ]STight. We preferred a dry Fast to a 
Wet Feast, being unwilling to expose the People 
to the Weather, to gratify an unreasonable Appe- 
tite. However it was some comfort, in the Midst 
of our Abstinence, to dream of the delicious Break- 
fast we intended to make next Morning, upon a 
fat Doe and two-year-Old Bear our Hunters had 
kill'd the Evening before. Notwithstanding all 
the Care we cou'd take, several of the Men were 
dripping wet, and among the rest, Harry Morris 
dabbled so long in the Rain, that he was seized 
with a Violent Fit of an Ague that Shook him 
almost out of all his Patience. 

23. It was no loss of time to rest in our Camp 
according to the Duty of the day, because our 
Baggage was so wet it needed a whole day to dry 
it. For this purpose we kindled 4 Several Fires, 
in the absence of the Sun, which vouchsaft us not 
one kind look the whole day. My Servant had 
dropt his Great-Coat Yesterday, and 2 of the men 
were so good-matured as to ride back and look for 
it to-day, and were so lucky as to find it. Our In- 
dians having no Notion of the Sabbath, went out 
to hunt for Something for dinner, and brought a 
Young Doe back along with them. They laught 
at the English for losing one day in Seven; tho 
the Joke may be turned upon them for losing the 
whole Seaven, if Idleness and doing nothing to the 
purpose may be called loss of time. I lookt out 
narrowly for Ginseng, this being the Season when 
it wears its Scarlet Fruit, but neither now nor 
any other tune during the whole Journey cou'd I 

1733, Sept.] A JOURNEY TO EDEN" 297 

find one Single Plant of it. This made me con- 
clude that it delighted not in quite so Southerly a 
Climate; And in truth I never heard of its growing 
on this Side of 38 Degrees of Latitude. But to 
make amends we saw abundance of Sugar Trees in 
all these Low-Grounds, which the whole Summer 
long the Woodpeckers tap, for the sweet Juice that 
flows out of them. Towards the Evening, a Strong 
Korwester was so kind as to sweep all the Clouds 
away, that had blacken'd our Sky, and moisten'd 
our Skins, for some time past. 

24. The rest the Sabbath had given us made 
every Body alert this Morning, so that we mounted 
before Nine a'clock. This Diligence happened to 
be the more necessary, by reason the Woods we 
encountered this day were exceedingly Bushy and 
uneven. At the distance of 4 Miles we forded 
both Branches of Forked Creek, which lay within 
1000 Paces from each other. My Horse fell twice 
under me, but, thank God! without any Damage 
either to Himself or his Eider; and Maj'r Mayo's 
Baggage Horse roll'd down a Steep Hill, and 
Ground all his Biscuit to Eocahominy. My great- 
est disaster was that, in mounting one of the Preci- 
pices, my Steed made a Short turn and gave my 
Knee an unmerciful Bang against a Tree, & I 
felt the Effects of it Several Days after. How- 
ever, this was no Interruption of our Journey, but 
we went merrily on, and 2 Miles farther crost 
Peter's Creek, and 2 Miles after that Jones' Creek. 
Between these Creeks was a Good breadth of 
Low-Grounds, with which Mr. Jones was tempted, 

298 COLONEL WILLIAM BYKD [1733, Sept. 

tho he shook his head at the distance. A little 
above Jones' Creek, we met with a pleasant Situa- 
tion, where the Herbage appear'd more inviting 
than usual. The Horses were so fond of it that 
we determin'd to Camp there, altho' the Sun had 
not near finisht his Course. This gave some of 
our Company leisure to go out and search for the 
Place where our Line first crost the Dan, and by 
good luck they found it within half a Mile of the 
Camp. But the Place was so altered by the deso- 
lation which had happen'd to the Canes, (which 
had formerly fringed the Banks of the River a full 
Furlong deep,) that we hardly knew it again. 
Pleas'd with this discovery, I forgot the Pain in 
my knee, and the whole Company ate their Veni- 
son without any other Sauce than keen Appetite. 

25. The Weather now befriending us, we des- 
patcht our little Affairs in good time, and marcht 
in a Body to the Line. It was already grown very 
dimm, by reason many of the markt Trees were 
burnt or blown down. However, we made Shift, 
after riding little more than half a Mile, to find it, 
and having once found it, stuck as close to it as 
we could. After a March of 2 Miles, we got upon 
Cane Creek, where we saw the same Havock 
amongst the Old Canes that we had observ'd in 
other places, & a whole Forest of Young Ones 
Springing up in their Stead. We pursued our 
Journey over Hills and Dales till we arriv'd at the 
Second Ford of the Dan, which we past with no 
other Damage than Sopping a little of our Bread, 
and Shipping some Water at the Tops of our Boots. 

1733, Sept.] A JOURNEY TO EDEN 299 

The late Eains having been a little immoderate, 
had rais'd the Water and made a currant in the 
River. We drove on 4 Miles farther to a plentif ull 
Run of very clear Water, and quarter' d on a rising 
Ground a Bow-Shot from it. We had no sooner 
pitcht the Tents, but one of our Woodsmen alarm' d 
us with the News that he had follow'd the Track 
of a great Body of Indians to the place where they 
had lately encampt. That there he had found no 
less than Ten Huts, the Poles whereof had Green 
Leaves still fresh upon them. That each of these 
Huts had Shelter'd at least Ten Indians, who, by 
some infallible Marks, must have been Northern 
Indians. That they must needs have taken their 
departure from thence no longer ago than the day 
before, having erected those Huts to protect them- 
selves from the late Heavy Rains. These Tidings 
I could perceive were a little Shocking to some of 
the Company, and particularly the little Major, 
whose Tongue had never lain still, was taken 
Speechless for 16 Hours. I put as good a Coun- 
tenance upon the Matter as I cou'd, assuring my 
Fellow Travellers, that the Northern Indians were 
at Peace with us, and altho one or two of them may 
now and then commit a Robbery or a Murder, (as 
other Rogues do,) yet nationally and avowedly 
they would not venture to hurt us. And in Case 
they were Cataubas, the Danger would be as little 
from them, because they are too fond of our Trade 
to loose it for the pleasure of Shedding a little 
English Blood. But Supposing the worst, that 
they might break thro all the Rules of Self-Inter- 

300 COLONEL WILLIAM BYED [1733, Sept. 

est, and attack us, yet we ought to stand bravely 
on our defence, and sell our lives as dear as we 
could. That we should have no more fear on this 
Occasion, than just to make us more watchfull and 
better provided to receive the Enemy, if they had 
the Spirit to venture upon us. This reasoning of 
mine, tho it could not remove the Panick, yet it 
abated something of the Palpitation, and made us 
double our Guard. However, I found it took off 
the Edge of most of our Appetites, for every thing 
but the Rum Bottle, which was more in favour than 
ever, because of its Cordial Quality. I Hurt my 
other Knee this afternoon, but not enough to spoil 
either my dancing or my Stomach. 

26. We liked the place so little that we were 
glad to leave it this Morning as soon as we could. 
For that reason we were all on Horseback before 
Nine, and after riding 4 Miles arriv'd at the Mouth 
of Sable Creek. On the Eastern Bank of that 
Creek, 6 Paces from the Mouth, and just at the 
Brink of the River Dan, stands a Sugar Tree, 
which is the beginning of my fine Tract of land in 
Carolina, calPd the Land of Eden. I caus'd the 
Initial Letters of my name to be cut on a large 
Poplar and Beech near my Corner, for the more 
easy finding it another time. We then made a 
beginning of my Survey, directing our Course due 
South from the Sugar Tree above-mention'd. In 
a little way we perceived the Creek forkt, and the 
Western Branch was wide enough to merit the 
name of a River. That to the East was much less, 
which we intersected with this Course. We ran 

1733, Sept.] A JOURNEY TO EDEN 301 

Southerly a Mile, and found the Land good all the 
way, only towards the End of it we saw the Trees 
destroy'd in such a Manner that there were hardly 
any left to mark my Bounds. Haveing finisht this 
Course, we encampt in a charming Peninsula, 
form'd by the Western Branch of the Creek. It 
contain'd about 40 Acres of very Rich Land, gradu- 
ally descending to the Creek, and is a delightful 
Situation for the Manor House. My Servant had 
fed so intemperately upon Bear, that it gave him a 
Scouring, and that was followed by the Piles, 
which made riding worse to him than Purgatory. 
But annointing with the Fat of the same Bear, he 
soon grew easy again. 

27. "We were stirring early from this enchanting 
place, and ran 8 Miles of my back Line, which 
tended South 84i Westerly. We found the Land 
uneaven, but tolerably good, tho very thin of Trees, 
and those that were standing fit for little but fewel 
and Fence-Rails. Some Conflagration had effectu- 
ally open'd the Country, and made room for the 
Air to circulate. We crost both the Branches of 
Low Land Creek, and Sundry other Rills of fine 
Water. From every Eminence we discovered the 
Mountains to the N. West of us, tho' they seem'd 
to be a long way off. Here the Air felt very re- 
freshing and agreeable to the Lungs, having no 
Swamps or Marshes to taint it. Nor was this the 
only good Effect it had, but it likewise made us 
very hungry, so that we were forc'd to halt and 
pacify our Appetites with a frugal Repast out of 
pur Pockets, which we washt down with Water 

302 COLONEL WILLIAM BYRD [1733, Sept. 

from a Purling Stream just by. My knees pain'd 
me very much, tho' I broke not the Laws of Trav- 
elling by uttering the least Complaint. Measuring 
and marking spent so much of our Time, that we 
could advance no further than 8 Miles, and the 
Chain Carryer's thought that a great way. In the 
Evening we took up our Quarters in the Low- 
Grounds of the River, which our Scouts informed 
us was but 200 Yards ahead of us. This was no 
Small surprize, because we had flatter'd ourselves 
that this Back Line would not have Intersected the 
Dan at all; but we found Ourselves mistaken, and 
plainly perceived that it ran more Southerly than 
we imagined, and in all likelihood pierces the 
Mountains where they form an Amphitheater. The 
Yenison here was lean; and the misfortune was 
we met no Bear in so open a Country, to grease 
the way and make it Slip down. In the Night our 
Centinel alarm 5 d us with an Idle Suspicion that he 
heard the Indian Whistle, (which amongst them is 
a Signal for attacking their Enemies.) This made 
every one Stand manfully to his Arms in a Moment, 
and I found no Body more undismayed in this Sur- 
prize than Mr. Banister; But after we had put 
ourselves in Battle Array, we discover'd this 
Whistle to be nothing but the Nocturnal Note of 
a little harmless Bird, that inhabits those Woods. 
We were glad to find the Mistake, and commending 
the Centinel for his great Vigilance, compos'd our 
Noble Spirits again to rest till the Morning. How- 
ever, some of the Company dream'd of nothing but 
Scalping all the rest of the Night. 

1733, Sept.] A JOURNEY TO EDEN 303 

28. We snapt up our Breakfast as fast as we 
cou'd, that we might have the more leisure to pick 
our way over a very bad Ford across the River. 
Tho', bad as it was, we all got safe on the other 
side. We were no sooner Landed, but we found 
ourselves like to encounter a very rough and almost 
impassable Thicket. However, we Scuffled thro' 
it without any dismay or Complaint. This was a 
Copse of young Saplins, consisting of Oak, Hiccory 
and Sassafras, which are the growth of a fertile 
Soil. We gain'd no more than 2 Miles in 3 Hours 
in this perplext Place, and after that had the Plea- 
sure to issue out into opener Woods. The Land 
was generally good, tho' pretty bare of Timber, 
and particularly we traverst a rich Levil of at least 
2 Miles. Our whole day's Journey amounted not 
quite to 5 Miles, by reason we had been so hamper'd 
at our first setting out. We were glad to take 
up our Quarters early in a piece of fine low- 
Grounds, lying about a Mile N. of the River. 
Thus we perceiv'd the River edged away gently 
towards the South, and never likely to come hi the 
way of our Course again. Nevertheless, the last 
time we saw it, it kept much the same Breadth and 
depth that it had where it divided its Waters from 
the Staunton, and in all likelihood holds its own 
quite as high as the Mountains. 

29. In Measuring a Mile and a half farther we 
reacht the lower Ford of the Irvin, which branches 
from the Dan about 2 Miles to the S. S. E. of this 
place. This River was very near Three Score 
Yards over, and in many places pretty deep. From 

304 COLONEL WILLIAM BYRD [1733, Sept. 

thence, in little more than a Mile, we came to the 
End of this Course, being in length 15 Miles and 
88 Poles. And so far the Land held reasonably 
good; but when we came to run our Northern 
Course of 3 Miles, to the place where the Country 
line intersects the same Irvin higher up, we past 
over nothing but Stony Hills, and barren Grounds, 
cloth'd with little Timber, and refresht with less 
"Water. All my hopes were in the Riches that 
might lye under Ground, there being many goodly 
Tokens of Mines. The Stones which paved the 
River, both by their Weight & Colour, promis'd 
abundance of Metal; but whether it be Silver, 
Lead or Copper, is beyond our Skill to discern. 
We also discover'd many shews of Marble, of a 
white ground, with Streaks of red and purple. So 
that tis possible the Treasure in the Bowels of the 
Earth may make ample amends for the Poverty of 
its Surface. We encampt on the Bank of this 
River, a little below the Dividing Line, and near 
the lower end of an Island half a Mile long, 
which, for the Metallick Appearances, we dignify 5 d 
with the Name of Potosi. In our way to this place 
we treed a Bear, of so mighty a Bulk, that when 
we fecht her down she almost made an Earthe- 
quake. But neither the Shot nor the fall disabled 
her so much, but she had like to have hugg'd one 
of our Dogs to Death in the Violence of her Em- 
brace. We exercis'd the Discipline of the Woods, 
by tossing a very careless Servant in a Blanket, 
for lossing one of our Axes. 

30. This being Sunday, we were glad to rest 

1733, Oct.] A JOURNEY TO EDEN 305 

from our Labours; and, to help restore Our Vig- 
our, several of us plung'd into the Eiver, notwith- 
standing it was a frosty morning. One of our 
Indians went in along with us, and taught us their 
way of Swimming. They strike not out both hands 
together, but alternately one after another, whereby 
they are able to swimm both farther and faster than 
we do. Near the Camp grew Several large Ches- 
nut trees very full of Chesnuts. Our men were 
too lazy to climb the Trees for the sake of the 
Fruit, but, like the Indians, chose rather to cut 
them down, regardless of those that were to come 
after. Nor did they esteem such kind of Work 
any breach of the Sabbath, so long as it helpt to 
fill their Bellys. One of the Indians shot a Bear, 
which he lugg'd about half a Mile for the good of 
the Company. These Gentiles have no distinction 
of Days, but make every day a Sabbath, except 
when they go out to war or a hunting, and then 
they-will undergo incredible Fatigues. Of other 
work the Men do none, thinking it below the dig- 
nity of their Sex, but make the poor Women do 
all the Drudgery. They have a blind Tradition 
amongst them, that work was first laid upon Man- 
kind by the fault of a Female, and therefore tis but 
just that Sex should do the greatest part of it. 
This they plead in then- Excuse; but the true rea- 
son is, that the Weakest must always go to the 
Wall, and Superiority has from the beginning un- 
generously imposed Slavery on those who are not 
able to resist it. 

Oct. 1. I plung'd once more into the Kiver Irvin 


this Morning, for a Small Cold I had caught, and 
was intirely cured by it. We ran the 3 Mile Course 
from a White Oak standing on my Corner upon 
the Western Bank of the River, and intersected the 
place, where we ended the Back line exactly, and 
fixt that corner at a Hiccory. We steer'd South 
from thence about a Mile, and then came upon the 
Dan, which thereabouts makes but narrow Low- 
Grounds. We forded it about a Mile and a half 
to the Westward of the place where the Irvin runs 
into it. When we were over, we determin'd to 
ride down the River on that Side, and for 3 Miles 
found the High-Land come close down to it, pretty 
barren and uneaven. But then on a Sudden the 
Scene chang'd, and we were supriz'd with an Open- 
ing of large Extent, where the Sauro Indians once 
liv'd, who had been a considerable Nation. But 
the frequent Inroads of the Senecas annoy'd them 
incessantly, and oblig'd them to remove from this 
fine Situation about 30 Years ago. They then re- 
tired more Southerly, as far as Pee Dee River, and 
incorporated with the Kewawees, where a Remnant 
of them is still surviveing. It must have been a 
great Misfortune to them to be oblig'd to abandon 
so beautiful a dwelling, where the Air is whole- 
some, and the Soil equal in Fertility to any in the 
World. The River is about 80 Yards wide, always 
confin'd within its lofty Banks, and rolling down 
its Waters, as sweet as Milk, and as clear as Crys- 
tal. There runs a charming Level, of more than a 
Mile Square, that will bring forth like the Lands 
of Egypt, without being overflow 5 d once a Year. 

1733, Oct.] A JOURNEY TO EDEN 307 

There is scarce a Shrub in Yiew to intercept your 
Prospect, but Grass as high as a Man on Horse- 
back. Towards the Woods there is a gentle As- 
cent, till your Sight is intercepted by an Eminence, 
that overlooks the whole Landskape. This sweet 
Place is bounded to the East by a fine Stream, 
call'd Sauro Creek, which running out of the Dan, 
and tending Westerly, makes the whole a Penin- 
sula. I cou'd not quit this Pleasant Situation with- 
out Regret, but often faced about to take a Parting 
look at it as far as I could see, and so indeed did 
all the rest of the Company. But at last we left it 
quite out of Sight, and continued our Course down 
the River, till where it intersects my Back line, 
which was about 5 Miles below Sauro Town. We 
took up our Quarters at the same Camp where we 
had a little before been alarm 5 d with the Suppos'd 
Indian Whistle, which we could hardly get out of 
our heads. However, it did not Spoil our rest; 
but we dreamt all Night's of the delights of Tempe 
and the Elysian Fields. 

2. We awak'd early from these innocent Dreams, 
and took Our way along my Back line till we came 
to the Corner of it. From thence we Slanted to 
the Country Line, and kept down as far as the next 
fording place to the River, making in the whole 18 
Miles. We breath 5 d all the way in pure Air, which 
seem'd Friendly of the Lungs, and circulated the 
Blood and Spirits very briskly. Happy will be 
the People destin'd for so wholesome a Situation, 
where they may live to fulness of days, and which is 
much better Still, with much Content and Gaiety of 


Heart. On every riseing Ground we faced about 
to take our leave of the Mountains, which still 
shew'd their Towering Heads. The Ground was 
uneaven, rising into Hills, and sinking into Yalleys 
great part of the way, but the Soil was good, 
abounding in most places with a greasy black 
Mould. We took up our Quarters on the West- 
ern Bank of the River, where we had forded it at 
our coming up. One of our Men, Joseph Colson 
by Name, a timorous, lazy Fellow, had squandered 
away his Bread, and grew very uneasy when his 
own ravening had reduced him to Short Allowance. 
He was one of those Drones who love to do little 
and eat much, and are never in humour unless their 
Bellies are full. According to this wrong turn of 
Constitution, when he found he could no longer 
revel in Plenty, he began to break the Rules by 
complaining and threatening to desert. This had 
like to have brought him to the Blanket, but his 
submission repriev'd him. Tho' Bread grew a 
little Scanty with us, we had Venison in abun- 
dance, which a true Woodsman can eat content- 
edly without any Bread at all. But Bear's flesh 
needs something of the Farinaceous, to make it 
pass easily off the Stomach. In the Night we 
heard a Dog bark at some distance, as we thought, 
when we saw all our own Dogs lying about the 
Fire. This was another Alarm; but we soon dis- 
cover'd it to be a Wolf, which will sometimes 
Bark very like a Dog, but something Shriller. 

3. The fine Season continuing, we made the most 
of it by leaving our Quarters as soon as possible. 

1733, Oct.] A JOURNEY TO EDEN 309 

"We began to measure and mark the Bounds of 
Maj'r Mayo's Land on the South of the Country 
Line. In order to do this we marcht round the 
Bent of the River, but he being oblig'd to make a 
traverse, we cou'd reach no farther than 4 Miles. 
In the Distance of about a Mile from where we 
lay, we crost Cliff Creek, which confin'd its Stream 
within such high Banks that it was difficult to find 
a Passage over. We kept close to the River, and 
2 Miles farther came to Hixe's Creek, where 
abundance of Canes lay dry and prostrate on the 
Ground, having Suffer'd in the late Septennial 
Slaughter of that Vegetable. A Mile after that we 
forded another Stream, which we called Hatcher's 
Creek, from two Indian Traders of that Name, 
who us'd formerly to carry Goods to the Sauro 
Indians. Near the Banks of this Creek I found a 
Large Beech Tree, with the following Inscription 
cut upon the Bark of it, " J. H., H. H., B. B., lay 
here the 24th of May, 1673." It was not difficult 
to fill up these Initials with the following Names, 
Joseph Hatcher, Henry Hatcher and Benjamin 
Bullington, 3 Indian Traders, had lodged near that 
Place 60 Years before, in their way to the Sauro 
Town. But the Strangest part of the Story was 
this, that these letters, cut in the Bark, sho'd re- 
main perfectly legible so long. Nay, if no Acci- 
dent befalls the Tree, which appears to be still in 
a flourishing Condition, I doubt not but this piece 
of Antiquity may be read many years hence. We 
may also learn from it, that the Beech is a very 
long-liv'd Tree, of which there are many exceed- 


ingly large in these Woods. The Major took in a 
pretty deal of rich low-Ground into his Survey, 
but unhappily left a greater Quantity out, which 
proves the Weakness of making Entrys by guess. 
We found the Dan fordable hereabouts in most 
places. One of the Indians shot a Wild Goose, 
that was very lousy, which nevertheless was good 
meat, and prov'd those Contemptible Tasters to 
be no bad Tasters. However, for those Stomachs 
that were so unhappy as to be Squeamish, there 
was plenty of fat Bear, we having kill'd two in this 
day's March. 

4. I caus'd the Men to use double Diligence to 
assist Maj'r Mayo in fixing the Bounds of his Land, 
because he had taken a great deal of pains about 
Mine. We therefore mounted our Horses as soon 
as we had swallow'd our Breakfast. Till that is 
duly perform'd a Woodsman makes a Conscience 
of exposeing himself to any Fatigue. We pro- 
ceeded then in his Survey, and made an End before 
Night, tho' most of the Company were of Opinion 
the Land was hardly worth the Trouble. It seem'd 
most of it before below the Character the Discov- 
erers had given him of it. We fix'd his Eastern 
Corner on Cocquade Creek, and then continued 
our March, over the Hills and far away along the 
Country Line 2 Miles farther. Nor had we stopt 
there, unless a likelihood of Rain had oblig'd us 
to encamp on an Eminence where we were in no 
danger of being overflowed. Peter Jones had a 
smart fit of an Ague, which Shook him severely, 
tho' he bore it like a Man ; but the small Major had 

The Gate at Westover, in front of house, with ^Byrd Coat of Arms. 

1733, Oct.] A JOURNEY TO EDEN 311 

a small Fever, and bore it like a Child. He groan'd 
as if he had been in Labour, and thought verily it 
wou'd be his Fate to die like a Mutinous Israelite 
in the Wilderness, and be bury'd under a heap of 
Stones. The Rain was so kind as to give us Lei- 
sure to secure our Selves against it, but came how- 
ever time enough to interrupt our Cookery, so that 
we supt as temperately as so many Philosophers, 
and kept ourselves Snug within our Tents. The 
worst part of the Story was, that the Centinels 
could hardly keep our Fires from being extin- 
guisht by the heaviness of the Shower. 

5. Our Invalids found themselves in travelling 
Condition this Morning, and began to conceive 
hopes of returning home and dying in their own 
Beds. We pursued our Journey thro' uneven and 
perplext Woods, and in the thickest of them had 
the Fortune to knock down a Young Buffalo, 2 
Years old. Providence threw this vast Animal in 
our way very Seasonably, just as our Provisions 
began to fail us. And it was the more welcome 
too, because it was change of dyet, which of all 
Yarietys, next to that of Bed-fellows, is the most 
agreeable. We had liv'd upon Venison and Bear 
til our Stomachs loath'd them almost as much as 
the Hebrews of Old did their Quail s. Our Butchers 
were so unhandy at their Business that we grew 
very lank before we cou'd get our Dinner. But 
when it came, we found it equal in in goodness to the 
best Beef. They made it the longer because they 
kept Sucking the Water out of the Guts, in imita- 
tion of the Catauba Indians, upon the belief that it 


is a great Cordial, and will even make them drunk, 
or at least very Gay. We encampt upon Hico 
River, pretty high up, and had much ado to get 
our house in order, before a heavy Shower de- 
scended upon us. I was in pain lest our sick men 
might suffer by the Rain, but might have spar'd 
myself the Concern, because it had the Effect of a 
Cold bath upon them, and drove away their dis- 
temper, or rather chang'd it into a Canine Appetite, 
that devour'd all before it. It rain'd Smartly all 
Night long, which made our Situation on the Low- 
Ground more fit for Otters than Men. 

6. We had abundance of drying Work this 
Morning after the Clouds broke away and shew'd 
the Sun to the happy Earth. It was impossible for 
us to strike the Tents till the afternoon, and then 
we took our departure, and made an easy march of 
4 Miles to another Branch of Hico River, which 
we call'd Jesuit's Creek, because it misled us. We 
lugg'd as many of the dainty Pieces of the Buffalo 
along with us as our poor Horses cou'd carry, envy- 
ing the Wolves the pleasure of such Luxurious 
dyet. Our Quarters were taken upon a delightful 
Eminence, that Scornfully overlookt the Creek, 
and afforded us a dry habitation. We made Our 
Supper on the Tongue and Udder of the Buffalo, 
which were so good, that a Cardinal Legat might 
have made a comfortable Meal upon them during 
the Carnaval. Nor was this all, but we had still a 
rarer Morsel, the Bunch riseing up between the 
Shoulders of this Animal, which is very tender and 
very fat. The Primeings of a Young Doe, which 

1733, Oct.] A JOUENEY TO EDEN 313 

one of the Men brought to the Camp, were slighted 
amidst these Daintys, nor wou'd even our Servants 
be fobb'd off with Gates so common. The Low- 
Grounds of this creek are wide in many places, 
and Rich, but seem to ly within reach of every 
Inundation ; and this is commonly the Case with 
most low-Grounds, that ly either on the Rivers or 
on the Creeks that run into them. So great an 
Inconvenience lessens their Value very much, and 
makes High-Land, that is just tolerable, of greater 
Advantage to the Owner. There he will be more 
likely to reap the fruits of his Industry every year, 
and not run the risque, after all his Toil, to see the 
Sweat of his Brow carry'd down the Stream, and 
perhaps many of his Cattle drown' d into the Bar- 
gain. Perhaps in times to come People may Bank 
their Low- Grounds as they do in Europe, to confine 
the Water within its natural Bounds to prevent 
these Inconveniences. 

7. The Scarcity of Bread, join'd to the Impa- 
tience of some of our Company, laid us under a 
kind of Necessity to hasten our Return home. 
For that reason we thought we might be excused 
for making a Sabbath day's Journey of about 5 
Miles, as far as our Old Camp upon Sugar Tree 
Creek. On our way we forded Buffalo Creek, 
which also empties its Waters into Hico River. 
The Woods we rode thro' were open, and the Soil 
very promising, great part thereof being Low- 
Grounds, full of tall and large Trees. A She Bear 
had the ill luck to cross our way, which was large 
enough to afford us several Luxurious Meals. I 


paid for Violateing the Sabbath by loseing a pair 
of Gold Buttons. I pitcht my Tent on the very 
spot I had done when we ran the Dividing Line 
between Virginia and Carolina. The Beech whose 
bark recorded the names of the Carolina Commis- 
sioners was still Standing, and we did them the 
Justice to add to their Names a Sketch of their 
Characters. We got our House in order time 
enough to walk about and make some slight obser- 
vations. There were Sugar Trees innumerable 
growing in the Low-Grounds of this Creek, from 
which it receiv'd its name. They were many of 
them as tall as large Hiccories, with Trunks from 
15 to 20 Inches through. The Woodpeckers, for 
the pleasure of the sweet Juice which these Trees 
yield, pierce the Bark in many places, and do great 
damage, tho' the Trees live a great while under all 
these Wounds. There grows an infinite quantity 
of Maidenhair, which seems to delight most in Rich 
grounds. The Sorrel Tree is frequent there, whose 
leaves, brew'd in Beer, are good in Dropsyes, 
Green-Sickness, and Cachexys. We also saw in 
this Place abundance of papa Trees, the Wood 
whereof the Indians make very dry on purpose to 
rub Fire out of it. Their Method of doing it is 
this: They hold one of these dry Sticks in each 
hand, and by rubbing them hard and quick together, 
rarify the Air in such a Manner as to fetch Fire in 
ten Minutes. Whenever they offer any Sacrifice 
to their God, they look upon it as a Profanation to 
make use of Fire already kindled, but produce 
fresh Virgin Fire for that purpose, by rubbing 2 

1733, Oct.] A JOURNEY TO EDEN 315 

of these Sticks together that never had been us'd 
before on any Occasion. 

8. After fortifying ourself with a Bear Break- 
fast, Majr Mayo took what help he thought neces- 
sary, and began to Survey the Land, with which 
the Commissioners of Carolina had presented him 
upon this Creek. After running the bounds, the 
Major was a little disappointed in the Goodness of 
the Land, but as it had cost him nothing it cou'd 
be no bad pennyworth, as his upper Tract really 
was. While that business was carrying on, I took 
my old Friend and Fellow Traveller, Tom Wilson, 
and went to view the Land I had enter' d for upon 
this Creek, on the North of the Country Line. 
We rode down the Stream about 6 Miles, crossing 
it sundry times, and found very wide Low Grounds 
on both sides of it, only we observed, wherever the 
Low-Grounds were Broad on one side the Creek, 
they were narrow on the Other. The High Lands 
we were oblig'd to pass over were very good, & in 
some places descended so gradually to the edge of 
the Low-grounds, that they form'd very agreeable 
Prospects and pleasant Situations for building. 
About 4 Miles from the Line, Sugar Tree Creek 
empty'd itself into the Hico, which with that Addi- 
tion swell'd into a fine Eiver. In this Space we 
saw the most, and most promising good Land we 
had met with in all our Travels. In our way 
we shot a Doe, but she not falling immediately, we 
had lost our Game had not the Eavens, by their 
Croaking, conducted us to the Thicket where she 
fell. We plunged the Carcass of the Deer into 


the Water, to secure it from these Ominous Birds 
till we return' d, but an Hour afterwards were sur- 
priz'd with the Sight of a wolf which had been 
fishing for it, and devour' d one Side. We knockt 
down an antient She Bear that had no flesh upon 
her Bones, so we left it to the Free-Booters of the 
Forrest. In coming back to the Camp we discov- 
er'd a Solitary Bull Buffalo, which boldly stood 
his Ground, contrary to the Custom of that Shy 
Animal, we spar'd his Life, from a principle of 
never Slaughtering an Innocent Creature to no 
purpose. However, we made ourselves some Di- 
version, by trying if he wou'd face our Dogs. 
He was so far from retreating at their Approach, 
that he ran at them with great fierceness, cocking 
up his ridiculous little Tail, and grunting like a 
Hog. The Dogs in the mean time only plaid about 
him, not venturing within reach of his Horns, and 
by their nimbleness came off with a whole Skin. 
All these Adventures we related at our return to 
the Camp, and what was more to the purpose, we 
carry'd to them the side of Yenison which the 
Wolf had vouchsaft to leave us. After we had 
compos'd ourselves to rest, Our Horses ran up to 
Our Camp as fast as their Hobbles would let them. 
This was to some of us a certain Argument that 
Indians were near, whose scent the Horses can no 
more endure than they can their Figures; tho' it 
was more likely they had been scar'd by a Panther 
or some other Wild Beast, the glaring of whose 
Eyes are very terrifying to them in a dark ^ight. 
9. Majr Mayo's Survey being no more than half 

1733, Oct.] A JOURNEY TO EDEN 317 

done, we were oblig'd to amuse Ourselves another 
day in this Place. And that the time might not 
be quite lost, we put our Garments and Baggage 
into good repair. I for my part never spent a day 
so well during the whole Voyage. I had an im- 
pertinent Tooth in my upper Jaw, that had been 
loose for some time, and made me chew with great 
Caution. Particularly I cou'd not grind a Biscuit 
but with much deliberation and presence of mind. 
Tooth-Drawers we had none amongst us, nor any 
of the Instruments they make use of. However, 
Invention supply 'd this want very happily, and I 
contriv'd to get rid of this troublesome Companion 
by cutting a Caper. I caused a Twine to be fas- 
ten'd round the Root of my Tooth, about a Fathom 
in Length, and then ty'd the other End to the Snag 
of a Log that lay upon the Ground, in such a Man- 
ner that I cou'd just stand upright. Having ad- 
justed my String in this manner, I bent my Knees 
enough to enable me to spring vigorously off the 
Ground, as perpendicularly as I cou'd. The force 
of the Leap drew out the Tooth with so much ease 
that I felt nothing of it, nor should have believ'd 
it was come away, unless I had seen it dangling at 
the End of the String. An Under tooth may be 
f echt out by standing off the Ground and f astning 
your String at due distance above you. And hav- 
ing so fixt your Gear, jump off your Standing, and 
the weight of your Body, added to the force of the 
Spring, will poize out your Tooth with less pain 
than any Operator upon Earth cou'd draw it. This 
new way of Tooth-drawing, being so silently and 


deliberately perform'd, both surprized and de- 
lighted all that were present, who cou'd not guess 
what I was going about. I immediately found the 
benefit of getting rid of this troublesome Compan- 
ion, by eating my Supper with more comfort than I 
had done during the whole Expedition. 

In the Morning we made an End of our Bread, 
and all the rest of Our Provision, so that now we 
began to travel pretty light. All the Company 
were Witnesses how good the Land was upon 
Sugar Tree Creek, because we rode down it 4 
Miles, till it fell into Hico Eiver. Then we directed 
our Course over the High Land, thinking to Shorten 
our way to Tom Wilson's Quarter. Nevertheless, 
it was our Fortune to fall upon the Hico again, and 
then kept within sight of it several Miles together, 
till we came near the Mouth. Its Banks were high 
and full of precipices on the East Side, but it af- 
forded some Low-Grounds on the West. Within 
2 Miles of the Mouth are good shews of Copper 
Mines, as Harry Morris told me, but we saw no- 
thing of them. It runs into the Dan just below a 
large Fall, but the chain of Rocks dont reach 
quite cross the River, to intercept the Navigation. 
About a Mile below lives Aaron Pinston, at a 
Quarter belonging to Thomas Wilson, upon Tewa- 
hominy Creek. This man is the highest Inhabitant 
on the South side of the Dan, and yet reacons him- 
self perfectly safe from danger. And if the Bears, 
Wolves, and Panthers were as harmless as the 
Indians, his Stock might be so too. Tom Wilson of- 
f er'd to knock down a Steer for us, but I would by no 

1733, Oct.] A JOURNEY TO EDEN 319 

means accept of his Generosity. However, we were 
glad of a few of his Peas and Potatoes, and some 
Rashers of his Bacon, upon which we made good 
Chear. This Plantation lys about a Mile from the 
Mouth of Tewahominy, and about the same dis- 
tance from the Mouth of Hico River, and contains 
a good piece of Land. The Edifice was only a 
Log House, affording a very free passage for the 
Air thro' every part of it, nor was the cleanliness 
of it any temptation to lye out of our Tents, so we 
encampt once more, for the last time, in the open 

11. I tippt our Landlady with what I imagined 
a full Reward for the Trouble we had given her, 
and then mounted our Horses, which prickt up 
their Ears after the 2 Meals they had eaten of 
Corn. In the Distance of about a Mile we reacht 
the Dan, which we forded with some difficulty into 
the Fork. The Water was pretty high in the 
River, and the Currant something Rapid, neverthe- 
less all the Company got over safe, with only a 
little Water in their boots. After traversing the 
Fork, which was there at least 2 good Miles across, 
We forded the Stanton into a little Island, & then 
the narrow Branch of the same to the main Land. 
We took Majr Mumford's Tenant in Our way, 
where we moisten'd Our Throats with a little Milk, 
and then proceeded in good Order to Blue Stone 
Castle. My Landlady received us with a grim 
Sort of a welcome, which I did not expect, since I 
brought her Husband back in good Health, tho' 
perhaps that might be the Reason. Tis sure some- 


thing or other did teize her, and she was a female 
of too strong Passions to know how to dissemble. 
However, she was so Civil as to get us a good Din- 
ner, which I was the better pleas'd with because 
Colo. Cock and Mr. Mumford came time enough 
to partake of it. The Colo, had been Surveying 
Lands in these parts, and particularly that on which 
Mr. Stith's Copper Mine lys, as likewise a Tract 
on which Cornelius Cargill has fine Appearances. 
He had but a poor Opinion of Mr. Stith's Mine, 
foretelling it would be all labour in vain, but 
thought something better of Mr. Cargill' s. After 
Dinner these Gentlemen took their Leaves, and at 
the same time I discharg'd 2 of my fellow travel- 
lors, Thomas Wilson and Joseph Colson, after 
having made their Hearts merry, and giving each 
of them a piece of Gold to rub their Eyes with. 
We now return'd to that Evil Custom of lying in 
a house, and an evil one it is, when ten or a dozen 
People are forct to pig together in a Room, as 
we did, and were troubled with the Squalling of 
peevish, dirty Children into the Bargain. 

12. We eat our Fill of Potatoes and Milk, which 
seems delicious Fare to those who have made a 
Campaign in the Woods. I then took my first 
Minister, Harry Morris, up the Hill, & markt out 
the place where Blue stone Castle was to Stand, 
and overlook the Adjacent Country. After that I 
put my Friend in mind of many things he had done 
amiss, which he promis'd faithfully to reform. I 
was so much an Infidel to his fair Speeches, (hav- 
ing been many times deceiv'd by them,) that I was 

1733, Oct.] A JOURNEY TO EDEN 321 

f orc'd to threaten him with my highest displeasure, 
unless he mended his Conduct very much. I also 
let him know, that he was not only to Correct his 
own Errors, but likewise those of his Wife, since 
the power certainly belong'd to him, in Yertue of his 
Conjugal Authority. He Scratcht his head at this 
last Admonition, from whence I inferred that the 
Gray Mare was the better Horse. We gave our 
heavy Baggage 2 hours' Start, and about noon f ol- 
low'd them, and in 12 Miles reacht John Butcher's, 
calling by the way for Master Mumford, in order 
to take him along with us. Mr. Butcher receiv'd 
us kindly, and we had a true Roanoke Entertain- 
ment of Pork upon Pork, and Pork again upon 
that. He told us he had been one of the first 
Seated in that remote part of the Country, and in 
the beginning had been forct, like the great Nebu- 
chadnezzar, to live a considerable time upon Grass. 
This honest man sat a mighty Value on the Mine 
he f ancyed he had in his Pasture, and shew'd Us 
some of the Oar, which he was made to believe was 
a Gray Copper, and wou'd certainly make his For- 
tune. But there is a bad Distemper rages in those 
parts, that grows very Epidemical. The People 
are all Mine mad, and neglecting to make Corn, 
starve their Familys in hopes to live in great Plenty 
hereafter. Mr. Stith was the first that was seiz'd 
with the Frenzy, and has spread the Contagion far 
and near. As you ride along the Woods, you see 
all the large Stones knockt to pieces, nor can a 
poor Marcasite rest quietly in its Bed for these Cu- 
rious Inquirers. Our conversation ran altogether 


upon this darling Subject, til the hour came for 
our lying in bulk together. 

13. After breaking our fast with a Sea of Milk 
and potatos, we took our leave, and I crosst my 
Landlady's hand with a piece of Money. She re- 
fus'd the Offer at first, but, like a true Woman, 
accepted of it when it was put Home to Her. She 
told me the utmost she was able to do for me was 
a trifle in Comparison of some favour I had for- 
merly done Her ; but what that favour was, neither 
I cou'd recollect, nor did she think proper to ex- 
plain. Tho' it threaten' d Rain, we proceeded on 
our Journey, and jogg'd on in the New Road for 
20 Miles, that is as far as it was clear' d at that 
time, and found it wou'd soon come to be a very 
good one after it was well grubb'd. About 9 Miles 
from John Butcher's, we crosst Allen's Creek, 4 
Miles above Mr. Stith's Mine. Near the Mouth of 
this Creek is a good Body of rich Land, whereof 
Occaneechy Neck is a part. It was enter'd for 
many Years ago by Colo. Harrison and Colo. Allen, 
but to this day is held without Patent or Improve- 
ment. And they say Mr. Boiling dos the same, 
with a Thousand Acres lying below John Butcher's. 
After beating the new Road for 20 Miles, we struck 
off towards Meherrin, which we reacht in 8 Miles 
farther, & then came to the Plantation of Joshua 
Nicholson, where Daniel Taylor lives for Halves. 
There was a poor dirty house, with hardly any 
thing in it but Children, that wallow'd about like 
so many Pigs. It is a common Case in this part 
of the Country, that People live worst upon good 

1733, Oct.] A JOURNEY TO EDEN 323 

Land; and the more they are befriended by the 
Soil and the clymate, the less they will do for 
themselves. This man was an Instance of it, for 
tho 5 his Plantation would make Plentiful returns 
for a little Industry, yet he wanting that, wanted 
every thing. The Woman did all that was done 
in the Family, and the few Garments they had to 
cover their dirty Hides were owing to her Industry. 
We cou'd have no Supplys from such Neighbours 
as these, but depended on our own KnapSacks, in 
which we had some Kemnants of cold Fowls that 
we brought from Bluestone Castle. When my 
House was in Order, the whole Family came and 
admir'd it, as much as if it had been the Grand 
Vizier's Tent in the Turkish Army. 

14. The sabbath was now come round again, 
and altho' our Horses wou'd have been glad to 
take the benefit of it, yet we determin'd to make a 
Sunday's Journey to Brunswick Church, which 
lay about 8 Miles off. Tho' our Landlord cou'd 
do little for us, nevertheless, we did him all the 
good we were able, by bleeding his sick Negro, 
and giving him a Dose of Indian Physick. We 
got to Church in decent time, and Mr. Betty, the 
Parson of the Parish, entertain'd us with a good 
honest Sermon, but whether he bought it, or bor- 
row'd it, would have been uncivil in us to inquire. 
Be that as it will, he is a decent Man, with a dou- 
ble Chin that fits gracefully over his Band, and his 
Parish, especially the Female part of it, like him 
well. We were not crowded at Church, tho' it 
was a new thing in that remote part of the Coun- 


try. What "Women happen'd to be there, were very 
gim and tydy in the work of their own hands, which 
made them look tempting in the Eyes of us Fores- 
ters. When Church was done, we refresht our 
Teacher with a Glass of Wine, and then receiving 
his Blessing, took Horse and directed our Course 
to Maj'r Embry's. The Distance thither was re- 
puted 15 Miles, but appear' d less by the Company 
of a Nymph of those Woods, whom Innocence, 
and wholesome Flesh and Blood made very allur- 
ing. In our way we crost Sturgeon Creek and 
Queocky Creek, but at our Journey's end were so 
unlucky as not to find either Master or Mistress 
at home. However, after 2 hours of hungry Ex- 
pectation, the good Woman luckily found her way 
home, and provided very hospitably for us. As 
for the Major, he had profited so much by my Pre- 
scription, as to make a Journey to William sburgh, 
which required pretty good health, the distance 
being little Short of 100 Miles. 

15. After our Bounteous Landlady had cherisht 
us with Roast Beef and Chicken-Pye, we thank- 
fully took Leave. At the same time we separated 
from our good Friend and Fellow Traveller, Maj'r 
Mayo, who steer'd directly home. He is certainly 
a very useful, as well as an agreeable Companion 
in the Woods, being ever cheerful & good-hu- 
mour'd, under all the little Crosses, disasters, and 
disappointments of that rambling Life. As many 
of us as remain'd jogg'd on together to Saponi 
Chapel, where I thankt Major Mumford and Peter 
Jones for the trouble he had taken in this long 

1733, Oct.] A JOURNEY TO EDEN 325 

Journey. That Ceremony being duly perform'd, 
I filed off with my honest Friend, Mr. Banister, to 
his Habitation on Hatcher's Run, which lay about 
14 Miles from the Chapel above-mention'd. His 
good-humour'd little Wife was glad to see her 
Eunaway Spouse return'd in Safety, and treated us 
kindly. It was no small pleasure to me, that my 
worthy Friend found his Family in good Health, 
and his Affairs in good Order. H, came into this 
Eamble so frankly, that I shou'd have been sorry 
if he had been a Sufferer by it. In the Gaiety of 
our hearts we drank our bottle a little too freely, 
which had an unusual Effect on Persons so long 
accustom'd to Simple Element. We were both of 
us rais'd out of our Beds in the same Manner, and 
near the same time, which was a fair proof that 
people who breath the same Air, and are engaged 
in the same Way of living, will be very apt to fall 
into the same Indispositions. And this may explain 
why Distempers sometimes go round a Family, 
without any reason to believe they are infectious, 
according to the Superstition of the Vulgar. 

16. After pouring down a Basin of Chocolate, I 
wisht Peace to that House, and departed. As long 
as Mr. Banister had been absent from his Family, He 
was yet so kind as to conduct me to Major Mum- 
ford's, & which was more, his wife very obligingly 
consented to it. The Major seem'd overjoy'd at 
his being return'd Safe and Sound from the perils 
of the Woods, tho' his Satisfaction had some Check 
from the Change his pretty Wife had suffer'd in 
her Complexion. The Vermillion of her Cheeks 


had given place a little to the Saffron, by means of 
a small Tincture of the Yellow Jaundice. I was 
sorry to see so fan* a flower thus faded, and Rec- 
ommended the best Remedy I cou'd think of. 
After a refreshment of about an hour, we went on 
to Colo. Boiling's, who was so gracious as to send 
us an Invitation. As much in haste as I was to 
return to my Family, I spent an hour or two at that 
place, but cou'd by no means be persuaded to stay 
Dinner, nor could even Madam de Graffenriedt's 
Smiles on one Side of her Face shake my Resolu- 
tion. From thence we proceeded to Colo. Mum- 
ford's, who seem'd to have taken a new Lease, 
were any dependence to be upon looks, or any 
Indulgence allow'd to the Wishes of his Friends. 
An honester Man, a fairer Trader, or a kinder 
Friend, this Country never produced: God send 
any of his Sons may have the Grace to take after 
him. We took a running Repast with this good 
Man, and then bidding Adieu both to him and Mr. 
Banister, I mounted once more, and obstinately 
pursued my Journey home, tho' the clouds threat- 
en'd, and the Heavens lookt very lowring. I had 
not past the Court-house before it began to pour 
down like a Spout upon me. Nevertheless, I 
pusht forward with Vigour, and got dripping wet 
before I could reach Merchant's hope Point. My 
Boat was there luckily waiting for me, and wafted 
me safe over. And the Joy of meeting my Family 
in Health made me in a Moment forget all the 
Fatigues of the Journey, as much as if I had been 
Husquenawed. However, the good Providence 

1733, Oct.] A JOURNEY TO EDEN 327 

that attended me, and my whole Company, will I 
hope stick fast in my Memory, and make me ever- 
lastingly thankful. 

A List of our Company of all Sorts. 

Myself, Thomas Wilson, Lawson, 

Maj'r Mayo, Joseph Colson, 3 Indians, 

Maj'r Mumford, Harry Morris, 3 negroes, 

Mr. Banister, Robert Boiling, 20 horses, 

Mr. Jones, Thomas Hooper, 4 dogs. 

An Account of the Distances of Places. 


From Westover to Colo. Mumford's, .... 16 

From Colo. Mumford's to maj'r Mumford's, . 6 

From thence to Sappony Chappel, .... 20 

From thence to major Embry's on Koto way, . 10 

From thence to Brunswick Court-house, . . 15 

From thence to Meherin River, 8 

From thence to the Ford on Roanoak, ... 12 

From thence to Colo. Stith's Copper Mine, . 20 

From thence to Butcher's Creek, 6 

From thence to Bluestone Castle, .... 12 

From thence to the Ford into the Fork, . . 7 

From thence to Birche's Creek, ..... 5 

From thence to Banister River, ..... 6 

From thence to Morris Creek, 3 

From thence to the Medway, ...... 14 

From thence to Maostie Creek, ..... 

From hence to Fork Creek, 


From hence to Peter's Creek, 2 

From hence to Jones' Creek, 2 

From hence to the first Ford over the Dan, . 1^ 

From hence to Cane Creek, 2-| 

From hence to the Second Ford of the Dan, 4i 

From hence to the Mouth of Sable creek, . 8 

From hence to the S-E Corner of my Land, 1 

From thence to the Dan on my Back Line, . 8 

From thence to the Irvin on my back Line, . 6 

From thence to my S-W Corner, .... 1 

From thence to my Corner on the W. of the 

Irvin, ............. 3 

From thence to the Dan along my Upper- 
Line, 4i 

Sum 212 

From thence to the Mouth of the Irvin, . . li 

From thence to Sauro Creek, 2i 

From thence to where my Back-line crosses 

the Dan, 5 

From thence to my South-East Corner, . . 8 

From thence to Cliff Creek, 10 

From thence to Hixe's Creek, 2 

From thence to Hatcher's Creek, .... 1 

From thence to Cocquade Creek, .... 5 

From thence to the upper Ford of Hico Eiver, 7 

From thence to Jesuit's Creek, 4 

From thence to where the Line cuts Sugar 

Tree Creek, 5 

From thence to the Mouth of Sugar Tree 

Creek, 4 

1733, Oct.] A JOURNEY TO EDEN 329 

From thence to the Mouth of Hico River, . . 7 
From thence to Wilson's Quarter on Tewa- 

hominy Creek, 1 

From thence to the Dan, 1 

From thence across the Fork to the Stanton, 2 

From thence to Blue Stone Castle, .... 7 

From thence to Sandy Creek, ...... 5 

From thence to Mr. Mumford's Plantation, . 2 

From thence to Butcher's Creek, ..... 5 

From thence to Allen's Creek, 9 

From thence to Joshua Nicholson's on 

Meherin, . 18 

From thence to Brunswick Court-house, . . 8 

From thence to Notoway Bridge, .... 14 

From thence to Sappony Chappel, .... 10 
From thence to Mr. Banister's on Hatcher's 

Run, 12 

From thence to Colo. Boiling's Plantation, . 9 

From thence to Colo. Mumford's Plantation, . 5 

From thence to Westover, 16 




In the Year 1732. 

EPT. 18. For the Pleasure of the 
good Company of Mrs. Byrd, and 
her little Governour, my Son, I went 
about half way to the Falls in the 
Chariot. There we halted, not far 
from a purling Stream, and upon 
the Stump of a propagate Oak picket the Bones of 
a piece of Roast Beef. By the Spirit which that 
gave me, I was the better able to part with the 
dear Companions of my Travels, and to perform 
the rest of my Journey on Horseback by myself. I 
reacht Shaccoa's before 2 a'clock, and crost the 
River to the Mills. I had the Grief to find them 
both stand as still for the want of Water, as a dead 
Woman's Tongue, for want of Breath. It had 
rain'd so little for many Weeks above the Falls, that 
the Naides had hardly Water enough left to wash 
their Faces. However, as we ought to turn all our 
Misfortunes to the best Advantage, I directed Mr. 


334 COLONEL WILLIAM BYKD [1732, Sept. 

Booker, my first Minister there, to make use of the 
lowness of the Water for blowing up the Rocks at 
the Mouth of the Canal. For that purpose I order'd 
Iron Drills to be made about 2 foot long", pointed 
with Steel, Chizzel fashion, in order to make holes, 
into which we put our Cartridges of Powder, 
containing each about 3 Ounces. There wanted 
Skill among my Engineers to chuse the best parts 
of the Stone for boring, that we might blow to the 
most advantage. They made all their Holes quite 
perpendicular, whereas they should have humour'd 
the Grain of the Stone for the more effectual Exe- 
cution. I order'd the points of the Drills to be 
made Chizzel way, rather than the Diamond, that 
they might need to be Seldomer repair'd, tho' in 
Stone the Diamond points would make the most 
despatch. The Water now flow'd out of the River 
so slowly, that the Miller was oblig'd to pond it up 
in the Canal, by setting open the Flood-gates at 
the Mouth, and shutting those close at the Mill. 
By this contrivance, he was able at any time to 
grind two or three Bushels, either for his choice 
Customers, or for the use of my Plantations. Then 
I walkt to the place where they broke the Flax, 
which is wrought with much greater ease than the 
Hemp, and is much better for Spinning. From 
thence I paid a Visit to the Weaver, who needed a 
little of Minerva's Inspiration to make the most of a 
piece of fine Cloth. Then I lookt in upon my Cale- 
donian Spinster, who was mended more in her looks 
than in her Humour. However, she promised much, 
tho' at the same time intended to perform little. 

1732, Sept.] A PROGRESS TO THE MINES 335 

She is too high-Spirited for Mr. Booker, who hates 
to have his sweet Temper ruffled, and will rather 
suffer matters to go a little wrong sometimes, than 
give his righteous Spirit any uneasiness. He is 
very honest, and would make an admirable Over- 
seer where Servants will do as they are bid. But 
Eye-Servants, who want abundance of overlooking, 
are not so proper to be committed to his Care. I 
found myself out of order, and for that reason re- 
tir'd Early ; yet with all this precaution had a gentle 
feaver in the Night, but towards morning Nature 
sat open all her Gates, and drove it out in a plen- 
tiful perspiration. 

19. The worst of this feaver was, that it put me 
to the Necessity of taking another Ounce of Bark. 
I moisten'd every dose with a little Brandy, and 
fill'd the Glass up with Water, which is the least 
Nauseous way of taking this Popish Medicine, and 
besides hinders it from Purging. After I had 
swallow'd a few Poacht Eggs, we rode down to 
the Mouth of the Canal, and from thence crost 
over to the broad Rock Island in a Canoe. Our 
errand was to view some Iron Ore, which we dug 
up in two places. That on the Surface seem'd 
very spongy and poor, which gave us no great 
Encouragement to search deeper, nor did the 
Quantity appear to be very great. However, for 
my greater Satisfaction, I order'd a hand to dig 
there for some time this Winter. We walkt from 
one End of the Island to the other, being about 
half a Mile in length, and found the Soil very good, 
and too high for any Flood, less than that of Deu- 

336 COLONEL WILLIAM BYRD [1732, Sept. 

calion, to do the least damage. There is a very 
wild prospect both upward and downward, the 
River being full of Rocks, over which the Stream 
tumbled with a Murmur, loud enough to drown 
the Notes of a Scolding Wife. This Island would 
make an agreeable Hermitage for any good Chris- 
tian, who had a mind to retire from the World. 
Mr. Booker told me how Dr. Ireton had cured him 
once of a Looseness, which had been upon him two 
whole years. He order'd Him a Dose of Rhubarb, 
with directions to take 25 Drops of Laudanum so 
Soon as he had had 2 Physical Stools. Then he rested 
one day, and the next order'd him another Dose of 
the same Quantity of Laudanum to be taken, also 
after the 2d Stool. When this was done, he fin- 
isht the Cure by giving him 20 drops of Laudanum 
every night for five Nights running. The Doctor 
insisted upon the necessity of Stopping the Opera- 
tion of the Rhubarb before it workt quite off, 
that what remained behind might strengthen the 
Bowels. I was punctual in Swallowing my Bark, 
and that I might use exercise upon it, rode to 
Prince's Folly, and my Lord's Islands, where I saw 
very fine Corn. In the mean time Vulcan came in 
Order to make the Drills for boring the Rocks, 
And gave me his Parole he wou'd, by the grace of 
God, attend the works till they were finisht, which 
he perform'd as lamely as if he had been to labour 
for a dead Horse, and not for ready Money. I 
made a North Carolina Dinner upon Fresh pork, 
tho' we had a plate of Green Peas after it, by way 
of Desert, for the Safety of our Noses. Then my 

1732, Sept.] A PROGRESS TO THE MINES 337 

first Minister and I had some serious Conversation 
about my Affairs, and I find nothing disturb'd his 
peaceable Spirit so much as the misbehaviour of 
the Spinster above-mention'd. I told him I cou'd 
not pity a Man, who had it always in his Power to 
do himself and her Justice, and wou'd not. If she 
were a Drunkard, a Scold, a Thief, or a Slanderer, 
we had wholesome Laws, that would make her 
Back Smart for the diversion of her other Mem- 
bers, and twas his Fault he had not put those 
wholesome Severity s in Execution. I retired in 
decent time to my own Appartment, and Slept very 
comfortably upon my Bark, forgetting all the little 
crosses arising from Overseers and negroes. 

20. I continued the Bark, and then tost down 
my Poacht Eggs, with as much ease as some good 
Breeders Slip Children into the World. About 
Nine I left the Prudentest Orders I could think of 
with my Visier, & then crost the River to Shaccoe's. 
I made a running Visit to 3 of my Quarters, where, 
besides finding all the People well, I had the Plea- 
sure to see better Crops than usual both of Corn 
and Tobacco. I parted there with my Intendant, and 
pursued my Journey to Mr. Randolph's, at Tucka- 
hoe, without meeting with any Adventure by the 
way. Here I found Mrs. Fleming, who was pack- 
ing up her Baggage with design to follow her 
Husband the next day, who was gone to a new 
Settlement in Goochland. Both he and She have 
been about Seaven Years persuading themselves 
to remove to that retired part of the Country, tho' 
they had the two strong Arguments of Health and 

338 COLONEL WILLIAM BYRD [1732, Sept. 

Interest for so doing. The Widow smiled gra- 
ciously upon me, and entertain'd me very hand- 
somely. Here I learnt all the tragical Story of 
her Daughter's humble Marriage with her Uncle's 
Overseer. Besides the meanness of this mortal's 
Aspect, the Man has not one visible Qualification, 
except Impudence, to recommend him to a Female's 
Inclinations. But there is sometimes such a Charm 
in that Hibernian Endowment, that frail Woman 
cant withstand it, tho' it stand alone without any 
other Recommendation. Had she run away with 
a Gentleman or a pretty Fellow, there might have 
been some Excuse for her, tho' he were of inferior 
Fortune: but to stoop to a dirty Plebian, without 
any kind of merit, is the lowest Prostitution. I 
found the Family justly enraged at it; and tho' I 
had more good Nature than to join in her Con- 
demnation, yet I cou'd devise no Excuse for so 
senceless a Prank as this young Gentlewoman had 
play'd. Here good Drink was more Scarce than 
good Victuals, the Family being reduc'd to the last 
Bottle of Wine, which was therefore husbanded 
very carefully. But the Water was excellent. 
The Heir of the Family did not come home till late 
in the Evening. He is a pretty Young Man, but 
had the misfortune to become his own master too 
soon. This puts young Fellows upon wrong pur- 
suits, before they have Sence to Judge rightly for 
themselves. Tho' at the same time they have a 
strange conceit of their own Suffiency, when they 
grow near 20 Years old, especially if they happen 
to have a small Smattering of Learning. Tis then 

1732, Sept.] A PROGRESS TO THE MINES 339 

they fancy themselves wiser than all their Tutors 
and Governors, which makes them headstrong to 
all advice, and above all Reproof and Admonition. 
21. I was sorry in the morning to find myself 
stopt in my Career by bad Weather brought upon 
us by a North-East Wind. This drives a World 
of Raw unkindly Vapours upon us from Newfound- 
land, loaden with Elite, Coughs, and Pleurisys. 
However, I complain'd not, lest I might be sus- 
pected to be tir'd of the good Company. Tho' 
Mrs. Fleming was not so much upon her Guard, 
but mutiny'd strongly at the Rain, that hinder'd 
her from pursuing her dear Husband. I said what 
I cou'd to comfort a Gentlewoman under so sad a 
Disappointment. I told her a Husband, that staid 
so much at Home as her's did, cou'd be no such 
violent Rarity, as for a Woman to venture her 
precious Health, to go daggling thro' the Rain 
after him, or to be miserable if she happen'd to be 
prevented. That it was prudent for marry'd people 
to fast Sometimes from one another, that they 
might come together again with the better Stomach. 
That the best things in this World, if constantly 
us'd, are apt to be cloying, which a little absence 
and Abstinence wou'd prevent. This was Strange 
Doctrine to a fond Female, who fancys People 
shou'd love with as little Reason after Marriage as 
before. In the Afternoon Monsieur Marij, the 
Minister of the Parish, came to make me a Visit. 
He had been a Romish Priest, but found Reasons, 
either Spiritual or temporal, to quit that gay Re- 
ligion. The fault of this new Convert is, that he 

340 COLONEL WILLIAM BYKD [1732, Sept. 

looks for as much Respect from his Protestant 
Flock, as is paid to the Popish Clergy, which our 
ill-bred Hugonots dont understand. Madam Marij, 
had so much Curiosity as to want to come too ; but 
another Horse was wanting, and she believ'd it 
would have too Vulgar an Air to ride behind 
her Husband. This Woman was of the true Ex- 
change Breed, full of Discourse, but void of Dis- 
cretion, and marry'd a Parson, with the Idle hopes 
he might some time or other come to be his Grace 
of Canterbury. The Gray Mare is the better 
Horse in that Family, and the poor man Submits 
to her wild Vagarys for Peace' Sake. She has just 
enough of the fine Lady, to run in debt, and be of 
no signification in her Household. And the only 
thing that can prevent her from undoing her lov- 
ing Husband will be, that nobody will trust them 
beyond the 16000, 1 which is soon run out in a Gooch- 
land store. The way of Dealing there is, for some 
small Merchant or Pedler to buy a Scots Penny- 
worth of Goods, and clap 150 p cent, upon that. 
At this Rate the Parson cant be paid much more 
for his preaching than tis worth. ~No sooner was 
our Visiter retired, but the facetious Widow was 
so kind as to let me into all this Secret History, 
but was at the same time exceedingly Sorry that 
the Woman should be so indiscreet, and the man 
so tame as to be govern'd by an unprofitable and 
fantastical Wife. 

22. We had another wet day, to try both Mrs. 

1 16,000 pounds of tobacco, which was the legal 
salary of a minister. 

1732, Sept.] A PROGRESS TO THE MINES 341 

Fleming's Patience and my good Breeding. The 
N E Wind commonly sticks by us 3 or 4 days, 
filling the Atmosphere with damps, injurious both 
to man and Beast. The worst of it was, we had no 
good Liquor to warm our Blood, and fortify our 
Spirits against so strong a Malignity. However, 
I was cheerful under all these Misfortunes, and 
exprest no Concern but a decent Fear lest my 
long visit might be troublesome. Since I was like 
to have thus much Leizure, I endeavour'd to find 
out what Subject a dull marry'd man cou'd intro- 
duce that might best bring the Widow to the Use 
of her Tongue. At length I discover'd she was a 
notable Quack, and therefore paid that regard to 
her Knowledge, as to put some Questions to her 
about the bad distemper that raged then in the 
Country. I mean the Bloody Flux, that was 
brought us in the Negro-ship consigned to Colo. 
Braxton. She told me she made use of very Sim- 
ple remedys in that Case, with very good Success. 
She did the Business either with Hartshorn Drink, 
that had Plantain Leaves boil'd in it, or else with 
a Strong decoction of St. Andrew's Cross, in New 
milk instead of Water. I agreed with her that 
those remedys might be very good, but would be 
more effectual after a dose or two of Indian Phys- 
ick. But for fear this Conversation might be too 
grave for a Widow, I turn'd the discourse, and 
began to talk of Plays, & finding her Taste lay 
most towards Comedy, I offer'd my Service to 
read one to Her, which she kindly accepted. She 
produced the 2d part of the Beggar's Opera, which 

342 COLONEL WILLIAM EYED [1732, Sept. 

had diverted the Town for 40 Nights successively, 
and gain'd four thousand pounds to the Author. 
This was not owing altogether to the Wit or Hu- 
mour that Sparkled in it, but to some Political 
Reflections, that seem'd to hit the Ministry. But 
the great Advantage of the Author was, that his 
Interest was solicited by the Dutchess of Queens- 
bury, which no man could refuse who had but half 
an Eye in his head, or half a Guinea in his Pocket. 
Her Grace, like Death, spared nobody, but even 
took my Lord Selkirk in for 2 Guineas, to repair 
which Extravagance he liv'd upon Scots Herrings 
2 Months afterwards. But the best Story was, 
she made a very Smart Officer in his Majesty's 
Guards give her a Guinea, who Swearing at the 
same tune twas all he had in the World, she sent 
him 50 for it the next day, to reward his Obe- 
dience. After having acquainted my Company 
with the History of the Play, I read 3 Acts of it, 
and left Mrs. Fleming and Mr. Randolph to finish 
it, who read as well as most Actors do at a Re- 
hearsal. Thus we kill'd the time, and triumpht 
over the bad Weather. 

23. The Clouds continued to drive from the 
K-Est, and to menace us with more Rain. But as 
the Lady resolved to venture thro 5 it, I thought it 
a Shame for me to venture to flinch. Therefore, 
after fortifying myself with 2 capacious Dishes of 
Coffee, and making my Complements to the Ladyes, 
I mounted, and Mr. Randolph was so kind as to 
be my Guide. At the distance of about 3 Miles, 
in a Path as narrow as that which leads to Heaven, 

1732, Sept.] A PROGRESS TO THE MINES 343 

but much more dirty, we reacht the homely dwell- 
ing of the Reverend Mr. Marij. His Land is much 
more barren than his Wife, and needs all Mr. 
Bradley's Skill in Agriculture to make it bring 
Corn. Thence we proceeded five Miles farther, to 
a Mill of Mr. Randolph's, that is apt to stand still 
when there falls, but little Rain, and to be carry'd 
away when there falls a great deal. Then we pur- 
sued a very blind Path 4 Miles farther, which puz- 
zled my Guide, who I suspect led me out of the 
way. At length we came into a great Road, where 
he took leave, after giving me some very confus'd 
Directions, and so left me to blunder out the rest 
of the Journey by myself. I lost myself more 
than once, but soon recover'd the right way again. 
About 3 Miles after quitting my Guide, I passed 
the S Branch of Pomunky River, near 50 Yards 
over, and full of Stones. After this, I had 8 Miles 
to Mr. Chiswell's, where I arriv'd at about 2 
a'Clock, and sav'd my Dinner. I was very hand- 
somely entertain'd, finding every thing very clean, 
and very Good. I had not seen Mrs Chiswell in 
24 Years, which, alas ! had made great Havoc with 
her pretty Face, and plow'd very deep Furrows in 
her fair Skin. It was impossible to know her 
again, so much the flower was faded. However, 
tho' she was grown an Old Woman, yet she was 
one of those absolute Rarities, a very good old 
Woman. I found Mr. Chiswell a sensible, well- 
bred Man, and very frank in communicating his 
knowledge in the Mystery of making Iron, wherein 
he has had long Experience. I told him I was 

344 COLONEL WILLIAM EYED [1732, Sept. 

come to Spy the Land, and inform myself of the 
Expence of carrying on an Iron work with Effect. 
That I sought my Instruction from Hun, who 
understood the whole Mystery, having gain'd full 
Experience in every part of it; Only I was very 
sorry he had bought that Experience so dear. He 
answer'd that he would, with great Sincerity, let 
me into the little knowledge he had, and so we im- 
mediately entered upon the Business. He assured 
me the first step I was to take was to acquaint 
myself fully with the Quantity and Quality of my 
Oar. For that reason I ought to keep a good 
Pick-ax Man at work a whole Year to search if there 
be a Sufficient Quantity, without which it would be 
a very rash undertaking. That I shou'd also have 
a Skilful person to try the richness of the oar. 
Nor is it great Advantage to have it exceeding 
rich, because then it will yield Brittle Iron, which 
is not valuable. But the way to have it tough is 
to mix poor Oar and Rich together, which makes 
the poorer sort extremely necessary for the pro- 
duction of the best Iron. Then he shew'd me a 
Sample of the Richest Oar they have in England, 
which yields a full Moiety of Iron. It was of a Pale 
red Colour, smooth and greasy, and not exceedingly 
heavy; but it produced so brittle a Metal, that they 
were oblig'd to melt a poorer Oar along with it. He 
told me, after I was certain my Oar was good and 
plentiful enough, my next inquiry ought to be, how 
far it lyes from a Stream proper to build a furnace 
upon, and again what distance that Furnace will 
be from "Water Carriage; Because the Charge of 

1732, Sept.] A PROGRESS TO THE MINES 345 

Carting a great way is very heavy, and eats out a 
great part of the Profit. That this was the Mis- 
fortune of the Mines of Fredericks ville, where they 
were oblig'd to Cart the Oar a Mile to the Furnace, 
and after twas run into Iron, to carry that 24 Miles, 
over an uneven Road to Rappahannock River, 
about a Mile below Fredericksburgh, to a Planta- 
tion the Company rented of Colo. Page. If I were 
satisfy'd with the Situation, I was in the next place 
to consider whether I had Woodland enough near 
the Furnace to Supply it with Charcoal, whereof 
it wou'd require a prodigious Quantity. That the 
properest Wood for that purpose was that of Oyly 
kind, such as Pine, Walnut, Hiccory, Oak, and in 
short all that yields Cones, Nuts, or Acorns. That 
2 Miles Square of Wood, wou'd supply a Moderate 
furnace ; so that what you fell first may have time 
to grow up again to a proper bigness (which must 
be 4 Inches over) by that time the rest is cut down. 
He told me farther, that 120 Slaves, including 
Women, were necessary to carry on all the Busi- 
ness of an Iron Work, and the more Virginians 
amongst them the better; Tho' in that number he 
comprehended Carters, Colliers, and those that 
planted the Corn. That if there should be much 
Carting, it would require 1600 Barrels of Corn 
Yearly to Support the People, & the Cattle em- 
ploy'd; nor dos even that Quantity suffice at 
Fredericksville. That if all these Circumstances 
shou'd happily concur, and you cou'd procure hon- 
est Colliers and Firemen, which will be difficult to do, 
you may easily run 800 Tuns of Sow Iron a Year. 

346 COLONEL WILLIAM EYED [1732, Sept. 

The whole charge of Freight, Custom, Commission, 
and other Expences in England, will not exceed 
30 Shillings a Tun, and twill commonly sell for 
<6, and then the clear profit will amount to 4, , 
10. So that allowing the ten Shillings for Acci- 
dents, you may reasonably expect a clear Profit of 
4, which being multiplied by 800, will amount to 
3200 a year, to pay you for your Land and 'Ne- 
groes. But then it behooved me to be fully in- 
form^ of the whole Matter myself, to prevent being 
imposed upon ; and if any off er'd to put tricks upon 
me, to punish them as they deserve. Thus ended 
our Conversation for this day, and I retir'd to a very 
clean Lodging in another House, and took my 
Bark, but was forced to take it in Water, by reason 
a light finger' d Damsel had ransackt my Baggage, 
and drunk up my Brandy. This unhappy Girl, it 
seems, is a Baronet's Daughter; but her Com- 
plexion, being red hair'd, inclin'd her so much to 
Lewdness, that her Father sent her, under the Care 
of the virtuous Mr. Cheep, to seek her fortune on 
this Side the Globe. 

24. My Friend, Mr. Chiswell, made me repara- 
tion for the Robbery of his Servant, by filling my 
Bottle again with good Brandy. It being Sunday, 
I made a Motion for going to Church, to see the 
growth of the Parish, but unluckily the Sermon 
happen'd to be at the Chappel, which was too far 
off. I was unwilling to tire my Friend with any 
farther discourse upon Iron, and therefore turn'd 
the Conversation to other Subjects. And talking 
of Management, he let me into 2 Secrets worth re- 

1732, Sept.] A PROGRESS TO THE MINES 347 

membering. He said the quickest way in the world 
to stop the Fermentation of any Liquor was to keep 
a lighted Match of Brimstone under the Cask for 
some time. This is useful in so warm a Country 
as this, where cyder is apt to work itself off both 
of its Strength and sweetness. The other Secret 
was to keep Weevels out of Wheat and other 
Grain. You have nothing to do, said he, but to 
put a Bag of Pepper into every heap, or Cask, 
which those Insects have such an Antipathy to that 
they will not approach it. These Receipts he gave 
me, not upon Report, but upon his own repeated Ex- 
perience. He farther told me he had brew'd as good 
Ale of Malt made of Indian Corn as ever he tasted ; 
all the objection was, he cou'd neither by Art, or 
Standing, ever bring it to be fine in the Cask. The 
Quantity of Corn he employed in brewing a Cask of 
40 Gallons was 2 Bushels and a half, which made 
it very Strong and pleasant. We had a Hanch of 
Yenison for Dinner, as fat and well tasted as if it 
had come out of Richmond Park. In these upper 
parts of the Country the Deer are in better Case 
than below, tho' I believe the Buck which gave us 
so good a Dinner had eaten out his Yalue in Peas, 
which will make Deer exceeding fat. In the Af- 
ternoon, I walkt with my Friend to his Mill, which 
is half a Mile from his House. It is built upon a 
Rock very firmly, so that tis more apt to suffer by 
too little Water, (the Run not being over plenti- 
ful,) than too much. On the other side of this 
Stream lye several of Colo. Jones' Plantations. 
The poor Negroes upon them are a kind of Adam- 

348 COLONEL WILLIAM BYRD [1732, Sept. 

ites, very Scantily supply' d with cloaths and other 
necessaries ; Nevertheless, (which is a little incom- 
prehensible,) they continue in perfect health, and 
none of them dye, except it be of Age. However, 
they are even with their Master, and make him but 
indifferent Crops, so that he gets nothing by his 
unjustice, but the Scandal of it. And here I must 
make One Remarque, which I am a little unwilling 
to do for fear of encouraging of Cruelty, that those 
Negroes which are kept the barest of cloaths & 
Bedding are commonly the freest from Sickness. 
And this happens, I suppose, by their being all 
Face, and therefore better proof against the sudden 
changes of Weather, to which this Climate is 
unhappily Subject. 

25. After saying some very civil things to 
Mrs. Chiswell, for my handsome Entertainment, I 
mounted my Horse, and Mr. Chiswell his Phaeton, 
in order to go to the Mines at Fredericksville. We 
cou'd converse very little by the way, by reason 
of our different Voitures. The Road was very 
Straight and level the whole Journey, which was 
25 Miles, the last ten whereof I rode in the Chair, 
and my Friend on my Horse, to ease ourselves by 
that Variety of Motion. About a Mile before we 
got to Fredericksville, we forded over the North 
Branch of Pomunky, about 60 Yards over. Nei- 
ther this nor the South Branch run up near so high 
as the Mountains, but many Miles below them spread 
out into a kind of Morass, like Chickahominy. 
When we approacht the Mines, there open'd to 
our View a large Space of clear' d Ground, whose 

1732, Sept.] A PROGRESS TO THE MINES 349 

Wood had been cut down for coaling. We Arriv'd 
here about 2 A' Clock, and Mr. Chi swell had been 
so provident as to bring a Cold Yenison Pasty, 
with which we appeased our Appetites, without 
the Impatience of waiting. When our Tongues 
were at leizure for discourse, my Friend told me 
there was one Mr. Harison, in England, who is 
so universal a dealer in all Sorts of Iron, that he 
cou'd govern the Market just as he pleas'd. That 
it was by his artful Management that our Iron 
from the Plantations sold for less than that made 
in England, tho' it was generally reckoned much 
better. That Ours wou'd hardly fetch 6 a Tun, 
when their 5 s fetcht 7 or 8, purely to serve that 
Man's Interest. Then he explain'd the Several 
Charges upon our Sow Iron, after it was put on 
Board the Ships. That in the first place it paid 
7/6 a Tun for Freight, being just so much clear 
gain to the Ships, which carry it as Ballast, or 
wedge it in among the Hogsheads. When it gets 
Home, it pays 3/9 custome. These Articles to- 
gether make no more than ll/ 3, and yet the Mer- 
chants, by their great Skill in Multiplying Charges, 
Swell the account up to near 30/ a Tun by that 
time it gets out of their Hands, and they are con- 
tinually adding more and more, as they serve us in 
our Accounts of Tobacco. He told me a strange 
thing about Steel, that the making of the best 
' remains at this day a profound Secret in the breast 
of a very few, and therefore is in danger of being 
lost, as the Art of Staining of Glass, and many 
others, have been. He cou'd only tell me they 

350 COLONEL WILLIAM BYRD [1732, Sept. 

us'd Beech Wood in the making of it in Europe, 
& burn it a Considerable time in powder of Char- 
coal; but the Mystery lies in the Liquor they 
quench it in. After dinner we took a walk to 
the Furnace, which is elegantly built of Brick, tho' 
the Hearth be of Fire-Stone. There we saw the 
Founder, Mr. Derham, who is paid 4 Shillings for 
every Tun of Sow Iron that he runs, which is a 
Shilling cheaper than the last Workman had. This 
Operator lookt a little Melancholy, because he had 
nothing to do, the Furnace having been Cold ever 
since May, for want of Corn to Support the Cattle. 
This was however no neglect of Mr. Chiswell, be- 
cause all the Persons he had contracted with had 
basely disappointed him. But having receiv'd a 
small Supply, they intended to blow very soon. 
With that view they began to heat the Furnace, 
which is 6 Weeks before it comes to that intense 
heat required to run the Metal in perfection. Nev- 
ertheless, they commonly begin to blow when the 
Fire has been kindled a Week or ten days. Close 
by the Furnace stood a very spacious House full 
of Charcoal, holding at least 400 Loads, which will 
be burnt out in 3 Months. The Company has con- 
tracted with Mr. Harry Willis to fall the Wood, 
and then maul it and cut it into pieces of 4 feet in 
length, and bring it to the Pits where it is to be 
coal'd. All this he has undertaken to do for 2 
Shillings a Cord, which must be 4 foot broad, 4 
foot high, and 8 foot long. Being thus carry'd to 
the Pits, the Collier has contracted to Coal it for 5 
Shillings a Load, consisting of 160 Bushels. The 

1732, Sept.] A PROGRESS TO THE MINES 351 

Fire in the Furnace is blown by 2 Mighty pair of 
Bellows, that cost one Hundred pounds each, and 
these Bellows are mov'd by a great Wheel of 26 
foot diameter. The Wheel again is carry'd round 
by a small Stream of Water, conveyed about 350 
Yards over Land in a Trough, from a Pond made by 
a wooden Dam. But there is great want of Water 
in a dry Season, which makes the Furnace often blow 
out, to the great prejudice of the Works. Having 
thus fill'd my Head with all these Particulars, we 
return'd to the House, where, after talking of Colo. 
Spotswood, and his Strategems to shake off his Part- 
ners, and secure all his Mines to himself, I retired 
to a homely Lodging, which, like a homespun Mis- 
tress, had been more tolerable, if it had been sweet. 
26. Over our Tea, Mr. Chiswell told me the 
expence which the Company had been already at 
amounted to near Twelve Thousand Pounds : But 
then the Land, Negroes, and Cattle were all in- 
cluded in that Charge. However, the Money 
began now to come in, they having run 1200 Tuns 
of Iron, and all their heavy disbursements were 
over. Only they were stil forct to buy great 
Quantitys of Corn, because they had not strength 
of their own to make it. That they had not more 
than 80 Negroes, and few of those Virginia born. 
That they need 40 Negroes more to carry on all 
the Business with their own Force. They have 
15000 Acres of Land, tho' little of it rich except in 
Iron, and of that they have a great Quantity. Mr. 
Fitz Williams took up the mine tract, and had the 
address to draw in the Governor, Capt. Pearse, Dr. 

352 COLONEL WILLIAM BYKD [1732, Sept. 

Nicolas and Mr. Chiswell to be jointly concern'd 
with him, by which contrivance he first got a good 
price for the Land, and then, when he had been 
very little out of Pocket, sold his Share to Mr. 
Nelson for 500; and of these Gentlemen the 
Company at present consists. And Mr. Chiswell 
is the only person amongst them that knows any 
thing of the matter, and has 100 a year for look- 
ing after the Works, and richly deserves it. After 
breaking our Fast we took a walk to the principal 
Mine, about a Mile from the Furnace, where they 
had sunk in some places about 15 or 20 foot deep. 
The Operator, Mr. Gordon, rais'd the Oar, for 
which he was to have by contract I/ 6 p Cart-Load 
of 26 Hundred Weight. This man was oblig'd to 
hire all the Laborers he wanted for this Work of 
the Company, after the rate of 25/ a Month, and 
for all that was able to clear 4Q a-year for him- 
self. We saw here several large Heaps of oar of 
2 sorts, one of rich, and the other Spongy and poor, 
which they melted together to make the Metal 
more tough. The way of raising the oar was by 
blowing it up, which Operation I saw here from 
beginning to End. They first drill'd a hole in the 
Mine, either upright or Slopeing, as the grain of it 
required. This hole they cleansed with a Rag 
fastened to the End of an Iron with a Worm at the 
end of it. Then they put in a Cartridge of Pow- 
der containing about 3 Ounces, and at the same 
time a Reed full of fuse that reacht to the Powder. 
Then they ramm'd dry Clay, or soft Stone very 
hard into the Hole, and lastly they fired the fuse 

1732, Sept.] A PROGRESS TO THE MINES 353 

with a Paper that had been dipt in a Solution of 
Saltpetre and dry'd, which burning Slow and Sure, 
gave leizure to the Engineer to retire to a proper 
distance before the Explosion. This in the Miner's 
Language is calPd making a Blast, which will 
losen several hundred Weight of Oar at once ; and 
afterwards the Laborers easily separate it with 
Pick-axes and carry it away in Baskets up to the 
Heap. At our return we saw near the Furnace 
large Heaps of Mine with Charcoal mixet with it, 
a Stratum of each alternately, beginning first with 
a layer of Charcoal at the Bottom. To this they 
put Fire, which in a little tune spreads thro' the 
whole Heap, and calcines the Oar, which after- 
wards easily crumbles into small pieces fit for the 
Furnace. Then was likewise a mighty Quantity 
of Limestone, brought from Bristol, by way of 
ballast, at 2/6 a Tun, which they are at the 
Trouble to Cart hither from Rappahanock River, 
but contrive to do it when the Carts return from 
carrying of Iron. They put this into the Furnace 
with the Iron Oare, in the proportion of one Tun 
of Stone to ten of Oar, with design to absorb the 
Sulphur out of the Iron, which wou'd otherwise 
make it brittle. And if that be the use of it, Oyster 
Shells wou'd certainly do as well as LimeStone, 
being altogether as strong an Alkali, if not 
Stronger. Nor can their being taken out of Salt 
water be any Objection, because tis pretty certain 
the West India LimeStone, which is thrown up by 
the Sea, is even better than that imported from 
Bristol. But the founders who never try'd either 

354 COLONEL WILLIAM BYED [1732, Sept. 

of these will by no means be perswaded to go out 
of their way, tho' the Reason of the thing be never 
so evident. I observ'd the richer Sort of Mine, 
being of a dark Colour Mixt with rust, was laid in 
a heap by itself, and so was the poor, which was of 
a Liver or Brick Colour. The Sow Iron is in the 
Figure of a half-round, about two feet and a half- 
long, weighing 60 or 70 Pounds, whereof 3000 
weight make a Cart-load drawn by 8 Oxen, which 
are commonly shod to save their Hoofs in those 
Stony ways. When the Furnace blows, it runs 
about 20 Tuns of Iron a Week. The founders find 
it very hot work to tend the Furnace, especially in 
Summer, and are oblig'd to spend no small part of 
their Earnings in strong Drink, to recruit their 
Spirits. Besides the Founder, the Collier, and 
Miner, who are paid in proportion to their Work, 
the Company have several other Officers upon 
Wages, a Stock-taker, who weighs and measures 
every thing, a Clerk, who keeps an Account of all 
Receipts and Disbursements, a Smith to Shoe their 
Cattle, and keep all their Iron work in repair, a 
wheel- Wright, Cartwright, Carpenter, and Several 
Carters. The Wages of all these Persons amount 
to one Hundred Pounds a Year; so that including 
Mr. ChiswelPs Salary, they disburse 200 p Annum 
in standing Wages. The Provisions too are a heavy 
Article, which their Plantations dont yet produce in 
a Sufficient Quantity, tho' they are at the Charge 
of a general Overseer. But while Corn is so short 
with them, there can be no great Increase of Stock 
of any kind. 

1732, Sept.] A PROGRESS TO THE MINES 355 

27. Having now pretty well exhausted the Sub- 
ject of Sow Iron, I askt my Friend some Ques- 
tions about Bar-Iron. He told me we had as yet 
no Forge erected in Virginia, tho' we had 4 
Furnaces. But there was a very good one set up 
at the head of the Bay in Maryland, that made 
exceeding good Work. He let me know that the 
duty in England upon Bar Iron was 24/ a Tun, 
and that it sold there from Ten to 16 pounds a Tun. 
This wou'd pay the Charge of Forging abundantly, 
but he doubted the Parliament of England would 
soon forbid us that Improvement, lest after that 
we shou'd go farther, and manufacture Our Bars 
into all Sorts of Iron Ware, as they already do in 
New England & Pennsylvania. Nay, he ques- 
tion'd whether we shou'd be suffer'd to cast any 
Iron, which they can do themselves at their 
Furnaces. Thus ended our Conversation, and I 
thankt my Friend for being so free in communi- 
cating everything to me. Then, after tipping a 
Pistole to the Clerk, to drink prosperity to the 
Mines with all the Workmen, I accepted the kind 
offer of going part of my Journey in the Phaeton. 
I took my Leave about ten, and drove over a Spa- 
cious Level Road ten Miles, to a Bridge built over 
the River Po, which is one of the 4 Branches of 
the Matopany, about 40 Yards wide. Two Miles 
beyond that, we passed by a Plantation belonging 
to the Company, of about 500 Acres, where they 
keep a great Number of Oxen to relieve those that 
have dragg'd their loaded Carts thus far. Three 
Miles farther we came to the Germanna Road, 

356 COLONEL WILLIAM BYRD [1732, Sept. 

where I quitted the Chair, and continued my Jour- 
ney on Horseback. I rode 8 Miles together over a 
Stony Road, and had on either side continual 
poisen'd Fields, with nothing but Saplins growing 
on them. Then I came into the Main County 
Road, that leads from Fredericksburgh to Ger- 
manna, which last place I reacht in Ten Miles more. 
This famous Town consists of Colo. Spotswood's 
enchanted Castle on one Side of the Street, and a 
Baker's Dozen of ruinous Tenements on the other, 
where so many German Familys had dwelt some 
Years ago ; but are now remov'd ten Miles higher, 
in the Fork of Rappahannock, to Land of their 
Own. There had also been a Chappel about a 
Bow-Shot from the Colonel's house, at the End of 
an Avenue of Cherry Trees, but some pious people 
had lately burnt it down, with intent to get another 
built nearer to their own homes. Here I arriv'd 
about three a'clock, and found only Mrs. Spots- 
wood at Home, who receiv'd her Old acquaintance 
with many a gracious Smile. I was carry'd into a 
Room elegantly set off with Pier Glasses, the 
largest of which came soon after to an odd Mis- 
fortune. Amongst other favourite Animals that 
cheer'd this Lady's Solitude, a Brace of Tame 
Deer ran familiarly about the House, and one of 
them came to stare at me as a Stranger. But un- 
luckily Spying his own Figure in the Glass, he 
made a spring over the Tea Table that stood under 
it, and shatter'd the Glass to pieces, and falling 
back upon the Tea Table, made a terrible Fracas 
among the China. This Exploit was so sudden, 

1732, Sept.] A PROGRESS TO THE MINES 357 

and accompany'd with such a Noise, that it sur- 
priz'd me, and perfectly frighten'd Mrs. Spotswood. 
But twas worth all the Damage to shew the Mod- 
eration and good humour with which she bore this 
disaster. In the Evening the noble Colo, came 
home from his Mines, who saluted me very civily, 
and Mrs. Spotswood's Sister, Miss Theky, who had 
been to meet him en Cavalier, was so kind too as 
to bid me welcome. We talkt over a Legend of 
old Storys, supp'd about 9, and then prattl'd with 
the Ladys, til twas tune for a Travellour to retire. 
In the mean time I observ'd my old Friend to be 
very Uxorious, and exceedingly fond of his Chil- 
dren. This was so opposite to the Maxims he us'd 
to preach up before he was marryed, 1 that I cou'd 
not forbear rubbing up the Memory of them. But 
he gave a very good-natur'd turn to his Change of 
Sentiments, by alleging that whoever brings a poor 
Gentlewoman into so solitary a place, from all her 
Friends and acquaintance, wou'd be ungrateful not 
to use her and all that belongs to her with all 
possible Tenderness. 

28. We all kept Snug in our several apartments 
till Nine, except Miss Theky, who was the House- 
wife of the Family. At that hour we met over a 
Pot of Coffee, which was not quite strong enough 
to give us the Palsy. After Breakfast the Colo, 
and I left the Ladys to their Domestick Affairs, 

1 Spotswood was married in Dorothy Brayne, sometimes 

1724 to Miss Butler Brayne, of written Bryan, and she married 

England. This was after his Elliott Benger, of Virginia, and 

term of office as governor was had issue. (See Va. Histl. 

expired. "Miss Theky" was Mag., II. 340.) 

358 COLONEL WILLIAM BYED [1732, Sept. 

and took a turn in the Garden, which has nothing 
beautiful but 3 Terrace Walks that fall in Slopes 
one below another. I let him understand, that be- 
sides the pleasure of paying him a Visit, I came to 
be instructed by so great a Master in the Mystery 
of Making of Iron, wherein he had led the way, and 
was the Tubal Cain of Virginia. He corrected me 
a little there, by assuring me he was not only 
the first in this Country, but the first in North 
America, who had erected a regular Furnace. 
That they ran altogether upon Bloomerys in New 
England & Pennsilvania, till his Example had 
made them attempt greater "Works. But in this 
last Colony, they have so few Ships to carry their 
Iron to Great Britain, that they must be content to 
make it only for their own use, and must be oblig'd 
to manufacture it when they have done. That he 
hoped he had done the Country very great Service 
by setting so good an Example. That the 4 Fur- 
naces now at work in Virginia circulated a great 
Sum of Money for Provisions and all other neces- 
sary s in the adjacent County s. That they took 
off a great Number of Hands from Planting To- 
bacco, and employ'd them in Works that produced 
a large Sum of Money in England to the persons 
concern'd, whereby the Country is so much the 
Richer. That they are besides a considerable ad- 
vantage to Great Britain, because it lessens the 
Quantity of Bar Iron imported from Spain, Hol- 
land, Sweden, Denmark and Muscovy, which used 
to be no less than 20,000 Tuns yearly, tho 5 at the 
same time no Sow Iron is imported thither from 

1732, Sept.] A PROGRESS TO THE MINES 359 

any Country but only from the Plantations. For 
most of this Bar Iron they do not only pay Silver, 
but our Friends in the Baltick are so nice, they 
even expect to be paid all in Crown Pieces. On 
the contrary, all the Iron they receive from the 
Plantations, they pay for it in their own Manufac- 
tures, and send for it in their own Shipping. Then 
I inquired after his own Mines, and hoped, as he 
was the first that engaged in this great under- 
taking, that he had brought them to the most 
perfection. He told me he had Iron in several 
Parts of his great Tract of Land, consisting of 
45,000 Acres. But that the Mine he was at work 
upon was 13 Miles below Germanna. That his 
Oar (which was very rich) he rais'd a Mile from his 
Furnace, and was oblig'd to Cart the Iron, when it 
was made, 15 Miles to Massaponux, a Plantation 
he had upon Rappahanock River; But that the 
Road was exceeding good, gently declining all 
the way, and had no more than one Hill to go up 
in the whole Journey. For this reason his loaded 
carts went it in a day without difficulty. He said 
it was true His works were of the oldest Standing: 
but that his long absence in England, and the 
wretched Management of Mr. Greame, whom he 
had entrusted with his Affairs, had put him back 
very much. That what with Neglect and Severity, 
above 80 of his Slaves were lost while he was in 
England, and most of his Cattle starved. That 
his Furnace stood still great part of the time, and 
all his Plantations ran to ruin. That indeed he 
was rightly serv'd for committing his Affairs to 

360 COLONEL WILLIAM BYKD [1732, Sept. 

the care of a Mathematician, whose thoughts were 
always among the Stars. That nevertheless, since 
his return, he had apply'd himself to rectify his 
Steward's Mistakes, and bring his Business again 
into Order. That now he had contriv'd to do 
every thing with his own People, except raising 
the Mine and running the Iron, by which he had 
contracted his Expence very much. Nay, he be- 
liev'd that by his directions he cou'd bring sensible 
Negroes to perform those parts of the "Work toler- 
ably well. But at the same time he gave me to 
understand, that his Furnace had done no great 
Feats lately, because he had been taken up in 
building an Air Furnace at Massaponux, which 
he had now brought to perfection, and shou'd be 
thereby able to furnish the whole Country with all 
Sorts of Cast Iron, as cheap and as good as ever 
came from England. I told him he must do one 
thing more to have a full Yent for those Com- 
moditys, he must keep a Chaloupe running into all 
the Rivers, to carry his Wares home to people's 
own Doors. And if he wou'd do that I wou'd set 
a good Example, and take of a whole Tun of them. 
Our Conversation on this Subject continued till 
Dinner, which was both elegant and plentifull. 
The afternoon was devoted to the ladys, who 
shew'd me one of their most beautiful Walks. 
They conducted me thro' a Shady Lane to the 
Landing, and by the way made me drink some very 
fine Water that issued from a Marble Fountain, 
and ran incessantly. Just behind it was a cover'd 
Bench, where Miss Theky often sat and bewail'd 

1732, Sept.] A PROGRESS TO THE MINES 361 

her Virginity. Then we proceeded to the River, 
which is the South Branch of Rappahanock, about 
50 Yards wide, and so rapid that the Ferry Boat 
is drawn over by a Chain, and therefore called the 
Rapidan. At night we drank prosperity to all the 
Colonel's Projects in a Bowl of Rack Punch, and 
then retired to our Devotions. 

29. Having employ'd about 2 hours in Retire- 
ment, I Sally'd out at the first Summons to Break- 
fast, where our conversation with the Ladys, like 
Whip Sillabub, was very pretty, but had nothing 
in it. This it seems was Miss Theky's Birth day, 
upon which I made her my Compliments, & wish't 
she might live twice as long a marry'd Woman as 
she had liv'd a Maid. I did not presume to pry 
into the Secret of her Age, nor was she forward to 
disclose it, for this humble Reason, lest I shou'd 
think her Wisdom fell short of her Years. She con- 
triv'd to make this day of her Birth a day of Mourn- 
ing, for having nothing better at present to set her 
Affections upon, she had a Dog that was a great 
Favourite. It happened that very Morning the 
poor Curr had done something very uncleanly upon 
the Colo's Bed, for which he was condemn'd to 
dye. However, upon her entreaty, she got him a 
Reprieve; but was so concern'd that so much se- 
verity shou'd be intended on her Birth day, that 
she was not to be comforted; and lest such another 
Accident might Oust the poor Curr of his Clergy, 
she protested she would board out her Dog at 
a Neighbour's House, where she hoped he wou'd 
be more kindly treated. Then the Colo, and I took 

362 COLONEL WILLIAM EYED [1732, Sept. 

another turn in the Garden, to discourse farther on 
the Subject of Iron. He was very frank in com- 
municating all his dear-bought Experience to me, 
and told me very civily he wou'd not only let me 
into the whole Secret, but wou'd make a Journey 
to James River, and give me his faithful Opinion 
of all my Conveniences. For his part he wisht 
there were many more Iron works in the Country, 
provided the partys concerned wou'd preserve a 
constant Harmony among themselves, and meet 
and consult frequently, what might be for their 
common Advantage. By this they might be better 
able to manage the "Workmen, and reduce their 
Wages to what was just and reasonable. After 
this frank Speech, he began to explain the whole 
charge of an Iron-work. He said, there ought at 
least to be an Hundred Negroes employ'd in it, 
and those upon good Land would make Corn, and 
raise Provisions enough to support themselves and 
the Cattle, and do every other part of the Busi- 
ness. That the Furnace might be built for 700, 
and made ready to go to work, if I went the near- 
est way to do it, especially since coming after so 
many, I might correct their Errors and avoid their 
Miscarriages. That if I had Oar and Wood 
enough, and a convenient Stream of Water to set 
the Furnace upon, having neither too much nor too 
little Water, I might undertake the Affair with a 
full Assurance of Success. Provided the distance 
of Carting be not too great, which is exceedingly 
burdensome. That there must be abundance of 
Wheel Carriages, shod with Iron, and several 

1732, Sept.] A PROGRESS TO THE MINES 363 

Teams of Oxen, provided to transport the Wood 
that is to be coal'd, and afterwards the Coal and 
Oar to the Furnace, and last of all the Sow Iron to 
the nearest Water Carriage, and carry back Lime- 
stone & other necessarys from thence to the 
Works ; and a Sloop also would be useful to carry 
the Iron on Board the Ships, the Masters not being 
always in the Humour to fetch it. Then he enu- 
merated the people that were to be hired, viz.: a 
Founder, a Mine-raiser, a Collier, a Stock-taker, a 
Clerk, a Smith, a Carpenter, a Wheelwright, and 
Several Carters. That these altogether will be a 
Standing charge of about 500 a Year. That the 
amount of Freight, Custom, Commission and other 
Charges in England, comes to 27/ a Tun. But 
that the Merchants yearly find out means to in- 
flame the Account with New Articles, as they do 
in those of Tobacco. That, upon the whole mat- 
ter, the Expences here and in England may be 
computed modestly at 3 a Tun. And the rest 
that the Iron sells for will be clear gain, to pay for 
the Land and Negros, which tis to be hoped will 
be 3 more for every Tun that is sent over. As 
this Account agreed pretty near with that which 
Mr. Chi swell had given me, I set it down (not- 
withstanding it may seem a Repetition of the same 
thing) to prove that both these Gentlemen were 
sincere in their Representations. We had a Mich- 
aelmas Goose for Dinner, of Miss Theky's own 
raising, who was now goodnatur'd enough to for- 
get the Jeopardy of her Dog. In the afternoon 
we walkt in a Meadow by the River side, which 

364 COLONEL WILLIAM EYED [1732, Sept. 

winds in the form of a Horseshoe about Germanna, 
making it a Peninsula, containing about 400 Acres. 
Rappahanock forks about 14 Miles below this place, 
the Northern Branch being the larger, and conse- 
quently must be the River that bounds My Lord 
Fairfax's Grant of the Northern Neck. 

30. The Sun rose clear this Morning, and so did 
I, and finisht all my little Affairs by Breakfast. 
It was then resolv'd to wait on the Ladys on Horse- 
back, since the bright Sun, the fine Air, and the 
wholesome Exercise, all invited us to it. We 
forded the River a little above the Ferry, and rode 
6 Miles up the Neck to a fine Level piece of Rich 
Land, where we found about 20 Plants of Ginseng, 
with the Scarlet Berrys growing on the top of the 
Middle Stalk. The Root of this is of wonderful 
Yertue in many Cases, particularly to raise the 
Spirits and promote Perspiration, which makes it 
a Specifick in Colds and Coughs. The Colo, com- 
plemented me with all we found, in return for my 
telling him the Yertues of it. We were all pleas'd 
to find so much of this King of Plants so near the 
Colonel's habitation, and growing too upon his 
own Land; but were, however, surprized to find it 
upon level Ground, after we had been told it grew 
only upon the North Side of Stony Mountains. I 
carry'd home this Treasure, with as much Joy, as 
if every Root had been a Graft of the Tree of Life, 
and washt and dry'd it carefully. This Airing 
made us as Hungry as so many Hawks, so that 
between Appetite and a very good Dinner, twas 
difficult to eat like a Philosopher. In the After- 

1732, Sept.] A PROGRESS TO THE MINES 365 

noon the Ladys walkt me about amongst all their 
little Animals, with which they amuse themselves, 
and furnish the Table; the worst of it is, they are 
so tender-hearted, they Shed a Silent Tear every 
time any of them are kill'd. At Night the Colo, 
and I quitted the threadbare Subject of Iron, and 
changed the Scene to Politicks. He told me the 
Ministry had receded from their demand upon New 
England, to raise a standing Salary for all suc- 
ceeding Governors, for fear some curious Members 
of the House of Commons shou'd enquire How the 
Money was dispos'd of, that had been rais'd in the 
other American Colonys for the Support of their 
Governors. And particularly what becomes of the 
4i p cent., paid in the Sugar Colonys for that pur- 
pose. That Duty produces near 20,000 a Year, 
but being remitted into the Exchequer, not one of 
the West India Governors is paid out of it; but 
they, like Falcons, are let loose upon the People, 
who are complaisant enough to settle other 
Revenues upon them, to the great impoverishing 
of these Colonys. In the mean time, tis certain 
the money rais'd by the 4i p cent, moulders away 
between the Minister's Fingers, no body knows 
how, like the Quitrents of Virginia. And tis for 
this Reason that the Instructions, forbidding all 
Governors to accept of any presents from their 
Assemblys, are dispensed with in the Sugar Islands, 
while tis strictly insisted upon every where else, 
where the Assemblys were so wise as to keep their 
Revenues among themselves. He said further, 
that if the Assembly in New England would stand 

366 COLONEL WILLIAM BYRD [1732, Sept. 

Bluff, he did not see how they cou'd be forct to 
raise Money against their Will, for if they shou'd 
direct it to be done by Act of Parliament, which 
they have threaten' d to do, (though it be against 
the Right of Englishmen to be taxt, but by their 
Representatives,) yet they wou'd find it no easy 
matter to put such an Act in Execution. Then the 
Colonel read me a Lecture upon Tar, affirming that 
it cant be made in this warm Clymate, after the 
manner they make it in Sweden and Muscovy, by 
barking the Tree 2 Yards from the Ground, 
whereby the Turpentine descends all into the Stump 
in a Year's time, which is then split in pieces in 
order for the Kiln. But here the Sun fries out the 
Turpentine in the Branches of the Tree, when the 
leaves are dry'd, and hinders it from descending. 
But, on the Contrary, those who burn Tar of Light- 
wood in the common way, and are careful about it, 
make as good as that which comes from the East 
Country, nor will it burn the Cordage more than 
that dos. Then we enter'd upon the Subject of 
Hemp, which the Colonel told me he never cou'd 
raise here from foreign Seed, but at last sow'd the 
Seed of Wild Hemp, (which is very common in the 
upper parts of the Country) and that came up very 
thick. That he sent about 500 H>s. of it to Eng- 
land, and that the Commissioners of the Navy, 
after a full tryall of it, reported to the Lords of 
the Admiralty, that it was equal in goodness to 
the best that comes from Riga. I told him if our 
Hemp were never so good, it would not be worth 
the making here, even tho' they shou'd continue 

1732, Oct.] A PROGRESS TO THE MINES 367 

the Bounty. And my Reason was, because labour 
is not more than two pence a day in the East 
Country where they produce Hemp, and here we 
cant compute it at less than Ten Pence, which 
being five times as much as their Labour, and con- 
sidering besides, that our Freight is 3 times as 
dear as theirs, the Price that will make them rich 
will ruin us, as I have found by wofull Experience. 
Besides, if the King, who must have the Refusal, 
byys our Hemp, the Navy is so long in paying both 
the price and the Bounty, that we who live from 
Hand to Mouth cant afford to wait so long for it. 
And then our good Friends, the Merchants, load it 
with so many charges, that they run away with 
great part of the profit themselves. Just like the 
Bald Eagle, which after the Fishing Hawk has 
been at great pains to catch a Fish, pounces upon 
and takes it from him. Our conversation was 
interrupted by a Summons to Supper, for the Ladys, 
to shew their power, had by this time brought us 
tamely to go to Bed with our Bellys full, thou' we 
both at first declar'd positively against it. So very 
pliable a thing is frail Man, when Women have 
the bending of him. 

Oct. 1. Our Ladys overslept themselves this Morn- 
ing, so that we did not break our Fast till Ten. We 
drank Tea made of the Leaves of Ginseng, which 
has the Vertues of the Root in a weaker Degree, 
and is not disagreeable. So Soon as we cou'd force 
our Inclinations to quit the Ladys, we took a turn 
on the Terrace walk, and di scour st upon quite a 
New Subject. The Colo, explain'd to me the dif- 


ference betwixt the Galleons and the Flota, which 
very few People know. The Galleons, it seems, 
are the Ships which bring the Treasure and other 
Rich Merchandize to Carthagene from Portobel, 
to which place it is brought over Land, from Pan- 
ama & Peru. And the Flota is the Squadron that 
brings the Treasure, &c., from Mexico and New 
Spain, which make up at La Vera Cruz. Both 
these Squadrons rendezvous at the Havanna, from 
hence they shoot the Gulph of Florida, in then- 
return to Old Spain. That this important Port of 
the Havanna is very poorly fortify'd, and worse 
garrison' d & provided, for which reason it may be 
easily taken. Besides, both the Galleons and Flota, 
being confin'd to Sail thro' the gulph, might be in- 
tercepted by our Stationing a Squadron of Men of 
War at the most convenient of the Bahama Islands. 
And that those Islands are of vast consequence 
for that purpose. He told me also that the assogue 
Ships are they that carry QuickSilver to Porto- 
bello and La Vera Cruz, to refine the Silver, and 
that, in Spanish, assogue signifys Quicksilver. 
Then my Friend unriddled to me the great mystery, 
why we have endured all the late Insolences of the 
Spaniards so tamely. The Assiento Contract, and 
the Liberty of sending a Ship every Year to the 
Spanish West Indies, make it very necessary for 
the South Sea Company to have Effects of great 
Value in that part of the World. Now these being 
always in the Power of the Spaniards, make the 
Directors of that Company very fearful of a Breach, 
and consequently very generous in their offers to 

1732, Oct.] A PKOGKESS TO THE MINES 369 

the Ministry to prevent it. For fear these worthy 
Gentlemen shou'd Suffer, the English Squadron, 
under Admiral Holier, lay Idle at the Bastimentos, 
till the Ships' Bottoms were eaten out by the 
Worm, and the Officers and Men, to the number 
of 5000, dyed like Rotten sheep, without being 
suffer'd, by the Strictest Orders, to Strike one 
Stroke, tho' they might have taken both the Flota 
and Galleons, and made themselves Masters of the 
Havanna into the Bargain, if they had not been 
chain'd up from doing it. All this Moderation, 
our peaceable Ministry shew'd even at a tune when 
the Spaniards were furiously attacquing Gibraltar, 
and taking all the English Ships they could, both in 
Europe and America, to the great and Everlasting 
Reproach of the British Nation. That some of 
the Ministry, being tired out with the Clamours of 
the Merchants, declared their Opinion for War, 
and while they entertain'd those Sentiments they 
pitch't upon him, Colo. Spotswood, to be Governor 
of Jamaica, that by his Skill and Experience in the 
Art Military, they might be the better able to exe- 
cute their design of taking the Havanna. But the 
Courage of these worthy Patriots soon cool'd, and 
the Arguments us'd by the South Sea Directors, 
perswaded them once again into more pacifick 
Measures. When the Scheme was drop't, His Gov- 
ernment of Jamaica was drop't at the same time, 
and then General Hunter was judg'd fit enough to 
rule that Island in time of peace. After this the 
Colo, endeavour'd to convince me that he came 
fairly by his Place of PostMaster-General, not- 


withstanding the Report of some Evil dispos'd 
persons to the Contrary. The case was this, Mr. 
Hamilton, of New Jersey, who had formerly had 
that Post, wrote to Colo. Spotswood, in England, 
to favour him with his Interest to get it restor'd to 
him. But the Colo, considering wisely that Char- 
ity began at Home, instead of getting the Place 
for Hamilton, secured it for a better Friend: tho', 
as he tells the Story, that Gentleman was abso- 
lutely refus'd, before he spoke the least good word 
for himself. 

2. This being the day appointed for my depar- 
ture from hence, I pack't up my Effects in good 
time; but the lad'ys, whose dear compan'ys we 
were to have to the Mines, were a little tedious in 
their Equipment. However, we made a Shift to 
get into the Coach by ten a'clock; but little Mas- 
ter, who is under no Government, would by all 
means go on Horseback. Before we set out I gave 
Mr. Russel the Trouble of distributing a Pistole 
among the Servants, of which I fancy the Nurse 
had a pretty good share, being no small Favorite. 
We drove over a fine Road to the Mines, which lye 
13 Measured Miles from the Germanna, each mile 
being mark't distinctly upon the Trees. The Colo, 
has a great deal of Land in his Mine tract exceed- 
ingly barren, and the growth of Trees upon it is 
hardly big enough for Coaling. However, the 
Treasure under Ground makes amends, and ren- 
ders it worthy to be his Lady's Jointure. We 
lighted at the Mines, which are a Mile nearer to 
Germanna than the Furnace. They raise abun- 

1732, Oct.] A PROGRESS TO THE MINES 371 

dance of Oar there, great part of which is very 
Eich. We saw his Engineer blow it up after the 
following Manner. He drill'd a hole about 18 
Inches deep, humouring the Situation of the Mine. 
When he had dryed it with a Rag fastened to a 
worm, he charged it with a Cartridge containing 4 
Ounces of Powder, including the Priming. Then 
he ramm'd the Hole up with soft Stone to the very 
Mouth; after that he pierced thro' all with an Iron 
called a Primer, which is taper and ends in a Sharp 
point. Into the hole the Primer makes the Priming 
is put, which is fired by a paper moisten'd with a 
Solution of SaltPetre. And this burns leizurely 
enough, it seems, to give tune for the Persons con- 
cerned to retreat out of Harm's way. All the 
Land hereabouts seems pav'd with Iron Oar; so 
that there seems to be enough to feed a Furnace 
for many Ages. From hence we proceeded to the 
Furnace, which is built of rough Stone, having 
been the first of that kind erected in the Country. 
It had not blown for Several Moons, the Colo, 
having taken off great part of his People to carry 
on his Air Furnace at Massaponux. Here the 
Wheel that carry'd the Bellows was no more than 
20 Feet Diameter; but was an Overshot Wheel 
that went with little Water. This was necessary 
here, because Water is something Scarce, notwith- 
standing tis supply'd by 2 Streams, One of which 
is conveyed 1900 Feet thro' wooden Pipes, and the 
other 60. The Name of the Founder employed at 
present is one Godfrey, of the Kingdom of Ireland, 
whose Wages are 3/6 $ Tun for all the Iron he 


runs, and his provisions. This Man told me that 
the best Wood for Coaling is red Oak. He Com- 
plain'd that the Colo. Starves his Works out of 
Whimsicalness and Frugality, endeavouring to do 
every thing with his own people, and at the same 
time taking them off upon every Yagary that 
comes into his Head. Here the Cole carts dis- 
charge their Load at folding Doors, made at the 
Bottom, which is sooner done, and Shatters the cole 
less. They carry no more than 110 Bushels. The 
Colo, advised me by all means to have the coal 
made on the same side of the River with the Fur- 
nace, not only to avoid the Charge of Boating and 
Baggs, but likewise to avoid breaking of the coals, 
and making them less fit for use. Having pick't 
the Bones of a Surloin of Beef, we took leave of 
the Ladys, and rode together about 5 Miles, where 
the Roads parted. The Colo, took that to Massa- 
ponux, which is 15 Miles from his Furnace, and 
very level, and I that to Fredericksburgh, which 
cant be less than 20. I was a little benighted, and 
should not have seen my way, if the Lightening, 
which flash't continually in my Face, had not be- 
friended me. I got about seven a'clock to Colonel 
Harry Willis's, a little moisten 5 d with the Rain; 
but a Glass of good Wine kept my Pores open, 
and prevented all Rheums and Defluxions for that 

3. I was oblig'd to rise Early here, that I might 
not starve my Landlord, whose constitution requires 
him to Swallow a Beef Steak before the Sun blesses 
the World with its genial Rays. However, he was 

1732, Oct.] A PROGRESS TO THE MINES 373 

so complaisant as to bear the gnawing of his 
Stomach, till 8 a'Clock for my Sake. Colo. Waller, 
after a Score of loud Hems to clear his Throat, 
broke his fast along with us. When this neces- 
sary affair was despatched, Col. Willis walk't 
me about his Town of Fredericksburgh. It is 
pleasantly situated on the South Shore of Rap- 
pahannock River, about a Mile below the Falls. 
Sloops may come up and lye close to the Wharf, 
within 30 Yards of the Public Warehouses, which 
are built in the figure of a Cross. Just by the 
Wharf is a Quarry of White Stone that is very 
soft in the Ground, and hardens in the Air, appear- 
ing to be as fair and fine grain'd as that of Port- 
land. Besides that, there are several other Quarrys 
in the River Bank, within the Limits of the Town, 
sufficient to build a great City. The only Edifice 
of Stone yet built is the Prison; the Walls of 
which are strong enough to hold Jack Sheppard, 
if he had been transported thither. Tho' this be a 
commodious and beautiful Situation for a Town, 
with the Advantages of a Navigable River, and 
wholesome Air, yet the Inhabitants are very few. 
Besides Colo. Willis, who is the top man of the 
place, there are only one Merchant, a Taylor, a 
Smith and an Ordinary keeper ; though I must not 
forget Mrs. Levistone, who Acts here in the Double 
Capacity of a Doctress and Coffee Woman. And 
were this a populous City, she is qualify 'd to exer- 
cise 2 other callings. Tis said the Court-house 
and the Church are going to be built here, and 
then both Religion and Justice will help to en- 


large the Place. 2 Miles from this place is a 
Spring 1 strongly impregnated with Alom, and so is 
the Earth all about it. This water dos wonders 
for those that are afflicted with a Dropsy. And 
on the other side the Kiver, in King George 
County, 12 Miles from hence, is another Spring of 
strong Steel water, as good as that at Tunbridge 
Wells. Not far from this last Spring are Eng- 
land's Iron Mines, call'd so from the Chief Man- 
ager of them, tho' the Land belongs to Mr. 
Washington. These Mines are 2 miles from the 
Furnace, and Mr. Washington raises the Oar, and 
Carts it thither for 20/ the Tun of Iron that it 
yields. The Furnace is built on a Run, which dis- 
charges its waters into Potomeck. And when the 
Iron is cast, they Cart it about 6 Miles to a Land- 
ing on that Kiver. Besides Mr. Washington and 
Mr. England, there are several other Persons, in 
England, concerned in these Works. Matters are 
very well managed there, and no Expence is spared 
to make them profitable, which is not the case in 
the works I have already mention'd. Mr. England 
can neither write nor read; but without those 
helps, is so well skill' d in Iron works, that he dont 
only carry on this Furnace, but has likewise the 
Chief Management of the Works at Principia, at 
the head of the Bay, where they have also erected 
a Forge & make very good Bar Iron. Colo. Willis 
had built a Flue to try all sorts of Oar in, which 
was contriv'd after the following manner. It was 
built of Stone 4 foot Square with an Iron grate 
fixed in the Middle of it for the Fire to lye upon. 

1732, Oct.] A PROGRESS TO THE MINES 375 

It was open at the Bottom, to give a free passage 
to the Air up to the Grate. Above the Grate was 
another Opening that carry'd the Smoke into a 
chimney. This makes a Draught upward, and the 
fire Rarifying the air below, makes another draught 
underneath, which causes the fire to burn very 
fiercely, and Melt any Oar in the Crucibles that 
are set upon the Fire. This was erected by a 
Mason call'd Taylor, who told me he built the 
Furnace at Frederickville, and came in for that 
purpose at 3/ 6 a day, to be paid Him from the 
tune he left his House in Gloucestershire, to the 
tune he returned thither again, unless he chose 
rather to remain in Virginia after he had done his 
Work. It happen'd to be Court day here, but the 
Rain hinder'd all but the most quarrelsome People 
from coming. The Colo, brought 3 of his Brother 
Justices to dine with us, namely, John Taliefero, 
Majr Lightf oot, & Captain Green, and in the Even- 
ing Parson Kenner edify'd us with his Company, 
who left this Parish for a better, without any re- 
gard to the poor Souls he had half saved, of the 
Flock he abandon'd. 

4. The Sun rising very bright, invited me to leave 
this Infant City; accordingly, about ten, I took 
leave of my Hospitable Landlord, and persuaded 
parson Kenner to be my Guide to Massaponux, 
lying 5 Miles off, where I had agreed to meet Colo. 
Spotswood. We arriv'd there about 12, and found 
it a very pleasant and commodious Plantation. 
The Colo, receiv'd us with open Arms, and carry'd 
us directly to his Air Furnace, which is a very in- 


genious and profitable contrivance. The use of it 
is to melt his Sow Iron, in Order to cast it into 
sundry Utensils, such as Backs for Chimneys, 
Andirons, Fenders, Plates for Hearths, Pots, Mor- 
tars, Rollers for Gardeners, Skillets, Boxes for 
Cart Wheels; and many other things, which, one 
with another, can be afforded at 20 f a Tun, and 
deliver'd at People's own Homes. And, being 
cast from the Sow Iron, are much better than those 
which come from England, which are cast im- 
mediately from the Oar for the most part. Mr 
Flowry is the Artist that directed the Building of 
this Ingenious Structure, which is contrived after 
this Manner. There is an Opening about a foot 
Square for the fresh Air to pass thro' from with- 
out. This leads up to an Iron Grate that holds 
about half a Bushel of Sea Coal, and is about 6 
foot higher than the opening. When the Fire is 
kindled, it rarifys the Air in such a Manner as 
to make a very strong Draught from without. 
About too foot above the Grate is a hole that 
leads into a kind of Oven, the Floor of which is 
laid Shelving towards the Mouth. In the Middle 
of this Oven, on one Side, is another hole that 
leads into the Funnel of a Chimney, about 40 foot 
high. The Smoak mounts up this way, drawing 
the Flame after it with so much force, that in less 
than an hour it melts the Sows of Iron that are 
thrust towards the upper end of the Oven. As the 
Mettal melts it runs towards the Mouth into a hol- 
low place, out of which the Potter lades it in Iron 
Ladles, in order to pour it into the Several Moulds 

1732, Oct.] A PROGRESS TO THE MINES 377 

just by. The Mouth of the Oven is Stopt close with a 
Moveable stone Shutter, which he removes so soon 
as he perceives, thro' the peep holes, that the Iron is 
melted. The inside of the Oven is lined with soft 
Bricks, made of Sturbridge or Windsor Clay, be- 
cause no other will endure the intense heat of the 
Fire. And over the Floor of the Oven they strew 
sand taken from the Land, and not from the Water 
side. This Sand will melt the 2d Heat here, but 
that which they use in England will bear the fire 4 
or 5 times. The Potter is also oblig'd to Plaister 
over his Ladles with the same Sand moisten'd, to 
save them from melting. Here are 2 of these Air 
Furnaces in one Room, that so in case one want 
repair, the other may work, they being exactly 
of the same Structure. The Chimneys and other 
outside work of this building are of Free-Stone, 
rais'd near a Mile off, on the Colonel's own land. 
And were built by his Servant, whose Name is 
Kerby, a very compleate Workman. This Man 
disdains to do any thing of rough work, even where 
neat is not required, lest any one might say here- 
after, Kerby did it. The Potter was so complai- 
sant as to shew me the whole Process, for which I 
paid him and the other Workmen my respects in 
the most agreeable way. There was a great deal 
of Ingenuity in the framing of the Moulds, wherein 
they cast the Several Utensils, but without break- 
ing them to pieces, I found there was no being let 
into that Secret. The Flakes of Iron that fall at 
the Mouth of the Oven are call'd Geets, which are 
melted over again. The Colo, told me, in my Ear, 


that Mr. Robert Gary, in England, was concerned 
with him, both in this and his other Iron works, 
not only to help support the Charge, but also to 
make Friends to the Undertaking at home. His 
Honour has settled his Cousin, Mr. Greame, here 
as PostMaster, with a Salary of 60 a Year, to re- 
ward him for having ruin'd his Estate while he 
was absent. Just by the Air Furnace stands a 
very Substantial Wharf, close to which any Vessel 
may ride in Safety. After satisfying our Eyes 
with all these Sights, we Satisfy'd our Stomachs 
with a Surloin of Beef, and then the Parson and I 
took leave of the Colo., and left our Blessing upon 
all his works. We took our way from thence to 
Major Woodford's, 7 Miles off, who lives upon a 
high Hill that affords an extended Prospect. On 
which Account tis dignify'd with the ISTame of 
Windsor. There we found Eachel Cocke, who 
stayed with her Sister some time, that she might 
not lose the use of her Tongue in this lonely Place. 
We were receiv'd graciously, and the Evening was 
Spent in talking and toping, and then the Parson 
and I were conducted to the same Apartment, the 
House being not yet finisht. 

5. The Parson slept very peaceably, and gave 
me no disturbance, so I rose fresh in the Morning, 
and did Credit to the Air by eating a hearty 
Breakfast. Then Major Woodford carry 'd me to 
the house where he cuts Tobacco. He Manufac- 
tures about 60 Hogsheads yearly, for which he 
gets after the Rate of 11 pence a Pound, and pays 
himself liberally for his Trouble. The Tobacco he 

1732, Oct.] A PROGRESS TO THE MINES 379 

cuts is long Green, which, according to its name, 
bears a very long leaf, and consequently each 
Plant is heavyer than common Sweet-scented or 
Townsend Tobacco. The worst of it is the Veins 
of the Leaf are very large, so that it loses its 
weight a good deal by Stemming. This kind of 
Tobacco is much the Fashion in these parts, and 
Jonathan Forward (who has great Interest here) 
gives a good price for it. This Sort the Major 
cuts up, and has a Man that performs it very 
handily. The Tobacco is stemm'd clean in the 
first place, and then laid straight in a Box, and 
press' d down hard by a press that gos with a Nut. 
This Box is shov'd forward towards the Knife by 
a Screw, receiving its motion from a Treadle, that 
the Engineer sets a-going with his Foot. Each 
Motion pushes the Box the exact length which the 
Tobacco ought to be of, according to the Saffron 
or oblong cut, which it seems yields one penny in 
a Pound more at London than the Square Cut, tho' 
at Bristol they are both of equal price. The Man 
strikes down the Knife once at every Motion of 
the Screw, so that his hand and foot keep exact 
pace with each other. After the Tobacco is cut in 
this Manner, tis Sifted first thro 5 a Sand Riddle, 
and then thro' a Dust Riddle, till tis perfectly 
clean. Then tis put into a tight Hogshead, and 
prest under the Nut, till it weighs about a Thou- 
sand Neat. One Man performs all the work after 
the Tobacco is stemm'd, so that the Charge bears 
no proportion to the Profit. One considerable 
Benefit from planting long Green Tobacco is, that 


tis much hardyer, and less Subject to fire than other 
sweet scented, tho' it smells not altogether so fra- 
grant. I surpriz'd Mrs. Woodford in her House- 
wifery in the meat-house, at which she blush'd as 
if it had been a Sin. We all walkt about a Mile 
in the Woods, where I shew'd them several useful 
Plants, and explained the Vertues of them. This 
Exercise, and the fine Air we breath' d in, sharpened 
our appetites so much that we had no mercy on a 
Ribb of Beef that came attended with Several other 
good things at dinner. In the afternoon, we 
tempted all the Family to go along with us to 
Major Ben. Robinson's, who lives on a high Hill, 
call'd Moon's Mount, about 5 Miles off. On the 
Road we came to an Eminence, from whence we 
had a plain View of the Mountains, which seem'd 
to be no more than 30 Miles from us, in a straight 
line, tho', to go by the Road, it was near double 
that distance. The Sun had just time to light us 
to our Journey's End, and the Major receiv'd us 
with his usual good Humour. He has a very In- 
dustrious wife, who has kept him from Sinking by 
the Weight of Gaming & Idleness. But he is now 
reform'd from those ruinous Qualities, and by the 
help of a Clerk's place, in a Quarrelsome County, 
will soon be able to clear his old Scores. We 
drank exceeding good Cyder here, the juice of 
the White Apple, which made us talkative till ten 
a'clock, and then I was conducted to a Bed-chamber, 
where there was neither Chair nor Table ; however, 
I slept sound, and waked with strong tokens of 
Health in the Morning. 

1732, Oct.] A PROGRESS TO THE MINES 381 

6. When I got up about Sunrise, I was surpriz'd 
to find that a Fog had covered this high Hill ; but 
there is a Marsh on the other side the River that 
sends its filthy Exhalation up to the Clouds. On 
the Borders of that Morass lives Mr. Lomax, a 
Situation fit only for Frogs and Otters. After for- 
tifying myself with Toast and Cyder, and sweeten- 
ing my Lips with saluteing the Lady, I took Leave, 
and the 2 Majrs conducted me about 4 Miles on my 
"Way, as far as the Church. After that, Ben Rob- 
inson order'd his East Indian to conduct me to 
Colo. Martin's. In about ten Miles, we reacht 
Caroline Court-house, where Colo. Armstead and 
Colo. Will. Beverly, have each of 'em, erected an 
ordinary, well supply'd with Wine and other Polite 
Liquors, for the Worshipful Bench. Besides 
these, there is a Rum Ordinary for Persons of a 
more Vulgar tast. Such Liberal Supplys of 
Strong Drink often make Justice nod, and drop 
the Scales out of her hands. Eight Miles beyond 
the Ordinary, I arriv'd at Colo. Martin's, who re- 
ceiv'd me with more Gravity than I expected. But, 
upon inquiry, his Lady was Sick, which had length- 
ened his Face and gave him a very mournful Air. 
I found him in his Night-Cap and Banian, which 
is his ordinary dress in that retired part of the 
Country. Poorer Land I never saw than what he 
lives upon; but the wholesomeness of the Air, and 
the goodness of the Roads, make some amends. 
In a clear day the Mountains may be seen from 
hence, which is, in truth, the only Rarity of the 
Place. At my first Arrival, the Colo, saluted me 


with a Glass of good Canary, and soon after filled 
my Belly with good Mutton and Cauliflowers. 
Two People were as indifferent Company as a man 
and his Wife, without a little Inspiration from the 
Bottle; and then we were forced to go as far as 
the Kingdom of Ireland, to help out our Conver- 
sation. There, it seems, the Colo, had an Elder 
Brother, a Physician, who threatens him with an 
Estate some time or other; Tho' possibly it might 
come to him sooner if the Succession depended on 
the death of one of his Patients. By 8 a'Clock at 
Night we had no more to say, and I gaped wide as 
a Signal for retiring, whereupon I was conducted 
to a clean Lodging, where I would have been glad 
to exchange one of the Beds for a Chimney. 

7. This Morning Mrs. Martin was worse, so that 
there was no hopes of seeing how much she was 
alter'd. Nor was this all, but the Indisposition of 
his Consort made the Colo, intolerably grave and 
thoughtful. I prudently eat a Meat Breakfast, to 
give me Spirits for a long Journey, and a long 
Fast. My Landlord was so good as to send his 
Servant along with me, to guide me thro' all the 
turnings of a difficult way. In about 4 Miles we 
crost Mattaoponi River at Norman's Ford, and then 
Slanted down to King William County Road. 
We kept along that for about 12 Miles, as far as 
the New Brick Church. After that I took a blind 
Path, that carry'd me to several of Colo. Jones's 
Quarters, which border upon my Own. The Colo- 
nel's Overseers were all abroad, which made me 
fearful I shou'd find mine as Idle as them. But I 

1732, Oct.] A PKOGRESS TO THE MINES 383 

was mistaken, for when I came to Gravel Hall, the 
first of my Plantations in King William, I found 
William Snead (that looks after 3 of them) very 
honestly about his business. I had the Pleasure to 
see my People all well, and my Business in good 
forwardness. I visited all the 5 Quarters on that 
Side, which spent so much of my time, that I had 
no leizure to see any of those on the Other side the 
River; Tho' I discourst Thomas Tinsley, one of 
the Overseers, who informed me how matters went. 
In the Evening Tinsley conducted me to Mrs. 
Sym's House, where I intended to take up my 
Quarters. This Lady, at first Suspecting I was 
some Lover, put on a Gravity that becomes a 
Weed; but so soon as she learnt who I was, 
brighten'd up into an unusual cheerfulness and 
Serenity. She was a portly, handsome Dame, of 
the Family of Esau, and seem'd not to pine too 
much for the Death of her Husband, who was of 
the Family of the Saracens. He left a Son by her, 
who has all the Strong Features of his Sire, not 
soften'd in the least by any of hers, so that the 
most malicious of her Neighbours cant bring his 
Legitamacy in Question, not even the Parson's 
Wife, whose unruly Tongue, they say, dont Spare 
even the Reverend Doctor, her Husband. This 
Widow is a Person of a lively & cheerful Conver- 
sation, with much less Reserve than most of her 
Countrywomen. It becomes her very well, and sets 
off her other agreeable Qualities to Advantage. 
We tost off a Bottle of honest Port, which we 
Relisht with a broiPd Chicken. At Nine I retir'd 


to my Devotions, And then Slept so Sound that 
Fancy itself was Stupify'd, else I shou'd have 
dreamt of my most obliging Landlady. 

8. I moisten'd my Clay with a Quart of Milk and 
Tea, which I found altogether as great a help to 
discourse as the Juice of the Grape. The courte- 
ous "Widow invited me to rest myself there that 
good day, and go to Church with Her, but I ex- 
cus'd myself, by telling her she wou'd certainly 
spoil my Devotion. Then she civily entreated me 
to make her House my Home whenever I visited 
my Plantations, which made me bow low, and thank 
her very kindly. From thence I crost over to 
Shaccoe's, and took Thomas Tinsley for my guide, 
finding the Distance about 15 Miles. I found every 
Body well at the Falls, blessed be God, tho' the 
Bloody Flux raged pretty much in the Neighbour- 
hood. Mr. Booker had receiv'd a Letter the day 
before from Mrs. Byrd, giving an Account of great 
desolation made in our Neighbourhood, by the 
Death of Mr. Lightfoot, Mrs. Soan, Capt. Gerald 
and Colo. Henry Harrison. Finding the Flux had 
been so fatal, I desired Mr. Booker to make use of 
the following Remedy, in case it shou'd come 
amongst my People. To let them Blood immedi- 
ately about 8 Ounces ; the next day to give them a 
Dose of Indian Physic, and to repeat the Vomit 
again the Day following, unless the Symptoms 
abated. In the mean time, they shou'd eat nothing 
but Chicken Broth, and Poacht Eggs, and drink 
nothing but a Quarter of a Pint of Milk boil'd with 
a Quart of Water, and Medicated with a little 

1732, Oct.] A PROGRESS TO THE MINES 385 

Mullein Root, or that of the prickly Pear, to restore 
the Mucus of the Bowels, and heal the Excoriation. 
At the same time, I order'd him to communicate 
this Method to all the poor Neighbours, and espe- 
cially to my Overseers, with Strict Orders to use 
it on the first appearance of that Distemper, be- 
cause in that, and all other Sharp Diseases, Delays 
are very dangerous. I also instructed Mr. Booker 
in the way I had learnt of Blowing up the Rocks, 
which were now DrilPd pretty full of Holes, and 
he promised to put it in Execution. After discours- 
ing seriously with the Father about my Affairs, I 
joked with the Daughter in the evening, and about 
8 retired to my Castle, and recollected all the 
Follys of the Day, the little I had learnt, and still 
less good I had done. 

9. My long Absence made me long for the 
Domestick Delights of my own Family, for the 
Smiles of an Affectionate Wife, and the prattle of 
my Innocent Children. As soon as I sally' d out 
of my Castle, I understood that Colo. Carter's 
Samm was come, by his Master's leave, to shew my 
people how to blow up the Rocks in the Canal. 
He pretended to great Skill in that matter, but per- 
form'd very little, which however might be the 
Effect of Idleness rather than Ignorance. He 
came upon one of my Horses, which he ty'd to a 
Tree at Shacoe's, where the poor Animal kept a 
Fast of a Night and a day. Tho' this Fellow workt 
very little at the Rocks, yet my Man, Argalus, stole 
his Trade, and perform'd as well as he. For this 
good turn, I order'd Mr. Samuel half a Pistole, all 


which he laid out with a New England Man for 
Rum, and made my "Weaver and Spinning Woman, 
who has the happiness to be called his Wife, ex- 
ceedingly drunk. To punish the Varlet for all 
these Pranks, I ordered him to be banisht from 
thence for ever, under the penalty of being whipt 
home, from Constable to Constable, if he presumed 
to come again. I left my Memorandums with Mr. 
Booker, of every thing I order'd to be done, and 
mounted my Horse about ten, and in little more 
reacht Bermuda Hundred, and crost over to Colo. 
Carter's. He, like an Industrious Person, was 
gone to oversee his overseers at North Wales, 
but his Lady was at home, and kept me till Supper 
time before we went to dinner. As soon as I had 
done Justice to my Stomach, I made my honours 
to the good humour'd little Fairy, and made the 
best of my way home, where I had the great Satis- 
faction to find all that was dearest to me in good 
health, nor had any disaster happen'd in the Family 
since I went away. Some of the neighbours had 
Worm fevers, with all the Symptoms of the Bloody 
Flux; but, blessed be God! their Distempers gave 
way to proper Remedys. 





VIRGINIA the 2 of December 1735 

I am sorry your Excellency had so unhappy a Eeason 
for not honouring us with your Company at our last Genii. 
Court. The Seasonings in that moist Climate are probably 
more rude and unmercifull to Strangers than they are here, 
tho even amongst us, People sometimes meet with an in- 
different welcome. I reckon yours are as bad as Zealand 
Agues, which almost shake the bones out of joint. Never 
the less I make no doubt but the Bark will subdue them, if 
it be good, and has not undergone, a gentle Decoction before 
it came hither. But then the repeating ounce must be 
swallow' d, or the Distemper will as surely return, as speech 
to a silent woman. 

Your Excellency gives me just pleasure in the hopes of 
Kissing your hand here at Westover : the worst of it is 
those hopes sicken a little at their being so long deferred. 
I wish you had changed your air just after your Illness, and 
permitted us to nurse you into a perfect recovery. Such a 
small Excursion too, might have been some Belief to your 
cares, some truce to the Fatigue of making a stubborn 
People happy against their Wills. That is a difficult Task, 
but Prudence and moderation, a Deaf Ear to violent Coun- 
cils, & making your officers detest oppression as mortally as 
you do yourself, will go a great way towards performing it. 

I humbly thank you Sir for your kind disposition to 
favour me all you can about my Land. But I hope where 

1 These letters are selected printed as samples of Byrd's 

from a much larger number in letters through the courtesy of 

the possession of the Virginia Mr. W. G. Stannard, the soci- 

Historical Society, and are ety's efficient secretary. 


there is so much Justice there will be the less need of 
favour. I purchased my Land for a valuable consideration, 
of those who had it given them by that Government, for 
the charge & fatigue they had been at in running the Di- 
viding Line. My Patent was an Authentick Patent, signd 
by the Governour and Council, without any manner of 
Fraud, & dated too on the 9th day of December 1728 and 
the Kings Purchase was not til July 1729. For that reason 
I wonder who coud misinform your Excellency so grossly, 
as to tell you it was after the Kings right accrued. Thus I 
shall never be under any apprehension in an English Gov- 
ernment, where Truth & Justice will have a fair Hearing, 
at least not in the Administration of a Gentleman who is 
not only a Friend, but a Pattern of these Vertues. 

My Intention was to settle a little Colony up that way, 
which woud not only be a Guard to the Frontiers, but 
would encourage the takeing up of Lands in those parts. 
How that good project may be obstructed by any Cavils 
about my Title I cant tell, but I shall be cautious, til I see 
what your Court of Equity shall determine, which I wish 
may decide matters in such a manner as to deserve its Name. 

I heartily wish you may bring your good purposes into 
execution but if I know any thing of that people, I fear 
you will meet with great difficultys. Confussion is not 
easily reduced into order, nor will a high hand do it, without 
you had some Eegiment to back it. Your Excellency will 
pardon my freedom, but turning People out of their pos- 
sessions, & reducing them to beggary and dispair, is a new 
way to quiet a Country in the opinion of Sr 

Yours etc. 

To Gov r Johnston. 1 



On the back of the British Colonies on the Continent of 
America about 250 Miles from the Ocean, runs a chain of 
i Of North Carolina. 


High Mountains stretching away from the North East to 
the South, and holding near parellel with the Sea Coaste. 
Several Eivers which fall Eastward lead in these Mountains, 
as do some of the Missapippi tending towards the West. 

As the French have settlements on these Western Rivers, 
it will be greatly for their advantage, to be beforehand with 
the English in gaining possession of the Mountains, and for 
so doing (besides their encroaching Temper) they will have 
the following Temptations. First that they may make 
themselves Masters of all the Mines, with which there is 
reason to believe these Mountains abound. Amongst the 
rest, if credit may be given to the Indians, there are several 
Mines of Silver. And this is the more probable because the 
Mountains on the back of Virginia and Carolina lye in the 
same Parellel with the Mines of New Mexico. 

In the next place, that they may engross all the Trade 
with western Indians for Skins and Furrs, which besides 
being very profitable, will engage those numerous Natives 
to the French Interests, in order to Side with them against 
His Majesty >s Subjects, as those bordering upon Canada are 
already engaged to be troublesome to the Adjacent British 

And lastly that they may build Forts to command the 
Passes thro the said Mountains, whereby they will be not 
only in condition to secure their own Traffick and Settle- 
ments Westward, but also to invade the British Colonies 

from thence. Nor are these Views so distant nary as 

some may imagine, because a Scheme for that purpose was 
some years ago laid before Sieur Croisat, and approved, 
but not at that time thought ripe for execution, which I 
hope we shall not Sit Still and expect. 

These inducements to the French make it prudent for a 
British Ministry to be watchfull and prevent their Seizing 
this important Barrier. In order wherewith it may be 
proper to employ some fitt Person to reconnoitre these 
Mountains very diligently, in order to discover what Mines 
may be found there, as likewise to observe, what nations of 


Indians dwell near them, and where lye the most consid- 
erable Passes, in order to their being secured by proper 
Fortifications. And this will be the more necessary to be 
very soon done, not only to be beforehand with the French, 
but also to prevent the Negroes takeing Refuge there, as 
they do in the mountains of Jamaica, to the great annoy- 
ance of the Kings Subjects, and these will be the more 
dangerous, because the French will be always ready to 
Supply them with Arms, and to make use of them against 
us on all occasions. In the mean time it may be necessary 
to encourage Foreign Protestants to come over, and Seat 
themselves in the Valleys of these Mountains, which are 
exceedingly rich, and the air perfectly wholesome. And 
the better to tempt them to it, it would be worth while to 
pass an Act of Naturalization for all such, and suffer them 
to enjoy a certain Portion of Land for each Family free from 
Quitrents for ten years, and if these coud be transported 
without charge it woud be an effectual Temptation to them, 
and no loss to Great Britain by any means. 

In the course of these Discoverys enough Ginseng may be 
gathered . . . have much better health & meet with fewer 

dimcul zards than their countrymen have done in the 

favorite Cou . . . Georgia. They may here exercise their 
industry upon every thing Genius leads them to, they may 
plant Yinyards, which nature encourages them to, by twist- 
ing a Vine round almost every Tree. They may make Silk, 
no place being more Kindly for Mulberry Trees. They 
may produce as fine Flax as any in the universe, for a 
miner Manufacture. They may raise Hemp as good as any 
from Riga, for cordage of all kinds. They may also go upon 
a Manufacture of Silk-grass, which is stronger much than 
Hemp. Nutt Oyl they may also make in what Quantity they 
please, of the great Variety of Nuts that the Woods pro- 
duce. And what may Surprise you most, I can assure you 
from Experience many times repeated, that you may make 
exceeding good Sugar from a Tree we call a Sugar Tree, 


which is very plenty in these parts. This Tree they tap in 
the spring and a sweet Liquor issues from the wound that 
may be boild into Sugar, and I question not but a Spirit 
may be drawn from it equal to Arrack. Many more Im- 
provements may be made in that fine part of the Country, 
but I shall mention no more but only that of Provisions of 
every kind, which may be produced with little Labour in 
the greatest Plenty. It is a fine Place for Cattle and Hoggs, 
for Sheep and Goats, and particularly there is a large Crea- 
ture of the Beef Kind, but much larger, called a Buffalo, 
which may be bred up tame, and is good both for Food and 
Labour. Then the Ground will produce any Grain you 
please with a Surprizing Increase, besides Potatoes and Peas 
of various Kinds, that are very wholesome and nourishing. 
Then you may have Fruit in great plenty of every Sort, 
and every thing that grows in a Garden as good as the 
world affords. Then there is Water as clear as Crystal and 
as sweet as milk, and pleasant Streams for any Kind of 
Mills. Besides all these advantages above Ground, there 
are many promising Shews of Mines . . . Quarrys of Marble 
upon the Hills. In one word there is nothing . . . deserves 

the name I have given it of the Land of Eden est 

People of Europe did not Know, what a Blessed Ketreat 
they ... in this Upper Country, they woud come over to 
it in great Flocks, as Wild Pigeons fly over it, which some 
times darken the Sky. If you can give .. edit to the Account 
(which is by no means Komantick) I hope you will not 
defer bringing your little Colony over in the Fall to take 
possession of So fine a Place. 

I had much rather have to do with the honest Industrious 
Switzers, than the mixt People that come from Pennsyl- 
vania, especially when they are to be conducted by so pru- 
dent a Person as yourself. I shall wait for your answer, (if 
any thing shoud retard your comeing,) till the Spring, be- 
fore I will make any Steps towards disposeing of this Land, 
which I have offerd preferably to you, and if you hold your 


Resolution of bringing over your People, whether you think 
fit to embrace my Offer or not, you may depend upon all 
the good Offices in the world from your etc. 

P. S. 

You need not trouble your Self to bring Mill Stones, there 
being Stone very proper to make them. You must there- 
fore only have men that understand how to work them out 
of the Stone. At first the People need have no other than 
Hand mills, which will be made with little trouble. In 
short bring as few cumbersome Things as you can, because 
of the Land Carriage, and nothing that your men can make 
here upon the Spot. Only they must bring Tools, and Arms 
and Ammunition besides their necessary cloaths. 

To M r Ochs. 

VIRGINIA the 10th of Octo b 1735 

If my Dear Cousen Taylor be not a little Indulgent, She 
will be apt to think me a troublesome Correspondent this 
year. It's now the fourth time I have broke in upon her 
meditation, which is pretty fair for one who lives quite out 
of the Latitude of news, nor can pick up one dash of Scan- 
dal to season a letter withall. Tis a mighty misfortune for 
an Epistolizer not to live near some great city like London 
or Paris, where people play the fool in a well bred way, & 
furnish their neighbours with discourse. In such Places 
storys rowle about like Snow balls, and gather variety of 
pretty circumstances in their way, till at last they tell 
very well, & serve as a good entertainment for a country 

But alas what can we poor Hermits do who know of no 
Intrigues, but such as are carryd on by the Amorous Turtles, 
or some such innocent Lovers ? Our vices & disorders want 
all that wit & refinement, which make them palatable to 
the fine world. We are unskild in the Arts of making our 

follys agreable, nor can we dress up the D so much to 

advantage, as to make him pass for an Angel of light. 
Therefore without a little invention, it would not be pos- 


sible for one of us anchorites to carry on a tolerable corre- 
spondence, but like French Historians, where we dont meet 
with pretty incidents, we must e'en make them, and lard a 
little truth with a great deal of Fiction. 

Perhaps you will think the story I am going to tell you 
of this poetical Sort. We have here an Italian Bona Roba, 
whose whole study is to make her Person Charming, which 
to be sure will sound very Strangely in the Ears of our 
English Lady. Those who understand Physognomy suspect 
this Dear Creature has been a Venetian Cortezan, because 
her whole mein & every motion prove she has been traind 
up in the art of pleaseing. She does not only practice 
Graces at her glass, but by her skill in opticks, has in- 
structed her Eyes to reflect their Rays in a very mischie- 
vous manner. In a word she knows how to make the most 
of every part that composes her Lovely Frame, as you will 
see by the harmless adventure that follows. 

You must know the two little Hillocks in her Bosome 
have lost a pretty deal of their natural firmness & elasticity, 
this is reacond a disadvantage to a fine Keck, but she has an 
invention to brace them up again to a maiden Protuberancy. 
She has a Silver Pipe made so exceedingly small at one end, 
that 'twill enter the narrow orifice of the nipple. At the 
other end of the Tube her Fille de Chambre blows with all 
her might, til the Breast swells & struts like any blown 
Bladder. This is no sooner performed, but a composition 
of Wax Rosin and Spanish brown is nimbly applyd to hinder 
the imprisond wind from escaping. Thus she preserves all 
the Charms of the Horizontal chest, without the German 
artifice of bolstering it up with a dozen of Napkins, that if 
any of the monsters with eight legs and no eyelids should 
presume to stray that way, she may fairly crack them 
upon it. 

But as no human Skil is ever so perfect, as to be secure 
from misadventure, so you will be sorry for what befel this 
Gentlewoman one day at a Ball. It happend that she had 
deckt herself with all her artificial ornaments, but the 


warmth of the weather, joind with the agility of her motion, 
occasiond so copious a perspiration that it softend and 
dissolvd the cement smeared upon her Mammels. By this 
accident the doors being set open, the wind unluckily rusht 
forth, as fast as it well coud do, thro' so narrow a channel 
& produced a sound that was a little unseemly, and that too 
not in seperate notes, but with a long winded Blast, which 
a genius to musick might have modulated into a Tune. It 
is not easy to tell you, whether the Company was more 
diverted, or the Signora more confounded at this accident : 
but so much is certain, that we were all Surprized at the 
unusual length of the noise, and the quarter from whence 
it Sallyd out. We vertuosos took her immediately for one 
of those Belly-speakers whose gift it is to make a voice seem 
to rise out of any part of the Body. The religious part of 
the company, which consisted chiefly of old women, con- 
cluded her to be a Demonaique, in the power of some evil 
spirit, who chose to play his Gambols in so fair an Habita- 
tion. While we were taken up in debating upon this un- 
common event, the unfortunate Person slunk away thro' 
the crowd, & has never appeard out of her Doors since. 
[To Mrs. Taylor. 1 ] 

LONDON the 29th of July 1723. 

You must surely be mistaken when you reproach me with 
haveing receivd no more than one letter from me this year. 
I have you so frequently in my thoughts, that tis impossible 
but they must have had vent oftener than you mention. I 
can assure you Love has no more such violent operation 
upon me, as to engage all my thoughts ; there is room left 
for a Friend, especially for one I have so much regard and 
affection for as Yourself. Our dear Country inclines you 

1 This Mrs. Taylor seems to hers to him, which is preserved 

have been the widow of a bro- with his letters at Brandon, 

therofByrd's second wife. Al- is a remarkably prudent and 

though his letters to her are in finely interesting communi- 

a free and easy tone, one of cation. 


all so much to that tender Passion, that you fancy we who 
are in a colder clymate are as universally heated with it 
as your selves. For my part I can wash my hands in Inno- 
cence, and assure you that my Eeason begins at last to get 
the better of my Inclination. I can figure to my self now, 
that I see you put on a Sardinian Smile, and tell me, that 
I am more indebted to my age for this deliverance, than to 
my understanding. But you are deluded my Dear major, 
if you fancy this, and I have the pleasure to tell you very 
feelingly, that my fancy was more vigorous formerly, but 
not my constitution. I find by blessed Experience, that 
age ought not to be computed by the number of our years, 
but by the decay of our Persons, as a Building is not prop- 
erly old that has stood a great while, unless it be grown 
ruinous & out of Repair. Indeed time will wear out every 
thing at last, but some antidiluvian constitutions with the 
help of Temperance & Regularity will hold out a long time. 
Nobody would have had the confidence to call one of the 
Patriarchs old at 500, because at that age he was in truth 
hardly the worse for wearing : but was in the bloom of his 
beauty, and full vigour of his Strength. A man was in 
those happy days reacond at the years of discretion at a 
hundred, and a Woman at about 150. It was then Felony 
by the Law, to have carnal knowledge whether lawfull or 
unlawfull with a Miss under Fourscore, which was then the 
time of Puberty, when her Breasts began to swell, and her 
Fancy to be inflamed. Then it was that Boys went into 
Breeches about 40, Girles continued in hanging sleeves til 
50, and plaid with their Babys til Threescore. Age should 
therefore be dated from the Declension of our vigour, & 
the impairing of our Facultys, rather than from the time 
we have livd in the world. Otherwise a batterd Debouched, 
(like some of our dear countrymen) that is worn out at 40, 
would be as young, as an orderly Heart of oak, who long 
after that retains all the strength & gaity of youth, and is 
able to render to the Ladys very handsome Justice. After 
the weddings you mention, I shan't be surprizd if I hear 


that the Comissary is marryd, whose Heart I suppose is now 
at rest, and now the facultys of his mind have more leizure, 
the facultys of his body will want to be employd. But the 
match in the world that woud most delight me, woud be 
that betwixt you and some charming nymph, that might by 
her fine Qualitys reconcile you to the Sex. 

The man of War in which I am to come over is built, and 
launched, and will be fitted, and sail early in the Spring. 
But Sir my inclination to see you is so very Strong, that I 
believe I shall hardly have the patience to tarry so long. 
I am deliberating whether I shall come over in capt. Ran- 
dolph's ship, which has so much the ayr of a man of War, 
that no modest Pyrate will venture to attaque Her. 

I suppose your Tobacco debt from me is long since satis- 
fyed, which makes me wonder I receive no Tobacco from 
those Tenants. I must in treat the favour of you to let Mr. 
Banister know, how much is due from them, that they 
not [sic] run more in arrear than they will ever be able 
to pay. 

Mr. Perry charges to my account several articles of money 
paid for things which have accrued since the death of Colo- 
nel Park. I herewith send you a copy of them, that you 
may be convinced they belong not to me to pay, as you will 
find by reading over the last Paragraph of my articles with 
you. By that I am obliged to pay all debts due at Colonel 
Parkes death, and not any that have accrued since. I have 
let Mr. Perry know I will by no means allow them, but he 
must apply himself to those who by the will are obliged to 
pay the Debts. So that I suppose you will hear from him 
upon that Subject. For my part I have paid more by 
1000 than appeard in the list of debts which was sent me 
before I contracted with you : but as I had obliged my self 
thereto I submitted. But for proveing the will, & other 
matters that happend Several months after colonel Parks 
death I must desire to be excusd. The thing is so evident 
that I am confident you will at first sight perceive they 
belong not to me to discharge, and therefore I will trouble 


you no farther about it; but wish you & my Cousens 
everything that is happy. I am most assuredly 
Dear Brother 

Your most affectionate 

humble servant, 

[To John Custis.] 

NOVEMBER the 18th, 1740. 


I had your list of complaints last night which you drew 
up in the form of a letter, I suppose, to save Blushing. As 
to your first grievance of often wanting a Fire, I have this 
to say, that it was never my Intent that you should want 
one in cold weather. And if amongst so many idle Servants, 
none would make it for you upon the first complaint to me, 
that Hardship should have been remedy'd, and you might 
be convinct of this, by my finding fault with your having 
no Fire on Sunday last, and giveing directions to kindle 
one immediately, and for fear of future neglects, charged 
Tom and Joe to take care you had a Fire every night. I 
can do no more than this, unless you expected I should 
make your Fire myself. 

Then as to your being often forc't like mad People, to sit 
in the dark without a candle, I have this to say, that 
orders have been given from the beginning, to furnish you 
with one every night, and if these orders have at any time 
been disobeyed, upon the least complaint from you, that 
Grievance too would have been redresst. But I understand 
the Candles are not big enough for you. I am sorry we 
have not wax, or at least mould candles to light you in your 
Lucubrations. Had your Dear Friend Mr. Stevens supply'd 
us with more Tallow, perhaps we might have been better 
able to light up the white House with bigger candles. In 
the mean time, if such as you have, by the Judgment of two 
good men would burn an hour and a half, that is full long 
enough to read by Candle light, wch is not good for the 



Eyes, and after that Meditation and Devotion might fill up 
the rest of winter's evening. Then as to the Calamity of 
your wanting those usefull Implements of Tongs and Poker, 
that I must own is a very compassionate Case. One might 
divert ones self most usefully with them, and be no hin- 
drance at all to contemplation. But I can clear myself of 
this Impeachment too, for I remember I ordered the smyth 
to make a Pair of Tongs on purpose for You, and if you or 
your chamberfellow unluckily destroyed them it was by no 
means the fault of Yours &c. 

Mr. Procter. 1 

1 William Procter was Byrd's 
secretary and librarian. A 
number of his letters have been 
preserved. By the side of the 
above letter to him I am able, 
through the kindness of Mrs. 
W. G. Stannard, of Richmond, 
to place the following from him 
to relatives in Europe : 

" WESTOVER, 1739. 
"I serve a very honorable 
and virtuous Master . . . For 
the time being I live as happily, 
if not it is my own fault, as my 
worthy master himself. He is 
very communicative in conver- 
sation, and lets me enjoy that 
of Strangers as much as may 

well be. I am library keeper, 
and have all genteel conveni- 
ences, moreover to save me a 
risk he gives me a draught upon 
his London factor, and orders 
my clothes with his own goods 
at the English price . . . be- 
sides the kindness of the family 
in having my linen made and 
mended. . . . For my future 
advantage . . . Col. Byrd will 
certainly procure me a parish, 
with 100 sterling a year, if I can 
like it, or help me to commence 
as a husbandman upon land of 
my own. . . . My good master, 
indeed, frequently is pleasant 
with me, and says wh'nt I be 
at once a parson and a planter." 


To the Hon ble William Gooch Esq, His Majestys Lieuten- 
ant Governor and Commander in Chief of the Colony and 
Dominion of Virginia 

The Underwritten Commissioners appointed by your 
Honour in Obedience to the Orders of his Majesty in his 
Privy Council of the 29th of November 1733 for Surveying 
and settling the Boundaries of that Tract or Territory of 
Land granted by the Crown to the Ancestors of the Right 
Honourable Thomas Lord Fairfax and under whom his 
Lordship now claims. Do humbly beg Leave to lay before 
your Honour the following Report of their Proceedings 
and the Reasons why they have not been able finally to 
determine the said Boundaries according to his Majestys 
royal Intentions. 

After we had the Honour to be named Commissioners on 
the part of His Majesty, the Lord Fairfax by Mr Barradall 
his Agent signified to your Honour in Council, that if the 
King's Commissioners were Members of the Council, His 
Lordship was contented that the same Commissioners 
shou'd likewise Act in his behalf, without appointing any 
distinct Commissioners of his Own. This induced us to 

1 This Report is the only con- and Rappahanock, Anno, 1736," 

siderable part of the " Proceed- which Byrd wrote. The rest of 

ings of the Commissioners ap- that article is omitted because 

pointed to Lay Out the Bounds it consists chiefly of commis- 

of the Northern Neck, lying sions, depositions, and protests 

between the Rivers Potomack relating to the affair. 



wait on his Lordship with our Commission from your 
Honour, to know whether his Lordship wou'd be pleased 
to give us powers to Act for him conformable to his Maj- 
esty's Order, But we soon found His Lordship had alter'd 
his mind and now declared that he would not Submit the 
Determination of his right to any person in this Country, 
nor give any other Powers than barely to Survey the 
several Boundaries claim' d by him, and to report the Facts 
and circumstances examined into, to be laid before his 
Majesty, and soon after tendered us his Commission for 
that purpose ; This being contrary to his Lordships Petition 
and the King's Order thereupon, We judged it unbecoming 
us to receive any Powers so different to those from His 
Majesty : and for that Reason return' d it to Him 

His Lordship therefore thought fit to appoint three 
Commissioners on his own part, namely Charles Carter, 
William Beverly & William Fairfax Esquires 

These Gentlemen we met at Fredericks burg near the 
Head of Rappahannock River on the 25th of September 
1736 And after the Commissions on each Side had been 
produc'd and read, We observed that his Lordships Com- 
missioners had no Authority given them to determine any 
thing concerning his Lordship's Bounds. We made the 
proper Objections thereto as being inconsistent with his 
Majesty's Order. But were answer'd that His Lordship 
wou'd by no means leave the Decision of the Controversy 
to any Commissioners whatsoever : When we understood 
this, we found Ourselves under a Necessity either to return 
Home without doing any thing, whereby His Majesty's 
gracious purpose would have been wholly disappointed, or 
else by the Latitude which our Commission gave us to 
drive the Nail that wou'd go, and join with them in obtain- 
ing a full and faithfull State of the Facts in Order to be 
laid before His Majesty, Thus far we yielded to Act in 
Conjunction with the Lord Fairfaxes Commissioners, altho' 
they were not required by their Commissions to act in 
Conjunction with us. 


After this, We desired to know of my Lords Commis- 
sioners what they demanded in his Lordships Name as the 
Bounds of his grant? To which they answer' d, that he 
claimed all the Land contain' d within the South Branch of 
Rappahannock River, and the main branch of Potowmack 
as high as the head Springs thereof. This extensive de- 
mand we apprehended would include many of the King's 
Loyal Subjects, who at a great Expence have seated them- 
selves within those Bounds under Grants from His Majesty 
and his Royal Predecessors. 

However, that the matter might be fully and fairly 
Stated, and his Lordship no longer delayed, It was agreed 
upon our Proposal, that the whole Territory claimed by 
his Lordship should be Survey' d, that so, the extent of his 
claim might the more fully appear. And that in perform- 
ing this Service, and in executing the other parts of our 
Commission, his Lordship should bear one moiety of the 

Then in Conjunction with my Lords Commissioners We 
directed the main Branch of Powtomack River called 
Cohaungorooton to be Survey'd to the head Spring thereof, 
and appointed Mr Mayo and Mr Brookes whom we thought 
Equal to the difficult Service on the part of His Majesty ; 
To these were join'd Mr Winslow and Mr Savage for the 
Lord Fairfax These being all first sworn, were order'd by 
their Several Warrants to begin at the Confluence of that 
River with Sharando, and from thence to run the Courses, 
and Measure the Distances thereof to its first Spring ; and 
of all this to return an Exact Plat, shewing all the Streams 
runing into the same on either side, together with a fair 
Copy of their Field-Notes. We also directed them to take 
the Latitude, and observe particularly where the said River 
intersects the 40th Degree 

And to enable them to perform this arduous Work, We 
allotted them a Suffecient Number of Men for their Assis- 
tance and Defence, and a Competent Quantity of Provisions 
for their Subsistence 


When these Surveyors were dispatch't, who had the 
most difficult Service to preform, We appointed Mr Graeme 
to survey and measure the South Branch of Eappahannock, 
now calFd the Eappidan from the fork to the Head Spring 
And, Mr Wood to survey and Measure the North Branch, 
call'd Eappahannock, in like manner, requiring them sev- 
erally to return us an exact plat describing all the Streams 
or Water Courses falling into each Eiver, together with a 
fair Copy of their field-Notes : and also to take an Obser- 
vation of the Latitude at the head Springs of each Kiver. 
My Lord Fairfaxes Commissioners appointed Mr Thomas 
the elder to proceed with Mr Graeme and Thomas the 
Younger with Mr Wood. We at the same time made out 
Powers to the Surveyors of the Several Countys in the 
Northern Neck, requiring them to survey and measure the 
boundaries of the Several Countys joining on the Elvers 
Eappannock & Potowmack & the Bay of Cheasepeak 

After these matters were dispatch't, the Commissioners 
on both Sides proceeded with the four Surveyors up the 
Fork of Eappahannock Eiver & causing each Branch to 
be measured, they found the North Branch to be widest 
by three Poles and Nine Links ; but indeed the South 
Branch may be allow'd to be one Pole broader than our 
Measure made it, by reason that a small Stream of that 
breadth issued from it at some distance above, and form'd 
an Island on the South Shoar 

The Depositions of John Talliaferro, Francis Thornton, 
and William Eussel were taken in the presence of the 
Commissioners on both Sides ; And then having directed 
the several Surveyors to proceed with all Diligence upon 
the Services appointed them. We parted with the Lord 
Fairfaxes Commissioners, it being agreed on both Sides, 
that until the Surveyors shou'd have made their returns, 
nothing farther cou'd be done in this Affair 

In pursuance of the Orders aforementioned the Several 
Surveyors proceeded to survey the several Eivers, And 
after encountering many difficultys have returned to us 


exact Plats of their Work, with Copys of their Field Notes 
whereby to prove the truth of their performances, All 
which we immediately directed Mr Mayo to join in one 
General Map, and the same being now compleated in a 
Masterly Manner, We beg Leave to make our Observations 
upon it : And moreover to State all the Evidence we have 
been able to procure relating to the Bounds in Dispute 

All this, We think ourselves oblig'd to do Seperately, 
and not in Conjunction with his Lordships Commissioners 
for the following Reasons, 

1st Because his Lordships Commissioners are not directed 
by their Commission to make their Report in Conjunction 
with those of his Majesty And therefore as those Gentle- 
men are at Liberty to make their Report Seperately there 
is great Reason we shou'd be so likewise 

2nd Because when we desired them to join with us in 
naming a fit person to form the general Map, they refused, 
and declared they wou'd have a distinct Map drawn by 
their own Surveyors : If then we cou'd not agree in form- 
ing the Map which was to be the foundation of the Report, 
we cou'd have little hopes to agree in the Report itself. 

As the Lord Fairfax's claim of all the Lands lying be- 
tween the Northern and Southern Branches of Rappahan- 
nock River has greatly alarmed the Inhabitants of the 
Fork, and may very much Affect their property, We shall 
in the first place State all the Facts and Evidence relating 
to that Affair 

We cannot find any Evidence that the Fork of Rappa- 
hannock River had been at all discover'd at the time that 
the Lord CoLepepper obtained his Grant, But on the 
contrary from the Evidence of John Talliaferro, Francis 
Thornton, & William Russell it appears that in the year 
1707, there were no Inhabitants on either side the River 
so high up as the falls thereof, which is about fourteen 
miles below the Fork. William Russell, who is an Old 
Man, and was produc't by the Lord Fairfax, says, he dis- 
cover'd the Fork about thirty five Years ago, as he was 


hunting, and Mr Thornton about twenty Seven Years ago, 
But these circumstances are much posterior to his Lord- 
ship's Grant. 

From the Surveys return'd to us, We cannot say which 
of these Branches is the Largest, only by the measure we 
made the North Branch was found to be widest at the 
mouth ; But from the Face of the Map, it evidently ap- 
pears, that the North Branch has more & Larger Streams 
falling into it which must occasion a greater Run of Water, 
That it lyes in a more direct Course with the main Kiver : 
And that its head Spring lyes farther from the Fork than 
any Spring belonging to the South Branch 

As the Lord Fairfax has produc'd to us no Evidence to 
support his pretension to the Southern Branch j We shall 
humbly offer the proofs in behalf of His Majesty for re- 
straining his Bounds to the North Branch in case it shall 
be allowed that his Lordship has a right to go beyond the 
Fork of the Kiver 

The North Branch has from the first discovery of it, 
been called by the name of Rappahannock in all publick 
Writings ; Whereas the South Branch about 20 years ago, 
by way of distinction, obtained the names of Rapidan j It 
has been a settled Boundary to the Countys in the North- 
ern Neck, and if the sentiments of the Legislature of this 
Colony ought to have any upweight it is Evident, the 
General Assembly were of Opinion, that the North Branch 
was the true boundary of the Proprietors Grant, For in 
the year 1720, An Act of Assembly passed for erecting the 
County of Spotsilvania, which County is particularly 
bounded on the North by the River Rappahannock, That 
is by the branch which before was made the boundary of 
the County of King George, and is the North Branch : 
And for the encouragement of settling that Frontier, the 
General Assembly the same Year did address his Late 
Majesty to exempt the Persons coming to settle there, from 
the purchasing Rights, and payment, of Quit-Rents for all 
the Lands which shou'd be taken in that County : Which 


Priviledges and advantages His said late Majesty was gra- 
ciously pleas'd to grant under some Restrictions, And upon 
this Encouragement it was, that all that Tract of Land be- 
tween the River Rappidan, and that call'd Rappahannock 
have been seated, cultivated and improved, to the great 
Benefit and general Security of the Colony, as well as the 
Encouragement of People to seat and Cultivate the Lands 
lying contiguous on the North side Rappahannock River 
to the encrease of his Lordship's Quit rents 

The Lord CoLepepper who was the Original Patentee, 
made a Grant to Brent and others dated the tenth day of 
January 1686 of a large Tract of Land to be laid off in such 
a Manner as not to come within six miles of the Rivers 
Rappahannock or Potowmack, accordingly that Distance 
was observ'd from the North Branch, which seems to be a 
Concession that it was taken by the Patentee himself from 
the beginning to be the main Branch of Rappahannock 

The first Patent in the Fork of Rappahannock was 
granted by Governor Nott in the year 1705 and altho* in 
the year 1706 Robert Carter Esqr who was then Agent for 
the Proprietors of the Northern Neck, began to contest the 
right to the Lands in the Fork of Rappahannock, Yet 
some Years afterwards he himself was so far convinc'd, 
that the Proprietors could claim no further than the North 
Branch, that he took Patents from the Crown for two 
Tracts of Land in that very Fork which the Lord Fairfax 
wou'd now claim as his, And in the Several Grants of the 
Proprietors Lands made by him which bounded on the 
North Branch, he calls it the main Run of Rappahannock 
River as will appear by two Grants made to Philip Lud- 
well Esqr 

These last mention'd Grants, we must observe, were 
passed in the Proprietors Office, where the Grantor cou'd 
have call'd that Branch by what name he pleased, and no 
doubt, he took care to call it by the right Name. The last 
instance We shall give, is, that when the aforesaid Robert 
Carter Esqr had the Honour to be Commander in Cheif of 


this Colony, upon the Death of Governor Drysdale he 
granted Land in the King's Name in the Little Fork as 
will appear by the Copy of Willis's Patent 

Thus, Sir, having stated the Facts relating to the River 
Rappahannock, We shall go on to those which relate to 
the River Potowmack, by the Deposition of Mr Thomas 
Harrison, it appears, that about fifty Years ago, which is 
pretty near the time the Lord CoLepper obtained his 
Grant from King James the Second, there were no settle- 
ments made upon that River higher than Hunting Creek : 
And that at that time he knew nothing of the Falls of the 
River himself, But he beleives he might have heard of 
them from the Hunters about that time 

The Lands at and near the Falls, were not granted till 
about the year 1709, nor can we find by any Evidence, that 
it was so much as known that the River ran thro' the great 
Ridge of Mountains till several Years after that 

By the Map, you may please to observe, that the River 
Potowmack divides itself into two Branches, just beyond 
the blue Mountains, there the main River loses its name, 
and the North Branch, which is much the larger, is call'd 
by the Indians Cohungorooton, and the other Sharando, as 
therefore the name of Potowmack ceases at this Confluence, 
and the Branches into which its Waters are divided have 
quite other Names, The Fork may not improperly be 
called the head thereof. 

In the Year 1730 a Good Number of foreign Protestants 
were encouraged by the Government to settle beyond the 
Mountains, in order to strengthen our Frontiers on that 
Side ; And they disco ver'd some distance up each of the 
aforemention'd branches, But none of these discoverys 
very far, till the Surveyor sent out by us the last Fall, 
trac'd the River Cohungorootun quite up to the Head 
Spring, which the found according to the Meanders 
thereof to be above two hundred Miles from its confluence 
with Sharando 

It is evident from the Map, that the whole distance of 


this River stretches beyond the great Ridge whereas the 
head Springs of Rappahannock reaches no higher than 
those Mountains, We therefore humbly conceive it cou'd 
never be the Intention of the late King James the Second 
to bound the Territory granted to the Lord CoLepepper by 
two Streams, one of which runs more than two hundred 
Miles higher than the other. 

This, Sir, is a full and fair State of the Case, and the 
Observations we have made thereupon, we hope will be 
thought very just, and as the Grant to the Lord CoLepep- 
per seems to have been made much in the dark, it required 
to have all the Facts Stated as distinctly as possible ; that 
those whose Province it may be to decide the dispute, may 
pronounce such Sentence thereupon as will be most agree- 
able to Justice and Reason All we shall presume to say 
farther is, that if it shall be thought just to bound the 
Lord Fairfax's claim by a Line drawn from the Fork of 
Rappahannock to the Fork of Potowmack, his Territory 
will then contain at least one Million four hundred and 
seventy thousand Acres of Land 

If the line be drawn from the head of Hedgman River 
to the Fork of Potowmack his Lordship will then possess 
two Millions and thirty three thousand Acres. 

And in case his Boundary shall be allow'd to run from 
the Head of Hedgman River to the head Spring of Cohun- 
gorootun, then his Grant will contain three Millions eight 
hundred seventy two thousand Acres 

But if his Lordship be allow'd to extend his Boundary 
from the head of Conway River to the Head Spring of 
Cohungorootun, including the great and little Fork of 
Rappahannock, he will then have at least five Millions 
two hundred eighty two thousand Acres within his Grant, 
which is about as much Land as at present pays Quit rents 
to his Majesty in all the rest of Virginia 

But if his Lordship shou'd after all be so fortunate as to 
have these extensive bounds adjudg'd to him, We humbly 
beg that your Honour will be pleased to recommend to 


His Majesty the Case of all those persons who by Patents 
from His Majesty and his Eoyal Predecessors, are Possessed 
of Lands within those Bounds 

Thus, Sir, We have proceeded with all Diligence and 
Fidelity, as far as we have been able, by reason the Lord 
Fairfax wou'd not empower his Commissioners to join with 
us in deciding and settling his Bounds But we shall be 
always ready to obey such further command as your 
Honour shall hereafter receive from his Majesty relating 
to this Affair 

All which is most humbly submitted by 

Sir Your Honours most humble Servants 



August 10th 1737 








Case No. 1, Lower Shelf, folio. Mexias Emperors, Mathews 
History of New England, Burnets History of ye Reforma- 
tion 2 vols., Bradys Introduction, [do.] History of England, 
Bakers Chronicle, Bloomes Britannia, Histoire des Juifs par 
Joseph, Lloydii Dictionarium, Hacket's Life of Arch Bishop 
Williams, Burchetts Naval History, Bohuns' Geographical 
Dictionary, Bailii Opera Historica, Br. Browns Travels, 
Harrington's Oceana, The Dial of Princes. 

Second Shelf, folio. Camdens Britannia, Clarendons His- 
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Dewess Journal, Dugdales Baronage 2 vols., Memoirs of 
Castleman, Vesserii Annales, Heylius' Cosmography, Sam- 

1P The original of this cata- original appear these words: 
logue was bought by William J. Stretch fecit. It was probably 
Mackenzie, Esq., from N. G. made in 1777 just before the 
Duflef, bookseller, and be- library was sold. It was the 
queathed by him as one of five work, evidently, of a man not 
hundred books to the Library familiar with the contents of the 
Company of Philadelphia. The books, for some of the titles 
present copy is itself a copy of are inexplicably distorted. It 
a copy which was made for the has been thought advisable to 
late T. H. Wynne, and now print these distortions literally, 
owned by Mr. R. A. Brock, of The catalogue was once printed, 
Richmond, through whose kind- as the following advertisement 
ness I am able to make this re- in the Virginia Gazette, De- 
print. On the title-page of the cember 19, 1777, will show : 



mes Britannia, Stanleys Lives, Theatrun Terra Sancta, 
Dugdales History of St. Pauls, Chauneys Antiquities of 

Third Shelf, octavo. Davenant on Trade, [do.] on the 
Re venues 2 vols., [do.] on Grants, Ludlows Memoirs 
3 vols., State of Poland, Description of the Isle of Orkney, 
State of Moscovy, English Worthies, Dion Cassius 2 vols., 
History of the Times, Welwoods Memoirs, Account of Den- 
mark, Vindication of Darien, Neals History of New Eng- 
land 2 vols., History of Venice, Wafers Voyages, Temple's 
Memoirs, History of Whitehall 2 vols., Eye Conspiracy, 
Evelyn on Navigation, Temple's Introduction, Miltons 
History of England, Temple's Miscellanea 3 vols. 2nd 
wanting, Connors History of Poland 2 vols. 1st wanting. 

Fourth Shelf, octavo. Journey to Paris, Dampiers Voyages 
3 vols., Haikes [do.], Miscellanea Aulica, Burridgii His- 
toria, Nicholson's Historical Library 3 vols., Philip's Life 
of Arch Bishop Williams, Drakes Historia Anglo-Scotiae, 
Description of Formosa, History of the Bucaniers, [do.] of 
Portugal, Fryers Voyages, Narborough's [do.] , LeComptes 

China, Temple's Letters 2 vols., Dutch East India , 

Eay's Travels, Durchetts Memoirs, Ogilby's Eoads, Geo- 
graphia Classica. 

Fifth Shelf, folio. Collection of Voyages & Travels-6 
vols., Chronologia Funicii, Grimestones History of Spain, 
Forbosii Instructis Historico Theologica, Purchas Pilgrim- 

" This Day is Published a Cata- in elegant Bindings, and of the 
logue of the valuable Library, best Editions, and a consider- 
the Property of the Estate of able Number of them very 
the late Hon. William Byrd, scarce. Catalogues may be 
Esq.; consisting of near 4000 seen at Messrs. Dixon & Hun- 
volumes, in all Languages and ter's in Williamsburg, and at 
Faculties, contained in twenty most of the Book Sellers upon 
three double presses of black the Continent, and also at 
Walnut, and also a valuable Westover, where the Library 
Assortment of philosophical In- may be viewed, and the Exec- 
struments, and capital Engrav- utrix will treat with those who 
ings, the whole in excellent are inclined to purchase the 
order. Great part of the Books Whole." 


age, Rycants Commentaries of Peru, Camm de Rebus Tur- 
cici's, Kerum Anglicarum Scriptorei, History of Guiceland, 
Davila's History of France. 

Case No. 2, Lowest Shelf, folio. L Vau Aietzenia von volg 
der Historien 2 vols., [do.] Historien 7 vols., Antiquitates 
Christianae, Iconologie par Baudoin, Wilkin's real Char- 
acters, Burnetts Theory of the Earth. 

Second Shelf, folio. Leicesters Antiquities of Cheshire, 
Varenius Cosmography, E Van Metere Nederlanie Histo- 
rien, Observator 2 vols., Imagines Philosophica &c., The- 
veriots Travels, Strype's Life of Arch-Bishop Cranmer, 
Sleidans History of the Reformation, Thuani Historia 5 
vols., Index Thuania. 

Third Shelf, octavo. Cockburns Travels, Critical History 
of England, Medulla Historia Anglicanae, Messons Voyages 
4 vols., Trade in India, Description of Guinea, Woolseys 
Memoirs, State of Russia, Ditto 3 vols., Eachards History 
of the Revolution, Walkers Expedition to Canada, History 
of Virginia, Ward's History of the Reformation, Legreats 
Voyages, Picture of a favorite, Survey of Trade, State of 
Virginia, Journey to Jerusalem, Cookes Voyages 2 vols., 
Hispania Illustrata, Voyage to Abyssina, State of the Cape 
of Good Hope 2 vols., History of Persia, Travels of the 
Jesuits, Salmon's Chronological Historian. 

Fourth Shelf, octavo. Potters Antiquities of Greece 
2 vols., Kennets Lives of the Greek Poets, [do.] Antiquities 
of Rome, History of England 2 vols. 2nd wanting, Supple- 
ment to Clarendon, Woodward's History, Voyage to Carte- 
sius's World, Raii Clavis Philosophica, [do.] Synopsis, British 
Empire in America 2 vols. Sales's Voyages, Stevens's His- 
tory of Spain, Hennepins Travels, Trogei's Voyages, Tem- 
ples Introduction, Accounts of Livonia, [do.] of Poland, 
Discoveries in South America, Magaillans China, History 
of Wales, Gage's Survey of the West Indies, Epitome of 
Josephus, Vertots Revolution of Sweden, New State of 
England 1703, Life of William the third, Strangers Ac- 
count of Switzerland, Wallaces Account of the Isles of 


Orkney, Account of Macasar, La Hontans Voyages 2 

Fifth Shelf, folio. History of England 3 vols., Burnetts 
History of the Reformation 2 vols., Ludol Historia Aethi- 
opica, Nelsons Collection 2 vols., Rushworths [do.] 7 vols. 

Second & Third Shelves, quarto. Acta Eruditorum Anno 
1682 ad 172240 vols., [do.] Supplementum, [do.] Index 
2 Tom., State of the Protestants, Voyage de Moscovie, De- 
moivre de Chanai, New York Conspiracy. 

Fourth & Fifth Shelves, quarto. Philosophical Transactions 
from 1669 to 171921 vols., [do.] Vol. 1 to 8 inclusive 8 
vols., [do.] 6-7-8 ; 3 vols., [do.] 1669 to 1685 inclusive 
8 vols. 

Sixth Shelf, octavo. Schefferii Lapponia, Onuphrii Rei- 
publicae Romanae Commentaria, Scioppii Verisimielia, 
Loccenii Historia Rerum Suessicarum, Matthii Systema 
politicum, East India Trade, Lowndes [on] Coins, Account 
of Sweden, Howells Letters, Lives of the Twelve Caesars, 
History of Pennsylvania. 

Case No. 3, Lowest Shelf, folio. Father Pauls History of 
the Council of Trent, Foulis's History of Popish Treasons, 
Examen Veritatis, Cabala Part 1st & 2nd, Chardins Tra- 
vels, Daniel & Trussel, Drayton's Polyolbion, Dr. Fryers 
Travels, Lord Bacons resuscitations, New Body of Geog- 
raphy, History of the Caribee Islands, [do.] of Edward the 
Second, [do.] of the civil wars in England, Herbert's Life 
of Henry the Eighth, History of Scanderoon, [do.] of the 
wars of Italy, Smiths History of Virginia, Slaytegers His- 
tory of Great Britain, Life of Appollonius Tyranneus, 
Ligai's History of Barbadoes 2 copies, Oleareus's Travels, 
Montames Gesautschapen van Japan, Temple's Netherlands 
2 copies, Busquieus's Epistles, Ladies Travels into Spain, 
Account of [J]ersey, Addisons Remarks, Child on Trade, 
Rogers Travels, State of Persia, [do.] of Morocco, Modest 
Critick, Jovii Descriptiones, Bisselii Argonanticon Ameri- 
canam, Herstelde Leuco, Morum Exemplar, Smiths Angliae 
Descriptio, Temples Memoirs. 


The Uppermost Shelf of this Case. Universal History 20 
vols. 8vo. 

Fourth Case, Upper Part, Lowest Shelf, octavo. State of 
Germany, Roman History 4 vols. 1st wanting, Salts Bre- 
viarium Chronologicum, Memoirs of Philip de Comines 2 
.vols. Ditto one volume, Boyse's Historical Review, Fun- 
nels Voyages, Kycants History of Turkey, Lassels Voyage 
to Italy, Voyage to North America, History of Portugueze 
Asia 2 vols., Salmons Polygraphia, Goedart de Insectis, 
Essay on Fire & Salt, Reflections on Learning, Woodwards 
Essays, Whishtons Account of a remarkable Meteor, Howels 
Letters, Memoirs of Cardinal Woolsey, Political Arithme- 
tick, Webster on Metals, Voyage to St. Kilda, Cluverii 
Geographia, [do.] Epitome Historia, Segritidi State de i 
principi d ell Europa, State of the United Provinces, Stoical 
Philosophy, Art of Memory, Eachards Compendium of Geog- 
raphy, History of Martha Taylor, State of Italy, Account 
of New England, Hornii Historica Ecclesiastica, Voyages to 
the Canary Islands. 

Third Shelf &c. octavo. Le Grand Miroir du Monde, 
Answer rejoined, Academic of Armorie, Remains of Britain, 
Lancashire Plot, Horrid Conspiracy, Essay on Ways and 
Means, State Poems, Rolfs History of the late war, History 
of Bucaniers, Geography [for] Children, Roman History 2 
copies, Chamberlaynes present State, Art of Wheedling, 
Life of Des Cartes. 


Fourth Case, under Part Lowest Shelf, folio. Cokes First 
2nd 3rd & 4th Institute, [do.] on Littleton, Bridgman's Con- 
veyancing, Moores Reports, Leonards [do.] , Keilways [do.], 
Littletons [do.] , Saunders [do.], Rolles [do.], Palmers [do.], 
Rushworths Tryal of Steafford, Tryal of Arch-Bishop Laud, 
Blounts Law Dictionary, Bishops Tryals. 

Second Shelf, folio. Ashes Tables 2 vols., Acta Gulielmi 
7mo. 8vo. et 9mo., [do.] 9mo. et lOmo., Andersons Reports, 
Bridgman's [do.], Cokes [do.] Parts 1 to 124 vols., Dyers 


[do.], Crooks [do.] 3 vols., Brookes Abridgment, Shep- 
pard's Epitome, Finch on the Law, Laws of Virginia. 

Third Shelf, octavo. Journal of the House of Commons, 
Atterbury's Rights of an English Convocation, De Privi- 
legiis Pacis, Style's Practical Register, Bates Elenchas Mo- 
tuum in Anglia, Tyrals per pair, Fenwicks Tryal, Barron & 
Femme, Reports in Chancery, Modern Conveyances, Stan- 
fords Pleas of the Crown, Plaidoyers de Monsr Patru, Kit- 
chin of Courts, Heraldes de rebus Judicatis, Propugnaculum 
Catholicum, Instructor Clericalis, Greenwood of Courts, 
Brown of Fines, Summa Juris Canonici, Cromptons Juris- 
diction of Courts, Blounts Tenures, Fitz Herbert's Natura 
Brevium, Wingates Abridgment, Browns Modus intrandi, 
Hale's Pleas of the Crown, Clerk of Assize, Faithful Regis- 
ter, Washington's Abridgment, Government of the Planta- 

Case No. 5, Lowest Shelf, folio. Cokes Entries, [do.] Re- 
ports, Rolles Abridgment 6 vols., Ditto one volume, 
Clavini Lexicon Juridicum, Virginia Laws 1752. 

Second Shelf, folio. Loix Civiles, New Statutes 2 vols., 
Laws of Barbadoes, [do.] of Scotland, Plowdens Commen- 
taries, Suarez de Legibus, Maynards Edward the 2nd, As- 
sizes of Edward the 3rd, Year Book Edward the 3rd, [do.] 
Edward the 4th, [do.] Henry the 4th & 5th, [do.] Henry 
the 6th 2 vols., [do.] Edward 5th Richard 3rd & Henry 
7th & 8th, Bastells Entries. 

Third Shelf, quarto. Fitzherberts Abridgment, Corpus 
Juris Civilis 2 vols., Haranques, Lex Parliamentaria, 
Scobell's [Remembrancer ?], La Droite Romaine, Praxis 
utries Banci, Puffendorf de Officio Hominis, Duck de Au- 
thoritate Romanorum, Kilburns Precidents, Bassetts Cata- 
logue, Finch's Law, Neville on Government, Fortescaris 
[t] Laws of England, Wingates Briton, Cokes Copyhold, 
Doctor and Student, Office of Executions, Cowels Institutes, 
Mereton on Wills, Gray's Reports, Perkins Laws of Eng- 
land, Magna Charta, Jenkins Works, Glanville de Legibus 
Angliae, Phillips Directions, March's actions of Slanders, 


Mirror of Justice, Brook's Heading, Dalthasii Decaelogia, 
Accursii Institutions, Swinburn on Wills, Decretales Gre- 
gorii, Corpus Juris Canonica, Bracton de Legibus, Godol- 
phins Abridgment, Orphans Legacy, Seldeni Fleta, Vinii 
Commentarii, Hughes' Abridgment 3 vols. 

Fourth Shelf, octavo & duodecimo. Compleat Sollicitor, 
Compleat Attorney Sollicitor, Terms of the Law, Case of 
Ireland, Answer to Molyneux, Areana Clericalia, Natura 
Brevium, Clerk of Assize, Regula Placetandi, Lex Lon- 
dinensis, Debates of Abdication, Guide to Surveyors, Na- 
vales Media Historia. 

Fifth Shelf, folio. State Tryals 6 vols., State Tryals, 
Layers Tryals of the Whole Plot of 1722, Jones's Reports, 
Dugdale Orignes, Dyers Reports, Lambard de Legibus 
priscis Anglorum, Registrum Breviarum, Townsends Col- 
lection, Pophams Reports, Officiana Brevium, Siderfin's 
Reports, Spencerus de Legibus, Seldens Janus. 

Case No. 6, Lowest Shelf, folio. Coke upon Littleton, 
Pultons Collection, Virginia Laws Manuscript, Cabala of 
State, Puffendorf's Law of Nature, Waterhouse's Fortescue, 
Tryals since 1682, [do.] 1696, Collection of Tryals &c, Ditto, 
Ditto, Meal Tub Plot, Narrative &c, Dawsons Origo Legum, 
Earl Danby's Case, Informations &c, Gates Tryal &c, Dr. 
Sacherverells Tryal, Plea in quo Warranto, Selden on Gov- 
ernment, Blounts Law Dictionary, Hobarts Reports. 

Second Shelf, folio. Noye's Reports, Winch's [do.], Hul- 
ton's [do.], Yelverton's [do.], Hobarts [do.], Cokes [do.] 
13 parts in 6 vols., Table to Ditto, Benloes [do.], Laws of 
Jamaica, Continuation of Ditto, Cases in Parliament, Gro- 
tius on War and Peace, Scobell's Statutes. 

Third Shelf, quarto & octavo. Puffendorf de Jure Naturae, 
Brownlow & Goldsborough's Reports, West's Symboleog- 
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Abridged 2 vols., Gentlemans Law, Cokes detection 3 
vols., Table to the Statutes, Hale's Common Law, Bacon's 
Elements, Constitution of England, Anglia Liberia, Pater- 
son on Funds, Hale on Parliament, Fenwicks Attainder for 


High Treason, Ashby and White, Vinii Jus Civile, Pacci 
Analysis Institutonum imperatorum, [do.] Isagogica, Gro- 
tius de Bello ac Pace, Cassidori Opera. 

Fourth & Fifth Shelves, octavo &c. Wingates Abridgment, 
Viris de officio Mariti, Speculum Politicum, Volcmarus de 
Pene Principum, Perkins's Art of Witchcraft, Tribunal Eef- 
ormation, Seldeni Mare Clausum, Hobbes de Give, Perezi 
institutiones imperiales, Debates of the House of Commons, 
Political Anatomy, Beverley's Abridgment, Cokes detection 
2 vols., Arts of Empire, English Liberty 2 copies, Com- 
pleat Sollicitor, Office of a Sheriff, Law Maxims, Study of 
the Law, Institutiones juris Eomani ac Gallici, Instructor 
Clericalis, De Comitiis imperatoris, Lawyers Kecreation, 
Heaths Speech, Book of Rates, Shephards Corporations, 
Scobell on Parliaments, Dyers Abridgment, Tractatus Au- 
reus, Littletons Tenures, Zouchaei Elementa Jurispruden- 
tiae, Jus Sigilli, Justiniani Institutiones, Prerogative of 
English Parliaments, Terms of the Law, Clerks Tutor, 
Davenports Abridgment. 


Seventh Case, Lowest Shelf, folio. Bibliotheca Anatomica 
2 vols., Mayemii Opera Medica, Eeverii [do.], Francisci 
Baconi Opera, Chornels Family Dictionary 2 vols., An- 
drea Matthioli Opera, Dodonaei Stirpium Historia, Hofman 
in Galen, Dr. Willis's Physical Works, Wisemans Chirurgi- 
cal Treatises, Eiverius's Practice of Physick, Sennert Opera 
3 vols. 

Second Shelf, folio & quarto. James's Medicinal Diction- 
ary 1st vol., Vessalius de Humano Corpore, Hippocrates 
Foesii 3 vols., Collinin's Anatomy 2 vols., Glaubers 
Works, Femelli Medecina, Van Helmenti Opera, Brown on 
the Muscles, Culpepper's Dispensatory, Dictionan de Dro- 
geus, Boerhaves Chymistry, Hermanns Paradisus Batavius, 
Eankins Theatrum Britanicum, Kemperii Amonitates 
Exotico, Pomets History of Drugs, Fabricius ab Aqua 


Third Shelf, quarto & octavo. Weidenfield de Secretis 
Adeptorum, Linden de Scriptis Medicis, Februe's Chemistry, 
Tancredi de Fame et Siti, Hadriani Opera Medica, Tracta- 
tus de Organis, Willis de Cerebri Anatomia, Friends Em- 
menologia, Mead on the Plague, Dionis's Anatomy 2 
copies, Bate's Dispensatory, Sanctorini Apharismi, Quin- 
neys Lexicon, Theory of Physick, Friend's History of 
Physick, Treatise on the Plague 2 vols., Cheyne on Health, 
Cockburn's Gonorhea, Aureliani de Morbus Acutis, Hippo- 
crates Aphorismi, Tryons Way to Health, Gibsons Anatomy 
2 copies. 

Fourth Shelf, octavo. Turner on diseases of the Skin, 
Friends Hippocrates, Scuterii Chirurgia, Treatise on Non 
Naturals, Eegueri de Graef Opera, Radclifle's Dispensatory, 
Andry on Worms, Van Helmonti Artres Medecina 2 vols, 
Eegii Medicina, Dr. Sydenhams Works, Blair's Botannic 
Essays, Virtues of Water, Drake's Anatomy 2 vols., Shaws 
Practice of Physick, Lotichii Medecina, Practice of Surgery, 
Tanvry on Medicines, Zwelferi Pharmacopia, Hortus Aca- 
demicus, Willis's Practice of Physick, Bartholini Anatomica. 

Fifth Shelf, octavo. Pitcairns Works, Mead on Poisons, 
Lemery 's Chemistry, Slares Experiments, Purcell on Vapours, 
Poor Planters Physician interleaved, Eustachii Opuscula 
Anatomica, Diseases of the Head Brain & Nerves, Willis's 
Physick, Salmon's Dispensatory, [do.] English Physician, 
Fourneau de Glauber, Oeuvres de Glauber, Culpepers Eng- 
lish Physician, Physical Dictionary, Course of Chemistry, 
Curiosities in Art and Nature, Sydenham's Opera, Col- 
batches Treatises, Tennent's Epistle to Mead, Somnius de 
Febribus, Boyles Physical Experiments, Kecherches des 
Cancers, Castelli Lexicon, Collutius de Calculo, Boerhaivii 
Institutiones, Arcana Microcosmi, Sea Diseases, Hortus 
Kegius, Kay's Synopsis Medicinae, [do.] Catalogue of Plants, 
Art of Glass. 

Sixth Shelf, octavo & duodecimo. Culpeper's Dispensatory, 
Theory of Fevers, Tolets Treatise of Lithotomy, Corncelsi 
Medecina, Cockburns Profluvia Ventris, Kay's Methodus 


Plantarum, Hospital Surgeon, Lower de Corde, La Chymie 
des Dames, Pinax rerum Naturalium, Keils Anatomy, Phar- 
macopia Extemporeanei, Conclave of Physicians, Parkers 
Astrology, Harvey on the Pox, Medicamentorium The- 
saurus, Pechey's Herbal, Farriers approved Guide, Shiptons 
Pharmacopaeia, Cure by Expectoration, Hippocrates Coaca 
prosagia, Family Physician, Officina Chyneia, Sanctora 
Commentarii, London Distiller, Digsby's Cure of Wounds by 
Sympathy, Starkey's Protechney, New Theory of Fevers, 
Aphorismi Urbigerani, Hygiasticon, Eiveti Antidorum con- 
tra Pestem, Khyne Meditationes in Hippocratem, Bayle's 
Problemata 3 vols., Beverovicius de Calculo 2 vols., Fir- 
cinus de Vita, Tracastorius, Hippocratis Aphorismi. 


Eighth Case, Lowest Shelf, folio. Morrison's Historia Plan- 
tarum, Willughbaei Historia Piscium, Eaii Historia Planta- 
rum, Plott's History of Staffordshire, Pettus on Metals, 
Pisonis Historia India, Willoughby on Birds, Gerrard's 
Herbal 2 copies, Bion's Mathematical Instruments, Top- 
sel's History of Beasts, Ferrarii Hesperides, Hook's Works, 
Blackmore's King Arthur, [do.] Prince Arthur, Cowley's 
Works, Gadbury's Doctrine of Nativities. 

Second Shelf, folio. Ovids Metamorphoses, Langley's 
Pomona, Beaumont & Fletcher's Works, Shakespeares 
Works, Ben Jonsons Works, Dry dens Virgil, [do.] Works 
3 vols., Chaucers Works, Spencer's Works, Brown's Works, 
Compleat Gardiner, Bacon's Natural History, Cowleys 

Third Shelf, octavo. Shaftesbury's Characteristicks 3 vols., 
Landsdown's Plays, Duke of Buckingham's Works 2 vols., 
Collier's View of the Stage, Answers to Ditto, Colliers de- 
fence, Drake against Collier, Bentley v. Boyle, Miltons Life, 
Terences Comedies, Life of Homer, Bruyeres Characters, 
Colliers Essays, King's Works 2 vols., Erasmus's Collo- 
quies, Boyle's Answer to Bentley, Etherege's Plays, Lucre- 
tius, Life of Alexander, Ovid's Epistles, Marquis of Halifax's 


Miscellanies, Cottons Poems, Tate's Poems, Locke on Educa- 
tion, Echard's Works, Satires of Petronius Arbites, Phalares 
Epistles, Hudibras, Tullys Oratory. 

Fourth Shelf, octavo & duodecimo. Oldham's Works, Os- 
bornes Works, Montaignes Essays 3 vols., Diogenes's Lives 
2 vols., Dryden's Poems, Horaces Odes, Ogilby's Virgil, 
Pooles Parnassus, Rymer's Tragedies, Wallers Poems, Cleve- 
land's Works, Bacon's Essays, Quevedo's Visions, Spencers 
Works 6 vols., Trappe's Virgil 3 vols., Demosthenes 
Orations, Rabelais's Works 5 vols. bound in 4. 

Fifth Shelf, duodecimo. Otway's Plays 2 vols., Tacitus 
3 vols., Atlantis 2 vols., Gilden's Art of Poetry, Lover and 
Keader, Guardian 2 vols., Freeholder, Englishman, Spec- 
tator 9 vols., Tragedies 2 vols., Comedies 5 vols. 3rd 
wanting, Tragedies and Comedies one volume, Dryden's 
Poems 6 vols., Blackmore on the Creation, [do.] on Job, 
Eachard's Terence. 

Sixth Shelf, octavo & duodecimo. Titchins Poems, Garth's 
Dispensary, Poetical Miscellanies, Ovid Travesty, Secret 
History of White Hall 2 vols., Denham's Poems, Hudibras, 
Virgil Travesty 2 vols., Unheard of Curiosities, Poetical 
Exercises, Clarke on Education, Tully on old age and 
Friendship, Ray's Proverbs, Landsdowns Poems, Cases of 
Impotence 5 vols., Caesar's Commentaries Abridged, Eng- 
lish Horace, Polite Gentleman, Wilkin's Swift Messenger, 
Treatise on Education, Heydens Harmony of the World, 
Courtiers Calling, Addison's Notes on Milton, Discourse on 
Reason, Guardian's Instructor, Disorders of Bassett, De- 
scription of Meteors, Phytologia Britanica, Philip's Apology 
4 vols., Tom Jones 4 vols., Devil on two Sticks 2 vols. 

Case No. 9, Lowest Shelf, folio. Ben Jonson's Works, Le 
Grand's Philosophy, Harris's Lexicon technicum 2 vols., 
Gregory's Euclid, Dryden's Juvenal and Persius, Sir Wil- 
liam Davenant's Works, Parkinsons Herbal, Clusii Exotica, 
Leigh's Account of Cheshire, Plotts History of Oxfordshire 
& Staffordshire, Miscellaneous Tracts, Systema Agriculturae, 
Pitfield's Natural History of Animals, Theatrum Insectorum, 


Bacon's Advancement, Lord Brooke's Works, Virtuosi of 

Second Shelf, quarto. Frazier's Voyage to the South Sea, 
Newton's Chronology, De Sacrificiis, Mechanical Experi- 
ments, Campanella de sensu Eerum, Philosophic Naturelle, 
Circulus Pisanus Berigardi, Borniti de rerum Sufficientae, 
Boyle's Essays, [do.] Natural Philosophy, [do.] of Colds 
2 copies, [do.] of the Air, [do.] New Experiments, Sprats 
History of the Eoyal Society 2 copies, Le Grand's Historia 
Naturae, [do.] Institutio Philosophicae, Thomasus in Stoi- 
can Philosophiam, Gentleman's Journal 2 vols., Mechanism 
of Chimney fires, Kircher Iter extratiume [t], Des Cartes 
Philosophical Principles, Lister de Cochleis. 

Third Shelf, octavo. Oldham's Works, Gay's Fables, True 
Briton 2 vols., Buckinghams Works, De Foe's Works, 
Miscellaneous Poems, Sedley's Works, Suckling's Works, 
Tale of a Tub, St. Evrements Works 2 vols. 1st wanting, 
Congreves Works 3 vols., Blackmore's Essays 2 vols., Lu- 
cian's Works 4 vols., Priors Poems, Flatmans Works, Court 
Intrigues, Dryden's Miscellanies 3 vols., Plutarch's Morals 
5 vols. 1st wanting, Dacier's Plato 2 vols. 

Fourth Shelf, quarto. Tournefort Historia Plantarum 3 
vols., Comedies 2 vols., Plays 2 vols., Tragedies and Ope- 
rasone volume, Lee Plays, Art of the Stage, Vanburg's 
Plays, Otway's Works, Pastor Fido, Cibber's Plays, Pritti 
Questiones Physico Mathematica, Dryden's Poems, L'Atre 
del Secretaire, Original Poems, Bacon's Letters, Dryden's 
Plays 3 vols. 

Fifth Shelf, duodecimo. Examiner 3 vols., Hudibras 2 
vols. Character of a Trimmer, Wallers Poems, Eandolph's 
Poems, Milton's Paradise Lost, Medleys, Tatler 4 vols. 2 
copies, Butlers Works, Hudibras, Sprats observations on 
Sorbiere's Voyage, Cumming's Stenography. 

Sixth Shelf, duodecimo. Swifts Miscellanies 4 vols., Dry- 
den's Plays 6 vols., Pope's Dunciad, [do.] Works vols. 
5th & 6th, Harriott Steuart 2 vols., Bysshe's Art of Poetry 
2 vols., Unfortunate Young Nobleman 3 vols., Newtons 


Ladies Philosophy 2 vols., Telemachus 2 vols. 1st want- 
ing, Letters from a Persian, Gray's Memoria Technica, 
Rochesters Poems, Homer's Iliad & Odyssey, Amusements 
of the Spaw 2 vols., Gil Bias 4 vols., Eoderick Random 
2 vols., Pilkington's Memoirs 2 vols. 

Seventh Shelf, octavo & duodecimo. Boyles Works 4 vols., 
[do.] Final Cause 2 vols., [do.] Free Enquiry, [do.] on 
Specific Medicines, [do.] on Qualities, [do.] on Nature, 
[do.] Sceptical Chymist, [do.] Occasional Reflections, [do.] 
on Colours, [do.] on Local Motion, [do.] Tracts 4 vols., 
[do.] Seraphick Love, [do.] Martyrdom of Theodora & 
Dydimus, [do.] Reasonableness of Religion, [do.] Holy 
Scriptures, [do.] Christian Virtues, [do.] on Gems, [do.] 
Hydrostatick Paradoxes, [do.] Experiments & Observations 
in Physick 2 copies, [do.] Theology, History of Justin, 
Tully's Morals, [do.] Offices, Turkish Spy 7 vols. 1st & 
6th wanting, Proposals to the Ladies Part 1st & 2nd, 
Wotton's Lives. 

Tenth Case, Upper part, Lowest Shelf, octavo. Jarvis's Don 
Quixote 2 vols., Lawrence on Gardening, Miller's Gar- 
dener's Calendar, Manner of raising Fruit Trees, Bradley 
on Husbandry & Gardening 3 vols., [do.] of Planting & 
Gardening 3 vols. bound in 2, [do.] of Cattle, [do.] Coun- 
try Housewife, Lady's Director, Paradise retrieved, Hus- 
bandry & Gardening, Solitary Gardener, Switzer on Gar- 
dening 3 vols 2nd wanting, Rapin on Gardening, Treatise 
on Husbandry, Quintinye's Compleat Gardiner, Treatise on 
Husbandry, Dictionarium Rusticum, Mortimer's Art of 
Husbandry 2 copies, Dutch Gardiner, Clergyman's Recrea- 
tions, Ellis's Practical Farmer, Platt's Subterranean Trea- 
sure, Curiosities in Gardening, World of Cyder, English 
Gardiner, Hughe's Flower Garden & Vineyard, French 
Gardner, Painting of the Ancients, Elsums Art of Painting, 
History of Painting, Dodonas Grove, Carribbeana 2 vols. 

Second Shelf, octavo. Principles of Painting, Dryden's Art 
of Painting, De Piles's [do.], Fresnoy's [do.], Dictionarium 


Polyorgicon, Compleat Distiller, Mandey's Mechanical 
Powers, Digby's Tracts, Miscellanea Curiosa, Eeflections on 
Learning, Wootten on [do.], Moxon's Mechanical Exer- 
cises, Derhams Physico Theology, Hawksby's Experiments, 
Cibber's Apology, Swift's Miscellanies, Athenian Oracles 
3 vols., State Poems 3 vols., Letters of Wit & Politeness, 
Digby's Works, Compleat Horseman, Watts Logick, Whis- 
ton's Euclid, Kennets Antiquities. 

Third Shelf, octavo. Buckinghams Works 2 vols., Ward's 
Young Mathematician's Guide, Terences Comedies, Temples 
Letters 3 vols., [do.] Miscellanies 2 vols., Boccaces 
Novels, Colliers Antiquities, Spencers Works, Turberville 
of Falconry, Lister de Animalibus Angliae, Telluris Theoria 
Sacra, Godfrey of Bulloigne, Eemarks on Des Cartes, Man- 
dey's Mechanical Powers, Albertus Magnus de Herbis, 
Leonardus on Stones, Stonehouse's Arithmetic, Eichard's 
Palladio, Perigrene Pickle 4 vols. 1st wanting, Eay's Phy- 
sical Discourses, Herbert against Burnett, Cruchs Lucretius, 
Plautus's Comedies, Petronius English, Miscellaneous Poems, 
Stanhop's Epictetus. 


Case No. 10, Lower Part, Lowest Shelf , folio. Manhaim 
Chronicus Canon Aegyptiacus &c, Le Blanes Theses, Biblia 
Italiana Diodoti, Clericus in Libus historicus veteris testa- 
menti, Chillingsworth's Works, Cambridge Concordance, 
Grew's Cosmologia Sacra, Bishop Hall's Works, Book of 
Homilies, Bishop Sanderson's Sermons, Eoger's Treaties, 
Dr. Babington's Works, Ainsworth's Annotations. 

Second Shelf, quarto & octavo. Hebrew Bible, Biblia He- 
braica 2 vols., Stillingfleets Origines Sacra, Parker's Law 
of Nature, Gregory's Works, Whiston's Chronology, Summa 
Conciliorum per Caranza, Episcopacy of Divine Eight, 
Burges's Answer rejoined, Hale's Contemplations, Mores 
Sermons, Papists represented & misrepresented, Condition 
of the Promises, Prestons Eemains, Practical Christian, 
Nichols's Practical Discourses, Ideas of Beauty &c., Scatter- 


good's Sermons, Wilkins's Sermons, [do.] Gift of Prayer, 
Sprat's Sermons, Testamentum Graecum, Sandys Psalms, 
Barrow's Sermon on Christ's Passion, Geminiamus de Ex- 

Third Shelf, octavo. Antoninus's Meditations, Thomas a 
Kempis's Christ-Pattern, Knatchbulls Annotations, Ditton 
on the Resurection, Fleetwoods Sermons, Hoadley's Ser- 
mons, Bulls Life, [do.] Sermons 3 vols., Bently against 
Atheism, Burnet de Fide & Officiis, [do.] de Statu Mor- 
tuorum, Blackall's Sermons, Bates's Harmony, Beza's Testa- 
ment Greek & Latin, English Bible & Testament, Biblia 
Hebraica et Testamentum Graecum, Clarkes Sermons at 
Boyle's Lectures, [do.] on the Trinity, Claggetts Sermons, 
Christian Hero, Charnock on Providence, New Testament 
Greek & English, Sprats Sermons, Italian Common Prayer, 
Latin Bible & Testament, Biblia Graeca, Treatise on De- 
lighting in God, Man of Sorrow, Death & Life, Almost 
Christian Discovered, Knowledge of God. 

Case No. 12, Lowest Shelf, folio. Huteri Biblia Hebraica, 
Hammond on the New Testament, Search after Truth, 
Charnocks Works, La Sainte Bible, Biblia Hebraica, Medes 
Works, Moir Opera Omnia 3 vols., Novum Testamentum 
Millii, Grotius in Vetu Testamentum, [do.] Evangelios, 
[do.] Epistolas. 

Second Shelf, folio. Prideaux on the Old & New Testa- 
ment 2 vols., Taylor's Life of Christ, Willett on Genesis 
and Exodus, Whitby on the New Testament 2 vols., Jose- 
phus's Works, Ursinus on the Christian Religion, Kicaud's 
Lives of the Popes, Stackhouse's History of the Bible 
2 vols. 

Third Shelf, octavo. Tillottson's Sermons 16 vols. different 
editions, Snake in the Grass, Tyrrel's Law of Nature, Tay- 
lor's Holy Living & Dying, Bishop of Worcester on the 
Trinity, Wake's Authority of Christian Princes, Wilkin's 
Natural Religion, Wilkin's Sermons, Scott's Christian Life 
4 vols., Dr. More on divers Texts of Scriptures, Goodmans 
Conference, Hammond's Catechism, Burnet against Bentley. 


Fourth Shelf, octavo. Duty of Man's Works 4 vols., At- 
terbury's Sermons, [do.] Funeral Ditto, Gastrell's Christian 
Eevelation, Norris's Miscellanies, Parson's Christian Direc- 
tory, Judgement against Unitarians, Kidder on the Penta- 
teuch 2 vols., Locke's Letter and Worcester's Answer 2 
copies, Locke against Worcester, South's Sermons 6 vols., 
Sherlock on Providence, [do.] Judgement, [do.] Death, 
[do.] a future State, [do.] Sermons. 

Fifth Shelf, octavo & duodecimo. Hebrew Bible, Norris on 
Love, Norris's discourses third volume, Patrick on Gro- 
tius, Blount on Keason, Essay on the Soul, Piscatoris Anal- 
ysis, Bishop of London three Pastoral Letters, Lucas's 
Practical Christianity, Liturgia Ecclesiae Anglicanae, Tate 
& Brady's Psalms, Patricks ditto, Psalmist's Companion, 
Devout Christian, Blessedness of the Eighteous, Testa- 
mentum Graecum, Hieronymous's Tears, Psalmi G Majoris, 
Erasmi Testamentum, Greek Liturgy, Herbert's Temple, 
Dutch Bible, Bertram's Sacrament, Bartwicks Flagellum 
Pontificis, Grotius de Yeritate Eeligionis Christianae, Con- 
fession of Faith, Christian Divinity, Confessio Belgicarum, 
Thomas a Kempis de imitatione christi 2 copies, Vade 
Mecum, Psalterium, Buchannan Poemata, Sylvani de Gu- 
bernatione Dei, Bellarmini de Septem Verbis, Eikon Ba- 
silikee, Hebrew Bible 7 vols. on the 2nd Shelf, Hervey's 
Meditations 2 vols. 


Case No. 12, Lowest Shelf, duodecimo. Virgile de Scarron 
2 Tom., Contese de La fontaine, L'art de plaire, Avanture 
de Gil Bias 2 Tom., Amour des Dames, [do.] d'Anne 
D'Autriche, Berger fidele, Oeuvres de St. Eeal, Procez aux 
Enfers, Eeflections Morales, [do.] de ce qui pent plaire 2 
Tom., La religieuse en Chemise, La Science de Medaille, Le 
Theatre de la Grange, La France Galante, L' Introduction a 
1'histoire de L'Europe 2 Tom., L'histoire de la Duchesse 
de Portsmouth, Honnete Homme, Histoire Poetique, In- 
structions Politiques, Jesuite en bonne humeur, Le Jesuite 


defroque, L'Esprit de Luxembourg, L' Apocalypse de Meli- 
ton, Tombeau de la Pauvrete, Lettres Provinciates, Le 
Moine Seculairise, Gil Bias 4 Tom. 1st wanting, Gom- 
Gam ou 1'homme prodigieux, Fables de Phaedre, Delices 
d'Holland, Nouveau Testament, Entretiens familiares. 

Second Shelf, duodecimo. La Sainte Bible, Description de 
Versailles, Decouverte de L'Amerique, Don Quichote 5 
Tom., Entretiens sur la Metaphysique 2 Tom., Ciceron 
12 Tom., Elat de L'Europe 4 Tom., Histoire de Gil Bias 
3me Tom., Avanture de Telamaque, L'Aminte de Tasse, 
De FIncredulite. 

Third Shelf, duodecimo. Histoire de France 8 Tom., [do.] 
de Thucydide 3 Tom., [do.] de Commerce, [do.] de deux 
Triumvirs 4 Tom. relies en deux, [do.] des Ordres Mili- 
taire 4 Tom., [do.] de la Eeine Christine, [do.] de Timur 
Bee 4 Tom., Histoire de Malthe 5 Tom., [do.] du Grand 

Fourth Shelf, duodecimo. L'lliade d'Homer 3 Tom., 
L'Odysse d'Homer 3 Tom., Le Maitre Italien, Antiquite de 
France 2 Tom., Conquete de Mexique 2 Tom., [do.] de la 
Chine, Comedies de Terrence 3 Tom., Guerre des Romaines, 
Histoire de Gusman 4 Tom., La Geographic Francaise, 
Lettres de Pline 3 Tom., L'Invasion d'Espagne, Lucien par 
D'Ablancourt, Memoires du Cardinal de Retz 4 Tom., 
Manlius Tragedie par Mr de la Fosse, Religion Chretienne. 

Fifth Shelf, duodecimo. Boyer's French Grammar, De- 
scription de Paris 2 Tom., Voyage de Monsr de Gennes, 
Oeuvres de S D*** 2 Tom., Oeuvres de Moliere 4 Tom., 
[do.] d'Hardie 10 Tom., [do.] de Tacite, D'enfants d'au- 
truy 2 Copies, La Maniere de bien penser. 

Sixth Shelf, duodecimo. Plaute de Limieres 10 Tom., 
Virgile de Mallemans 3 Tom., Vie de Fenelon, Poems de 
Corneille 5 Tom., Ehetorique d' Aristotle, [do.] de Cice- 
ron, Ketraite de dix Mille, Eevolution d'Angleterre 3 
Tom., [do.] de Swede 2 Tom. relies en un, [do.] de la 
Republique Romaine 3 Tom. 

Seventh Shelf, duodecimo. Le Roman consique de Mr 


Scarron 2 Tom., Voyage d'Hennepin, [do.] de France, 
[do.] de Damont 4 Tom., [do.] de Lucan, [do.] aux In- 
des, [do.] de Bemier, Tableaux de Pamour, Traduction de 
Eetrone 2 Tom., Theatre de Corneille 5 Tom., Tacite 
2 Tom., Fables de le Fontaine 5 Tom., [do.] d'Aesope, 
Galanterie de Monseigneur le dauphin. 

Eighth Shelf, duodecimo. Voyage aux Isles d'Amerique 
6 Tom., [do.] d'L'Europe 7 Tom., [do.] d'ltalie, [do.] 
du Nord, Le Voyageurs de L'Europe 2 Tom., Nouvelles 
de Scarron 2 Tom., Oeuvres de [do.] 2 Tom., Derniers 
Oeuvres [do.] 2 Tom., Quinte Curce, Receuils des Traitez 
de Paix, Relation de PExpedition de Carthegena, Vie de 
Richelieu 2 Tom., [do.] de Socrate. 

Case No. 13, Lowest Shelf, 'duodecimo. Journal des Sea- 
vans 24 Tom. 

Second Shelf, duodecimo. La Bibliotheque choisie 23 
Tom., Histoire de L' Academic Francoise, Recherche de la 
Verite 3 Tom. relies en 2, Testament du Marquis de 
Louvois, [do.] de Richelieu, Femmes Illustres 2 Tom., 
L'histoire D> Hollande par Aubery, La Politique de France, 
Amusemens Serieux, L'Art de parler, Interets des Princes, 
Oeuvres [de] du Bartas, Abrige des Trois Etats. 

Third Shelf, duodecimo. La Bibliotheque Universalle 
25 Tom. relie en 22, Rabelais reforme, Arliquiniana, Les 
Essais de Montaigne 2 Tom., Lettres de Voiture, [do.] 
dune Religieuse Portugaise, Oeuvres de Rabelais 2 Tom., 
Lettres Choisie du Sieur de Balzac, Histoire de la Bible, 
Traduction des odes d'Anacreon. 

Fourth Shelf, octavo & duodecimo. Methode Latine, [do.] 
Greque, Lettres sur les Anglois, L'Homme Universalle, 
L'Etat et Succes de France, Traite de la Com [?], Re- 
marques sur la Langue francaise par Vuagelais, 2 Tom., 
Contes des Contes 2 Tom., Conversations de Morale 2 
Tom., Diversitez Curieuses 7 Tom., Oeuvres de Rapin 3 
Tom., Lettres de Compte de Bussy 4 Tom., [do.] du Car- 
dinal Mazarin 2 Tom., Dialogues des Morts 2 Tom., 
Amours de Cleanthe, Traite du Feu. 


Fifth Shelf, duodecimo. Le Grand Miroir dn Monde, 
Menagiana 2 Tom., Pieces Galantes 4 Tom., Tableau de 
L> Amour, Traite de la Civilite Francoise, Etat de France 
3 Tom., Du Ble Esprit, L'Art heraldique, Bes Bons Mots 
&c, Lettres Gallantes 7 Tom., [do.] de Lorcedani, Testa- 
ment de Louvois, Oeuvres de St Evrement 7 Tom. relies 
en 4, Dissertation sur Monde St Evrement, Testament de 
Colbert, Les Agreemens & les chagrin du marriage 4 Tom. 

Sixth Shelf, duodecimo. Cartes Nouveaux 2 Tom., Par- 
fait Courtisan, Lettres de Boursault, Histoire de la Mo- 
narchic Francoise 3 Tom., L'Art de Plaire, Memoires de 
Due de Guise, [do.] de Beaujeu, Parrhariana, Les Malades 
de Belles Humein, Reflections sur la Ridicule, Modiles des 
Conversations, Logique de Crousaz 3 Tom., Reflections et 
Bons Mots &c 2 copies, La Rhetorique par Lainy, De 1'in- 
credulite, Theatre Philosophique, L'Homme de Coeur, 
Pensier ingenieuses, Entretiens d'Ariste & d'Eugnie. 


Case No. 13, the Two Uppermost Shelves, octavo & duo- 
decimo. Clerici Logica, Schefferus de Style, Terentius 
Fabri, Academia Orbis Christiani, Terentius Christianus 
2 vols., Yigerus de idiotismis Graecae dictionis, Elzevir 
Livy, Miltoni Logica, Phodri Fabula, Thesaurus Poeticus, 
Baronii Metaphysica, Buxtorfs Hebrew Grammar, Dyche's 
Vocabulary, Burgersdicii Logica, Juvenalis Latyrae [!], 
Terentii Comedie, Lucianni Dialogi, Manitowompae Po- 
mantamoonk, Greek Testament, Justini Historia, Lusus 
Poeticus, Caesari Commentarii, De Institutione Grammat- 
ico, Cicero de Officiis, Farbri Lucretius, Sandersoni Logica, 
Thesaurus Poeticus, Institutio Graecie Grammatices, Juve- 
nalis et Persiivatyra, Erasmi Adagiorum Epitome, Novum 
Testamentum Antiquum, Leusden's Greek Testament, Tes- 
tamentum Graecum 2 vols., Van Sand historic der Neder- 
landen 2 vols., Ciceronis Opera Philosophica, Erasmi 
Opera 2 vols., Commenii Physica, Polydor Vergil, Dutch 
Eupues, Senae Tragedio, Sumerti Naturalis Scientiae 


Epitome, Semnius de Miraculis, Savilius in Taciturn, Tobac- 
cologia, Erasmus de Copia Verbum, Pausophiae Podronus, 
Apthonii Progymnasmata, Thesauri Caesares, Hortulas Ge- 
nialis, Macovii Metaphysica, Hores Poctarum, Textoris 
Dialogi, Animalium Historia, Fostneri Notae in Taciturn, 
Erasmi Vita, [do.] Colloquia, Barclayii Sabyricon, Horatii 
Poemata Notis I Bond, Dyche's Phoedras, Grancis's Horace 
4 vols., Davidson's [do.] 3 vols., [do.] Virgil 2 vols., 
1st wanting, Clarkes Suetonius 2 copies, [do.] Justin, 
[do.] Nepos, Sterlings Terrence, Terentius Delphini 2 
copies, Holmes Greek Grammar, Homeri Opera, Cato's Dis- 
ticks, Sallust Minelii, Aesopi Fabula gr. & lat., Cicero de 
Officiis, Lilly's Grammar 2 copies, Isocrates Orationes et 
Epistolae, Nova Via docendi graecci, Porta Linguarum, 
Clarkes Introduction 2 copies, Gradus a Parnassum, Cae- 
saris Commentarii, De Signo Filii Hominis, Turners 
Grammatical Exercises, Ovidii Opera, Clarke's Oesop, Vir- 
gilii Opera, Sententia Pueriles 2 copies, Disputationes 

Case No. 14, Lower Shelf, folio. Ammianus Marcellanus, 
Appiano Opera Graeco Latina, Aristophanis Comediae 
Lat., Budoei Commentarii Linguie, Graecae, Luciani 
Opera Lat., Lexicon Pentaglotton, Zenophontis Opera 
Gr Lat, Stephani Dictionarium, Bhodigiani Sectionis Anti- 
quie, Heroditi Historia, Erasmi Adagia 2 copies, Josephi 
Opera Gr Lat. 

Second Shelf, folio & quarto. Scaligeri Poetices, Skinneris' 
Lexicon, Isocratis Opera, Fabulae Hygini, Censura Cele- 
briorum Authorum, Barnes's Euripides, Caesaris Commen- 
taries, Virgilii Opera, Hobbes's Thucydides, Pindari Opera, 
Alfieri's Italian & English Dictionary 2 vols., Diction- 
naire de Richelet, Littleton's Dictionary, Bhemnir Gram- 
matica, Suetonii Opera, Danets Classical Dictionary. 

Third Shelf, duodecimo. Livii Orationes, Virgilius Mine- 
lii, Roma Pertitula, Lucanus, Petrarcha de remediis utrius 
Fortunae, Aldus Minutius, Justina Historia, Historia Bo- 
mana, Cornelius Tacitus, Valerius Maximus, Plauti Com- 


mediae, Martialis Epigrammata, Quintus Curtius, Lemnius 
de Constitutione Corporis, Pindari Opera 2 vols., Terentii 
Comediae, Zenophon de Cyri institutione, Homeri Odysses 
3 vols., Homeri Ilias 3 vols., Terentius, Sleidan de Mo- 
narchiis, Floras, Lipsi Monita 2 copies, Lipsi Politica, 
Ovidii Opera 3 vols., Prudentii Opera, Homeri Epitheta, 
Sallust, Horace, Bibliotheca Botanica. 

Fourth Shelf, quarto. Le Tresor de Ouidin, Gouldman's 
Latin Dictionary, Robartsoni Thesaurus Linguae Janetae, 
Homeri Ilias, Littleton's Dictionary, Dictionnaire Fran- 
coise et Latine, Biblia Hebraica, Hexham's English & 
Dutch Dictionary, Devarius de Graecae linguae Particulis, 
Eobartsoni thesaurius linguae Graecae, SewelPs English 
& Dutch Dictionary, Dictionnaire de Vineroni, Des Cartes 

Fifth Shelf) octavo. Buxtorfi Lexicon, Isocrates Opera Gr 
Lat, Luciani Opera Gr Lat, Ciceronis Orationes 3 vols., 
[do.] Epistola 2 vols., [do.] Opuscula, Homeri Ilias, 
Smetii Prosodia, Walkers Idioms, Popma de differentia 
verborum, Gradus ad Parnassum, Commenii Jamea Lingua- 
rum, Anacreon Teius, Donati Terentius, English Epic- 
tetus, Zenophon, Budeus de Studio, Petronius Arbiter, Art 
of thinking. 

Sixth Shelf , duodecimo. Ciceronis Opera Foulis 20 
Tom., Portae Magia Naturalis, Terentii Comediae, Apho- 
rismi Hieroglyphici, Commenii Sebrola Ludus, Sandersoni 
Logica, Epigrammatum Delectus, Dutch Grammar, Hora- 
tii Opera, Virgillius, Cornelius Nepos, Valerius Maximus, 
Aliani Historia Faberi, Schenckelius detectus. 

Seventh Shelf, octavo. Jensii Sectiones Lucianae, Caesaris 
Commentarius Delphini, Terentiae Comediae [do.], Vir- 
gilii Opera [do.], Horatii [do.] 2 copies, Johnsoni Soph- 
ocles Tragedies 2 vols., Polyacni Stratagemata, Gram- 
maire Generale, Waesburgae Poematrum Periphrasis, 
Cardamus de rerum Yarietate, Gazophylucium Anglicanum, 
Torriano's Italian Grammar, Wall's Logica, New Gefun- 
den EDEN, Examen Philosophiae Platonis, Keckenni 


Systema Logica, Theophrasti Characteres, Sertorius de 
Notis Eomanorum, Janua Quatuor Linguarum, Bontekoe 
Tractatjes, Clerici Ars Critica, Aschami Epistolae. 

Case JVo. 15, Lowest Shelf, folio. Demosthenes & Eschini 
Opera 3 vols., Platonis Opera Serrani 3 vols., Minshey's 
Guide to tongues, Etimologia Lingua Graeca, Dyonissii 
Halicarnassi Hist Eom 2 vols., Holyokes Dictionary, 
Gyraldi Opera, Dictionaire de Miege, Polybius gr & Lat, 
Petiti Leges Atticae, Scapulae Lexicon. 

Second Shelf, folio. Stephani Thesaurus Linguae Latinae 
2 vols., Senecae Opera, Josephi Opera per Hudson 2 
vols., Constantini Lexicon, Thucydides gr & Lat., The- 
saurus Graecae Linguae, Deonis et Ziphilini Opera. 

Third Shelf, octavo. Dei Hominis Elogia, Boeti de Con- 
solatio Philosophiae, Cardanus de Subtile fate [ t] , Scaliger 

, Scoti Grammatica, Bulialdus de Natura Lucis, Ques- 

tiones ex Tacito, Seneca Opera, Observationes in Val Max 
& Yell Patere, Capello Satyricon, Vivis de anima et Vita, 
Cassandri Natura loqua, Toxius de Natura Philosophia, 
Sciopii Grammatica Philosophica, Petravii Eationarum 
Temporum, Macrafioti Ars Memoriae, Stephani Colloquia, 
Gretseri Institutiones Linguae [?], Janua Linguarum, 
Erasmi Apothegmata, Adamantii Phisiognomonicon, An- 
tonius de Coloribus, Terentii Comediae. 

Fourth Shelf, octavo. Luciani Opera 10 vols., Notae in 
Lucianum 2 Tom., Homeri Ilias 4 Tom., [do.] Odysses 
4 Tom., Dounaei Praelictiones, Terentiae Comediae, 
Schenckelii Methodus, Buxtorfi Thesaurus Grammaticus, 
Gellii Noctes Atticae, Plutarchi Opera 6 Tom., [do.] 7 

Fifth Shelf, duodecimo. Phaedri Fabulas, Latin Testa- 
ment 2 copies, English Epictetus, Mella Patrum, Synoni- 
morum Sylva, Institutiones Philosophicae, Hooles No- 
menclature, Sleidan de quatuor imperus, Westminster 
Greek Grammar 2 copies, Valerius Maximus, Ars Cogi- 
tandi, Enchiridion Ethicum, Seneca Tragediae, [do.] 
Opera, Walkers English Particles, Erasmi Colloquiae, 


Ovidii Opera, Compendium Trium Linguarum, Socini 
Opera, Chronicon Carionis, Columella de Re Kustica, Cae- 
saris Commentarii, Cicero de Officiis, Sinetii Prosodia, Lin- 
guae Graecae Institutiones Grammaticae, Juvenal Delphini, 
Quintilian [do.], Sallust [do.], Cornelius Nepos, Herodia- 
mus Gr & Lat, Phalaris Epistolae, Schrevelii Lexicon, 
Theocritas Greek [1], Florus Delphini, Turicus Propho- 
cies, Italian Grammar, Scepsis Scientifica, Des Cartes de 
Prima Philosophia, Isocrates Gr & Lat, Commentaria in 
Syntaxisartis Mirabilis 4 Tom. in 3, Alstedii Thesaurus 
Chronologiae 2 copies, Josephi Opera, Senecae Tragediae, 
Symbolum Pythagoricum, Olizarovius de politica Homi- 
num-Societate, Mela de Situ Orbis. 

[Here ends the list of the classics, the rest being unclas- 

Case No. A, Lowest Shelf, folio. Pole Synopsis 4th & 
5th vols., Laws of Virginia, Chambers Dictionary 2 vols., 
Dictionnaire Oeconomique 2 vols., Willugbai Ornithologia, 
Lediards Naval History, Dictionary of all Religions, Mil- 
lers Dictionary, Gardiners Dictionary, Architecture 

di Scamozi, Herberts Travels. 

Second Shelf, folio. Albert Durer's Drawings, Dilenii 
Historia Muscovum, Biblia Junii et Tremelli, Coopers 
Latin Dictionary, Buchannani Opera 2 vols., Flower 
Garden Displayed, Stanley's History of Philosophy, Addi- 
son's Works 4 vols., Cudworth's Intellectual System 2 
vols., Histoire des Papes 5 vols. 

Third Shelf, octavo. Ray's Wisdom of God, Operas 
Italian & English 5 vols., Janua Linguarum, Spencer 
de Urim et Thummim, Toyson d'Or, Collection of old 
Play S _10 vols., History of Robbers 3 vols., Classical Geo- 
graphical Dictionary, Rettrato di Roma Antica, Triomphe 
Hermetique, Dictionaire Hermetique, Le Filet d' Ariadne, 
Le Text d'Alchymie, Philosophic inconnue, Lumiere des 
Tenebres, Clavis Homerica, Plays 2 vols., Planters Physi- 
cian, Gentleman's Magazine, Baxter on the Soul 2 vols., 
Matho 2 vols., Ciceroni Orationes 3 vols., Bos well's 


Method of Study 2 vols., Duke of Berwick's Life, Walpoles 
Administration, Life of the Duke of Marlborough 2 vols., 
[do.] Lewis the 14th 3 vols., [do.] of the Czar of Muscovy, 
Fielding's Miscellanies 3 vols., Collection of Tryals 2 
vols., Miscellanies 3 vols., Travels of Cyrus, Discours 

Fourth Shelf, octavo. Grey on Learning Hebrew, Middle- 
ton's Cicero's Epistles, Shuckford's Connexion 3 vols., 
Conduct of the Duchess of Marlborough, Other Side of the 
Question, Turnbull on Education, Rollins Roman History 
9 vols., Watson's Horace 2 vols., Francis's [do.] 2 vols., 
Atterbury's Sermons 2 vols., Life of King Alfred, Memoirs 
of Earl of [Orrery], Dissertation upon Parties, Blair's 
Sermons 4 vols. 

Fifth Shelf ] duodecimo. Nature delineated 4 vols., Roma 
Illustrate, Rollins des Belle Lettres 4 vols., [do.] Ancient 
History 10 vols., Terence Comedia 3 vols., Life of Prince 
Eugene, [do.] Marlborough, History of Joseph Andrews 
2 vols., Newton's Philosophy explained 2 vols., Antoninus's 
Meditations, Moral Essays 2 vols. 

Case No. B, Lowest Shelf, folio. Kircheri Area Noae, 
Stevens' Spanish Dictionary, The Common Prayer, Miege's 
Dictionary, The Alcoran, Gwillims Heraldry, Raii Historia 
Plantarum 2 vols., Stanley's Philosophers, Yocabulaire 
dell Crusca, Gruterii Florilegii Tom. 2nd, Clericus in 
Pentateuch, Lock's Works 3 vols., The Art of Sound 

Second Shelf, folio. Salisbury's Mathematical Collections, 
Lex Mercatorum, Jenkes Arithmetick, Browns Vulgar 
Errors, Grotius on War and Peace, L'Estrange's Aesop 2 
vols., Kersey's Mathematical Elements, Cambridge Con- 
cordance, Hobbes Leviathan, Moxon's Perspective, The 
Jesuit Morals, Advice from Parnassus, Popes Odyssey 5 
vols., [do.] Iliad 6 vols. in 3, Euclid's Elements, Bacon's 
Natural History, Tyson's Anatomy of a Pigmy, Rathbone's 

Third Shelf, folio. Boyle's Works 5 vols., Emblems of 


Love, Figures de Versailles, Icones diversae, N Regionuni 
delinatio, Amours de Cupid & Psyche, Gemme Antiche, 
Albius History of English Insects, Habits delineated, 
Figures de Sadler, Antiquitez de Perrier, [Views] of Ver- 
sailles, Maison de France, Palazzi di Roma, Segment Marmor 
Romanorum, Tableau de Cabin du Roy, Festiva ad Capita 
Annulumque Decursio, Wells's Ancient & Modern Maps. 

Fourth Shelf, folio. Ovid delineated, Maps of Great 
Britain, Bidloe's Anatomy, Catesby's Natural History of 
Carolina, [do.] of Plants, New General Atlas, Two large 
Books of Maps, Sellers Sea Atlas, Atlas Celestis. 

Case No. C, Lowest Shelf , folio. Vitruvius Britannicus 3 
vols., Atlas Gerardi 2 vols., Rowe's Lucan, Speeds History 
of Great Britain, [do.] Maps, Seats in Great Britain, Rec- 
ords of the Virginia Company 2 vols., Palladio's Archi- 
tecture, Albertis Architecture 2 vols., History of the Bible 
with Cutts 2 vols. 

Second Shelf, folio. Historic de L' Academic 3 vols., [do.] 
des Inscriptiones 4 Tom., Voyage du Frezier, [do.] de 
Feuillee 2 vols., [do.] de Tournefort, Ouvrages des Peintres 
2 vols., Principes L' Architecture, Moeurs des Sauvages 
2 vols., I Cats Werken, Oeconomie de la Campagne, Traite 
d> Architecture, Medall Hist Van Hollande. 

Third Shelf, folio. Merceri Thesaurus linguae Sanctae, 
Curiositez dela Mer des In des, Histoire de France 3 vols., 
Dictionaire des Arts et Sciences, [do.] de L' Academic, 
Collier's Dictionary, Raleigh's History of the World, Dic- 
tionaire de Bayle 4 vols., Supplement de Bayle. 

Fourth Shelf. Histoire de 1' Academic from 1692 to 1718 
23 vols. 

Case No. D, Lowest Shelf, folio. Prior's Poems, Antiqui- 
ties Expliquies Par Montfaucon 10 vols., Pandectae Canoni 
Gr. & Lat. 2 vols., Gentleman's Recreation, Blank Books 
2 vols. 

Second Shelf, folio. Acts of William the 3rd, Nili Epis- 
tolae, N Tertum de le Clerc, Religion of Nature delineated, 
Travels from Moscow to China, Epitome Annalium EC- 


clesiae, Ushur's Body of Divinity, Private Directions for 
Travels in England MS, Donati Eoma vetus et Recens, 
History of the Bible, Critical History of the Old Testa- 
ment, [do.] New Testament, Canons of the Church of Eng- 
land, Dinothi Bellum civile Galliae, Lyra Prophetica, 
Vidman's History of the Universe 2 vols., Prgim [t] of 
Parliament, Riccii Expeditio Christiana ad Linas, Guic- 
ciard Historia Itineraria, Machiavelii Opera, Tablau du 

Third Shelf, folio. Ogilby's Africa, [do.] America, Em- 
bassy to China, Supplement to Josephus, Collection of Voy- 
ages 2 vols., Histoire de France 3 vols., [do.] de Louis 
Le Grand, Howells History of the World 3 vols. 

Fourth Shelf, quarto. Bradley's Work of Nature, Daniel's 
History of France 7 vols., Histoire d' Angle terre 10 
Tom., Quintilien de L'Orateur. 

Case No. E, Lowest Shelf, folio. Spelman's Glossarium, 
Pisonis Indiarum Historia, Phillip's Dictionary, The Royal 
Commentary, Laws and Government of England, Chronicle 
of Britain, Livy's Roman History, Dr. Dees Relations, Al- 
gernon Sidney on Government, Harrington's Works, Rob- 
ert's Map of Commerce, History of Scotland, Heylin's 
History of the Reformation, Cox's History of Ireland, 
Bacon's Natural History, The State of Europe, Cantera's 
Dooms, Tryal of Arch-bishop Laud, Caxton's History of 
Troy, Lydgates [do.]. 

Second Shelf, octavo. De Rebus Sicilae, Caesarea or an ac- 
count of Jersey, The London Spy, The German Spy, An- 
nals of Europe 4 vols., State of England, History of 
Europe 4 vols., Complete History of Europe, History of 
the King of Sweden, [do.] Apparitions, [do.] Pirates, [do.] 
Robberies, [do.] Portugal, [do.] The Saracens 2 vols., 
Descripto Italiae, Well's Sacred Geography 4 vols., Phil- 
ips Conferences, New Essays on Trade, Robinson Crusoe's 

Third Shelf, duodecimo. Craftsman 14 vols., Busbequais's 
Epistles, De Rebus et Factis Memorabilibus, Guiccardi de 


iidem, Life of Gustavus Adolphus, Description of Paris, 
Secret History of Charles 2nd & James 2nd, Valuation of 
Ecclesiastical Preferments, Illustrious Actions of William 
Henry P of Wales, Second History of D'Alancour & Q 
Elizabeth, State of London, Life of the Bishop of Munster, 
Burnet's Letters on Italy &c., State of France, The Turkish 
Spy 8 vols., History of Lewis the 13th. 

Fourth Shelf j octavo. Bucaniers of America, Ortelii, 
thesaurus Geographicus, Mieretii Syntagma Subsisivarum, 
Varii Tractatus, Polytecks & Maxims van Hollande, Me- 
moirs of Queen Anne, Polinitz's Memoirs 4 vols., Collec- 
tion of Histories, Terence in usum Delphini, Life of Lord 
Bacon, Ritteri Cosmographia Proro-Met [?], Grotii An- 
nales Belgici, Echard's Ecclesiastical History 2 vols., 
History of the Magicians. 

Fifth Shelf , octavo. Breviarum Chronologicum, History 
of Schah Nadir, Chamberlayne's Present State, Oldcastle's 
Remarks, College Character, Marlborough's Conduct, Life 
of William the third, History of the Turks 2 vols., Jan- 
thesius de Gubernaculo, Locke's Remains, History of Ger- 
many 2 vols., Life of Pythagoras, Voyage of the Dutch, 
State of Virginia, History of the World 4 vols., [do.] 
Virginia, Echard's Roman History 5 vols., Welwood's 

Sixth Shelf , octavo. Puffendorf Alliance 'twixt Sweden & 
France, Revolution in Sweden, Prideaux Life of Mahomet, 
Philip de Comines, Systema Ecclesiastica Sclavonia, Adam's 
Veto Theolog Germanicorum 4 vols., Historia Exertorum, 
Glanville on Witchcraft, Bacon's Remains, History of the 
League, Cluverii Historia, Grafferi Itinerarium, Benjamin, 
Coke's detection 2 vols., Life of Van Tromp, Le Clercs, 
Compendium of History, Caesurum Vitae, Admiranda Nili, 
Deliciae Variorum Itinerariorum, Schroteri Historia Geo- 
graphica, Britains Remembrancer, Debates of Lords & 

Case No. F, Lowest Shelf, octavo. Monthly Mercury from 
1688 to 1722. 


Second Shelf, octavo. Monthly Mercury continued to 1742 
4 vols., State of Europe 2 vols., History of [do.] 1703, 
Gentleman's Magazine 8 vols., Works of the Learned 
8 vols. 

Third Shelf, octavo. Works of the Learned continued 
4 vols., Debates in Parliament 22 vols. 

Fourth Shelf, octavo. Political State 26 vols. 

Fifth Shelf, octavo. Political State continued 13 vols., 
Goodwin's Antiquities, Use of the Fathers, Pamphlets 14 
vols., Miscellanies. 

Sixth Shelf, duodecimo. Tilomanni Discursus philosophi- 
cus, Essay on Preaching, Biblia Graeca 2 vols., Human 
Prudence, Al Mondo, Baudi Epistola, Hornii Ulysses per, 
[do.] Historia Ecclesiastica, [do.] Area Noe, [do.] Orbis 
Politicus, Barclaii Argenis, Bronchorsti Aphorismi Politici, 
Symbola Politica, Yalentini Epistolae, Ens Epidorfi, Ern- 
stii Philosophia, Vitae humanae Proscenium, Aphorismi 
politici & Martiales, Newhusii Epistolae, Leusdeni Com- 
pendium Novi testamenti, Bartholemus de Mundo, Dio- 
dorus Siculus, Historicum Compendium Belgicum, Thomas 
a Kempis, Helenae Eaptus, Castaign's Interest Book, 
Meibon de usu nagorum in re vene rea. 

Seventh Shelf, duodecimo. Nanfa's Essays, Beverly on 
Fornication, Kormanni Templum Naturae, Lomeie de Bib- 
liothecis, Eben Calendium historicum, De obligatione 
Conscientae, Pamphlets, Gronovius de Sertertius, [do.] de 
centerimis usuris, Pedagogus divitum, Art of Swimming, of 
Oeconomy, Christian Virtuoso, Historica Franciae, Pontani 
Discursus Historicus, Epictetus, Cases of Conscience, 
Method with the Deists, Conjugium Conjurgicum, Staera 
Appenra &c, Art of Metals, Articuli Lambethiani, Men 
before Adam, Flores Intellectuales, Eabelais Works 4 
vols., Elenchus Motuum, Campiani Rationes, Chytraeus de 
lectione Historiae, Echard's Geographical Compendium. 

Case No. G, Lowest Shelf, quarto. Saunderson's Algebra 
2 vols., Newhouse's Navigation, Hatton's Arithmetick, 
Jee Vaart van Gietermaker, Pritle Questiones Physico 


Mathematicae, Argoli Ephemerides 3 vols., Cluverii Ge- 
ographia, Art of Accounts, Travaux du Mars 3 vols., Stur- 
mins's Mathematicks, Ship Building, Clavis Commercii, 
Moxon on the Globes, Wards Mathematicks, Woolthius's 
Algebra, Palladio's Architecture, Geometrical Key, Vade 
Mecum, Newton's Opticks, [do.] Mathematical Philosophy, 
[do.] Recreations, Derham's Astro Theology, Beverigii 

Second Shelf, octavo. Debtor & Creditor, Kowes Navi- 
gation, Bucholeri Index Chronologicus, L de Linda Orbis 
descriptio, Flavel's Tables of Interest, Constructions of 
Maps & Globes, Cours de Mathematique par Organum 5 
Tom., Watson's Astronomy, Whiston's Astronomical Lec- 
tures, Practice of Arithmetick, Whiston's Astronomy, [do.] 
Euclid, Longitude found, De Cometis [!], Des Cartes's 
Musick, Lamy de Perspective, Norwoods Trigonometry, 
Coley's Astrology, Gunter's Works, Blaeu de Usu Globo- 
cum &c, Wharton's Works, Grammaticae Libri Tres, Celes- 
tial Worlds discovered, World in the Moon. 

Third Shelf, duodecimo. Treculphi Chronica, Gassendi 
Astronomica, Leyborn's Guide, Cocke's Decimal Algebra, 
Panarithmologia, Wingate's Arithmetick, Epitome of 
Geography, Moore's Arithmetick, Oughtred's Clavis Math- 
ematica, Practical Architecture, Gravesande's Philosophi- 
cal Institutions, Practique d'arithmetique, Galilaei Systema 
Cosmicum, Wilkin's Mathematical Magick, Playford's Mu- 
sick, Haynes Trigonometry, Elemens de Geometric, Eu- 
clid's Geometry vol. 2nd, Chales's Euclid, Recreations 
Mathematique, Harris's Algebra, Jacquets Geometry, [do.] 
Arithmetick, Leeks Gnomonicks, Abrege" de Vitruve, He- 
draei Astrolabium, Sphaera Jonnes de Sacrobosco, Euclidis 
Elementa, Compendium Mathematicum, Barrow's Euclid 
Elements of Geometry, Sellers Geography, [do.] Atlas Ce- 
lestis, [do.] Atlas Maritimus, [do.] Pocket Collections, 
Carionis institutiones Mathematica, [do.] Chronicon, Va- 
renii Geographia. 

Fourth Shelf, octavo. Doctrine of the Catholic Church, 


Boyers Dictionary, Cole's [do.], Bailey's [do.], Quesnal on 
the New Testament, Clarendon's Review of the Leviathan, 
Schrivelii Lexicon, Beverley's History of Virginia, Varii 
Tractatus 2 vols., Seneca's Morals, Eichteri Axiomata 
oeconomica, [do. do.] Politica, Timothy on Philatheus 3 
vols., Elliott's Indian Bible, Cockburn on Duels, Trials of 
Wits, Palmer's Essays, Law of Subordination, Erne's Deist, 
Mottos of the Wanderers. 

Fifth Shelf, octavo. Apology for Parson Alberoni, Whis- 
ton's Primitive Christianity 5 vols., Hobbes's Tripos, 
Aristotle's Art of Poetry, Colloquium Ethicum, Book of 
Martyrs 2 vols., Eoyal Politician 2 vols., Eights of the 
Christian Church, Bruyiere's Characters, Mahomets Alco- 
ran, Eeformation Abridges, Hickeringills Works 3 vols., 
Heiders philos : politic : Systema, Consolation of Philoso- 
phy, Lux Orientalis, More's Account of Virtue, Loyd's 
Popery, Stanhope's Epictetus, Scripture Chronology, 
Saints Eeign upon Earth, Military Discipline, Of Frugality. 

Sixth Shelf, duodecimo. Argyle's Instruction to a Son, 
Carter's Passions, [do.] Proverbs, Allington's Grand Con- 
spiracy, Christian Policy, Ealeigh's Mahomet, Polit : et 
Milit: Haut-bock, Historia Bataviae, [do.] Britannien, 
[do.] De Spectres, Politike Discoursen, Frontinus, Histo- 
rien de Eussen, Spanhemii introductio ad Historiam, Mili- 
tary Dictionary, Galdene Annotatien, Naerdere unie, 
Wheari Eeflectiones historicae, De Conscientia, Valsche 
Kaerspaeldus, British Compendium, Larger British Com- 
pendium, Irish [do.], Scottish [do.], English Baronetts 3 
vols., Comenii Historia, Ealeighs Eemains, De Eepublica 

Seventh Shelf, duodecimo. Eosos's View of all Eeligions, 
Petri Eami de Militia, Julii Caesaris Opera, Emblemes 
divers 2 vols., Alciati Emblemata, Biblia sacra Junii et 
Trimelli, Gildon's Letters, Memoirs of the navy, Eure- 
mont's Essays, Sibelline Oracles, Montaigne's Essays 3 
vols., Art of Speaking, Spanish Decameron, More's Utopia, 
History of Medals & Coins, Locke on Government, [do.] 
Eeasonableness of Christianity, Mistresses of France, Eikon 


Basilikee, Thompson's adversas Lipfiune, History of Mo- 
nastical Orders, Frauds of the Monks, Dissertatio Le 
Divities, Heinsii Orationes, Mythologia Naturalis Comitis, 
History of Oracles, Sea Dialogues, Scots fencing Master, 
Solomon's Ethicks &c. 

Case No. H, Lowest Shelf, Quarto. Aulus Gellius Del- 
phini Paris Edition, Justinius [do.], Florus [do.], Sallus- 
tius [do.], Dictis Cretensis [do.], Tacitus [do.] 4 vols., 
Quintus Curtius [do.], Caesaris Commentarii [do.], Vale- 
rius Maximus [do.], Cornelius Nepos [do.], Titus Livius 
[do.] 6 vols., Suetonius [do.]. 

Second Shelf, quarto. Statius Delphini 2 vols., Plautus 
[do.] 2 vols., Prudentius [do.], Catullus Propertius [do.] 
2 vols., Martialis [do.] , Virgilius [do.] , Claudianus [do.] , 
Ovidus [do.] 4 vols., Juvenalis [do.], Horatius [do.], 2 
vols., Lucretius [do.], Manilius [do.], Phoedri Fabulae. 

Third Shelf. Wasse's Sallust, Pomponius Mela Vossii 2 
vols., Suetonius Causabon, Ausonicus Variorum, Lucanus 
[do.], Marcobius [do.], Tacitus [do.], Ovidi Opera [do.] 
3 vols., Tullius de Oratore [do.] , Statius [do.], Lucretius 
[do.] , Historia Augustorum Scriptorum, Casteus Blancardi, 
Sallustius Gruterii. 

Fourth Shelf , folio & quarto. Vergilii Opera, Horatii 
[do.] , Catulli Propertii, Tereutii Comediae, Diogenes Laer- 
tius 2 vols., Phoedri Fabulae, Horatius Bentlei, Plautus 
Delphini 2 vols., Petronius Burmanni 2 vols., Silius 
Italicus Drakenborchi, Barnes's Homer 2 vols., Quin- 
tiliani Institutiones, [do.] Declamationes, Polydor Virgil. 

Fifth Shelf, octavo. Vellius Paterculus Delphini, Eutro- 
pius [do.] , Panygeric Vetus [do.] , Pomponius Festus [do.] , 
Apuleius [do.] 2 vols., Terentius [do.], Boetius [do.], 
Cicero de Oratore [do.] 2 vols., [do.] Orationes [do.] 3 
vols., [do.] Epistola [do.] , Plinius [do.] 5 vols., Ciceronis 
Opera, Marcellini res Gestae. 

Sixth Shelf, duodecimo. Cicero Gronovii 11 vols., Titius 
Livius Clerici 10 vols., Seneca Elzevir 3 vols., Notae ad 
Senecam, Caesaris Commentarii, Plini Epistolae, [do.] 
Historia 3 vols., Senecae Opera, Sallustius. 



1. HUGH LE BIRD, younger son of the family of Charlton, 
m. Werburga, daughter of Roger Dombvel, and had 

issue : 2. John 2 , m. Isabel , and had a son, Hugh 

le Bird 3 , who d. s. p. ; 3. Richard 2 5 4. William 2 , m., 
and had a son, John le Bird 3 , who d. s. p. 

3. Richard 2 , m. Mary, daughter of Henry Brentishall, and 
had a son, 

5. David 3 , m. Elizabeth, daughter of John Fitzhugh, of 

Lithrogg, and had a son, 

6. Hugh 4 , m. Roose, daughter of Albaney Cheyney, and had 

a son, 

7. David 5 , m. Mabel, sister and heir of Henry de Broxton, 

and had issue : 8. Richard* ; 9. Hugh 6 ; and 10. Wil- 
liam 6 , about whom there is no data. 

8. Richard 6 le Bird, of Broxton, m. Mabel Codogan, and 

had a son, 11. Hugh 1 . 

*This Genealogy was pre- for Chester" (Harleian MSS., 
pared by Mr. W. G. Stannard No. 2119), and from a pedigree 
and published in the " Beau prepared at the Heralds' Col- 
Monde," a Richmond periodical lege, London, in 1702, for Wil- 
which is not now published, liam Byrd IT . For some of the 
April 7 and 14, 1894. Through facts relating to the children of 
the kindness of Mr. Stannard Richard C. Byrd, of "White- 
the editor has been able to add hall," the editor is indebted to 
to it some facts not embraced in the kindness of Mrs. Sally Nel- 
the original articles. The Eng- son Robins, assistant secretary 
lish portion of the Genealogy and librarian of the Virginia 
was taken by Mr. Stannard from Historical Society. EDITOR. 
Holms' s "Heraldic Collections 



9. Hugh 6 le Bird, m. Agnes, daughter of William de Bick- 
erton, and had issue: 12. David 1 of Broxton; 13. 
Ughtred 7 , who left two sons, Thomas 8 and David 8 ; 
14. John 7 , of Broxton. 

11. Hugh 7 le Bird, m. , and had a son, John le Bird 8 of 

Broxton, whose daughter and heiress was Margaret 9 , 
who in 1379 was wife of Eoger Bulkeley. 

12. David 7 le Bird, of Broxton, m. Mawde, daughter of 

David de Edge, of Edge, and had a son, 
15. John 8 Bird, m. Alice, daughter and heiress of Peter 
Bulkeley, of Broxton (by his wife Nicola, daughter 
of Thomas 8 Bird), and had issue : 16. John 9 (who 
witnessed a deed in 1440 and had a son, John le 
Bird, of Tilston, who was living in 1467) ; 17. 
Tomalyn 9 . 

17. Tomalyn 9 Bird, of Bostock, living in 1440, m. Phillippa, 

daughter of Hugh Broxton, of Henhall, and had a 

18. Henry 10 Bird, of Broxton, m. Winifred, daughter and 

heiress of Adam de Kaley, and had a son, 

19. John 11 le Bird, of Broxton, m. Ciceley, daughter of John 

Dutton, of Hatton, and had issue : 20. Peter 12 ; 21. 
Thomas 12 j 22. John 12 . 

20. Peter 12 le Bird, of Broxton, m. Anne, daughter of Rich- 

ard Olive, of Olive, and had a son, George 13 le Bird, 
of Broxton, who m. Elizabeth, daughter of David 
Dodd, of Edge, and in turn had a son, Thomas 14 , who 
m. Jane, daughter of Ralph Bulkeley, of Haughton. 
(Here in Holms's pedigree this branch of the family 

21. Thomas 12 le Bird, m. Margaret, daughter of William 

Dodd, of Broxton, and had a son, 

23. Henry 13 le Bird, of Broxton, m. Anne, daughter of John 
Phelkin, of Tattenhall, and had issue : 24. John u ; 
25. Thomas ; 26. Hughe 14 (d.s.p.) ; 27. Eobert u ; 28. 
Roger 14 ; 29. Anne 14 , m. John Garden, of Calcott ; 30. 
Elizabeth 14 , m. Hugh Williamson, of Chalkley ; 31. 


Mary 14 , m. Richard Davenport, of Locroff ; 32. Kath- 
erine 14 ; 33. Robert 14 , m. Elizabeth, daughter of 
Francis Lolland (or Callorne), of Ay mount.* 

24. John 14 le Bird, of London, m. Elizabeth, daughter of 

Oliver Burgh als Copparsmith, and had issue : (a) 
William 15 ; (6) John 15 ; (c) Henry 15 ; (d) Elizabeth 15 ; 
(0) Anne 15 . . 

25. Thomas 14 le Bird, m. Ales Palyn, and had issue : (/) 

Anne 15 j (g) Raphe 15 ; (h) Margery 15 j (i) Peter 15 ; 
O') Jane 15 ; (&) Thomas 15 . 
27. Robert 14 Bird, m. Elizabeth Holland, and had a son, 

34. John 15 Bird, m. Elizabeth Bine, and had a son, 

35. Thomas 16 Bird, m. Elizabeth Bud, and had a son, 

36. John 17 Bird, or Byrd, of London. He was a goldsmith 

of London, m. Grace, daughter of Thomas Stegg, or 
Stegge, of London (and for a time of Virginia, 
where he held important office), and had issue : 37. 
William 18 , eldest son, and founder of the family in 
Virginia; 38. Thomas 18 , who was perhaps the 
youngest child ; and four daughters : Elizabeth 18 
(who perhaps m. Rand), Mary 18 (who perhaps m. 
Guy), and Sarah 18 and Grace 18 (one of whom perhaps 
m. Robinson).f 


1. William 1 Byrd arrived in Virginia before 1677 (per- 
haps as early as 1670), and inherited the estate of his 
uncle, Thomas Stegg, Jr. He lived first at "Belvi- 
dere," in the bounds of the present city of Rich- 
mond, but about 1691 moved to the estate of West- 
over, twenty miles below his former home, on the 

*The English genealogists whom married Elizabeth Hoi- 
have perhaps made some error land and the other Elizabeth 
in regard to 27 Robert 14 , and 33 Lolland. 

Robert 14 , le Bird. It is hardly f See the letters of William 

probable that a man would have Byrd I in the possession of the 

two sons named Robert, one of Virginia Historical Society. 


James Kiver, which became the famous seat of his 
family. He m. Mary, daughter of Colonel Warham 
Horsemanden, then of Charles City County, in Vir- 
ginia, but who shortly returned to England, where 
he settled at Purleigh, in Essex. William 1 Byrd 
was b. in London in 1652, and d. Dec. 4, 1704, at West- 
over. His wife had d. in her forty-seventh year at the 
same place, Nov. 9, 1699. He had issue : 2. William 2 ; 
3. Susan 2 , who m. John Brayne, merchant, of Lon- 
don ; 4. Ursula 2 , b. Nov. 29, 1681, m. Kobert Beverley, 
the historian, d. Oct. 31, 1698, had one son, William 3 
Beverley ; 5. Mary 2 , about whose life nothing is 
known ; 6. Warham 2 , b. 1685, and d. in childhood. 
2. William 2 Byrd, b. March 28, 1674, d. at Westover, 
Aug. 26, 1744 ; m. : 

(1) Lucy, daughter of Colonel Daniel Parke,who 
died in 1710 as governor of the Leeward Islands, and 
had issue : 7. Evelyn 3 , b. July 16, 1707, d., unmar- 
ried, Nov. 13, 1737 ; 8. Parke 3 , b. Sept. 6, 1709, d. 
June 3, 1710 ; 9. Philips William 3 , b. Feb. 23, and d. 
Dec. 9, 1712 ; 10. Wilhelmina 3 , b. Nov. 6, 1715, m. 
Thomas Chamberlayne, of King William County, 
Virginia, from whom there is descended a promi- 
nent line;* 

(2) Maria, daughter and co-heiress of Thomas 
Taylor, of Kensington, England, and had issue : 11. 
Ann# ; 12. Maria 3 ; 13. William? ; 14. Jane 8 . 

11. Anne 3 , b. in London, Feb. 5, 1725, m. Charles Carter, of 

"Hamstead" (afterward of "Cleve"), d. Sept. 11, 1757. 
From this marriage is descended a numerous line. 

12. Maria 3 , b. Jan. 6, 1727, m. Landon Carter, of "Sabine 

Hall," d. Nov. 29, 1744. From this marriage is 
descended a numerous line. 

* For the Chamberlayne pedi- of this valuable little periodical 

gree see an article by Mr. W. G. is in the possession of the Vir- 

Stannard in the "Beau Monde," ginia Historical Society. 
March 31, 1894. A bound file 


13. William 3 Byrd, b. at Westover, Sept. 6, 1728,* d. Jan. 1, 
1777, m. : 

(1) April 14, 1748, Elizabeth Hill, only daughter 
of John Carter, of " Shirley," and had issue: 15. 
William 4 , b. Aug. 2, 1749, who became a lieutenant 
in the 17th British Regiment, and was killed at 
Caen, France, July, 1771, by being thrown from a 
carriage (d. s. p.) ; 16. John Carter 4 , b. Jan. 27, 1751, 
m. widow of William Randolph, of " Wilton," and 
d. s. p. ; 17. Thomas Taylor* ; 18. Elizabeth Hill 4 , b. 
Nov. 29, 1754, m. ( 1 ) James Parke Farley, (2 ) Rev. John 
Dunbar, (3) Colonel Henry Skip with ; 19. Francis 
Otway*. On July 5, 1760, Elizabeth Hill Carter Byrd 
died, and within six months William 3 Byrd was mar- 
ried to 

(2) Mary,f daughter of Charles Willing, of Phila- 
delphia, by whom he had issue : 20. Maria Horse - 
manden 4 , b. Nov. 26, 1761, m. John Page, of "Page- 
brook" j 21. Anne Willing 4 , b. March 25, 1763; 22. 
Charles Willing 4 , b. April 8, 1765, d. Aug., 1766 ; 23. 
Evelyn Taylor 4 , b. Oct. 13, 1766, m. Benjamin Harrison, 
of "Brandon" ; 24. Abby 4 , b. Nov. 4, 1767, m. Judge 
William Nelson ; 25. Dorothy 4 , b. Feb. 17, 1769, d. 
the 24th of the same month ; 26. Charles Willing 4 , 
b. July 22, 1770, United States district judge for 

* The pedigree in the " Beau respondence with them, but on 

Monde " has it 1729, which can- investigation was acquitted, 

not be right. The Byrd family She ruled her house and planta- 

bible gives 1728, which has here tions with great success, and 

been adopted. was known far and near for the 

t Mary Willing was first courtesy and elegance of her 
cousin of Peggy Shippen, the hospitality. The Count Chas- 
famous Philadelphia beauty tellux was struck with her 
who married Benedict Arnold, "agreeable countenance, and 
Her sympathies during the great good sense." Her will, 
Revolution were with the Brit- with most of the facts relating 
ish, and Arnold's invasion of to her life, is published in the 
Virginia brought a number of Virginia Historical Magazine, 
their officers to her house. She Vol. VI. p. 346. The will con- 
was accused of treasonable cor- tains a list of the Byrd portraits. 


Ohio, m. Sarah Meade ; 27. Jane 4 , b. Jan. 17, 1773, 
m. Carter H. Harrison j* 28. Richard Willing* ; 29. 

14. Jane 3 , b. Oct. 13, 1729, w. John Page, of "North End," by 
whom comes a numerous descent. Her portrait, show- 
ing a fine face, is now at William and Mary College. 

17. Thomas Taylor 4 Byrd, b. Jan. 17, 1752, became a captain 
in the British army, where he served under Colonel 
Fanning, m. Mary, daughter of William Armistead, 
of "Hesse," Gloucester County, had issue: 30. John 5 , 
killed in the battle of North Point ; 31. William B. 5 ; 
32. Francis Otway 5 j 33. Elizabeth 5 , m. in 1827 General 
Elisha Boyd, member of the State Senate ; 34. Maria 
Carter 5 , m. Philip Norborne Nicholas, of Kichmond, 
judge of the General Court and attorney-general 
of Virginia, and had issue : (a) Gary, (6) Sidney, 
(c) Elizabeth Byrd, of Washington, D. C. j 35. 
Charles Carter 5 ; 36. Thomas 5 ; 37. Richard E 5 

19. Francis Otway 4 Byrd, b. May 8, 1756, was officer in the 
British navy and resigned at the beginning of the 
Revolution to offer his services to America ; in 1775 he 
was appointed an aide to General Lincoln ; in Jan., 
1777, he was made lieutenant-colonel of the 3d Vir- 
ginia Dragoons and served through the war j after- 
ward he was sheriff of Charles City County, and d. 
Sept. 2, 1800 ; m. Anne, daughter of Robert Munford, 
of "Richland," Mecklenburg County, and had issue : 
38. Maria 5 , m. Davidson Bradfute ; 39. Lelia 5 ; 40. 
Eliza 5 , m. Alexander Tompkins; 41. Evelyn 5 , m. 
Roger A. Tompkins ; 42. Anne 5 , m. - Wright ; 43. 
William O. 5 , d. unmarried ; 44. Abigail 5 , m. in 1825 
Dr. H. Davis. 

28. Richard Willing 4 Byrd, of Smithfield, Isle of Wight 
County, b. Oct., 1774, d. Oct., 1815, member of the 
House of Delegates, 1804-6, m. (1) Lucy, daughter 

* Carter H. Harrison moved to Kentucky, and from him comes 
the prominent Chicago family of the same name. 


of Benjamin Harrison, of "Brandon," (2) Emily 
Wilson, and by his first marriage had issue : 45. 

Addison 5 , ra. Custis ; 46. Otway 5 ; 47. Mary 

Anne 5 , ra. in 1825 Dr. Richard Kennon, U. S. N. 

29. William 4 Byrd, ra. Susan, daughter of Addison Lewis, 
had issue : 48 Addison 5 , ra. Susan Coke ; 49. Mary 5 , 
m. Eichard C. Coke, M.C. ; 50. Jane O. 5 , m. G. W. 
McCandlish ; 51. Dr. Samuel Powell 5 . 

32. Francis Otway 5 Byrd, served with distinction at 
Tripoli in 1805 under General Eaton, and as an 
officer of the War of 1812 with such eminent gal- 
lantry that the Virginia legislature presented him 
with a sword and a vote of thanks. He removed from 
Clarke County, Virginia, to Baltimore in 1855, and 
died there May 2, 1860, aged 72 years ; ra. Eliza 
Pleasants and had issue : 52. Mary 6 , ra. Samuel G. 
Wyman ; 53. Anne 6 . 

35. Charles Carter 5 Byrd, ra. Jane Turner and had issue : 
54. Lucy 6 ; 55. Thomas 6 . 

37. Eichard E 5 . Byrd, of Frederick County, m. in 1826 Anne, 
daughter of Benjamin Harrison, of "Brandon." He 
was a distinguished lawyer, member of the House of 
Delegates in 1839, 1840, 1842, etc., and of the Con- 
vention of 1850-51, served on the staff of General 
Gorse, C. S. A., and d. Jan. 1, 1872, aged 72 years j 
had issue : 56. George H. 9 ; 57. William 6 . 

51. Dr. Samuel Powers 5 Byrd, of "Whitehall," Gloucester 

County, w. (1) Catherine C. Corbin, widow of 

Fauntleroy, and (2) Mary L., daughter of Dr. Mat- 
thew Brooke ; by his first marriage had a son, 58. 
Eichard E. 6 

56. George H. 6 Byrd, of New York, TO. Lucy C., daughter of 
Edmund Wickham and his wife Lucy, daughter of 
Dr. Eobert Carter ; has issue : 59. Anne 7 ; 60. Ed- 
mund Wickham 7 ; 61. Mary Wyman 7 ; 62. Alfred 7 ; 
63. George H. 7 ; 64. Samuel W. 7 ; 65. Lucy C. 7 j 66. 
William 7 ; 67. Francis 7 . 


57. William 6 Byrd, m. Jennie Rivers, had issue : 68. Mary 7 ; 

69. Richard 7 ; 70. Otway 7 ; 71. Margaret 7 . 

58. Richard C. 6 Byrd, of "Whitehall," b. Sept. 9, 1837, m. 

Agnes Gordon Marshall, had issue : 72. Samuel P. 7 , 
b. June 23, 1861 ; 73. Richard C. 7 , m. - - Walke ; 
74. Lewis W. 7 ; 75. Mary B. 7 ; 76. Fannie M. 7 , m. Cor- 

bin Waller ; 77. Anne G. 7 , m. Clark of New 




Ale, made of Indian corn, 347 

Allen, Colonel, 26, 322 

Allen, the Widow, 26 

Allen's Creek, 322, 329 

Alligators, 237, 238 

Ambergris, 216 

Anderson, Charles, 91 

Andros, Governor, lii 

Appomattox, the falls of, 262 

Armstead, 381 

Arrack, 393 

Asses, their value to explorers of the moun- 
tains, 197 

Assiento, the, 368 

Assogue ships, 368 

Auditorship, separated from receiver-gen- 
eralship, xlix 

Aurora Borealis, 151 

Authorities cited, list of, vi 

Ayleway, Robert, xxiii, xxiv, xxv 

Bacon's Rebellion, xx, xxi, xxii 

Bahama Islands, their value to England, 368 

Bainton, Epaphroditus, 114 

Ballance, Mr., 48 

Baltimore, Lord, 16 

Banister, Mr., 281, 284, 292, 326, 326, 329, 398 

Banister River, 293 

Barradall, Mr., 401 

Bastimentos, the, 369 

Bear, an adventure with a, 202 ; the flesh of, 

as food, 118, 137, 170, 189, 191, 301, 308 ; 

the flesh of, and fecundity, 190 ; habits of, 

137, 138, 139, 147, 165, 166, 167, 168, 218 ; 

the Indian use of the oil of, 214 ; kinds 

of, 218 

"Bear-skin," 117, 136, 144, 145, 242, 244 
Beavers, habits of, 120, 229, 230, 231 ; how 

to catch, 230 

Beech-trees, longevity of, 309 
Beggar's Opera, The, 341, 342 
Berkeley, Dame Frances, xvi, xvii 
Berkeley, Governor, xi, xii, xvi, 21 
Bermuda Hundred, 386 
Betty, Mr., 323 
Beverley, Peter, Ixxiv 
Beverley, Robert, xxxiii 
Beverley, Ursula Byrd, xxxii, xxxiii, xliii, 

Beverley, William, xl, 381 ; a commissioner 

for Lord Fairfax, 402 
Birch, Richard, 283, 293 
Birch's Creek, 293, 327 
Blackiston, N., xlviii 
" Black Swan," the, Ixxxvii 
Bladen, Colonel, 43 
Blair, Rev. James, xxvi, xxvii, xlv, liv, Ixxiii, 

Bland, Richard, xxx 
Bland, Theodoric, xxx 
Blasting, method of, 352, 353 
Blathwayt, William, xxii, xxiii, xriv, 
Slewing Creek, 123, 227 

, Lett 

Blue Stone Creek, 287, 290 

Boiling, Colonel, 250, 252, 326. 329 

Boiling, Mr., 322 

Boiling, Robin, 282, 292 

Bolton's Ferry, 94 

Bombo, 77 

" Bona Roba," story about, 395, 398 

Booker, Mr., 334, 335, 336, 337, 384, 385, 386 

Boston, 12 

Boucher, 286 

Boucher's Creek, 286 

Boundary, N. C. See Dividing Line 

Boyle, Charles, Earl of Orrery, xli, xlvii 

Boyle, Robert, 99 

Brafferton, 99, n. 

Brayne, John, xxxiii 

Brayne, Susan Byrd, xxxii, xxxiii, xl, 447 

Brent, grant to, 407 

Brinkley, Peter, 70, 73 

Brookes, Mr., 403 

Brunswick Church, 323 

Brunswick Court-house, 283 

Buffalo Creek, 127, 222, 291, 313, 314, 315 

Buffaloes, habits, etc., 224, 225, 226, 227, 
311, 312, 316 

Bullington, Benjamin, 809 

Burnet, Bishop, 248 

Butcher, John, 321, 322 

Butcher's Creek, 327, 329. See also Boucher' 'a 

Byrd, Elizabeth Carter, Ixxxvii 

Byrd, Evelyn, Ixxvi, Ixxvii, 447 

Byrd, Genealogy of : the English pedigree, 
444; the Virginia pedigree, 446 

Byrd, Grace, xv 

Byrd, Lucy Parke, l,.li, Ixxvi, 447 

Byrd, Maria Taylor, Ixxviii 

Byrd, Mary, xxxix, xl 

Byrd, Mary Horsemanden, xvi, xxxix 

Byrd, Mary Willing, Ixxxviii, 448 

Byrd, Susan. See Brayne 

Byrd, Ursula. See Beverley 

Byrd, Warham, xxxix 

Byrd, Wilhelmina. See Chamberlayne 

Byrdi, William, family position, xv; birth, 
xv ; arrival in Virginia, xvi; marriage, 
xvi; an Indian trader, xviii; military 
service, xix; a burgess, xix; member of 
the Council, xx: part in Bacon's Rebel- 
lion, xx, xxi ; his large grant at the falls, 
xxi ; plan to monopolize the Indian trade, 




xxi, xxii ; appointed auditor and receiver- 
general, xxii, xxiii, xxiv, xxv; duties as 
auditor and receiver-general, xxvi, xxvii ; 
his accounts questioned but correct, 
xxvii, xxviii; buys Westover, xxx; his 
growing importance, xxxi, xxxii; his 
daughters in England, xxxii; his landed 
property, xxxii, xxxiv; his business cor- 
respondents, xxxv ; his religious nature, 
xxxviii; sends and receives "tokens," 
xxxix; his death, xxxix; his will, xl; his 
character, xli, xlii; place in the Gene- 
alogy, 446 

Byrd", William, letters, v, Ixxxi, 387; birth, 
xvii, xl ; epitaph, xli ; compared with his 
father, xli, xlii; education, xlii, xliii, 
xliv; in Holland, xliii; in the Middle 
Temple, xliv ; letter to Lynde, xliv ; agent 
in England for the first time, xlv, xlvi ; a 
burgess, xlv ; at the Lambeth Conference, 
xlv; applies for secretaryship, xlvi; 
member of the Royal Society, xlvii, xlviii ; 
death of his father, xlviii ; his inheritance, 
xlviii ; member of the Council, xlviii ; 
auditor and receiver-general, xlix; re- 
ceiver-general, xlix; president of the 
Council, xlix; marriage to Lucy Parke, 1; 
buys the Parke lands, li ; his debt to Perry, 
li, Ixxxiv; scheme to collect quit-rente, 
lyi ; opposed to Spotswood's scheme, Ivii ; 
his moral character not involved, lix; 
goes to England, lix; called before the 
Board of Trade, Ix; asks that quit-rents 
be spent in Virginia, Ix; gets two acts 
repealed, Ixi; reply to Spotswood, Ixii, 
Ixiii; resigns receiver-generalship, Mii; 
his "concealed designs," Ixix; takes up 
oyer and terminer controversy, Ixx, Ixxi ; 
agent for the second time, Ixx ; charged 
with the desire for the governorship, 
Ixxiii ; extent of his popularity, Ixxiii ; 
his removal from the Council proposed, 
Ixxiii, Ixxiv; inclines to peace, Ixxiv; 
returns to Virginia, Ixxv ; arranges a rec- 
onciliation, Ixxv; domestic life, Ixxv; 
life in London, Ixxvi ; death of his wife, 
Ixxvi ; agent for the third time, Ixxvii ; 
second marriage, Ixxviii ; return to Vir- 
ginia, Ixxviii, 398; his writings, Ixxviii, 
Ixxix, Ixxx; commissioner to run the 
Dividing Line, Ixxviii, 267; commis- 
sioner to run boundary line of the 
Northern Neck, Ixxx, 410; visit to Ger- 
manna, Ixxx ; life at Westover, Ixxx ; his 
English friends, Ixxxi ; his pictures, Ixxxi ; 
his library, Ixxxii ; his landed possessions, 
Ixxxii; breadth of view, Ixxxv; desire 
for office in old age, Ixxxvi ; president of 
the Council, Ixxxvi; his death, Ixxxvii; 
commission to run the Dividing Line, 
267, 268, 269, 270 ; signs reply to protest of 
North Carolina commissioners, 275; his 
companions on the "Journey to the Land 
of Eden," 327 ; letter to Governor John- 
ston, 389 ; account of London society 394 ; 
letter to ' ' Cousin Taylor," 394 ; story about 
"BonaRoba," 395, 396; letter to Custis, 
396; not too old to love, 397; letter to 
Procter, 399 ; his librarian and secretary, 
400, .; his place in the Genealogy, 447 

Byrd 111 , William, his career, xiv, Ixxxvii, 
Ixxxviii ; place in the Genealogy, 448 

Byrd library, catalogue of, 413-443 

Cabin Branch, 112 
Caledonian Spinster, 334 
Cane Creek, 134, 298, 328 
Canes, 134; death of, 294, 298,309; explo- 
sion of, 187 
Cargill, Cornelius, 320 
Cargill's Mine, 291 

Carolina Charter, extract from, 259, 260 
Caroline Court-house, 381 
Carter, Charles, commissioner for Lord 

Fail-fax, 402 

Carter, Colonel, 385, 386 
Carter, Robert, 407 
Cary, Robert, 378 
Casquade Creek, 150, 151, 203 
Catawba Indians, xviii, 89, 184,228,235,237, 

239, 240, 246, 299 
Catesby, Mark, Ixxix 
Cattle in Virginia and North Carolina, 393. 

See also North Carolina 
Cavaliers, xi 
Cedar Island, 39 
Chamberlayne, Wilhelmina Byrd, Ixxvi, 

Ixxvii, 447 

Charcoal, method of making, 345, 350 
Cheep, Mr., 346 

Cherokee Indians, xviii, 184, 185 
Cherokee Mountains, 254 
Chickahominy, 348 
Chicken broth for fever, 282, 283 
Chilton, Edward, xxvi, liv 
Chiswell, Mr., 343, 344, 345, 346, 348, 349, 

350, 351, 352, 354, 355, 363 
Chiswell, Mrs., 343, 348 
Chowan River, 88, 89, 266 
Christanna, Fort, and Indian school, 100, 

117, 246 

Church, first, at Jamestown, 8 
Cider, 92, 380 
Clergy, the, 58, 60, 80, 86, 323 ; salary of, in 

Virginia, 340; their collation, Ixxv 
Cliff Creek, 215, 309, 328 
Cock, Colonel, 320 
Cocke, Rachel, 378 
Cocke, William, Ixix 
Cock's Creek, 284 
Cocquade Creek, 113, 310, 328 
Cohungaroota River, 179, 403, 408, 409 
Cohunks, 146 

Collation of clergy, the right to, Ixxv 
Collison, Peter, Ixxix 
Colson, Joseph, 286, 287, 292, 320 
Contentnea Creek, 227 
Conway River, 409 
Corn, Indian, 75 
Coropeak, 61. See also Peak 
Council, its influence in Virginia, xiii, 

Hi, liii, liv ; its relation to land grants, 


Councilor, oath of a, liii, n. 
Courriers de bois, 198 
Courts of oyer and terminer, controversy 

over, Ixviii, Ixix, Ixx, Ixxi, Ixxii 
Craford, M., 27 
Crane Creek, 236 
Cranes, 131 
Crocodiles, 238, 239 
Crooked Creek, 167, 169, 170, 186, 189 
Culpeper, Lord, as governor of Virginia, 

xix, xx, xxii, lii ; in relation to the North- 
ern Neck, 405, 407, 408, 409 
Currituck Inlet, 22, 25, 30, 32, 36, 260, 266 
Custis, John, 1, li, Ixiii, 396 



Dandridge, William, attacked by the gout, 
176; commission to run the Dividing 
Line, 267, 270 ; signs reply to the protest 
of the North Carolina commissioners, 275 

Dan River, 114, 133, 135, 145, 148, 206, 210, 
214, 289, 295, 298, 302, 303, 306, 318, 319 

Deer, breaks a pier-glass, 356 

Derham, Mr., 350 

Dismal Swamp, the, 27, 28, 49, 55, 57, 59, 61, 
62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 69, 70, 71, 72, 78, 74, 
82, 83 ; Byrd's error in regard to, 60, n. 

"Dividing Line, History of the," Ixxviii, 

Dividing Line, the, Ixxviii, 36, 37, 84, 85, 87, 
93, 104, 259 ; end of, 174 ; attempt to run 
it in 1710, 260, 261, 263, 264, 265; proposals 
of Eden and Spotswood, 265, 266 ; protest 
of North Carolina commissioners, 271, 
272; reply of Virginia commissioners, 
272, 273, 274 

Dosier's Island, 38 

Dreamer of dreams, a, 189 

Drills, how made, 324 

Drysdale, Governor, 408 

Dysentery, cure of, 336 

Eden, Governor, 24, 266 

"Eden, the Land of," 207, n., 208, 295, 300; 

"A Journey to," Ixxviii, Ixxxii, 281 
Edenton, N. C., 74, 76, 78, 79 
Elizabeth River, 27, 28, 30, 56, 72, 73 
Elks, traces of, in North Carolina, 175 
Embry, Captain, 249, 250 
Embry, Major, 282, 324 
England, Mr., 374 
Everard, Governor, 25, 270, 271 
Exploration of the Virginia mountains, 180 
Eyland, Mr., 42 

Fairfax, Lord, 401, 402, 405, 407, 409, 410; 
his commissioners refuse to make map in 
conjunction with the king's commission- 
ers, 405 

Fairfax, William, commissioner for Lord 
Fairfax, 402 

Fences in North Carolina, 79 

Fern root, 116 

Fever, treatment of, 335 

Fires, forest, 169 

Fitz Williams, Richard, 126, 127, 267, 270, 

Flax in Virginia, 334, 392 

Fleming, Mrs., 337, 338, 339, 340, 341, 342 

Flota, the, 368, 369 

Flux, remedy for, 384 

Forked Creek, 297, 327 

Forward, Jonathan, 379 

Fountain, Rev. Peter, 276 

Fountain's Creek, 106, 110, 112 

Foxes, 78 

Fredericksburg, 345, 356, 372 ; description 
of, 373, 374, 402 

Fredericksville, mines at, 345, 348, 349, 375 

Freight to London from Virginia, xxxvii, 

French, settlements of, beyond the moun- 
tains, 391, 392 

Furnace, Spotswood's air, 376, 377 

Gale, Christopher, 66 ; commission to run 
the Dividing Line, 270; signed North 
Carolina protest, 272 

Gall-bush, the, 27, 60 

Galleons, 368, 369 

Geese, wild, 146 

Georgia and the Indian trade, 186 

Gerald, Captain, 384 

Germanna, 356, 359, 370; destruction of its 

chapel, 356 ; Germans there, 356 ; location 

of, 364 

Gibbs, John, 42, 43 
Gibraltar, Spanish attack on, 369 
Ginseng, xlviii, 210, 211, 296, 297, 364, 367, 

Glassock, Christopher, xlii 

Glue broth, 192, 193 

Glue plasters. 217 

Godfrey, Spotswood's founder, 371 

Godwin, Mr., 27 

Gooch, Lieutenant Governor, 24, 270, 401 

Goochland County, 337 ; prices there, 340 

Gordon, Mr., 352 

Gout, treatment of, 176, 177, 181, 182, 183, 

Graeme, Mr., 359, 378, 404 

Graffenreid, Baron de, 228 

Graff enreid, Madame de, 326 

Grapes, wild, 136, 156 

Gravel Hall, 383 

Gravelly Run, 282 

Great Creek, 118, 232, 233, 284 

Green, Captain, 375 

Green Springs, Ixv 

Griffin, Rev. Charles, 100 

Grymes, John, a commissioner to run Fair- 
fax's boundary line, 410 

Hamilton, Andrew, 370 

Harding, William, 38 

Harrison, Colonel, 322 

Harrison, Colonel Henry, 384 

Harrison, Mr., an English iron merchant, 

Harrison, Nathaniel, Ix, tail 

Harrison, Thomas, 408 

Hartwell, Henry, xxvi, liv 

Hatcher, Henry, 309 

Hatcher. Joseph, 309 

Hatcher's Creek, 309, 328 

Hatcher's Run, 282, 325 

Havanna, 368, 369 

Haw Old Fields, 236 

Heath, John, 40, 41 

Hedgman River, 409 

Hemp, in Virginia, 366, 367, 392 

Hermit of Currituck Inlet, the, 37 

Hicootomony River. See Hico River 

Hico River, 123, 124, 125, 127, 224, 312, 313, 
318, 319 

Highland ponds, 152 

Hill, John, 106 

Hix, George, 244 

Hix's Creek, 215, 309, 328 

Hofler, Admiral, 369 

Hooper, Thomas, 292 

Hops, wild, 289 

Horse-flies, 213 

Horsemanden, Daniel, letter to, xxxil 

Horsemanden, Mary, xvi, xxxix 

Horsemanden, Warham, xvi, xlii 

Horses, unfit for use in exploring the moun- 
tains, 196, 197, 198 

Houses, in North Carolina, 78, 79 ; on the 
Western frontier, 319, 320 

Howard of Effingham, xxiii, lii 

Huguenots in Virginia, 340 



Hunter, General, 369 

Hunter, Governor, xlviii 

Hunting, in a circle, 183 ; with fire, 222, 223 

Hunting Creek, 408 

Importation rights, ix, x 

Indian corn, ale made of, 347 

Indians, the trail to the Western, xviii; trade 
with, xviii, xx, Ixi, Ixii, 184, 185 ; Byrd's 
plan to civilize them by intermarriage 
with the whites, 9 ; their wars with Caro- 
lina, 100; their superstitions, 128, 136; 
their religion, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145, 
200 ; their endurance of hunger, 144 ; hos- 
tility of Northern tribes and the Catawbas, 
158, 159, 160, 161 ; their cruelties toward 
prisoners, 160, 161, 162 ; their fortitude, 162; 
their manner of traveling, 204; their way 
of dressing deerskins, 212 ; their defense 
against insects, 214; their dress, 224; 
Byrd's party alarmed by traces of them, 
229, 300, 302, 307, 308 ; their abandoned 
fields, 289; their manner of swimming, 
305 ; their treatment of women, 305 ; their 
method of getting fire, 314 ; their absence 
from the frontier in 1733, 318 

Ipocoacanna, 113, 182 

Ireton, Dr., 336 

Iron, the ore, 335 ; method of mining, 344, 
345, 349, 350, 351, 352, 353, 354, 355 ; ship- 
ment of, 349 ; duty on, in England, 355 ; 
Spotswood's part in mining it, 358 ; ad- 
vantage of, 358 ; Spotswood's advice about, 
359, 362, 363 ; casting of utensils out of, 360 

Irvin, Alexander, 25, 73, 199, 275 

Irvin River, 152, 165, 167, 174, 199, 303, 305 

Ivy, Timothy, 66 

Jamaica, 369, 392 

Jamestown, settlement of, 6 

Jeffreys, Lord, xxiv 

Jesuit's Creek, 312, 328 

Johnston, Governor, 389, 390 

Jones, Colonel, 347, 382 

Jones, Peter, 282, 292, 297, 298, 310, 324 

Jones, Tom, 282 

Jones's Creek, 297, 298, 328 

Keith, Cornelius, 240, 241 

Kenner, Rev., 375, 378 

Kerby, Spotswood's servant, 377 

" Kill-devil," 77 

Kinchin, Mr., 92, 93, 104, 105 

Kindred, Mr., 94 

King George County, 406 

King William County road, 382 

Knot's Island, 38, 39, 40, 41 

Land grants, ix, x, xxxiv, liv 

Lawson, John, 88, 228, 262, 264 

Lee, Richard, xx, xxviii 

Levistone, Mrs., 373 

Lewis, John, xlviii 

Library at Westover, Ixxxii ; catalogue, 413- 


Lightfoot, Major, 375 
Lightfoot, Mr., 384 

Lightning, singular effects of, 89, 195, 196 
Limestone, use of, in iron furnaces, 353 
Lions in America, 154, n. 
Liquor, how to prevent its fermentation, 

Little, William, 76, 270, 272 

Little River, 72 

Lizzard Creek, 112 

Locust-trees, 169 

Lomax, Mr., 381 

" Long sugar," 77 

Lost man, 163, 164, 183, 184, 185 

Lover's Leap, 172, 184 

Lovick, John, a North Carolina commis- 
sioner to run the Dividing Line, 270, 272 

Lowland Creek, 204, 301 

Ludwell, Philip, xvi, xxv, 1 

Ludwell, Philip, Jr., his controversy with 
Spotswood, Ixii, Ixv, Ixvi, Ixvii, Ixxiii, 407 

Ludwell, Thomas, xvi 

Lynde, Benjamin, xliv 

Maosti, 177 

Maosti Creek, 295, 327 

Marble, presence of, 150 

Marij, Rev., 339, 340, 343 

Marriage, of whites and Indians, 8, 9, 102 ; 
civil, in North Carolina, 60, 63 

Mars ton, Rev., 30 

Martin, Colonel, 381, 382 

Maryland, settlement of, 16; iron-mining 
in, 355 

Massachusetts, 12, 13, 14 

Massamoni Creek, 119, 120, 232 

Massaponux, 359, 360, 372, 375 

Matrimony Creek, 155, 194 

Mattapony River, 355, 382 

Mayo, Joseph, 84 

Mayo, William, surveyor for Virginia com- 
missioners, 25, 73, '253; took up land in 
North Carolina, 273, 315, 316, 317 ; on the 
"Journey to the Land of Eden," 282, 294, 
309, 310, 315, 316, 317; mentioned, 324; 
surveyor for the Virginia commissioners 
to run the bounds of the Northern Neck, 
403, 405 

Mayo River, 165, 166 

Mead, Andrew, 57, 66 

Medway River, 295, 327 

Meherrin Indians, 89 

Meherrin River, 89, 90, 92, 106, 108, 327 

Merchant, Mr., 43 

Merchant's Hope Point, 326 

Millstones in North Carolina, 394 

Mines, 180, 391 ; copper, 283, 284, 285, 286, 
287, 288, 291, 318, 320, 321 ; Spotswood's, 
370; methods of, 371, 372, 374, 375 ; iron. 
See Iron 

Miry Creek, 165 

Mitchell, Peter, 293 

Money, in North Carolina, 81 ; value of 
Mexican, in Virginia, Ivii, Iviii 

Moniseep Ford, 115, 240 

Moon's Mount, 380 

Moratuck, 227 

Morris, Henry, 287, 292, 296, 318, 320, 321 

Morris's Creek, 294, 327 

Moseley, Edward, 23, 25, 36, 84, 105, 111, 
261, 262, 264, 270, 272 

Mosquitoes, 34, 41, 62, 214 

Mountains, of Virginia, 391 ; first view of, 
135, 139; views of, 163, 168, 171, 172, 175, 
184, 187, 301, 302, 308 ; exploration of, 180 

Mumford, Colonel, 115, 234, 242, 253, 281, 
326, 327 

Mumford, Major, 281, 288, 292, 310, 311, 319, 

Mumford, Mr., 286, 320 

Music, powers of, 219, 220, 221, 222 



Muster, 94 

My Lord's Islands, 336 

Nansimond River, 57, 68, 72, 73 

Nauvassa, 237 

Negro-ship, disease brought in by, 341 

Nelson, Mr., 352 

New Brick Church, 382 

New England, settlement of, 10, 11, 12, 13, 
14; Byrd's opinion of, 11; traders from, 
32, 365, 366 

New Inlet, 31, 32 

New Jersey, settlement of, 17 

New York, settlement of, 15 

Nicholson, Governor, xi, xii, xvii, xxviii, 
xlvi, lii 

Nicholson, Joshua, 322, 329 

Nicolas, Dr., 352 

Norfolk, Virginia, 27, 28, 29 

Norman's Ford, 382 

North Carolina, settlement of, xi, xx, 21; 
boundary controversy, 21, 22, 23, 261, 263 ; 
commissioners to settle the boundary, 23, 
32, 33, 35, 174, 175, 255, 261, 263, 270, 271, 
275, 314 ; lack of provisions for the com- 
missioners, 104, 106, 111, 116, 274, 275; 
they refuse to proceed, 124, 125, 126, 127 ; 
their protest against carrying the line 
farther, 271, 272, 273, 274 ; society in, 31, 
32, 41, 42, 44, 45, 47, 50, 56, 58, 60, 61, 63, 
73, 75, 76, 79, 80, 81, 92, 241, 390 ; cattle in, 
44, 45, 47, 62, 109, 111, 393 ; marriages in, 
60, 63; lawlessness in, 87; westernmost 
inhabitant (1728), 271, 273; the climate, 
389; Byrd's land in, 389, 390, 393, 394; 
products of, 392, 393 

Northern Neck, boundaries run, Ixxx, 401, 
.; report of commissioners, 401. See 
also Fairfax, Lord 

Northern's Creek, 46 

North River, 72 

" North Wales," 386 

Northwest River, 30, 31, 46, 48, 72 

Norway mice, 83 

Nott, Governor, xlviii, lii 

Nottoway Indians, 24, 94, 95, 96 ; their cab- 
ins, 95; household furniture, 95; war- 
dance, 95, 96 ; figures of their women, % ; 
chastity of the women, 97 ; employments 
of the men, 97 ; their numbers, 98 ; their 
arms, 98; made no progress, 98; failure 
of attempts to educate them, 98, 99, 100, 
101 ; conversion of, 101, 102 

Nottoway River, 22, 23, 24, 88, 90, 94, 262, 
263, 266, 282, 327 

Nova Scotia, 14 

Nutbush Creek, 118, 119, 232 

Nut-oil, 149, 392 

" Nutty, Little." See Beverley, Ursula Byrd 

Occoneechee Indians, xviii, 245, 248, 287 

Occoneechee Island, 286, 290, 291 

Occoneechee Neck, 322 

Ochs, Mr., 394 

Ohimpamony Creek, 121, 229 

Old age, not measured by years, 397 

Olive trees, attempt to grow, in Virginia, 209 

Opossum, 187, 188 

Orchards, 77, 78, 92 

Ordinaries at Caroline Court-house, 381 

Orkney, Earl of, Ixxiii 

Orleans, nun of, 247 

Otter, habits of, 233, 234 

Oysters, about, at Cnrrituck Inlet, 86; 
shells, use of, in smelting iron, 363 

Paco, 205, 206 

Page, Colonel, 346 

Pamunkey River, 343, 348 

Panthers, 154, 316 

Papaw-tree, 314 

Parke, Daniel, xlii, 1 ; his debts, 398 

Parker, , 86 

Parker, Richard, 94 

Parrakeets, 77 

Partridge, Mountain, 132 

Pasquotank River, 72 

Patriarchs, amusing allusion to, 897 

Pawlett, Thomas, xxx 

Pea, wild, 286 

Peak, Indian, 34, 96 

Pear Creek, 111 

Pearse, Captain, 361 

Peedee River, 306 

Penn, William, gossip about, 19 

Pennsylvania, settlement of, 19 ; sends emi- 
grants to Virginia, 393 

Perquimans River, 72 

Perry, Byrd's debt to, li, Ixxxiv 

Perry, Micajan, xxiv, xxv, xlviii, 398 

Perry and Lane, xxxiii, xxxvi, xxxvii, xliv 

Peruvian bark, 336, 346 

Petersburg, 252, 292 

Peter's Creek, 297, 329 

Petty, Sir William, xliii 

Pigeon-Roost Creek, 111, 116 

Pigeons, wild, 156, 157 

Pilot Mountain, 172, n. 

Pines, in North Carolina, 74, 75 

Pinston, Aaron, 318 

Po, the river, 355 

Polecats, 251 

Politics, in Virginia, xiii 

Pork diet in North Carolina, 45, 46, 321, 336 

Porto Bello, 868 

Potomac River, 374, 403, 404, 408 

Potosl, 304 

Povey, John, xxiv, xlv 

Powder Point, 30 

Prescot's Landing, 30 

Prince's Folly, 336 

Principia, 374 

Procter, William, Byrd's letter to, 399, 400; 
a letter from, 400, n. 

"Progress to the Mines," Ixxviii, 333 

Proprietors of Carolina, 269, 260 

Quack, 341 

Quakers, Byrd's opinion of, 18, 19, 20, 57, 58 

Queensbury, Duchess of, 342 

Queocky Creek, 324 

Quern-mills, 241 

Quicksilver, 368 

Quit-rents, rate of, xxv ; collection of, xxvi, 

xxvii, n., Iv, Ivi, Ivii; disappearance of, 

Quoique Creek, 283 

Raccoons, habits of, 170, 171 
Randolph, Mr., 337, 338, 342, 343 
Randolph, William, xxviii, xxxix, xl 
Rapidan River, 361, 404, 408, 407 
Rappahannock River, 345, 353, 402, 403, 404, 

406, 407, 408, 409 

Rattlesnake root, 109, 110, 116, 182 
Rattlesnakes, 93, 110, 111, 116, 293 



Receiver-general, duties of, xxvi; office 

of, separated from the auditor-ship, xlix 
Reeds, 90 

Religion in North Carolina, 79, 80, 86, 107 
Revenues of Virginia, xxv 
Richmond, planned by Byrd, 292 
Riley, Miles, 242 
Roanoke Island, 4 
Roanoke River, 112, 113, 227, 253 ; the falls 

of, 114, 153 

Robinson, Ben, 380, 381 
Robinson, John, a commissioner to run 

Fairfax's boundary, 410 
Rockahominy, 144, 192, 193, 194 
Rock Island, 335 
Roscoe, James, Ixiii 
Rum fricassee of, 76, use of, in North 

Carolina, 77 ; New England, 386 
Running of the reins, 215 
Russel, Mr., 370 
Russel, William, 404, 405 

Sable Creek, 146, 206, 207, 300, 328 

Saint Andrew's Cross, 111, 341 

" Saints of New England, the, Ixxxv 

Sam, Colonel Carter's, 385, 386 

Sandy Creek, 329 

Sappony Chapel, 250, 282, 324, 327, 329 

Sappony Indians, 117, 244, 245, 246, 247 

Sappony Island, 286 

Sauro Creek, 307, 328 

Sauro Indians, 148, 306 

Sauro Town, 307 

Savage, Mr., 403 

Scalping, 243 ; manner of doing it, 160 

Selkirk, Lord, 342 

Seneca Indians, xxii 

Sesamun, 209, 210 

Shaccoe's, 333, 337, 384 

" Shacco-Will," 283 

Sheep, in North Carolina, 38, 107 

Shellbark hickory, the, 148, 149 

Shenandoah River, 179, 180, 403, 408 

Silk, growth of, in Virginia, 392 

Silk-grass, 33, 34, 223, 224, 392 

Slavery, ix, x, xi, Ixxxv 

Slaves, advantage of those bred in Virginia, 
345; used in iron-mines, 345, 359, 360; 
clothing of, 347, 348; fugitives to the 
mountains, 392 

Smith, John, xlviii 

Snead, William, 383 

Soan, Mrs., 384 

Society, in Virginia, ix ; in Norfolk, 29 

Sommerton Chapel, 86 

Sommerton Creek, 88 

South Sea Company, 368, 369 

Southwell, Edward, 265, 267 

Southwell, Sir Robert, xli, xliii, xlvii 

Spight, Thomas, 61 

Spight, William, 87 

Spotswood, Governor, xxii; his arrival in 
Virginia, li ; seeks to restrain the Council, 
lii; changes terms of granting land, Iv; 
seeks to change the management of quit- 
rents, Ivi; charges against collectors of 
quit-rents, Iviii; results of adopting his 
scheme, lix ; suspends Ludwell, Ixii ; dis- 
putes with Ludwell over land, Ixv, Ixvi, 
Ixvii, Ixviii; quarrels with Council over 
the court of oyer and terminer, Ixviii, 
Ixix, Ixx, Ixxi, Ixxii; asks his opponents 
to point out " new measures," Ixxi, Ixxii ; 

forces the Council to submit, Ixxii; makes 
peace, Ixxv; his Indian school, 100, 101, 
246 ; lines on, 101 ; signs proposals to settle 
the boundary dispute, 265 ; his scheme to 
control his mines, 351 ; Byrd's visit to, 356, 
357; the " Tubal-Cain " of Virginia, 358; 
his iron-mines, 359 ; talked about politics, 
365; offered governorship of Jamaica, 
369; appointed postmaster-general, 369, 
370 ; management of his mines, 372 ; his 
air-furnace, 375, 376, 377 

Spotswood, Mrs., her composure, 356, 357 

Spotsylvania County, 406 

Squirrels, 173 

Stannard, W. G., vi, 444 

Staunton River, 114, 289, 303, 319, 329 

Steel, making of, 349 

Stegg, Thomas, Jr., xv, xvi, xvii, xxxiv, 

Stegg, Thomas, Sr., xiv, xvii 

Stephens, Samuel, xvi, xvii 

Steukenhock Indians, 245 

Stevens, Mr., 399 

Stinker, the, 252 

Stith, Drury, 283, 285, 320, 321, 322, 327 

Stith's Creek, 284 

Stony Creek, 251, 282 

Sturgeon Creek, or Run, 248, 283, 324 

Sugar Islands and the ministry, 365 

Sugar maples, 292, 293, 297, 314 

Sugar-tree Creek, 123, 224, 313, 315, 318, 328 

Sunday, observance of, 200 

Susquehanna Indians, xx 

Swann, Samuel, surveyor for North Carolina 
commissioners, 25, 33, 69, 73, 84, 105 

Sweet-gum tree, 215, 216 

Swiss settlers, much desired, 393 

Sym, Mrs., 383, 384 

Talliaferro, John, 375, 404, 405 

Tar, 75; in North Carolina. 85; making of, 

Tarantula, the bite of, treated by music, 220, 
221, 222 

Taylor, , a mason, 375 

"Taylor, Cousin," 394, 396, . 

Taylor, Daniel, 322 

Terrapins, 215 

Tewahominy Creek, 122, 227, 318, 319, 329 

Theky, Miss, 357, 360, 361, 363 

Thomas, Mr., the elder and the younger, 

Thornton, Francis, 404, 405, 406 

Ticks, 212, 213 

Tinsley, Thomas, 383 

Tobacco, "Essay on Bulk," v; sale of quit- 
rent, xxvi, xxvii, Iv, Ivi, Mi, Iviii; pre- 
sented to Queen Elizabeth, 5 ; raised in 
North Carolina, 68 ; manufacture of, in 
Virginia, 378, 379 ; varieties of, 379 

Tomasin, John, 284, 285 

Tooth, Byrd's method of pulling, 317 

Totero Indians, 247, 290 

Totero Island, 286, 288, 289, 291 

Towns in Virginia, lack of, xxxvi, xxxvii 

Trade, the country, xix ; conditions of, xxxv; 
shipping difficulties, xxxvi, xxxvii ; rela- 
tion of London merchant and the plan- 
ter, Ixxxiv, 363; of Norfolk, 28; Indian, 

Trading Path, the, xviii, 117, 118, 234, 235 

Tuckahoe, 337 

Turkeys, wild, 108, 139, 177, 294, 295 



Tuscarora Indians, war with North Carolina, 
227, 228 ; traditions of, 228, 229 ; location 
of, 283 

Tuscaruda Indians, 287, 292 

Usheree Indians, 237 

Vera Cruz, 368 

"Vice Coturuicum," 177 

Vineyards in Virginia, 392 

Virginia, social conditions, ix, x, xi, xii, xiii, 
xiv; the dismemberment of, 3-22 ; people 
given to horseback-riding, 197 ; society 
on southern frontier, 240, 241, 322, 323; 
commissioners for, to run the Dividing 
Line, 275 : their provisions, 26 ; their ar- 
rival at Currituck, 32; they decide to con- 
tinue the line alone, 125 ; they begin their 
return, 174, 178, 179, 185 ; accident to one 
of them, 176 ; position of, in 1710, 262 ; the 
king's order to appoint them, 267 ; their 
commission, 267 y 268, 269, 270 ; their reply 
to the North Carolina protest, 272, 273, 274; 
names of the men who accompanied them, 
276 ; their expenses, 276, 277 ; the commis- 
sioners to run Fairfax's boundary, 410 
(see also Fairfax, Lord) ; products of the 
western part, 318, 392, 393 ; an improper 
marriage, 338 ; the country inclines people 
to love, 396, 397 

Wages, in Virginia, 367, 371, 375 
Walker, Mr., 250 
Waller, Coloiiel, 373 

Washington, Mr., 874 

" Water, Juniper," 55, 60 n. 

Weevils, 347 

Westover, xxx, xxxi, Ixxxi; furniture at, 

xxxi ; later history, Lxxxviii, n. 
Weyanoak Creek, 22, 24, 260, 262, 263, 271 
Whales, 216, 217 

Wharves, manner of building, in Norfolk, 29 
Whitby, xvii 
Wiccoquoi Creek, 249 
Wicocon Creek, 22, 24, 263, 266 
Wildcats, 121, 173 
Wild Turkeys. See Turkeys 
Wilkins, William, 51 
William and Mary College, xxviii 
Willis, Colonel Harry, 360, 372, 373, 374 
Wilson, Mr., 31, 49, 54, 66 
Wilson, Tom, 284, 292, 315, 318, 319, 320 
Wines, ordered, xxxi, xxxii 
Winslow, Mr., 403 
Wolves, 78, 130 
Wood, Mr., 404 
Woodford, Major, 378 
Woodford, Mrs., her modesty, 380 
Woodsmen, habits of, 144, 168, 171, 193, 

310; food recommended for, 192, 193. 

See also Rockahominy 
Wool, in North Carolina, 66 
Wormley, Ralph, xx, xxviii 

Yadkin River, 236 
Yapatsco Creek, 120, 229, 231 
Yaupon, 33 
Yaws, 45 

Byrd, William 

229 The writings of Colonel 
B96 William Byrd of Westover in 





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