Machiavelli / with an introduction by Henry Cust, M.P. / Machiavelli, Niccoláo, 1469-1527

HANDBOUND 
AT THE 



UNIVERSITY OF 
TORONTO PRESS 



THE TUDOR 
TRANSLATIONS 

EDITED BY 

W. E. HENLEY 

XL 



MACHIAVELLI 

WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY 

HENRY CUST. M. P. 



VOLUME II 

THE FLORENTINE 
HISTORY 

TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH BY 

THOMAS BEDINGFELD 

ANNO 1595 




LONDON 

Published by DAVID NUTT 

at the Sign of the Phoenix 
LONG ACRE 

1905 




Edinburgh: T. and A. CONSTABLE, Printers to His Majesty 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

WRITTEN IN THE ITALIAN TONGUE BY 

NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

CITIZEN AND SECRETARIE OF FLORENCE 

AND TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH BY 

T. B. Esquire 

1595 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

DED^CA formed his dutie Notwithstanding, sith both 
TORIE those wants may be supplied by your judgement, 
I adventure the Booke into your L. hand, whom 
I dare trust with any pardonable error. For as I 
have taken in hand this labour, more to enterteine 
my selfe, (not otherwise occupied) then thereby 
to merit your thanks, or the commendation of 
others : so doo I recommend the same to your 
L. rather to be looked on at leisure, then as a 
thing of perfection worthie to be studied. Yet do 
I thinke (and so do others of more judgement) 
that this Historic doth equall or excell the most 
part that have bin written : not so much for the 
order and argument of the matter, as the juditiall 
discourses and observations of the Authour. 
Wherein be discovered the causes of forraine and 
domesticall discords, the commodities and dis 
commodities of treaties, and the secret humours 
of Princes : with diverse other things verie con 
siderable, chiefly of such as be called to consulta 
tion of publike affaires and government. And as 
the end of all Histories ought be to moove men 
unto vertue, and discourage them from vice, so do 
I thinke, there is not any that conteineth more 
examples to that purpose, then this writer : who 
leaving aside all partialitie, and the custome of 
those that studie to flatter whom they favour, and 
misreport whom they love not, doth seeme greatly 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

to follow the truth, and setteth forth rather the 
causes and effects of everie action, then over- TORIE 
much extoll or disgrace the persons of whome the 
storie entreateth. But (as of all other things) so 
hereof your L. can best judge. Wherefore most 
humbly reaccommending to your good favour, 
this poore Present, and my faithfull service, I 
take leave. At the Court, this eight of Aprill, 
1588. 

Your L. most humble 

and assured to commaund, 

THOMAS BEDINGFELD. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 




THE PROEME OF THE AUTHOUR 

\Y meaning was, at such time as I deter 
mined to write the Actions of the Floren 
tine people, both within and without the 
Citie, to begin my Narration from the 
yeare of the Christian Religion, 1444, at 
which time the house of Medici through the 
merits of Cosimo and Giovanni his father, 
aspired to more reputation then any other 
in Florence. For I thought that Leonardo of Arezzo and 
Poggio (two excellent Historiographers) had particulerly set 
downe all things that till those dayes had hapned. But having 
afterwards diligently read their writings, to see with what 
order and meanes they proceeded (to the end that following the 
same, our Historic might be by the Readers better allowed) I 
found that in their description of the warres made by the 
Florentines, both against Princes and other forraine States, 
they had used exceeding great diligence: but of the civill dis 
cords and inward enimities, and of the effects by them brought 
forth, they had utterly omitted one part, and so brieJJie 
described the other, as the Readers could not thereby gather 
any profit or pleasure at all: which I tliinke they did either 
because they judged those matters so meane as were not 
worthie the writing, or else, feared to offend the posteritie of 
some persons who should thereby have bene evill reported. 
Which two respects (be it spoken without offence) seeme to me, 
utterly unworthie men of great reputation. For if there be 
any thing in Histories that delighteth or teacheth, it is that, 
which maketh particuler description. Or if any reading be 
profitable for men that governe in Common-weales, it is that, 
which sheweth the occasions of hate and faction: to the end 
that being warned by harme of others, they may become wise, 
and continue themselves united. Also if every example of 
Common-weales do move the mind, those we read of our Country 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

doo move most, and be most profitable. Moreover, if the THE 
divisions of any Common-weak have ever bene not able, the PROEME 
divisions of Florence are of all others most not able. For the 
most part of other Common-weales (to us knowne) were content 
with one onely division, and thereby, according to the accidents 
sometimes encreased, and sometimes ruined their Cities. But 
Florence not content with one, had many divisions. In Rome 
(as every man knoweth) after the Kings were expulsed, 
division grew betweene the nobilitie and the multitude : which 
continued till the ruine thereof: the like hapned in Athens, 
and all other Common-weales which in those dayes ^flourished. 
But in Florence, first the noble men became divided among 
themselves. Then the nobilitie and the people. And at last 
the people and the multitude. Yea many times it hapned, that 
one of these being victorious, divided it selfe into two. Of 
which divisions, followed so many murthers, so many banish 
ments, and so many subversions of Families, as never chaunced 
within any Citie, that can be remembred. And surely it 
seemeth to mee, there is nothing that witnesseth so well the 
greatnes of our Citie, as that which dependeth upon these 
divisions, being of force sufficient to subvert any Citie of what 
greatnes or power so ever. Notwithstanding our state still 
encreased. For so great was the vertue of those Citizens, by 
their wisedome and courage to work the advancement of them 
selves and their country, as they that hapned to escape so 
manifold mischief es, could by their vertue procure more 
encrease to the Citie, then the displeasure of those accidents 
which wrought the decaie, could decrease it. And without all 
doubt, if Florence had bin so happie, as it might upon the 
delivery thereof from the Empire, have taken some forme of 
government, which would have holden the state united, I know 
not what Common-weale either auncient or moderne, that for 
vertue of Armes and Industrie, before it could have bene pre 
ferred. For most true it is, that after the Ghibilini were 
banished in so great numbers that all Toscana and Lombardy 
were full of them, the Guelfi with the rest that remayned at the 
warre against A rezzo one yeare before the journey of Com- 
paldino, drew out of their owne Cittie of Cittizens onely 1200 
men of Armes, and 12000 footmen. After that time, in the 
warre against Filippo Visconti Duke of Milan, having rather 

7 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE to prove Industrie, then their owne proper Armes (for at 
PROEME that time they were decayed) -we see in five yeares, which that 
warre continued, the Florentines spent three Milions and five 
hundreth thousand Florins. And that warre being ended (as 
not pleased with peace) to shew more of their greatnesse, they 
, besieged the Cittie of Lucca. I cannot therefore conceive any 
cause why these divisions should not be particulerly written. 
And if those notable writers before named, were withholden by 
feare, to ojfend the posteritie of such as they should have made 
mention of, they greatly deceived themselves, and seeme to 
know little of the ambition of men, with the desire they have to 
make the names of their Ancestors and themselves to continue 
perpetuall. Neyther do they remember, that many men want 
ing occasion to win themselves fame, by some laudable deede, 
by some impious acte, have laboured to aspire thereunto. 
And they considered not, that the actions of men which have 
in them greatnesse, as governments and authorities, howsoever 
they be handled, or what end soever they have, do seeme 
alwayes to give men more honor then blame. Which I having 
thought upon, did determine to change my meaning,^ and 
resolved to begin my^ Historie at the beginning of our Cittie. 
And siihmy intent is not to usurp the place of others, I will 
particulerly set downe what chanced onely within the Cittie till 
the yeare 1334 and of such things as hapned without, I will 
not say more then that, which for the understanding of the 
other shall be necessarie. The yeare 1434 being passed, I will 
particulerly write the one and the other. Moreover, to the end 
this Historie may be the better understood, before I entreate of 
Florence, I shall discourse by what meanes Italy became 
subject to such Potentates as in those dayes there governed. 
The first Booke shall briefly recite all accidents hapned in 
Italy from the declination of the Romayne Empire, till the 
yeare 1434. The second will shew what things hapned from 
the beginning of Florence, till the warre which the Florentines 
made against the Pope, after eocpulcion of the Duke of Athene. 
The third doth end with the death of King Ladislao of Naples, 
Anno 1434. In the fourth Booke we wil intreate what other 
things chanced till the yeare abovesaid. And from thence- 
foorth discourse particulerly of such accidents as 

befell within Florence, till this our time. 
8 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 




TO THE READER 



by my suite, though by my consent, 
this Historie is now become publike. 
The translation thereof was diverse yeares 
past desired by an honorable personage, 
not now living; yet for loyaltie to his 
Prince, love to his Countrey, and vertuous 
deserving of all men, worthie a longer 
life : had not God in his divine provid 



ence otherwise ordeyned. Loth I was to medle with matter 
of so much waight, in regard of mine owne insufficiencie, 
being neither learned, nor making profession of learning : 
and lother it should be published, for that the Author (in 
some other his works) hath not (as is thought) written with 
due respect to pietie. Howsoever that be, in this Booke 
(being a meere relation of the Florentines fortune, when they 
were governed Aristocraticallie) appeareth not any thing 
unfit to be knowne, or that may receive evill construction. 

The first part, sheweth the occasions of ruyne in the ^e subject 
Romaine Empire ; and how the Provinces of Italy became of this 
divided into diverse governments: with their often varia- Historie. 
tions. Secondly, by what meanes the Pope, the Venetians, 
the King of Naples, and the Duke of Milan, possessed the 
greatest parts of Italy. Lastly, how that the Florentines, 
abandoning obedience to the Emperour, lived (almost con 
tinually) in faction and civill partialitie, untill the house of 
Medici, by the great vertue of Giovanni, Cosimo, Piero, and 
Lorenzo, atteyned to a singuler reputation in that State ; 
where now (and some yeares past) they governe as Princes, 
with great honor, justice, and integritie : which happinesse 
they could not finde in their Aristocraticall pollicie. Yet 
diverse notable Polititians and wise law-makers, have not 
onely allowed, but also highlie commended it above others 

B 9 



TO THE 
READER 

Mediocritie 
the scope of 
Aristocracie. 



Government 
Aristocracie 
imperfit. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

Affirming, that as mediocritie is in all things most praise- 
able, and extremities reproveable, so the Aristocracie (being 
the meane betweene the multitude and one Prince) is 
speciallie to be preferred. Also for that the authoritie to 
commaund, is due to the most worthie, and worthinesse 
consisteth either in honor, in vertue, in riches, or in them 
altogither, the state Aristocraticall must needs be most 
allowed, bicause the noble, the riche, and vertuous men are 
in all places the fewest number, and they onely in that 
kinde of government have authoritie. They alleage also 
how the rich men onely, as they that have most interest in 
the State, do bestowe most in publike services, and there 
fore to them the Government ought be allotted : so was it 
in Rome after the Kings were deposed, likewise in Athens, 
in Carthage, and at this day in Venice, Genova, and Lucca. 

For answere of these reasons in favour of Aristocracie, 
wherein mediocritie seemeth to be speciallie sought for, 
who so shall duely examine thereof, may finde, that to 
divide things in the midst, and thereby to marke out the 
vertue (which consisteth in reason) were impossible, as all 
Philosophers have determined. True it is, that the meane 
betweene all, and one is perfit, yet no where to be found : 
sith in some Cities there are not one thousand Citizens, and 
in some other more then an hundreth thousand : which 
maketh the Aristocracie alwayes incertaine by the in- 
certaintie of the numbers. And where the Governors be 
many, there are also factions many, the resolutions slowe, 
and the secrets of State often discovered. For by experience 
is seene, how those Aristocracies which have in them fewest 
Governors, are most durable : As that of the Lacedemonians, 
governed by thirtie persons, and that of the Pharsalians by 
twentie. It is not therefore the meane betweene one and 
all, which causeth mediocritie. 

Now for bestowing Soveraigntie upon the most worthie, 
true it is, so it ought be, yet that argument maketh more 
for the Monarchic. For among the noble, rich, and wise, 
some one doth ever excell the rest, and to him (by that 
reason) the authoritie ought be given, seeing it is not 
possible to find all those things equally in all men. If it 
be alleao-ed, that among the greatest number are found 

10 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

most vertuous and good men, that reason serveth not, TO THE 
either in that state or the Democracie : seeing in them both READER 
(as in all Corporations) the most voices are preferred before 
the wise and better. To conclude, I say that in all States, 
wherein are most Governors, there are fewest resolutions, 
and most disputations. The Venetians therefore (to meete 
with those inconvenients) do commit the mannaging of 
their ordinarie affaires to the Senate, which consisteth of 
seven persons onely, as knowing that the fewer be made 
privie, the more secretly they shall be handled : and no 
Aristocracie have had so long continuance. Thus much 
touching Aristocraticall government, of which kinde, was 
that whereof this Historic largely discourseth. 

The State Populer, do likewise boast of the excellencie Equalitie the 
thereof, as that which observeth equalitie without exception scope of 
of persons, and reduceth the constitutions civill unto the Democracie - 
lawe of nature : For as nature hath not given riches, offices, 
or honor to one man more then to another, so the Govern 
ment Populer, tendeth to have all men equall, without 
priviledge or prerogative whatsoever. For by such meane 
(they say) that avarice in those that be riche, and insolencie 
in them that be great, shall be taken away, which are 
the most perilous inconvenients that can happen to any 
Common-weale ; and consequently all thefts, oppressions, 
partialities, and factions, are removed : adding, that 
humaine societie cannot be nourished without amitie, and 
the nourisher of amitie is equalitie, and no equalitie can be 
found but onely in States Populer : it followeth therefore, 
that is the best and most commendable government, bicause 
each man enjoyeth libertie, naturall and equall j ustice, with 
out feare of tyrannic or oppression. These, and some other 
reasons are framed in commendation of Government Populer. 

Whereunto I say, that this order of commanding, which Democracie 
chiefly respecteth equalitie, is not, nor hath bene in any imperfit. 
Common-weale, bicause no such equalitie of goods and 
honors could be observed. And he who taketh upon him 
to bestow them equally, shall proceed contrarie to nature. 
For as she hath made some men more wise and advised then 
others, so hath she framed them to commaund, and others 
to obey. Some have wisedome and aptnesse to direct, others 

11 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

TO THE have strength of bodie, and fitnesse to execute what is 
READER commaunded. And touching libertie naturall (whereof 
Populer States do glory much) were that such as is supposed, 
how could there be either Magistrate, lawe, or forme of 
government: for where Magistracie is, there can be no 
generall equalitie. Besides that, all wise and learned 
writers have misliked that kinde of government. Plato 
calleth it a market, where all things are to be sould. 
Aristotle alloweth not thereof, nor of the Aristocracie. 
Seneca saith, it is impossible for any man to please the 
people, that taketh pleasure in vertue. And how can a 
multitude (as a monster of many heads) void of reason and 
judgement, determine any thing good or profitable ? Also 
to aske counsell of the people, as was anciently used in 
States Populer, is (as it were) that wise men should seeke 
to be informed by mad folks. Which moved Anacarsis to 
say (seeing the Magistrates to propound matters, and the 
people to resolve) that in Athens wise men moved questions, 
and fooles determined what should be done. If any man 
produce the Populer Government of the Suisses, continued 
more then three hundreth yeares : Thereunto may be 
answered, that the nature of that people is apt to be so 
governed. Besides that, the most mutenous sort of them 
are commonly from home in service of the warre under 
forraine Princes, and the rest more tractable, do not care 
much how the State is handled. And among themselves 
there is no diffidence, by reason the Nobilitie of those 
Countreys were slaine, first at the battell of Sampac, and 
after at Basil, the rest willinglie banished themselves. 

By this which hath bene briefly said, appeareth how both 
the optimacie and Populer governments are subject to 
mutation, disorder and utter ruine, and consequently how 
Government. f ortunate t h os e people are, whom God hath destined to live 
in the obedience of a successive royall Monarchic : where 
the Prince submitteth himselfe no lesse to the lawes of 
nature, then he desireth the subjects should be obedient 
unto him, leaving to every one libertie of life, and propertie 
in that he possesseth. Succession argueth Gods providence, 
and government naturall, planteth a certaine reciproke love 
betweene the Prince and the people. One other reason of 



Monarchic, 
the most 
excellent 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

nature appeareth, in that the Monarke is alone in soveraigntie : TO THE 
for as God onely ruleth the whole world, and as the sunne READER 
alone giveth light to all creatures, so the people of one 
land do most naturally yeeld obedience to one head and 
commander. Yea, all nations were first so governed, as the 
Assirians, Persians, Egiptians, Jewes, Grecians, Scithians, 
Turks, Tartars, Englishmen, Frenchmen, Spanyards, 
Polonians, Danes, etc. and in the Indias were found no 
other government. Neither do the sacred Histories make 
mention of other Rulers then Kings onely. And to con- 
firme what hath bene said of royall government, reade the 
opinions of Plato, Homer, Herodotus, Xenophon, S. Ciprian, 
S. Jerome, with other as well divine, as philosophical! 
writers. Finally, it seemeth, that Soveraigntie in one onely 
person is more honorable and magnificent, then if the same 
were divided among a fewe Lords (as is used in the Aristo- 
cracie) or among the whole multitude, as in Populer 
Governments. And experience hath proved, that for 
direction and commandment in the warre, pluralitie of 
Governors have almost ever received prejudice and dishonor. 
Which moved the Romanes (at such occations) to make a 
Dictator. The like was done by the Lacedemonians, and is 
(at this time) used of the Venetians, whome they call gran 
Proveditore. By these reasons and examples (omitting 
many other) appeareth, that the Monarchie royall, is a 
government most reasonable, most naturall, most honorable, 
and most necessary. And such is the happinesse of our 
fortune, that by divine providence, there liveth not in any 
land a more perfit paterne of an excellent Prince, then is 
our present Soveraigne, who feareth God rightlie, and 
governeth her subjects justlie: prudent in counsell, and 
valorous in execution. In prosperitie modest, in adversitie 
constant; faithfull to friends, and feared of enemies; 
affable to the good, and effroyable to the evill : under 
whose sacred protection, our peace, our plentie, and our 
securitie, hath many yeares prospered. T. B. 



13 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 



THE CONTENTS 

OF MANY PRINCIPAL!, THINGS 

WORTHIE NOTE, 

CONTEINED IN THIS WORKE 

IN THE FIRST BOOKE [pp. 21-68] 
The occasion how the Romane Empire became destroyed. 
Diverse incurtions of barbarous people into Italy. 
The ruine, repaire, and building, of sundry noble Cities. 
The acts of Belisario. 
The acts of Narcete. 
Of Comondo and Rosmonda. 
Of Clefi King of Gotti. 
The meanes whereby the Bishops of Rome aspired to greatnes. 

And how they at diverse times have bene the ruyne of 

Italy. 

How long the Lombardy possessed Italy. 
How Pope Urban, determined the enterprise of Asia against the 

Sarasins. 

The originall of Venice. 

The warre betweene the Venetians and Genoveis. 
Of other warres in Italy. 
What famous Captaines in those dales served the Princes of Italy. 

IN THE SECOND BOOKE [pp. 69-129] 

The originall of Florence. 
The first division of the Florentines. 
Of the factions, Guelfi and Ghibilini. 
The order and forme of the Florentine Commonweale. 
14 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

Manfred! chiefe of the Ghibiliues : and the warre which hapned THE 

betweene those sides. CONTENTS 

The returne of the Guelfi, into Florence. 
New ordinances in the Citie. 
The Citie reduced into quarters. 
Of Giano della Bella : and newe tumults in Florence. 
Bertaccio causeth the hand of one Lore to be cut off. 
Of the enimitie which arose betweene the Cherchi and Donati. 
Florence accursed by the Pope. 
The comming of Carlo de Valloys, the French kings brother into 

Florence. 

Of M. Corso with certaine banished men entereth the Citie. 
How the Lucchesi setled the state in Florence. 
Florence both by fire and sword tormented. 
Of a place called le Stinche, in the vale of Greve. 
Uguccione cheefe of the faction Ghibilina and Bianca. 
The Ghibilini banished, and among them the Poet Dante. 
Of great misery in Florence. 
New reformation in Florence. 
Castruccio of Lucca. 

The order of casting Lots : and how it begunne in Florence. 
How the great Cittizens encreased their authority by two meanes. 
Conspiracy against Giacopo de Agobio. 
League betweene the Florentines and Venetians. 
The Duke of Athene, made Lord of Florence. 
Proclamation of banishment made by that Duke : and murther of 

some Citizens. 

The Oration of certayn cheefe Citizens, before the Duke. 
The Dukes Pallace sacked. 
Conspiracy against the Duke. 
The Duke assaulted, and vanquished. 

The Duke dismissed out of Florence : his lyfe and condition. 
Andrea Strozzi entendeth to usurpe the state of Florence. 
At what time the great plague hapned in that City : whereof Bocca 

hath at large written. 

15 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE 
CONTENTS IN THE THIRD BOOKE [pp. 130-176] 

How the discord which groweth of ambition, are the occasion of 

devision in Cities. 

The partialities of the Albizi and Rizzi. 
How M. di Riale of Provenza, came to Florence. 
A law made against the Ghibilini. 

How the word Ammoniti, arose in Florence : and what it meaneth. 
An Oration of one Citizen, to the Lords. 
The occasion of the corruption of Italy. 
The cheefe of the faction of Guelfi. 
New tumults in Florence. 

The Oration of Luigi Guicciardini Gonfaloniere. 
New reformation of the City. 

One Simone, discovereth a conspiracy against the state. 
Michiele di Lando, an artificer, by his courage, aspired to be chosen 

Gonfaloniere di Giustitia. 
New reformation in Florence. 
A commendation of Michiele di Lando. 

An accusation of many Cittizens, for their returne being banished. 
The insolency of Georgio Scali. 
The death of that Georgio. 
Exile and slaughter in Florence. 
The speech of Benedetto Alberti to his companions. 
Of the maner of creation of the Balia in Florence. 
Of John Galeazzo Visconti. 
The words of Veri di Medici. 
What qualitie the Florentines required to be in him that occupied the 

place of Gonfaloniere. 
Giacopo Acciaivoli. 
The death of certaine Cittizens. 

IN THE FOURTH BOOKE [pp. 177-220] 

Filippo Visconti Duke of Milan, intendeth to become Lord of Geneva. 

Georgio Ordilaffi, Lord of Furli. 

The Duke of Milan maketh warre against the Florentines. 

16 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

Giovanni de Medici. THE 

New league betweene the Florentines and Venetians. CONTENTS 

Of an Imposition among the Florentines, called Catasto. 

Carmignuolo Generall of the warre in Lombardy. 

Peace taken with the Duke of Mylan and the League: and what 

Citties remained to the Venetians. 

The death of Giovanni de Medici : and his commendation. 
Of Cosimo his sonne. 
Volterra rebelleth from the Florentines. 
The enterprise of the Florentines against Lucca. 
The violence offered to Saravezesi, and the speech of one man of that 

place to the Senate of Florence. 
Filippo Brunalesco an excellent Architector. 
The defeate of the Florentine army, by Nicholo Piccinino. 
A consultation to expulse Cosimo di Medici out of Florence. 
The answere of Nicholo Uzano. 

Cosimo di Medici cited before the Senate, was imprisoned. 
Cosimo confined in Padoa. 
Cosimo returneth to his Countrey. 



IN THE FIFT BOOKE [pp. 221-273] 

Braccio and Sforza, two great Captaynes in Italy. 

Nicholo Piccinino, Generall for the Duke of Mylan. 

Gattamelata, Generall for the Venetians. 

Banishment of many Cittizens in Florence. 

Alfonso of Aragon maketh warre for Naples. 

The ordinances of the Cittie of Genova. 

The speech of Rinaldo delli Albizi to the Duke of Mylan. 

Rebellion of Genova from the Duke. 

An Oration of an antient Cittizen of Lucca to the people. 

Francesco Sforza, Generall of the league of Florence and Venice. 

Discord betweene Andrea Mauroceno, and Francesco Sforza. 

Cosimo di Medici, Embassador to the Venetians. 

The Duke of Mylan determineth to take Romagna from the Pope. 

c 17 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE Sforza desiring to marrie the Duke of Mylan his daughter, practiseth 

CONTENTS by diverse indirect meanes. 

Sforza refuseth to passe the Po with his army. 

The speech of Neri Capponi to the Senate of Venice. 

The diverse waies from Pesaro to Verona : and which of them the 

Earle Sforza made choise of. 

The Navy of the Venetians taken by Nicholo Piccinino. 
The Earle removeth to rescue Brescia. 
The scite of Verona. 
The Earle goeth to Venice. 
Piccinino passeth to Casentino. 
The Castle of San Nicholo. 
The Earle breaketh the Dukes Navy. 
The overthrow of Piccinino. 

Alberto de Albizi setleth himselfe to dwell at Ancona. 
The taking of Poppi : and what words the Earle owner of that place 

used. 

IN THE SIXTH BOOKE [pp. 274-325] 

A description of certaine lawdable customes used in auncient Common- 

weales. 

A proude request made by Piccinino to the Duke of Mylan. 
The Duke marrieth Bianca his daughter to the Earle Francesco 

Sforza : and giveth her the Cittie of Cremona. 
Alfonso of Aragon beseegeth Naples. 
Annibal Bentivogli breaketh the forces of Piccinino. 
Baldaccio de Anghiari Geuerall for the Florentines. 
The Canneschi murdered Annibal Bentivogli. 
The people for that fact cut the Canneschi in pieces: and killed 

Battista that slew Anniball. 
Santo Bentivogli appointed to governe Bologna, untill the sonne of 

Anniball came to full age. 
Certaine Cities yeelded to the Venetians. 
The Earle Sforza beseegeth Caravaggio. 
The taking of one Venetian Proveditor, whom the Earle set at 

libertie, having first informed him of his pride. 
18 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

The Venetians become bound to pay unto the Earle a certaine number THE 

of Florins. CONTENTS 

Embassadors sent from Mylan to the Earle, and their Oration. 
The Milanesi made choise of that Earle for their Duke. 
The Embassadors of Venice denyed audience by the Florentines. 
The Venetians begun warre agaynst the Duke. 
Steffano Porcari determining to surprize Rome, is discovered and put 

to death by the Pope. 
King Rinato. 
Pope Calisto 3 endevoreth to make warre against the Infidels, giving 

crosses to the souldiers, and therefore the enterprise was called la 

Crociata : but it proceeded not. 
Mervailous tempest about Florence, and great harme proceeding 

thereby. 
Giovan di Angio in the name of the French King taketh possession 

of Geneva. 

Dissention betweene the Fregosi and Giovanni. 
Giovanni vanquished. 



IN THE SEVENTH BOOKE [pp. 326-372] 

How hard it is to continue a Common-weale united. 

The Cittizens of Florence desire Cosimo di Medici to reforme the 

Cittie. 
Lucca Pitti. 

Lucca Pitti builded magnificently. 
The death of Cosimo di Medici. 
The commendation of Cosimo. 
A new enterprise against the infidels impeached. 
A conspiracie of certaine Cittizens against Piero di Medici. 
Piero armeth against his enemies. 
The enemies of Piero banished Florence. 
An Oration made by Piero in his house to the Senators. 
The Duke of Milan goeth to Florence. 
The Florentines against the Volterani. 
Federigo Duke of Urbino an excellent Captaine. 

19 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE Bad condition of Galiazzo Duke of Milan. 
CONTENTS Treason against that Duke. 
The death of the Duke. 
The death of the Conspirators. 

IN THE EIGHT BOOKE [pp. 373-423] 

Conspiracie against Lorenzo and Giuliano di Medici 

The murder of Giuliano. 

The death of the Archbishop, and some other Conspirators. 

The death of Francesco Pazzi. 

The death of Giacopo di Pazzi. 

The Pope and King make war upon the Florentines. 

The death of Lorenzo di Medici, 1492. 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 




THE FIRST BOOKE 

HE people inhabiting the North, beyond 
the Rivers of Reyne and Damibio, being 
borne in a cold Region, yet wholesome 
and apt to generation, do many times 
encrease, and become so populous, that 
part of them are constrained to abandon 
their native countries, and seeke new 
places where to remaine. The order 
which those people hold in dispersing the inhabitants, is, to 
divide themselves into three parts, yet so, as in everie one, 
may be some of the nobilitie, and some of the people, some 
of the rich and some of the poore equallie divided : which 
done, the one part (whose lot falleth so out) leaveth that 
country and seeketh fortune elsewhere to abide. The other 
two parts of the people there remaining, doo possesse 
and enjoy the landes of them that are departed. These 
people were those which destroyed the Romane Empire; 
whereunto the Emperours themselves gave some occasion 
by forsaking Rome, the antient Emperiall seate, and 
setling themselves at Constantinople: For thereby the 
West part of the Empire became weake, lesse regarded, 
and more easie to be harmed both of their owne ministers, 
and others their enemies. Surely the destruction of so 
great an Empire builded upon the blood of so many 
vertuous men, could not be lost without the sloath of 
Princes, infidelitie of ministers, great forces, and much 
obstinacie in them, who assaulted the same: for not 
onely, one sort of people, but many multitudes in that 
action conspired. 



The order of 
the Northren 
people. 



The Northren 
people op 
pressed the 
Romane 
Empire. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE The first enemies, which came to the destruction of the 

FIRST Roman Empire after the Cimbri (vanquished by Marius the 
BOOKE Romane) were the Visigotti, which name in our language, 
may bee called Gotti of the West. These people, after 
some conflicts in the Empire, and through the sufferance of 
the Emperours, long time continued their dwellings upon 
the River of Danubio. And although at sundrie occasions, 
and sundrie times, they assaulted the provinces belonging 
to the Empire, yet were they by the power of the Emperours 
from time to time impeached : and at last by Theodotio 
gloriously vanquished. So that thereby being brought 
under his obedience, they could not againe make any King 
over them, but contented with the Emperours paie, under 
his government and ensigne, they lived and served. But 
Theodotio being dead, and leaving Arcadio and Honorio 
his sonnes, heires of the Empire, (but not of his vertue and 
fortune) the time, with the Prince clearly altered and 
The Empire chaunged. Theodotio authorized unto three parts of the 
divided into Empire, three governours. In the East, Ruffino, in the 
three govern- West stillicone, and in Africa Gildonio. Everie one of 
these, determined after the death of their Prince, not to 
governe as ministers, but to possesse the countries as Princes. 
Of these three, Gildonio and Ruffino, were at their begin 
nings oppressed : but Stillicone better dissembling his intent, 
sought to winne himselfe credit with the new Emperours, 
and neverthelesse disturbe the quietnesse of their state. 
Then to the end he might the rather atteine the possession 
thereof, and procure the Visigotti to become enemies to the 
Empire, he counselled the Emperour no more to paie them. 
Besides that, Stillicone imagining these enemies were not of 
force sufficient to disturbe the Empire, found meanes that 
the Burgundi, Fraunchi, Vandali, and Alani (all people of 
the North, and appointed to seeke themselves a new habita 
tion) assailed the Romane countries. 

The Visigotti then being discharged from their paie, 

determined (as of an injury) to be revenged : and creating 

Rome sacked Alarico their King, assaulted the Empire, destroyed Italy, 

by the Visi- an( j sac ked Rome. After which victory, Alarico died, and 

gotti. j. Q kj m succeec ied Ataulfo : who tooke to wife Placidia sister 

to the Emperours, and through that alliance, agreed with 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

them to succour France and Spaine : which countries were THE 

by the Vandali, Burgundi, Alani, and Fraunchi, (thereto FIRST 

moved by the occasions aforesayd) assailed. Whereof BOOKE 

ensued, that the Vandali (who had alreadie conquered that 

part of Spaine which is called Betica) were sore molested by 

the Visigotti : and not having other helpe, were forced to 

accept the offer of Bonifacio, at that time governing Affrica Bonifacio 

for the Emperour : who required them to take in hand the governor of 

conquest thereof, being by his meane in Rebellion ; and he Affrica - 

fearing least his fault should be to the Emperour detected. 

For these reasons aforesaid, the Vandali most willingly 

tooke the enterprise in hand, and under Genserico their 

King, possessed Affrica. 

By this time Theodotio sonne to Archadio was become 
Emperour, who litle regarding the affaires of the Empire in 
the West, gave great hope to these forrein people to enjoy 
those things they had conquered. So that, the Vandali 
possessed Affrica, the Alani and Visigotti governed Spaine : 
the Fraunchi and Burgundi did not onely conquere Gallia, 
but also unto the parts thereof, by them conquered, gave 
their owne names, calling the one Francia, the other Bur- 
gogna. The happie successe of those, encouraged new How Gallia 
people to the destruction of the Empire. For at that time became 
the people called Unni assailed and possessed Pannonia, a S ame( |. l 
province adjoyning to the River Danubia, which at this day 
having taken the name of these Unni, is called Ungheria. How Hun- 
Upon consideration of these disorders, the Emperour seeing g aria became 
himselfe on everie side assailed, to the end he might have so named> 
the fewer foes, beganne to take truce, sometimes with the 
Vandali, and sometimes with the Franchi : which did greatly 
encrease the reputation and power of the barbarous people, 
disgracing and diminishing the credit of the Empire. 
Neither was in those dayes, the Hand of Bretagna (at this Votigerio 
day called England) assured from such invasion: for the king of the 
Bertoni fearing these people which had possessed France, 
and not finding how the Emperour could defend them, 
called to aide them the Angli, a people of Germany so 
named. These Angli under Votigerio their King, tooke 
the enterprise in hand, overthrew the enemy, and in the end 
drave them out of the Hand, themselves there remaining 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE and inhabiting. By the name of which Angli, that country 

FIRST was, and yet is called Anglia. The inhabitants whereof, 

BOOKE being thus spoiled and driven from their country, became 

How the desperate, perswading themselves, that although they could 

name of Eng- not defend their own country, yet was it possible for them 

land was t o CO nquere an other. Whereupon, they with their families 

Illnd t0 passed the seas, and planted them on the other side neare 

the shoare, and called that country by their owne name, 

SZh Bretagna. 

people now The people called Unni, who, (as is aforesaid) had con- 
inhabitants of quered Pannonia, assembling themselves with other people, 
Bretagna. called Zepedi, Eruli, Turinghi, and Ostrogotti, (which word 
signifieth in that language, Gotti of the East) prepared 
themselves to seeke new countries : but not being of 
force sufficient to enter France (being defended by 
Attila his other barbarous forces) they came unto Italy, conducted 
comming into by Attila their king, who not long before, to governe alone 
Italy. j n hi s kingdome, had slaine Bleda his brother. Thus Attila 

became mightie, Andarico king of Zebedi, and Velamer king 
of the Ostrogotti, were made as it were, his subjects. Attila 
being arrived in Italy, besieged Aquilegia, where without 
resistance, hee continued two yeares, and during the siege, 
spoyled the country thereabouts, and dispersed the inhabi 
tants of the same : which (as hereafter shalbe declared) was 
the beginning of the citie of Vinegia. After the taking and 
ruine of Aquilegia, and many other cities, he marched 
towards Rome : from the spoyle whereof, at the request of 
the Bishop, he refrained. The reverence and respect which 
Attila did bear towards this Bishop, was such, as perswaded 
him to leave Italy, and retire himselfe to Austria, where he 
died. After his death, Velamer king of the Ostrogotti, and 
other the leaders of forraine nations, tooke Armes against 
Tenrico and Eurie his sonnes, the one of them they slew, 
and constrained the other, with the Unni to returne over 
Danubio, into their owne countrey. The Ostrogotti and 
the Tepedi, were setled in Pannonia, the Eruli and Turingi 
upon the shoare on the other side of Danubio. King Attila 
thus departed from Italy, Valentiniano the Emperour in 
the West, imagining to repaire the countrey, and hoping 
with more commoditie to defend the same from the bar- 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

barous people, abandoned Rome, and setled himselfe in THE 
Ravenna. FIRST 

These adversities happened to the Empyre in the West, BOOKE 
occasioned the Emperours, who then dwelt at Constantinople, 
many times to graunt the possession thereof to others, as a 
thing full of perils and expence. And the Romanes other- The cause of 
whiles, seeing themselves abandoned, without leave created the election 
an other Emperour or some deputie, to performe that office, of an E - m " t i 1 
(as did Massimo the Romane) after the death of Valentiniano, West* 
who constrained Eudossa lately wife to the Emperour, to 
take him to her husband. This woman beeing borne of 
Emperiall blood, desirous to revenge so great an injurie, and 
disdaining to bee married with a private Citizen, secretly 
perswaded Genserico King of the Vandali and Lord of 
Affrica, to come into Italy, shewing him the facilitie and 
profit of that enterprise. Hee enticed with hope of so 
great a spoyle came speedily thither, and finding Rome 
abandoned, sacked the Towne, and there remained foure- 
teene dayes. Hee also tooke and spoyled diverse other 
Townes in Italy : and fraughting himselfe and his Army 
with spoyle, returned into Affrica. The Romanes came 
home to Rome, and finding Massimo dead, elected Avito a 
Romane, for Emperour. After the death of diverse other 
Ernperours, the Empire of Constantinople, came to the 
hands of Zenone : and that of Rome, to Oreste and his 
sonne Augustolo, who through subtiltie had usurped that 
Empyre. 

While these men thus possessed and determined to holde 
the Empyre by force, the Eruli and Turingi, who (as is 
aforesayd) after the death of Attila remained uppon the 
shoare on the other side of Danubio, conspired togither 
under the conduct of their Captaine Odoacre, came into 
Italy, and possessed such places, as were by them left voyd. 
Then the Longobardi (people also toward the North) entered The comming 
Italy : ledde thither by Godolio their King, who were, (as of the Lngo- 
heereafter shall be declared) the greatest plague of that 1 into 
countrey. Odoacre arrived in Italy, conquered the same, 
and neare unto Pavia slew Oreste, forcing Augustolo to flie 
away. After which victorie (to the ende that Rome varying 
in government, the governour might receive a new title) 

D 25 



THE 

FIRST 

BOOKE 



How the 
ancient 
Empyre be 
came divided. 



Theodorico 
king of Ostro 
gotti, a most 
vertuous 
Prince. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

Odoacre leaving the name of the Empire, caused himselfe 
to be called King of Rome, and was the first Captaine of all 
the forraine people that invaded Italy to inhabit there. 
Because all the others, either for feare not to enjoy that 
they had gotten, or else doubting to be driven out by the 
Emperour in the East, either else for some other hidden 
occasion, onely spoyled the country : and that done, sought 
to plant their habitation elsewhere. Thus we see, that in 
those dayes the ancient Romane Empire was reduced to the 
government of these Princes. Zenone remaining in Con 
stantinople, commaunded all the Empire in the East. The 
Ostrogotti governed Mesia and Pannonia. The Visigotti, 
Suevi, and Alani, possessed Guascognia and Spaine. The 
Vandoli ruled Affrica. The Franchi and Burgundi lived in 
France. The Eruli and Turingi remained in Italy. The 
kingdome of Ostrogotti came to the handes of Theodorico, 
Nephewe of Velamer, beeing in league with Zenone Em 
perour in the East, wrote unto him, that it seemed a thing 
unjust to his people the Ostrogotti, that they beeing in 
vertue superiours to all others, should be inferiours in 
Empyre : And therfore he could not by any meanes hold 
them within the confines of Pannonia. It seemed therefore 
necessarie to suffer them to take armes, and seeke new 
Countries : But first hee thought good to let him understand 
thereof, to the intent hee might graunt them some country, 
where with his good favour and their greater commoditie, 
they might inhabite. 

The Emperour Zenone, partly for feare, and partly for 
the desire hee had to have Odoacre driven out of Italy, 
graunted that Theodorico might come against Odoacre, and 
take the possession thereof. Then Theodorico departed 
from Pannonia, leaving there the Zepedi his friends : and 
being arrived in Italy, slew Odoacre, and his sonne ; by 
whose example, hee tooke unto him the title of King of 
Italy, making Ravenna his royall seate, moved by the same 
reasons, that induced Valentiniano there to dwell. Theo 
dorico was a man both for warre and peace moste excellent : 
for in the one, hee was alwaies victorious, and in the other 
generally profited the cities and people to him subject. Hee 
divided the Ostrogotti with their Captaines into sundry 

26 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

townes, to the end that in the warre hee might commaund THE 
them, and in the peace correct them : hee enlarged the Citie FIRST 
of Ravenna and restored Rome in all thinges (the discipline BOOKE 
of warre except) giving to the Romanes everie other honour : 
and with his only authoritie kept in awe all the barbarous 
Kings usurpers of the Empyre. Hee built townes and 
fortresses betweene the Alpes, and the point of the sea 
Adriatico, the rather to empeach the passage of other 
barbarous people that should assaile Italy. And had not 
his great vertue bene in the end of his life blotted with some 
cruelties, committed uppon suspition of his kingdome(as the 
death of Simmaco and Boetio, men of most godly life) he 
had bene in all respects worthy of honour and memorie. 
For the vertue and bountie of him, did not only repaire 
Rome and Italy of the afliction committed by the barbarous 
nations : but also reduced them into an order and govern 
ment moste fortunate. And surely, if any times were ever in 
Italy, and the other Provinces there-abouts by reason of 
barbarous oppression miserable, they were those which hap 
pened from the time of Arcadio and Onorio, till his dayes. 
For who so shall consider the great mischiefs which happen 
to common weales by the variation of government, or change 
of the Prince, without any dissention and division, shall 
finde the same alone of force inough to ruine any state 
or kingdome, how mightie soever. It may therefore be 
imagined how great miseries the Romane Provinces endured : 
for they did not only alter their government, but also their 
lawes, their customes, their maner of life, their religion, 
their tounge, their apparrell, and their names. All which 
things (nay any one of them considered unseene) would move 
the hardest heart to compassion. 

At that time many cities were overthrowen, many begun, 
and many enlarged. Among those that were ruined, were 
Aquilegia, Luni, Chiusi, Popolonia, Fiesole, and others. 
Of those which were buylt new, were Vinegia, Siena, Ferrara, 
Aquila, and other townes and castels, which for brevitie I 
omit. Those which of small Cities became great, were 
Fiorenza, Genova, Pisa, Milan, Napoli, and Bologna, to the 
which may be joyned the ruine and repaire of Rome, with 
diverse others Citties in like sort defaced and after amended. 

27 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE Among these mines, and these new people, there grewe up 
FIRST new languages, since that time used in France, Spaine, and 
BOOKE Italy ; which mixed with the ancient tongues of those Coun 
tries, and the Romane speech, have framed languages never 
before time knowen. The names also of those Provinces, 
rivers, lakes, seas, and men, were utterly changed. For France, 
Italy and Spayne, be full of new names, from the olde farre 
differing : as appeareth (omitting many others). The rivers 
of Po, Garda and the Archipelago, which are names divers 
from those of auncient time used. Men likewise commonly 
in those dayes called Caesari, Pompei, and such like: are 
new baptized, Peter, Mathew, and so forth. But among so 
many variations, the chaunge of Religion was not the least, 
for those of the ancient faith, contending with the miracles 
of the new, wrought among men occasion of great discord : 
but had the Christian Religion bene united, the disorders 
had not bene so great. For the Greeke church, the Romane 
church, and the church of Ravenna, contended one against 
the other. Besides them, many other differents arose among 
the Christian people, and into many opinions divided the 
world. An example whereof was Affrica, which suffered 
more affliction by reason of the opinion of Arius (which the 
Vandoli beleeved) then by any other cause either of their 
covetousnes or naturall crueltie. During the multitudes of 
these miseries, everie man beare (as it were) in his face, the 
markes of his discontented mind. For besides the manifold 
mischiefes by them endured, the greater number wanted the 
knowledge of God, by whome all creatures hope to be com 
forted. For the most of those people being ignorant of the 
true God, wanting helpe and hope, most miserably dyed. 

Thus it appeareth, that Theodorico deserved no small 

commendation, being the first that appeased so many 

troubles. For within these 28 yeares which he reigned in 

Italy, he reduced it to so great order and honour, as the 

markes of miserie were scantly perceived. But he being 

The death of dead, and leaving Atalarico for king (who was the sonne 

co - of Amalasciunta his daughter) Italy in short space returned 

to the former disorders. For Attalarico shortly after his 

graundfather died, left the government to his mother, and 

she making Theodato her minister in the government, was 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

by him betraied. Theodato by this meane made King, THE 
became odious to the Ostrogotti, and Justiniano the FIRST 
Emperour hoped the rather to drive him from Italy. To BOOKE 
perform e that enterprise, he deputed Bellisario to be his 
Lieftenaunt, who had alreadie conquered Affrica, and 
chasing from thence the Vandoli, reduced the same to 
obedience of the Empyre. Bellisario also conquered Sicilia, The acts of 
and from thence passed into Italy, where he surprized Be U lsano - 
Napoli, and Rome. The Gotti receiving these overthrowes, 
killed their king Theodato as the cheife occasion of their 
misadventure. In his place was chosen Vitigete, who after 
a few conflicts, was by Bellisario besieged, and in Ravenna 
taken. Then was Bellisario before he had performed the 
whole victorie by Justiniano revoked, and to his charge, 
were appointed Giovanni and Vitale, men both for vertue 
and conversation farre inferiour : wherfore the Gotti tooke 
heart, and created a king called Ildovado, who was at that 
time Governour of Verona. After him (being within a few The acts of 
daies slaine) Totila aspired to the kingdome, and distressed 
the Emperours armie, recovered Toscana and Napoli, and 
brought under his obedience, well neare all those states 
which Bellisario had gotten. Wherfore Justiniano thought 
good to send him again into Italy, who being come thither 
with smal forces, rather lost the reputation he had gotten 
before, then encreased the same. For Totila, as it were 
before the face of Bellisario (who was then with his armie 
at Hostia) besieged Rome and tooke it. Then considering 
with him selfe that he could neither hold it, nor leave it 
without daunger, he razed the greatest part of the Citie, 
driving the people from thence, and leading away the 
Senatours as prisoners, which Bellisario little regarding, 
marched with his armie unto Calauria, to meete there with 
souldiers sent in his aide from Greece. Thus Bellisario 
seeing Rome abandoned, determined with him selfe an 
honourable enterprise : and entering into the ruines of 
Rome, (with what speed he possibly could) repaired the 
walles of the citie, and called home the inhabitants. But 
fortune (as it seemeth) enemie to so laudable an atempt, 
apposed her selfe. For Justiniano the Emperour at the 
same time happened to be assaulted by the Parthi, and for 

29 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE that cause called home Bellisario : hee to obey his master, 

FIRST left Italy at the discretion of Tottila, who anew possessed 

BOOKE Rome, but not with so great crueltie as he had before time 

there used. For being entreated by S. Benedetto, (of 

whome in those daies there was holden a great opinion of 

holines) he endevoured him selfe rather to amend, then 

marre that citie. 

In this meane while, Justiniano had concluded a peace 
with the Parthi, and intending to send a new supply into 
Italy, was empeached to performe that intent by a new 
people of the North called Sclavi, who having passed 
Danubio, assailed Illiria and Thracia : so as by that meanes 
Tottila got into his hands all Italy. But so soone as 
Justiniano had suppressed the Sclavi, he sent thither his 
The acts of armie conducted by Narsete an Eunuch, who distressed the 
Narsete. forces of Tottila, and slew him, with the remaine of the 

Gotti. After that overthrow, retired to Pavia, where they 
created Teia for their King. Narsete on the other side, 
after this victorie, surprized Rome, and at the last fought 
with Teia, not farre from the cittie of Nocera, slew him, 
and vanquished his armie. By meane of which victorie, the 
name of Gotti, in Italy was clearely extirped, having there 
remained from the reigne of Theodorico, unto Teia their 
Kings, threescore and ten yeares. But so soone as Italy 
was delivered from the Gotti, Justiniano died, leaving 
Justino his sonne to succeed him, who through counsell of 
Sophia his mother, revoked Narsete from Italy, and in his 
The acts of place, sent Longino his sonne thither. This Longino fol- 
Longino. lowing the order of his predecessors, inhabited Ravenna, 
and setled in Italy a new fourme of government, appointing 
no Governours of Provinces as did the Gotti, but created 
in everie cittie and towne of importance a Chieftaine, whome 
he called Duke. In which division, he allotted no more 
honour to Rome, then to other townes, because he tooke 
from thence the Consuls and Senate, (which names till that 
day had bene ever there mainteined) reducing all under one 
Duke, who was yearely sent thither from Ravenna, and his 
government called the Romane Dukedome: but the generall 
Governour, who continually remained at Ravenna by the 
Emperours commaundement, and governed all Italy under 
30 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

him, was called Esarco. This division, made the ruine of THE 
Italy to be more easie, and gave opportunitie to the Longo- FIRST 
bardi to usurpe the same. The government of that country BOOKE 
gotten by the vertue and blood of Narsete, thus taken from 
him, and he being also by Sophia injured, reviled and 
threatned to be called home and spinne with women, moved 
him so greatly to chollor and offence, that he perswaded 
Alboino King of the Lombardi (who at that time reigned The acts of 
in Pannonia) to come into Italy, and conquere it. Alboyno. 

The Longobardi beeing (as is aforesaid) entered into 
those countries neare Danubio, who had lately bene aban 
doned by the Heruli and Turingi, when by their King 
Odoacre they were led into Italy : for a time they there 
remained. But the kingdome being come to Alboino a 
man couragious and cruel, they passed the river Danubio, 
and fought with Comundo King of the Zepedi, and over 
threw him in Pannonia, which hee then possessed. Alboino 
in this victorie amongst others, happened to take prisoner 
the daughter of Comundo, called Rosmunda, married her, 
and thereby became Lord of Pannonia. Then mooved by 
the crueltie of his nature, hee made a cup of her fathers 
hed, whereof (in memorie of the victorie) he used to drinke. 
But then called into Italy by Narsete (with whome in the 
warres of the Gotti hee had acquaintance and friendship) 
left Pannonia to the Unni, who after the death of Attila 
(as is aforesaid) were returned into their countrey. Then 
he came againe into Italy, where finding the same into many 
partes divided, sodenly wan Pavia, Millan, Verona, Vicenza, 
all Toscana, and the more part of Flamminia, now called 
Romagna. So that perswading himselfe through so many 
and so speedie successes, to have already (as it were) gotten 
the victorie of all Italy, hee celebrated a solemne feast in 
Verona, whereat, beeing by drinking much, become very 
merry, and seeing the skull of Comundo full of wine, hee 
caused the same to be presented to the Queene Rosmunda, 
who sat over against him at the table (saying unto her, 
with so loude a voice that everie one might heare him) that 
she should now at this feast drinke with her father : which 
speech pearced the Lady to the heart, and she forthwith 
determined to revenge the same. 

31 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE Then knowing that Almachilde (a valiant young gentle- 

FIRST man of Lombardy) loved a maiden of hers, of whome hee 
BOOKE obtained to lie with her, and the Queene beeing privy to 
that consent, did her selfe tarry in the place of their meet 
ing, which beeing without light, Almachilde came thither, 
and supposing to have lien with the mayden, enjoyed the 
Queene her mistresse, which done, the Queene discovered 
her selfe and said unto him, that it was in his power to kill 
Alboino, and possesse her with her kingdome for ever : but 
if hee refused so to do, shee would procure that Alboino 
should kill him, as one that had abused his wife. To this 
motion and murther of Alboino, Almachilde consented. 
After the murther performed, finding that he could not 
according to his expectation enjoy the kingdome, and 
fearing to be slaine of the Lombardes for the love they 
bare to Alboino, the Queene and hee taking their princely 
treasure and jewels, fled to Longino at Ravenna, who 
honorably there received them. 

During these troubles, Justiniano the Emperour died, 
and in his place was elected Tiberio, who beeing occupied 
in the warres against the Parthi, could not go to the reliefe 
of Italy. Whereby Longino hoped that time would well 
serve him, with the countenance of Rosmunda and helpe of 
her treasure, to become King of Lombardy and all Italy. 
And conferring his intent with the Queene, perswaded her 
to kill Almachilde, and take him for her husband: shee 
accepted and agreed unto that which hee perswaded, pre 
paring a cup of wine poisoned, and with her owne hand 
shee offered the same to Almachilde, comming from a bath 
hote and thristie : hee having drunke halfe the wine, and 
finding his bodie thereby greatly mooved, mistrusting the 
poison, enforced Rosmunda to drinke the rest, whereof both 
the one and the other within fewe houres died, and Longino 
bereft of his expectation to become King. 

The acts of The Longobardi in the meane while assembling them- 

Clefi. selves in Pavia, (which was the cheife Cittie of their king- 

dome) elected there Clefi their King, who reedified Imola, 
which had bene ruinated by Narsete, hee wan Rimino, and 
almost everie place from thence to Rome : but in the midst 
of these his victories, hee died. This Clefi was so cruell, 
32 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

not onely to strangers, but also to his owne subjects the THE 
Longobardi, as they were so terrified with his kingly autho- FIRST 
ritie, that after his daies, they determined no more to make BOOKE 
anie King, but elected amongst them selves thirtie persons, The Lombard! 
whome they called Dukes, giving them jurisdiction over the refused to be 
rest : which was the cause that the Longobardi did not pro- f^T^ by 
ceed in the conquest of all Italy, and that their kingdome 
did not extend further then Benevento, and that Rome, 
Ravenna, Cremona, Mantova, Padova, Monselice, Parma, 
Bologna, Faenza, Furli, and Cesena, some of them defended 
them selves a time, and some other were never taken. 
Because the Lombardi wanting a King, their warres pro 
ceeded the more slowlie, and after the election of a new 
King (by reason of their libertie) were lesse obedient and 
more apt to mutinie among them selves, which thing, first 
hindered the victorie, and in the end drave them out of 
Italy. The Longobardi being come to this estate, the 
Romanes and Longino made with them an agreement. The 
effect thereof was, that everie one of them should lay downe 
their armes, and enjoy so much as they possessed. 

In that time the Bishops of Rome began to aspire unto At what time 
more authoritie then they had in times past : for by meane ^ e Bishops 
of the holy life of S. Peter, and some other Bishops with J^? r e me t 
their godly examples, and the miracles by them done, they authoritie. 
became much reverenced amongst men, and greatly encreased 
the Christian Religion. In so much as Princes were occasioned 
(the more easily thereby to appease the great disorder and 
confusion of the world) to obey them. The Emperour then 
being become a Christian and remooved from Rome to 
Constantinople, it came to passe (as is aforesaid) that the 
Romane Empyre decaied, and the Church of Rome the 
rather thereby encreased : notwithstanding till the comming 
of the Longobardi, Italy being subject either to Emperours 
or Kings, the Empyre still prospered : and the Bishops of 
Rome had no greater authoritie then their learning and 
good life did deserve. For in all other t hinges, either by 
the Kings or by the Emperours, they were commaunded, 
and as their ministers imploied, and sometimes put to death. 
But he that made the Bishops to become of greatest autho 
ritie in Italy, was Theodorico King of the Gotti ; when he 

E 33 



THE 

FIRST 

BOOKE 

The remoove 
of the Empe- 
riall seat from 
Rome, the 
cause of the 
Popes great- 



The East 
Empyre sup 
pressed in the 
reigne of 
Eracleo. 



The troubles 
of Italy, 
caused by the 
ambition of 
Popes. 



By what 
meanes the 
present 
Princes of 
Italy aspired. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

removed his royall seate to Ravenna. For thereby Rome 
remaining without a Prince, the Romanes were enforced to 
yeeld their obedience to the Pope. Yet did not his autho- 
ritie thereby greatly encrease, because he could not procure 
to him selfe more preheminence, then that the Church of 
Rome should have precedence before the Church of Ravenna. 
But the Longobardi being come, and Italy divided into 
diverse parts, occasioned the Pope to take the more uppon 
him : for he, then beeing as it were chiefe of Rome, the 
Emperour of Constantinople and the Longobardi, did 
respect him so much, as the Romanes by his meanes, not 
as subjects, but as companions with the Longobardi and 
with Longino, joyned. Thus the Popes sometimes by the 
favour of the Longobardi, and sometime with the counte 
nance of the Grecians, encreased their dignitie. But after 
the destruction of the Empyre in the East, (which happened 
in the time of the Emperour Eracleo) because the people 
called Sclavi, assaulted and conquered againe Iliria, calling 
the same by their owne name Sclavonia, the other partes of 
the Empyre were assailed, first by the Persians, and after 
by the Sarasins, who came from Arabia, conducted by 
Mahomet : and last of all by the Turkes. These people 
amongst them, possessed Soria, Affrica. and Egipt. So 
that the Empyre weakened, the Pope dispaired to have 
succour there, in time of his necessitie. 

On the other side, the power of the Longobardi encreas- 
ing, it behooved him to seeke some new friendship, and for 
the same resorted to the Kinges of France. So as after 
that time, all the warres made uppon Italy by forraine 
people, were by the Bishops of Rome occasioned : and all 
the barbarous nations, who repaired in so great multitudes 
to Italy, were for the moste part by them called thither, 
which manner of proceeding continueth in our dayes, and 
hath heretofore kept, and yet dooth keepe Italy weake and 
impotent. Therefore in discourse of such thinges as have 
happened since those, to these our daies, more shall not be 
said of the distruction of the Empyre, which is altogither 
cast downe and ruined. But wee will heerafter discourse 
by what meanes the Popes and those other Potentates 
which till the comming of Carlo the eight, governed Italy, 

34 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

have atteined to their greatnes, whereby we shal conceive, THE 

how the Popes first by their censures, after with them, and FIRST 

their armes mixed with indulgences, became terrible and BOOKE 

venerable : and how by evill using the one and the other, 

they have altogither lost the use of their armes, and in the 

other, they stand at discretion. But returning to the order 

of our matter, I say, that Gregorio the third, beeing atteined 

to the Papacy, and Aistulpho to the kingdom of Longo- 

bardi, contrarie to the agreement afore made, surprized 

Ravenna, and made warre against the Pope Gregorio : who 

(for the occasions aforesaid) not trusting any more to the 

Emperour of Constantinople beeing then weake, neither 

reposing trust in the Longobardi, who had diverse times 

distressed him, fled for ayde to Pipino the second, who from 

beeing Lord of Austracia and Brabancia was become King 

of France : not so much for his owne vertue, as his fathers 

Carlo Martello, and his graundfathers Pipino, because Carlo 

Martello beeing Governour of that Kingdome, wonne that 

memorable victorie against the Sarasins neare unto Torsci, 

upon the river of Era: wherein were slaine two hundred 

thousand Sarasins. For which cause Pipino his sonne, for 

the reputation of his father and his owne vertue, became 

after, king in that kingdome : vnto whome Pope Gregorio Gregorio 

(as is beforesaid) sent for ayde against the Longobardi. tertio. 

Pipino answered, that hee was very willing to performe his 

request, but first desired to see him, and in his presence 

to honour him. For which purpose Gregorio travailed into 

France, and without any let, passed the townes of the 

Longobardi his enemies : so great reverence was then borne 

to that Religion. 

Gregorio arrived in France, was there greatly honoured 
by the King, and sent back accompanied with the Kings 
forces, who in Pavia besieged the Longobardi, wherby 
Aistulpho was enforced to make peace with the Frenchmen : 
which hee did at the request of the Pope, who desired not 
the death of his enemie, but that hee should convert and 
live. In which peace Aistulpho promised to render unto 
the Church all those townes thereto belonging, and by him 
usurped. But the French souldiers returned home, Ais 
tulpho observed not the conditions of the peace, which 

35 



THE 
FIRST 
BOOKE 



Pope Theo 
doro primo. 



Great honour 
done to the 
Pope by Carlo 
magnOj with 
indignitie to 
the Emperors. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

beeing knowen to the Pope, hee prayed ayde a new of 
Pipino, who sent againe into Italy, where hee overthrew 
the Longobardy, tooke Ravenna, and contrarie to the will 
of the Grecian Emperour, gave the same unto the Pope, 
with all other townes under his Esarcato, adding also to 
them, the countrie of Urbino and La Marca : during the 
time that these townes were in bestowing, Aistulpho died ; 
and Desiderio a Lombard and Duke of Tuscan tooke armes 
to usurpe the kingdome, and praied ayde of the Pope, to 
whome hee promised his friendship : which request was 
graunted, and the other Princes gave place. Desiderio at 
the beginning kept his promise, and according to the con 
ditions made with Pipino, rendred the townes allotted unto 
the Pope, neither did the Esarco of Constantinople, after 
that time come any more in Ravenna, but all things were 
governed according to the pleasure and direction of the 
Pope. Then died the King Pipino, to whome succeeded 
his sonne called Carlo, who for the great and memorable 
exploites by him done, was called Magno. To the Papacy 
was at that time aspired Theodoro Primo. He falling into 
contention with Desiderio, was by Desiderio besieged in 
Rome, and constrained to crave ayde of Carlo, who speedily 
passed the mountaines, besieged Desiderio in Pavia, and 
tooke him with all his Children. Arid having sent them 
prisoners into France, went in person to visit the Pope at 
Rome, where hee pronounced this sentence, That the Pope 
beeing Vicar of God, could not be judged of men. For the 
which, the Pope with the people of Rome, created him 
Emperour. 

In this manner, Rome beganne to have an Emperour 
againe in the West. And where the Popes were woont to 
take their instaulation from the Emperours, after this time 
the Emperours in their election, would needes take their 
authoritie from the Pope : wherby the reputation of the 
Empire decreased, and the Church gained the same. By 
these meanes, the Popes grew great, and kept downe the 
authoritie of temporall Princes. The Longobardi having 
then bene in Italy 232 yeares, there was of them none other 
marke of straungers then the name: and Carlo being 
desirous to reforme that Coimtrey (in the time of Pope Leo 

26 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

the third) was pleased they should inhabit those places, THE 
where they were borne, and called that province of their FIRST 
name, Lombardia. But forasmuch as they had the name BOOKE 
of Home in great reverence, hee commaunded that all the 
next Countrey to it adjoyning (then in the obedience of the 
Esarcato of Ravenna) should bee called Romagna. More 
over, he created Pipino his sonne King of Italy, the juris 
diction whereof extended to Benevento : the rest remained 
to the Emperour in Greece, with whom Carlo had concluded 
a league. About this time Pascale the first was become Pope 
Pope : and the priestes of the parishes in Rome, by reason Pascale i. 
of their nearenesse to the Popes person, and their presence 
at his election, to honour their authoritie, with a more 
venarable title beganne to bee called Cardinals, taking unto Originall of 
them great reputation, chiefly after they had excluded the Cardinals, 
Romanes from the election of the Pope, who (almost ever b y 1>0 P e 
before that time) was some Citizen of Rome. 

Pascale beeing dead, Eugenio secundo, of the order of 
Santa Sabina, was elected Pope. And Italy beeing then in 
the handes of French men, did partly alter the order of 
government, and the more for that the Popes had in the 
temporalities thereof gained greater authoritie and made 
Earles and Marquesses, as before time, Longino Esarco of 
Ravenna had created Dukes. After a fewe other Bishops, 
Osporco a Romane, aspired to the Papacy ; who for the The first 
homelinesse of his name, caused himselfe to be called occasion why 
Sergio : which was the beginning why the names of Popes tlie PP es did 
was chaunged at their elections. By this time Carlo the ^ameslT ther 
Emperour was dead, to whome succeded Lodovico his election, 
sonne. After his death, there grew so great contention 
amongst his sonnes, that in the time of his graund-children, 
the Empire was taken from the house of France, and 
brought into Germany, where the first Emperour of that At what time 
nation was called Ainolfo : and by meanes of these dis- tne Empire 
orders, the family of Carlo, did loose not onely the Empire 7 as ta ^ en 
but also the kingdome of Italy, because the Lombardi h e of 
recovered their strength and offended the Pope and France. 
Romanes so much, as the Pope not knowing how to bee 
helped, for necessitie gave the Kingdome of Italy to 
Berengario Duke of Frivoli. These accidents encouraged 

37 



THE 
FIRST 
BOOKE 

The kingdom 
of Italy, 
given to 
Beringario. 



How Italy 
was governed. 
Anno 931. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

the Unni, who then remained in Pannonia to assault Italy. 
But beeing come to triall of battle with Berengario, they 
were vanquished, and forced to returne into Pannonia, now 
called Ungaria: which countrey hath ever since reteyned 
their name. 

At that time Romano Chieftaine of the Emperiall Armie, 
deposed his maister Constantino, and made himselfe Em- 
perour in Greece. By reason whereof, Puglia and Calauria 
rebelled from the obedience of the Empire, and suffered the 
Sarasins to come thither: who beeing there, and possess 
ing the Countries, attempted to besiege Rome. But the 
Romaines (because Beringario was occupied in the warres 
against the Unni) made Albarigo Duke of Tuscan their 
Captaine, by whose vertue, Rome was saved from the 
Sarasins. They beeing departed from the siege, builded a 
Castle uppon the mountaine called Gargano, and from 
thence they commaunded Puglia and Calauria, and disturbed 
the rest of Italy. Thus in those dayes Italy was marvel 
lously afflicted : towardes the Alpes, assaulted by the Unni, 
and towards Naples, by the Sarasins. In these miseries 
Italy many yeares remained, under three Kings of the 
Beringarii, one succeeding an other. In which time, the 
Pope and the Church were continually molested ; and by 
meanes of division of the princes in the West, and the 
weakenesse of the Emperour in the Easte, knewe not where 
to bee succoured. The Cittie of Genova, with all the 
Rivers thereto belonging, were in those dayes by the 
Sarasins destroyed : whereof came the greatnesse of the 
Cittie of Pisa, for thither manie people fled for refuge. 
This happened in the yeare of the Christian religion, nine 
hundreth thirtie and one. But Ottone sonne of Enrico and 
Matilda Duke of Saxony (a man exceeding wise and of 
great reputation) being become Emperour, Agabito then 
Pope, praied him to come into Italy, and save him from the 
tyrannic of the Berengarii. The states of Italy were in 
those daies thus disposed. Lombardy was under Berengario 
the third, and his sonne Alberto. Toscana and Romagna, 
were governed by the deputies of the Emperour in the 
West. Puglia and Calauria, partly to the Emperour in 
Greece, and partly to the Sarasins obeyed. In Rome were 

38 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

elected yearly of the nobilitie two Consuls, who according THE 
to the auncient custome ruled that Citie. Under them FIRST 
was appointed a Judge to minister justice to the people. BOOKE 
There was also a councell of twelve men, which gave 
governours to the townes subject unto Home. The Pope 
had in Rome more or lesse authoritie, according to the 
favour hee found with the Emperours, or others, that were 
there most mightie. 

Then came the Emperour Ottone into Italy, and tooke 
the kingdome thereof from the Berengarii : who therein 
had raigned, fiftie five yeares, and therewith had restored 
the Pope to his dignitie. This Emperour had one sonne, 
and one nephew, both also named Ottoni, the one and the 
other of them succeeded in the Empire. In the raigne of 
Ottone the third, Pope Gregorio quinto, was by the 
Romanes driven out, and Ottone came into Italy, to put 
him again into the possession of Rome. The Pope then to 
be revenged of the Romans, tooke from them the authoritie The election 
of creation of the Emperour, and gave the same to the oftheEmpe- 
Germaines, appointing three Bishops of Maguntia, Treveri, rour iven to 
and Colonia : and three secular Princes ; the Marques of 
Brandenburge, the Earle Palatine of the Rhein, and the 
Duke of Sassonia to be electors, which constitution was 
made in the yeare 1002. After the death of Ottone the 
third, Enrico Duke of Baviera, was by these electors, made 
Emperour, and after twelve yeares, by Pope Stephano the 
eight crowned. This Enrico and Simionda his wife, were 
persons of most godly life, as appeareth by diverse churches 
by them builded and endowed. Amongst which number 
was the temple of S. Miniato, neare to the Citie of 
Florence: Enrico died in the yeare 1023. After whom 
raigned Currado of Suevia, and after him Enrico the second, 
who came into Italy, and the church then being in schisme, 
found there, three Popes : all whom he deposed, and caused Three Popes 
Clemente secundo to be elected, and of him was he crowned deposed by 
Emperour. In those dayes Italy was governed, partly by Enrico 2 - 
the people, partly by the Princes, and partly by the 
ministers of the Emperour : of whom, the chiefe was called 
Chancelor. Among the Princes, Gotfredi, and the Countesse 
Matilda his wife, borne of Beatrice sister to Enrico the 

39 



THE 
FIRST 
BOOKE 



The Romans 
auncient 
enemies to 
the Pope. 



The creation 
of the Pope 
taken from 
the Romanes. 



The originall 
of the Guelfi, 
and Gibellini. 
An. 1080. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

second, were most potent: for she and her husband possessed 
Lucca, Parma, Reggio, and Mantova, with all that countrey 
at this day called Patrimonio. 

The ambition of the people of Rome, did at that time 
make much warre with the Popes : for they, having helped 
the Pope to drive out the Emperors, and reformed the 
Cittie as to them seemed good, sodeinly became enemies to 
him. And the Popes received more injuries at their hands, 
then at any other Christian Princes. And even in those 
dayes when the censure of the Popes made all the West of 
the world to tremble, yet even then, the people of Rome 
rebelled. And both the Popes, and the people studied for 
nothing so much, as how one of them, might overthrow the 
authoritie and estimation of the other. Nicholao secundo 
being aspired to the Papacy, tooke from the Romanes the 
creation of the Pope, as his predecesspur Gregorio quinto, 
had before taken from them, the election of the Emperour, 
hee made also a constitution that the election of the Popes 
should from thencefoorth appertaine to the Cardinals. 
Neither was he so contented, but compounding with some 
Princes that then governed Calauria and Puglia (for such 
reasons as shall be hereafter declared) constrained all the 
officers appointed by the Romanes, to yeeld their obedience 
to the Popes, and remooved some of them from their offices. 

After the death of Nicholao, there happened a schisme in 
the church, because the Clergie of Lombardy would not 
obey Alexander the second, elected at Rome, but created 
Gadalo of Parma Antipope. Enrico, hating the greatnesse 
of these Bishops, sent unto the Pope Alessandro, requiring 
him to resigne the Papacy, and command the Cardinals to 
go into Germany, there to elect a new Pope. This Enrico 
was the first Prince that felt the force of spirituall dis 
pleasure. For the Pope called a new counsaile in Rome, 
whereat he deprived him from the empire and kingdome. 
After that time, some people of Italy followed the Pope, 
and some the Emperour, which was the beginning of the 
factions who called themselves Guelfi and Gibellini. Thus 
Italy delivered from forreine invasion, by civill discord 
began to be tormented. Enrico being excommunicate, was 
by his owne people constrained to come to Rome on bare- 
40 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

foote, and kneele to the Pope for pardon. Which happened THE 
in the yeare 1080. Notwithstanding shortly after, there FIRST 
happened a new discord betwixt the Pope and Enrico. BOOKE 
Wherupon the Pope again did excommunicate the Em 
perour, who sent forthwith his son (also called Enrico) with 
an army to Rome. He with the helpe of the Romanes 
(who hated the Pope) besieged him in his castle, till 
Roberto Guiscardo came from Puglia to the rescue. Enrico 
tarried not his comming, but returned alone into Germany. 
The Romanes persisted in their obstinacie : so that Rome 
was againe by Roberto sacked and brought unto the former Rome sacked, 
ruine, notwithstanding it had bene lately by diverse Popes 
repaired. And because of this Roberto the kings of Naples 
be descended, it seemeth not superfluous particulerly to set 
downe his actions and discent. After the disunion happened 
among the heires of Carlo Magno, (as have bene before 
declared) the same occasioned a new people of the North, 
called Normandi to assaile France, and conquered that 
country, which is called of them, Normandia : of those 
people, some part came into Italy, in the time that the 
Berengarii, Saraseni and Unni troubled the same. They 
also tooke some townes in Romagna, which warres, they 
vertuously performed. Of those Normaine princes, one 
called Tancredi, begot diverse sonnes : amongst whom The discent 
was Guglielmo surnamed Terabar, and Roberto called of the kings 
Guiscardo. ofNapoli. 

The principalitie being come to Guglielmo, and the 
tumults of Italy somewhat ceased, the Saraseni did not 
withstanding still hold Sicilia, and continually made rodes 
upon the land of Italy. For which cause, Guglielmo agreed 
with the prince of Capova and Salerno, and with Melorco 
the Greeke, (who governed Puglia and Calauria for the 
Emperour of Greece) to assault Sicilia, and after victorie, 
it was condescended amongst them, to divide the places 
victored, by foure parts. This enterprise had fortunate 
successe, and the Saraseni driven out, they possessed Sicilia. 
After which victorie Melorco secretly caused men to come 
from Grecia, and for the Emperour tooke possession of the 
whole Hand, not dividing the spoyle, but tooke all to his 
owne share, wherewith Guglielmo became discontented, yet 

F 4l 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE hiding his offence till a time more convenient, departed 
FIRST from Sicilia with the princes of Salerno, and Capova : who 
BOOKE being departed upon the way homewards, Guglielmo re 
turned not to Romagna, but with his souldiers marched 
towards Puglia, where he wonne Melfi. And shortly after 
(notwithstanding the forces of the Grecian Emperour) he 
possessed well neare all Puglia and Calauria. In which 
provinces, he governed in the time of Nicholao secundo. 

Roberto Guiscardo his brother, having many differents 
with his nephewes, for the inheritance of land, used the 
authoritie of the Pope, to compound them. And the Pope 
did willingly favour him, being desirous to have the friend 
ship of Roberto, to the end that against the Emperours of 
Germany, and the people of Rome, he might be defended, 
as in effect, it fell after out, and hath bene alreadie declared, 
how at the request of Gregorio septimo, he drave Enrico 
from the siege of Rome, and subdued the people therein. 
To Roberto succeeded Ruggero and Guglielmo, his sonnes. 
To their possessions he annexed Napoli, and all those lands 
which lie betweene Napoli and Rome. He gave also Sicilia 
unto Ruggero. But Guglielmo going afterwards to Con 
stantinople to marry the Emperours daughter, was by 
Ruggero deprived of his Country. Ruggero after this 
victorie became insolent, and called himselfe king of Italy : 
yet after contented with the title of King of Puglia and 
Sicilia, was the first that gave name and lawe to that king- 
dome, which to this day within the auncient boundes 
thereof, is mainteined. Notwithstanding it hath many 
times exchaunged both blood and Nation. Because the 
race of Normandie beeing worne out, the Kingdome came 
to the handes of the Germaines, from them, to the French 
men, from the French to the Aragonesi, and at this day it 
is possessed by the Flemmings. 

Pope Now was Urbano the second, become Pope, who being 

Urbano 2. hated in Rome, and fearing through the disuniting of Italy, 
he could not in securitie there remaine: determined a 
glorious enterprise. First hee went into France, accom 
panied with all his Clergie, and in the citie of Anversa, he 
assembled many people: to whom he made a solemne 
Oration, wherin he persuaded an enterprise against the 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELL1 

Saraseni, which tooke so great effect, as the people were THE 

desirous to performe the same ; which enterprise (with all FIRST 

others to that purpose) were called Crociata. For all those BOOKE 

men that went in that iourney, weare uppon their Armours La Crociata. 

and garments, a redde Crosse. The princes and chiefe 

leaders of that enterprise, were Gotfredi Eustachio, and 

Alduino di Bulgo, Earle of Bologna, with one Pietro an 

Hermit : who for his godlie life and wisedome was greatly 

respected. To this journey, manie Kinges contributed 

treasure, and manie private men without paie, therein 

personally served. So great effectes did the religion worke 

in those dayes, to perswade the mindes of men, moved with 

the example of such as were their heads. This enterprise 

had in the beginning glorious successe : for all Asia minor, 

Soria, and part of Egipt, were therein conquered by the 

Christians. At which time beganne the order of Knight- The originall 

hood of Jerusalem, which to this day continueth, and is the of kni ghts f 

chiefe obstacle to the Turkes. About that time also grew Jerusalem - 

the order of the Knights, Templarii : which for their evil 

life was shortly after suppressed. In diverse times following, 

diverse accidents happened : wherin many nations and many 

particuler men were advaunced. For the furnishing of this 

enterprise, the Kinges of Fraunce and England, the Pisani, 

Venetians, and Genovesi, passed the sea, and gained great 

reputation, fighting in fortune variable, till the time of 

Saladino the Sarasine : whose vertue (the rather through 

discord of the Christians) did in the ende recover all, that 

before had bene gotten. So were the Christians after foure 

scorce and tenne yeares driven out of those Countries, which 

with great honour and happinesse they had wonne and 

defended. 

After the death of Urbano, Pascale secundo was created Pope 
Pope : and Enrico the fourth became Emperour, who went Pascal e 2. 
to Rome, pretending friendship to the Pope, but beeing 
arrived there, by force hee tooke the Pope prisoner, and put 
him with all his Clergie in prison : from whence they could 
not bee discharged, till the Pope had graunted, that the 
Emperour might dispose of the Churches in Germany as 
himselfe thought good. Then died the Countesse Matilda, 
and made the Church heire of all her Countrey. After 

43 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE the death of Pascale and Enrico the fourth, succeeded 
FIRST diverse Popes, and diverse Emperours, till at length, to the 
BOOKE Papacie was elected Alissandro tertio, and to the Empire, 
Pope Federigo Suevo called Barbarossa. The popes in that time 

Alessandro 3. na( j ma nie quarrelles with the people of Rome, and the 
Emperours : which were encreased in the raigne of Bar 
barossa. Federigo was a man of warre most excellent, but 
therewith so haughtie of minde and courage, as hee dis 
dained to give place to the pope, notwithstanding, hee 
came to Rome to bee Crowned Emperour, and peaceably 
returned into Germanic : though hee remayned there not 
very long contented. For shortly after, he came againe 
into Italy to reforme some Towns in Lombardy, which 
would not obey him. At that time it happened, the 
Cardinal of S. Clement, by Nation a Romane, devided him- 
selfe from the Pope Alissandro, and found meanes (by favour 
of some Cardinalls) to be also chosen Pope. At that instant, 
Federigo the Emperour was with his Armie before the Citie 
of Crema : to whom Alissandro complained of the Anti- 
pope ; the Emperour answered, that both he and the Anti- 
pope should come unto him, and then he would decide their 
controversie, and judge which of them were true Pope. 
This answere displeased Alissandro, who conceaving thereby, 
that the Emperour was inclined to favour the Antipope, 
did excommunicate him, and fled to Phillip King of Fraunce. 
Federigo in the meane while, proceeding in the Warres of 
Lombardy, tooke Millan, and razed it: which was the cause, 
that Verona, Padova, and Vicenza (by common consent) 
determined to resist him. Then died the Antipope, in 
whose place Federigo created Guido of Cremona. 

The Romanes by meanes of the Popes absence, and the 
busines of the Emperour in Lombardy, had recovered a 
little authoritie in Rome, and began to command some 
Townes under them : and because the Tusculani would not 
yeeld to their authoritie, they went popularly to assaile 
them; who being aided by Federigo, the Romanes were 
overthrowne with so great slaughter, as after that Over 
throw Rome was never well peopled, nor rich. In this 
meane space, Pope Alissandro was returned to Rome, per- 
s wad ing himselfe that through the enmitie of the Romanes 
44 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

and Federigo, he might there safely remaine : and the THE 
rather, by reason of the Enemies which the Emperour had FIRST 
in Lombardy. Nevertheles, Federigo (setting aside all BOOKE 
respectes) besieged Rome : where Alissandro tarried not his 
comming, but fled to Gulielmo King of Puglia, who after 
the death of Ruggiero remained Heire of that Kingdome. 
Federigo driven thence by the Plague, left the Siege, and 
returned into Germany. 

The Townes of Lombardy which were rebelled, to the 
end they might the rather recover Pavia and Tortona, 
(which stood for the Emperor) built a new Cittie, to be the 
refuge of that Warre, calling the same Alissandria, in 
honour of the Pope Alissandro, and in despite of the 
Emperour Federigo. Then died Guidone Antipope : in 
whose place Giovanni of Fermo was created. He, through 
the favour of the Emperours Faction in Montefiascone, 
there dwelled : Pope Alissandro in the meane time was 
gone into Tuscolo, called thether by that People ; hoping 
that with his authoritie he might defend them from the 
Romanes. Thither came Embassadors from Enrico King 
of England, to declare unto the Pope, that their King was 
not culpable in the murther of Thomas, Bishop of Canter 
bury, as he had bene publiquely slandered. For triall 
whereof, the Pope sent two Cardinals into England, to 
examine the truth of that matter: who found the King 
not guiltie. Nevertheles, in respect of the infamie, and 
that he had not honoured that holy Man according to his 
desert ; they enjoyned the King for penance to assemble his The King of 
Nobilitie, and in their presence to sweare and protest his England put 
innocencie : and was moreover commanded, that with all * P^ nance 
speed, he should at his proper charge send two hundred Alissandro 
Souldiers to Jerusalem, and there paye them for one yeare ; 
and himselfe within three yeares to goe thither in person, 
and lead with him an Armie the greatest that hee could 
possibly make : besides that, hee should disanull all things 
done within his Kingdome, to the prejudice of the Libertie 
Ecclesiasticall, and consent, that all and everie Subject of 
his might appeale to Rome. All which things Enrico 
graunted : and notwithstanding hee were a mightie King, 
submitted himselfe to that Judgement, which (at this day) 

45 



THE 

FIRST 

BOOKE 



The death of 
Federigo the 
Emperor. 



Pope 
Celestiiio 3. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

everie private man would be ashamed to yeeld unto. But 
notwithstanding the Popes great power over Princes farre 
off, yet could he not make himselfe obeyed of the Romanes : 
by whom hee was not suffered to dwell at Rome, though he 
promised not to intermeddle in anie thing, save only the 
Ecclesiasticall government. Hereby may be noted, that 
things which seeme to bee, and be not, are dreaded more 
farre of then feared neare at hand. 

By this time, Federigo was returned to Italy, and being 
prepared to make new warres with the Pope, all his prelates 
and Barons gave him to understand, that they intended to 
leave him, unlesse he reconciled himselfe to the church : 
whereby this Emperour was constrained to go unto Venice, 
and there to adore the pope ; whereof ensued a full pacifi 
cation. In this peace the pope deprived the Emperor of 
all his authoritie in Rome, and named Gulielmo king of 
Sicilia and Puglia for his confederate, Federigo not content 
to live in peace, but loving the warres, determined to enter 
prise Asia, and so gain glory against Mahomet, which 
against the Pope he could not. But being arrived at the 
river Cidno, enticed with the excellencie of that water, hee 
washed himself therin, and sodenly died. Wherby may be 
imagined that water did more good to the Mahometans, 
then the popes excommunication to the Christians : because 
the excommunication did only allay the Emperors ambition, 
but this water did utterly quench it. Federigo being dead, 
it remained onely for the pope to reforme the disobedience 
of the Romans : and after many disputations touching the 
creation of the Consuls, it was agreed, that (according to 
the ancient custom) they shuld be elected by the Romans : 
yet before they tooke their office uppon them, they should 
sweare fidelitie to the church; which agreement, caused 
Giovanni the Antipope to flie to Monte Albano, where 
shortly after hee died. Then died also Gulielmo king of 
Napoli, who having one onely sonne called Tancredi, the 
pope determined to take that kingdome from him, but the 
nobilitie thereof would not consent to the pope, resolving 
to yeelde their obedience to Tancredi. 

At that time Celestino tertio was pope, who desirous 
to take the kingdome from Tancredi, sought meanes that 

46 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

Enrico sonne of Federigo should be made Emperour, and THE 
promised him the kingdome of Naples, upon condition that FIRST 
he should restore unto the church all those townes there- BOOKE 
unto belonging. And to make that action the more easie, 
hee tooke out of a monastery, Gostanza an olde woman, 
daughter of Gulielmo, and married her unto Federigo. 
Thus passed the kingdome of Naples to the Germaines 
from the Normands, who were the auncient founders thereof. 
So soone as Enrico the Emperour had setled all thinges in 
Germany, hee came into Italy, accompanied with Gostanza 
his wife, and his sonne, but foure yeares old, called Federigo. 
Where, with some difficultie (because Tancredi was dead, 
leaving onely a litle sonne called Rogeri) he possessed the 
kingdom. Within a small time after in Sicilia died Enrico, 
to whome Federigo succeeded in the kingdome, and to the 
Empire was elected Ottone Duke of Sassonia, through 
favour of pope Innocentio quarto. But so soone as he was Pope 
crowned Emperour, contrary to all expectation, hee became Innocentio 4. 
enemie to the pope, surprised Romagna, and prepared to 
assault the kingdome. For which dooing, the pope did 
excommunicate him, all other men left him, and the electors 
created Federigo king of Napoli. Then came Federigo to 
Rome for the crowne, but the pope fearing his greatnesse, 
denied him, and sought to remoove him out of Italy, as 
hee had done before to Ottone. Therewith Federigo 
offended, went into Germany, and made much warre against 
Ottone, and at length overthrew him. In the meane while 
died Innocentio, who (besides other his notable workes) 
builded the Hospitall of Santo spirito in Rome. After 
him succeeded Honorio tertio, in whose time, beganne the Pope 
orders of Santo Dominico and Francisco, the yeare 1218. Honorio 3 
This pope crowned Federigo, unto whome Giovanni des- e ector of 
cended of Bauldovino king of Jerusalem, who (with the s Frlndsco 
remaine of the Christians in Asia still possessed that title) Armo ms. 
gave his kingdome to his daughter in marriage. Hereof 
it commeth, that who so ever is King of Napoli, is also 
intituled king of Jerusalem. Italy in those dayes was thus 
governed. The Romaynes made no more Consuls in Rome, 
but in steed of them, they created (with the same authorise) 
sometimes one, and sometime more Senators. The league 

47 



THE 
FIRST 
BOOKE 



Ezelino. 



Azone de Este 
first Duke of 
Farrara. 



The Empe 
ror forced to 
entertaine 
Sarasins. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

which the cities of Lombardy had made against Federigo 
Barbarossa, still continued. The Cities confedered against 
the Emperour, were Milano, Brescia, Mantova, with the 
greater part of Romagna : and with them Verona, Vicenza, 
Padova, and Trevigi. On the Emperours part, were 
Cremona, Bargamo, Parma, Reggio, Modena, and Trento. 
The other Cities and Castles of Lombardy, Romagna, and 
La Marca Trevigiana, according to their necessitie, favoured 
somtimes the one, and sometimes the other part. 

In the time of Ottone the third, came into Italy a man 
called Ezelino, of whom remained one sonne, who likewise 
begot an other Ezelino, he being rich and mightie, folowed 
Federigo the second, who was (as hath bene before said) 
enemy to the Pope. This Emperour brought into Italy, 
by the favour of Ezelino, tooke Verona and Mantova, razed 
Vicenza, surprized Padova, and vanquished the army of 
the townes confederate : and in the end, marched towards 
Toscana. Ezelino in the meane time, surprized La Marca 
Trivigiana, but he could not take Ferrara, being defended 
by Azone of Este, and other soldiers sent by the Pope from 
Lombardy. The siege then levied, the Pope gave that citie 
in Feudo to Azone of Este, of whome be descended all those 
princes, that till this day have there governed. Federigo 
staied at Pisa, and being desirous to become Lord of Tos 
cana, the rather to possesse the same, and discover those 
that favoured him, from the other that were his enemies, 
practised division among the people of the country, which 
was afterwards the ruine of all Italy. Because then the 
factions of Guelfi and Ghibellini encreased, calling them 
Guelfi that followed the Pope, and Ghibellini that followed 
the Emperour. In Pistoia, these names of faction, were 
first begun. 

Federigo leaving Pisa, by many meanes assaulted and 
spoiled the townes belonging to the church : Insomuch, that 
the Pope not having other remedie, proclaimed his Crociata 
against him, as did his predecessours against the Saraseni. 
Federigo then fearing to be abandoned by his souldiers (as 
Federigo Barbarossa and other Emperours had bene) enter- 
teined great numbers of Sarasins, and to make them more 
willing to serve (knowing that they feared not the Popes 

48 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

curses) he gave them the citie of Nocera in the kingdome : THE 
perswading himselfe, that they having that refuge, might 
serve him with the more securitie. Innocentio quarto BOOKE 
became Pope, and mistrusting Federigo, went to Geneva, Pope 
and from thence into France : and called a Councell at the Innocent 4. 
citie of Lions. Whereunto Federigo determined to goe, 
but was withholden by the rebellion of Parma : from which 
enterprise repulsed, he went into Toscana, and thence, into 
Sicilia, where he died, leaving in Suevia his eldest sonne 
Corrado, and in Puglia his other sonne, (being base borne) 
called Manfredi, whome hee had made Duke of Benevento. 
Corrado beeing come for possession of the kingdome, arrived 
at Napoli, and there died, leaving one litle sonne called 
Curradino : who at that time remained in Germany. Then 
Manfredi (first as governour to Curradino, and after report 
ing that Curradino was dead) against the Popes will, and 
the Neapolitans also (whom he forced to consent) made 
himselfe king. During these troubles in the kingdome, 
happened many quarrels betweene the factions of Guelfi 
and Ghibilini, the one being favoured by the Popes Legate, 
and the other by Ezelino, who possessed welneare all Lom- 
bardy, on the other side of the river Po. And because in 
this warre, the citie of Padova rebelled, Ezelino put to 
death twelve thousand Cittizens thereof, and he himselfe The death of 
before the end of the warre, being then thirtie yeares of age, Ezelino. 
was slaine. 

After his death, all the townes by him possessed became 
free. Manfredi king of Napoli, according to the custome 
of his auncestors, continued enemie to the church, holding 
the Pope (called Urbano quarto) in continuall distresse : in Pope 
so much as the Pope proclaymed the Crociata against him ; Urbano 4. 
which done, hee went unto Perugia, where hee remained, 
aspecting his souldiers. Who (comming thither slowly 
and in small numbers) thought that to vanquish Manfredi, 
those forces were not sufficient. He therefore praied aide 
in France, of Carlo Duke of Angio, brother to king Lodovico, 
creating him king of Sicilia, and Napoli, desiring him to 
come into Italy, and take possession of those kingdomes. 
But before Carlo could come to Rome, that Pope died, and Pope 
Clemente quarto elected. In whose time, Carlo with thirtie Clement 4. 

G 49 



THE 

FIRST 

BOOKE 



Pope 
Adriano 5. 



The ambition 
of Popes, a 
ruyne to 
Italy. 



Pope 
Adriano 3. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

gallies came to Ostia, appointing the rest of his army to 
march thither by land. During his aboad in Rome, the 
Romanes to honour him, made him a Senator of Rome, and 
the Pope invested him in the kingdome, with condition he 
should paie yearely fiftie thousand florines to the church. 
The Pope also decreed, that neither Carlo, nor none of his 
successours in that kingdome, should ever be elected Em- 
perours. Carlo then went on in his journy against Man- 
fredi, whom he vanquished and slew, neare to Benevento, 
whereby hee possessed Sicilia, and the kingdome. Not 
withstanding Curradino, to whome by testament of his 
father that kingdome apperteined, assembling great forces 
in Germany, came into Italy against Carlo, and fought with 
him at Tagliacozzo, where he was overthrowne ; and being 
disguised, fled : yet afterwards was taken, and slaine. Italy 
then continued quiet, till the raigne of Adriano quinto, at 
which time, Carlo dwelling in Rome, and governing there 
by the office of Sennatour, the Pope could not endure his 
authoritie, and therefore went to inhabit at Viterbo : from 
thence he sent unto Ridolpho the Emperour, desiring him 
to come into Italy against Carlo. Thus the Popes some 
times for love of religion, and sometimes for their owne 
ambition, ceased not to call into Italy newe men, and stirre 
up newe warres. For so soone as any prince was by them 
made mightie, repenting the same, they practised his over 
throw. Neither would they suffer that anie should possesse 
that Countrey, which themselves (through their weakenesse) 
could not. Yet did the Princes alwaies feare them, because 
either by fighting or flying, they prevailed : if they were 
not by some practise oppressed, as was Bonifacio octavo, 
and some others who were taken by colour of friendship, 
which the Emperours to them pretended. Ridolpho came 
not into Italy, beeing withholden with his warres against 
the King of Bohemia. 

In the meane time died Adriano, and in his place was 
created Nicholao tertio, descended of the house of Orsini, 
a man verie bolde and ambitious. Hee by all meanes 
possible sought to diminish the authoritie of Carlo : and 
devised that Ridolpho the Emperour should complaine, that 
Carlo mainteined a governour in Toscana in favour of the 

50 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

Guelfi. Carlo gave credite unto the Emperour, and revoked THE 
thence his governour. And the Pope forthwith sent thither FIRST 
one of his nephewes a Cardinal], to be governour for the BOOKE 
Empire. So that the Emperour for this honor done unto 
him by the Pope, restored Romagna unto the Church, 
which by his auncestors had bene taken away. The Pope 
then created Bertoldo Orsino, Duke of Romagna. And 
imagining himselfe mightie inough to shewe his face to 
Carlo, tooke from him the office of Senatour : and made a 
decree, that no man descended of royall race, should after 
possesse that dignitie. He had also devised to take Sicilia 
from Carlo, and practised with Piero king of Aragon : 
whiche practise in the time of his successour tooke effect. 
He intended moreover, to make two new kings of his owne 
house, the one in Lombardy, the other in Tuscan : whose 
powers might defend the church, both from the Germaines 
that would attempt to come into Italy, and from the 
French men, who were alreadie in Napoli. But with this 
determination, he died. And was the first Pope, that 
openly manifested his own ambition ; practising (under 
colour to make the church great) to honour and enrich his 
owne kindred. For as before this time, no mention was 
made of the advancement of Popes kinsfolkes or pos- 
teritie, so afterwards, every historic doth shew, that the 
Popes have studied for nothing more, then how to advance 
their owne blood. And as heretofore they have laboured to 
make them princes, so (if it were in their power) they would 
now procure the Papacy to be heritable. Yet true it is, 
that hitherto all principalities by them erected, have had no 
long being, for so soone as that Pope (who ordeined their 
advancement) did faile, the honour of the person advanced, 
decaied with him. 

Then Martino tertio became Pope, who being a French Pope 
man, favoured Carlo, and in his aide, sent souldiers unto Martm 3. 
Romagna which then rebelled. And his campe being before 
Furly, Guido Bonati (a man learned in Astrologie) per- 
swaded the people, that so soone as hee gave them a token, 
they should presently assault their enemies, which they did, 
ana in that victory, al the French men were taken and 
slain. About this time, the practise of Nicholao tertio 

51 



THE 
FIRST 
BOOKE 



Pope Celes- 
tino and 
Bonifacio 8. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

with Piero King of Aragon, was put in execution. By 
meanes whereof, the people of Sicilia murthered all the 
French men that could be found in that Hand : which done, 
King Piero tooke possession, alledging, that having married 
Gostanza daughter of Manfredi, that country to him apper- 
teined. Carlo preparing for a new war to recover his losse, 
died : leaving one sonne called Carlo the second. Who 
being taken prisoner in the war of Sicilia, and desirous of 
libertie, promised to returne to prison, if within three yeares 
he could not obteine of the Pope, that the house of Aragon 
should be invested to the kingdome of Sicilia. Ridolpho the 
Emperour, intending to have come into Italy, and recovered 
the reputation of the Empire, came not, but sent thither an 
Embassador with authoritie to give freedome to all those 
cities, which would buy the same at his hands: as many 
did, and with their libertie, chaunged also their maner of 
living. 

Then succeeded to the Empire Adulpho of Sassonia, and 
to the Papacy Pietro Murone, named Pope Selestino : who 
being an Hermit and full of devotion, within seven moneths 
recovered the Papacy, and Bonefacio Octavo was elected. 
The heavens knowing a time would come, when Italy should 
be delivered, both from the French men and Almaines, and 
that the country might be recovered wholy in possession of 
Italians, to the end the Pope failing of straungers, might 
not be able to hold his reputation, caused two mightie 
families to arise in Rome. The one called Orsini, the other 
Colonni : whose power and nearenesse, might keep downe the 
Popes from aspiring. The Pope Bonifacio aware therof, 
practised to extirpate the Colonni, and did for that purpose 
not onely excommunicate them, but also against them pub 
lished the Crociata. Which proceeding, although it some 
what offended them, yet did it much more offend the 
church : because those swords which in defence of the faith 
had vertuously prevailed, being employed for private 
ambition against the Christians, became blunt : and so the 
Popes desire to enforce the minds of others, wrought a con 
trary effect, and by litle and litle disarmed themselves. 
This Pope did also depose two Cardinals of that house of 
Colonna, and the chiefe of them called Sciarra, disguised him- 

52 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

selfe, and fled. Afterwards being taken by Pirates, was THE 
made a slave in a galley, til arrived at Marsilia, was there FIRST 
by fortune knowne, redeemed, and sent into France to King BOOKE 
Philippe, who had bene excommunicate, and deprived of his 
kingdom by Bonifacio. 

Philippo considering with himselfe, that to make warres 
with the Pope, either he was not strong enough, or should 
therin adventure great dangers : determined to worke by 
practise, and pretending to procure peace with the Pope, 
sent secretly Sciarri into Italy, who being come to Anagnia, 
where the Pope then was, with the aide of friends in the 
night tooke him. And albeit the people of that towne 
did shortly after deliver him, yet of verie melancholly and 
sorrow, the Pope distraught of his wits, died. This Boni 
facio was he that ordeined the Guibileo, in the yeare 1300, Pope Boni- 
and commanded that every hundreth yeare, the same should facio inventor 
be so solemnized. After that time happened many troubles G^Ueo 
betweene the factions of Guilfi and Ghibellini. And by 
reason that Italy was abandoned by the Emperors, many 
towns became free, and many others by tyrants possessed. 
Pope Benedetto restored the Hat to the Cardinals Colonesi, 
and absolved Philippo the French King. To him succeeded 
Clemente quinto, who being a French man, removed his Pope 
court into France in the year 1306. Clement 5. 

In the meane space Carlo the second King of Napoli, 
died. To that kingdom succeeded Robarto his sonne : and 
to the Empire, Arrigo of Lucemburgh : who notwithstand 
ing the absence of the Pope from Rome, went thither to be 
crowned. By meane of that journey, grew many troubles 
in Lombardy, because all those that had been banished, 
either Guelfi or Ghibellini were admitted to returne to their 
townes, and there being, made so great quarrels among 
themselves, as the Emperour with all his power could not 
appease. The Emperour then departed from Lombardy to 
Genova, and so to Pisa, where he practised to take Toscana 
from the king Robarto. But having no success, went on to 
Rome, where he remained not long, being driven out by the 
Orsini, and the friends of King Robarto. Then returned he 
to Pisa, where he devised (for his better proceeding in the 
wars of Toscana, and the rather also to remoove king 

53 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE Robarto from his government) that Frederigo king of Sicilia 
FIRST should assault those countries. But at such time, as hee 
BOOKE hoped (at one instant) to performe both those enterprises, 

he died : and Lodovico of Baviera, was chosen Emperour. 
Pope John 22. In this meane space, was created Giovanni 22. In whose 
dayes the Emperour ceased not to persecute the Guelfi, and 
the church which was chiefly defended by king Robarto, and 
the Florentines. Wherof grew great warre in Lombardy, 
by the Visconti, against the Guelfi, and in Toscana, by 
Castruccio of Luca, against the Florentines. And because 
the family of Visconti, was that which beganne the Duke- 
dome of Milan (one of the five principalities that governed 
Italy) I thinke good more at large hereafter to intreate of 
them. After that the league of the cities of Lombardy was 
concluded, (as hath bene beforesaid) and they resolved to 
defend themselves from Federigo Barbarossa: Milan also 
being repaired of the ruines, conspired with those cities of 
the league, to be revenged of former injuries. Which league 
brideled Barbarossa, and for a time gave countenance to the 
faction of the church then in Lombardy. 

During these warres, the house of "Torre grew to great 
reputation, so long as the Emperours had in that country 
small authoritie. But when Federigo the second, was come 
into Italy, and the Ghibellini (through the helpe of Ezelino) 
became strong, the humour of Ghibilini sprung up in every 
citie, and the house of Visconti, taking part with that 
faction, chased out of Milan the family of Torre : yet were 
they not long out, but by meane of a peace concluded 
betwixt the Emperour and the Pope, hee with his Court 
beeing in France, and Arrigo of Lucimburg going to Rome 
for the Crowne, was received into Milan, by MafFeo Visconti, 
and Guido della Torre, who at that time were chiefe of those 
houses : yet MafFeo intending by helpe of the Emperour to 
drive Guido out of the Citie, and supposing that enterprise 
the more likely, because Guido was in faction contrary to 
the Empire : hee tooke occasion upon the complaints of the 
people against the evil demeanor of the Germains, slily 
perswading and encouraging every man to take Armes, and 
deliver themselves from the servitude of that barbarous 
nation. And when all things were made ready, he caused a 
54 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

secret minister of his to moove a tumult. Whereat, all the THE 
people tooke Armes against the name of Germany, and FIRST 
Maffeo with his sonnes and followers, suddeinly armed, went BOOKE 
to Arrigo, letting him understand, that this tumult pro- A practise of 
ceeded from those of the house of Torre : who not contented Ma -. Visconts 
to live private in Milan, tooke occasion to spoyle him, ^ ainst * he 
gratifie the Guelfi of Italy, and make themselves princes of Torre 
that citie. Notwithstanding, hee perswaded the Emperour 
to be of good cheare, for they and their followers would in 
every respect save and defend him. Arrigo beleeved all 
that which Maffeo had spoken, and joyning his forces with 
the Visconti, assailed those Delia Torre. Who beeing dis 
persed in diverse places of the Cittie to appease the tumult, 
so many of them as could be found were slaine, and the rest 
spoyled and sent into Italy. Maffeo Visconti, thus made (as 
it were) prince of Milan, had diverse sonnes, the chiefe of 
them were called Galiazzo, and Azo : and after them, 
Luchino and Giovanni. Giovanni became Archbishop of 
that Cittie, and of Luchino (who died before him) remained 
Barnabo, and Galiazzo called Conte de Vertu. He, after The meane 
the death of the Archbishop, killed Barnabo his uncle, and how the Vis- 
so became onely prince of Milan, and was the first that had conti as P ired 
the title of Duke. Of him descended Philippo and Giovan * 
Mariangilo who being slaine by the people of Milan, the 
state remained onely to Philippo, and he having no heires 
male, the Dukedome was translated from the house of 
Visconti to the Sforzi, as shall be hereafter declared. But 
to returne to our matter, Lodovico the Emperour to give 
reputation to his faction, and take the Crowne, came into 
Italy, and being arrived at Milan, to the end he might 
leavy mony of the Milanesi, offred to make them free, and 
for proofe thereof imprisoned the Visconti. Afterwards, by 
mediation of Castruccio of Lucca, delivered them, and went 
to Rome. Then the more easily to disturbe Italy, he made 
Piero de la Corvara, Antipope : by whose authoritie and the 
force of Visconti, he hoped to keep downe the contrary 
faction, both in Toscana and Lombardy. But Castruccio 
then died, which was the cause of his ruine : for Pisa and 
Lucca presently rebelled. And the Pisani sent the Anti- 
pope prisoner to the Pope, then remaining in France. 

55 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE Whereupon the Emperour dispairing of his enterprise in 
FIRST Italy, returned to Germany. 
BOOKE So soone as he was gone, Giovanni king of Bohemia, 

The king of came into Italy, called thither by the Ghibilini of Brescia, 

Boemia called anc [ possessed that Citie, with one other called Bergamo. 

into Italy. An( j f orasmucn as the comming of this king was with con 
sent of the Pope (although hee fained the contrarie) the 
Legate of Bologna favoured him : imagining, for that cause 
the Emperour would no more returne into Italy, by whose 
departure thence, the country was greatly altered. The 
Florentines and the king Robarto, seeing that the Legate 
favoured the enterprise of the Ghibilini, became enemies to 
all those that the Legate and the king of Bohemia favoured : 
against whom (without respect of Guelfi or Ghibilini) many 
princes joyned. Among them were the Visconti, the family 
of La Scala Filippino Gonzaga of Mantova, the house of 
Carrara, and Este : wherupon the Pope did excommunicate 
them all. The king for feare of this league, went home to 
assemble more forces, and returned with them into Italy, 
and had (though hardly) the victorie, and then (though 
with displeasure of the Legate) returned to Bohemia, 
leaving onely Reggio, and Modena, manned : recommending 
Parma to Marsilio and Piero de Rossi, who were in that 
citie of most power. He being gone, Bologna revolted to 
the league, and divided among them, foure Citties apper- 
teining to the church : allotting Parma to the house of 
Scala, Reggio to Gonzaga, Modena to Este, and Lucca to 
the Florentines. During the conquest of these Cities, 
grew great warres, but they were chiefly by the Venetians, 
compounded. It may perhaps be thought strange, that 
among so many accidents of Italy, I have omitted to speak 
of the Venetians common weale, being for the order and 
power thereof, to be preferred before everie other princi- 
pallitie. To satisfie that admiration, the cause thereof being 
knowne, I wil looke backward to time long since passed : 
and declare what beginning that Cittie had. 
The originall King Attila at such time as he besieged Aquilegia, the 

of Vinegia. inhabitants of that towne (having long defended themselves, 
and dispairing) fled with their goods to the rocks within the 
point of Mare Adriatico. The Padovani seeing the fire at 
56 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

hand, and fearing that Aquilegia being wonne, Attila would THE 
assault them ; carried all their moveables of most value into FIRST 
the same sea, to a place there called Rivoalto : whither they BOOKE 
also sent their wives, children, and aged men, leaving the 
youth to defend the citie. Aquilegia being taken, Attila 
defaced Padova, Monselice, Vicenza, and Verona. The Pado- 
vani and the chiefe of the others, seated themselves in the 
marishes about Rivoalto. Likewise all the people of that 
province (which was aunciently called Venetia) were driven 
out by the same misfortune, did also flie thither. Thus 
constrained by necessitie, they abandoned faire and fertile 
countries, to inhabit these steril and paludious places void 
of all commoditie. And yet, because great numbers of 
people were at one instant come thither, they made that 
place not onely habitable, but also pleasant : ordeining 
among themselves lawes and orders, which amidst so great 
ruines of Italy, they observed; and within short space 
encreased in force and reputation. For besides the inhabi 
tants aforesaid, many of the cities of Lombardy (chiefly 
those that feared the cruelty of their king Clefi) fled 
thither, which was no small encrease to that citie. So that 
in the time of Pipino king of France, when at the request of 
the Pope, he came to drive the Lombardi out of Italy, it 
was agreed in Capitulations, betwixt him and the Emperour 
of Grecia, that the Duke of Benevento and the Venetians, 
should be subjects neither to the one nor the other, but 
among themselves enjoy libertie. Moreover, considering 
that as necessitie had driven them to dwell within the 
water, so it behoved them without helpe of the firme land, to 
seeke meanes wherby they might procure their own liveli 
hood. For which purpose they made ships and gallies, and 
with them sailed throughout the world, and filled their 
citie with sundry sorts of marchandise, whereof other men 
having necessitie, required free accesse unto them. At that 
time and many yeares after, the Venetians thought not 
uppon other dominions, then those where the traffique of 
their marchandise might safely arrive. Then they wan 
divers havens in Grecia, Soria, and in the passages that the 
French men made in Asia : because they oftentimes imploy- 
ing the Venetian shippes, appointed unto them, (as a 
H 57 



THE 
FIRST 
BOOKE 



The decree of 
Pope Bene 
detto 12 
against the 
Emperour. 



The Empe- 
rours decree 
to the Popes 
prejudice. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

reward) the He of Candia. While in this estate arid order 
they lived, their name by sea was terrible, and upon the 
firme land of Italy venerable. So that in all controversies 
that happened, they were (for the most part) arbitrators : as 
in controversies which rose in the league, by reason of those 
cities which they had divided amongst them. For that con- 
troversie being recommended to the Venetians, they ordered 
that Bargamo and Brescia should appertaine to the Vis- 
conti. But in processe of time having conquered Padova, 
Vicenza, Trivigi, Verona, Bargamo, Brescia, with diverse 
cities in the kingdom, and Romagna, (entised with desire of 
government) they atteined so great an opinion of power 
and reputation, that not only of the princes of Italy, but 
also of the kings beyond the mountaines they became feared. 
Wherupon those princes conspiring togither, tooke from 
them in one day, all the states and countries which they in 
many yeares, and with infinite expences had gained. And 
though in these late times they have recovered part, yet not 
recovering their forces and reputation, do (like all other 
princes of Italy) remaine at the devotion and discretion of 
others. 

Now was Benedetto 12 come to the Papacy, who seeing 
himselfe driven out of Italy, and fearing that the Emperour 
Lodovico should become Lord thereof, determined to make 
all those his friends, who had usurped the townes which the 
Emperour possessed. To the end, that thereby they should 
have cause to feare the Empire, and joyne with him in the 
defence of Italy. For the more assurance of this attempt, 
he made a decree, that all tyrants of Lombardy should by 
just title possesse the townes by them usurped. But the 
Pope presently upon this grant, died, and Clemente sexto, 
elected in his place. The Emperour then seeing with what 
liberalitie the Pope had given the towns belonging to the 
Empire, determined to be no lesse liberall of the Popes 

foods, then the Pope had bene of his : and therefore gave 
eely all lands belonging to the church, which any tyrant 
had usurped ; and they to hold them, by authoritie imperiall. 
By meane whereof, Galiotto Malatesti and his brethren be 
came Lords of Rimino, Pesaro, and Fano. Anthonio di 
Montefeltro of la Marca and Urbin : Gentile da Varano 
58 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

of Camerino. Guido di Polenta of Ravenna. Sinibaldo THE 

Ordalaffi of Furli, and Cesena : Giovanni Manfredi of 

Faenza, Lodovico Alidosi, of Imola. Besides these, many BOOKE 

others possessed towns belonging to the church : so as few 

remained out of the hands of one Prince or other, which 

was the cause that the Church (till the comming of 

Alissandro 6) was holden downe and weake; but he with 

the ruine of these Lords or their posteritie, restored the 

same. At such time as the Emperor made this grant, he 

remained at Trento, and seemed as thogh he would passe 

from thence into Italy ; wherby grew many warres in Lom- 

bardy : and by that occasion, the Visconti became Lords of 

Parma. 

Then died king Robarto of Napoli : of whom remained 
only two grand children, women, begotten by Carlo his Son, 
who long before was dead ; bequeathing his kingdom to the 
elder of them, called Giovanna, whom he willed to marrie Giovanna 
with Andrea sonne to the K. of Ungaria his nephew. This Q- of Na pl es 
Andrea continued not long her husband, but was by her 
murdred, and she married anew to a brother in law of his, 
called Lodovico prince of Tarranto. But K. Lodovico 
brother to Andrea, to revenge his death, came with Forces 
into Italy, and drave the Q. Giovanna -with her husband out 
of the kingdom. About this time hapned in Rome a 
thing very memorable, which was, that one called Nicholo di Nicholo di 
Lorenzo Chancellor in the Campidoll, drave the Senators Lorenzo, 
out of Rome, and made himself (under title of Tribune) 
chiefe of the Romane Common weale : reducing the same 
into the ancient forme of government, with so great reputa 
tion of justice and vertue, as not only the townes nere hand, 
but also al Italy sent Embassadors unto him. Whereby, 
the ancient provinces, seeing Rome restored, looked up ; 
and some of them moved with feare, and some with hope, 
honoured him. But Nicholo (notwithstanding so great 
authoritie, in the beginning of this action, abandoned him- 
selfe ; and dispairing (as it seemeth) to performe so great an 
enterprise, not being inforced by any man, secretly fled, and 
went to King Carlo of Bohemia : who by order of the pope 
(in despite of Lodovico of Bavieria, elected Emperour) 
apprehended Nicholo, and sent him to the Pope prisoner. 

59 



THE 

FIRST 

BOOKE 

Francesco 
Barocegli. 



Q. Giovanna 
deposed. 



Pope Inno 
centio sexto. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

A while after, (as it were to imitate this Nicholo) another 
man called Francesco Barocegli, surprized the Tribunate, and 
drave thence the Senators. Upon which accident, the Pope 
(the rather to represse that disorder) tooke Nicholo out of 
prison, restored him to the Tribuneship, and sent him to 
Rome. Nicholo there arrived, exercised the office, and put 
Francesco to death. But the Colonnesi beeing enemies to 
Nicholo, shortly after killed him also, and restored the 
Senators to their places. 

In the meane time, the King of Ungaria having deposed 
the Queene Giovanna, returned to his Kingdome. The 
Pope liking better the neighborhood of the Queene than of 
that King, found meanes that he was pleased to restore the 
Kingdome : upon condition, that the Queenes husband should 
content himselfe with the title of Tarranto, and not be called 
King. The yeare 1350 being come, the Pope thought good 
that the Giubileo erected by Pope Bonifacio octavo at the 
end of everie hundred yeare, might be reduced to fiftie yeare, 
and made a Decree, that afterwards so it should be. The 
Romanes receaving the same as a benefit, were content the 
pope should send to Rome foure Cardinalls to reforme the 
state of that Cittie, and make Senators there, those, whom 
himselfe thought good. The Pope also proclaymed Lodovico 
of Tarranto King of Napoli : for which favor, the Queen 
Giovanna gave unto the Church the Citie of Avignion, 
which was her patrimony. By this time Luchino Visconti 
was dead, wherby Giovanni Archbishop of Millan remained 
only Lord of that state, who made many warres upon Tos- 
cana, and other countries his neighbors and therby became 
exceeding mightie. After his death succeeded Barnabo and 
Galiazzo his nephewes : but within short space Galiazzo 
died, leaving one sonne called Giovan Galiazzo, who divided 
that State with Barnabo. At this time Carlo K. of Bohemia 
was Emperor, and Innocentio 6 Pope ; who sent into Italy 
Cardinal! Egidio, by Nation a Spaniard, who with his vertue 
recovered great reputation to the Church, not onely in 
Romagna and Rome, but also throughout al Italy. He 
restored Bologna, usurped by the Archbishop of Millan : 
he constrained the Romanes to receave one Stranger to bee 
a Senator, who yearely should be sent by the Pope: he 

60 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

made honourable composition with the Visconti : he van- THE 
quished and tooke prisoner John Aguto an English-man, FIRST 
who with foure thousand of his owne Nation served in BOOKE 
Toscana to the ayde of the Ghibelini. 

Urbano quinto being come to the Papacie, and under- Pope 
standing of so manie Victories, determined to visite Italy Urbano 5. 
and Rome : whether also came Carlo the Emperour ; who 
(after a few months) went to the Kingdome, and the Pope 
to Avignion. Urbano being dead, Gregorio duodecimo was 
created : and because then died the Cardinall Egidio, Italy 
was returned to trouble, occasioned by the Townes con 
federate against the Visconti. Whereupon the Pope sent 
first a Legate into Italy with sixe thousand Brittaines, after 
in person followed himselfe, and setled the Court in Rome, 
in the yeare 1376, which had continued from thence in 
Fraunce 71 yeares. After the death of this Pope, was The Papall 
created Urbano sexto. Shortly after at Fondi, ten Car- court re- 
dinals (who said Urbano was not well chosen) elected d to 
Clemente octavo. Then the Genovesi (who divers yeares 
had lived under government of the Visconti) rebelled. Be 
twixt them and the Venetians (for the Hand called Tenedo) 
grew Warres of great importance, and devided all Italy. In Greatartillery 
these Warres was great Shot and Artillarie first scene, as first used in 
Instruments then newly devised by the Almaines. And Ita1 ^ 
albeit the Genovesi had for a time in this Warre the advan 
tage, and divers moneths besieged Venice, yet in the end the 
Venetians had the better, and by mediation of the Pope 
made peace, in the yeare 1381. Then chaunced a schisme 
in the Church, and Queene Giovanna favored the Anti- 
pope : for which cause, Urbano practised an enterprise 
against her, and sent Carlo Durezzo (descended of the 
Kings of Napoli) into the Kingdome; who there arrived, 
possessed himselfe, and forced the Queene to flye unto 
Fraunce. The French King therewith offended, sent Lodo- 
vico de Angio into Italy, to recover the Kingdome for the 
Queene, remoove the Pope Urbano, and put the Antipope 
into possession : but Lodovico in the midst of this enterprice 
died, and his Souldiers returned into Fraunce. 

The Pope in the meane while, went unto Napoli, where 
hee imprisoned nine Cardinals, for having followed the 

61 



THE 

FIRST 

BOOKE 



Pope Bene 
detto 13. 



The first 
frutes of 
Benefices 
taken by the 
Pope. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

faction of France, and the Antipope. That done, he 
quarelled with the king, for not having made a nephew of 
his Prince of Capova : yet faining not to force much thereof, 
desired to have Nocera for his dwelling, where afterwards he 
assembled great forces, and practised to deprive the king. 
(The king then marching towards him,) the Pope tarried 
not, but fled to Genova, where he executed those Cardinals 
whom he had before imprisoned. From thence he went to 
Rome, and there to give himselfe reputation, created 28 
Cardinals. At this time went Carlo king of Napoli to 
Ungaria, and was created king, and shortly after slaine : 
having left in Napoli his wife with two children, Ladislao 
and Giovanna. At this time also, Giovanni Galiazzo Vis- 
conti, had murdered Barnabo his uncle, and taken into his 
hands the state of Milan. And not content with the 
Dukedome of all Lombardy, he sought to be also Lord of 
Toscana. But when he hoped to have taken the possession, 
and be crowned king of Italy, died. Next unto Urbano 
sexto, succeeded Bonifacio nono. Then died also in Avi- 
gnion the Antipope Clemente septimo. And in his place 
was elected Benedetto 13. In these dayes lived in Italy 
many souldiers of forreine nations, English men, Almains, 
and Britaines : brought thither partly by those Princes who 
many times had served in Italy, and partly sent by the 
Popes, when they remained in Avignion. Against these 
people, the princes of Italy long time made warre, and at 
length Lodovico da Conio arose, who making a company of 
Italians, calling the same S. Giorgio, their vertue and dis 
cipline tooke from the straungers all reputation, and brought 
the same to the Italians : of whom ever after the princes of 
Italy, in all their wars were served. The Pope by reason of 
the controversie betwixt him and the Romanes, went unto 
Scesi, where he remained till the Jubileo in the yeare 1400. 
At which time, the Romanes for their profit were content 
he should returne to Rome, and also place there one Senator 
at his election : and therewith also to fortifie the Castle of 
S. Angelo. With these conditions the Pope returned, and 
the rather to enrich the Church, he ordained that everie 
Benefice falling void, should pay the first frutes into the 
treasure house. 
62 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

After the death of Giovan Galiazzo Duke of Milan, albeit THE 
he left two sonnes called Giovanniariangelo and Philippo, FIRST 
yet his Countrey became divided into manie parts. And in BOOKE 
the troubles which thereby happened, Giovanniariangelo was 
slaine, and Philippo for a time remained prisoner in the 
Castle of Pavia : yet by good fortune, and favour of the 
Captaine, was set at libertie. Among others that usurped 
the possessions of this Duke, was Gulielmo Delia Scalla: 
who (being a banished man) remained in the hands of 
Francesco de Carrara Lord of Padova ; through whom he 
recovered the State of Verona, which hee enjoyed not long, 
because Francesco procured him to be poisoned, and sur 
prized the Cittie. Thereuppon the Vicentini (having lived 
quietly under the ensigne of the Visconti, and fearing the 
greatnes of Francesco) yeelded their obedience to the Vene 
tians : who presently tooke armes against the Lord of 
Padova, and first deprived him of Verona, and afterwards 
wan the Cittie of Padova. 

In the meane space died Bonifacio, and Innocentio septimo -Pope Inno- 
was elected Pope : to whom the people of Rome presented centio 7. 
an humble request ; desiring it might please his Holines to 
deliver into theyr hands the Fortresses, and restore them to 
their libertie : which sute the Pope denied. The people 
then praied aid of Ladislao King of Napoli ; yet afterwards 
falling to agreement, the Pope returned to Rome, being fled 
from thence for feare of the people, and remained at Viterbo, 
where he had created a nephew of his to bee Earle of La 
Marca ; which done, hee shortly after died, and Gregorio 
duodecimo was created Pope : with condition, that hee 
should resigne the Papacie, whensoever the Antipope did 
the like. By perswasion of the Cardinals, intending to 
make proofe, whether the Church could bee reunited or not ; 
Benedetto Antipope came to Porto Venere, and Gregorio to 
Luca: where they practised manie matters, but nothing 
tooke effect ; so that the Cardinals (both of the one and the 
other Pope) did forsake them. Pope Benedetto went into 
Spaine, and Gregorio to Rimini. The Cardinals on the 
other part, with the favour of Baldasarre Cossa Cardinall 
and Legate of Bologna, ordained a Councell at Pisa, where 
they created Alissandro quinto, who did excommunicate 



THE 

FIRST 

BOOKE 

K. Ladislao 
deposed by 
pope Alissan 
dro 5. 



Three popes 
at one time. 



The Church 
after fortie 
yeares divi 
sion,, was 
united. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

Ladislao, giving that Kingdome to Luigi de Angio : and 
then with the aide of the Florentines, Genovesi, and Vene 
tians, togither with Baldaser Cossa Legate, assaulted Ladislao, 
and tooke from him Rome. But in the heate of this warre 
died Alissandro, and Baldaser Cossa was elected, calling 
himselfe Giovanni vicessimo tertio. He, departing from 
Bologna (beeing there made Pope) went from thence to 
Rome, and there met Luigi de Angio, come thither with a 
Navie from Provenza. Then presently they assaulted Ladis 
lao, and overthrew him : yet through the default of their 
Leaders, the victorie was not followed ; by meanes whereof, 
within short space after, the King recovered an Armie, and 
againe surprized Rome. The Pope then fled to Bologna, and 
Luigi to the province. The Pope imagining how he might 
diminish the greatnes of Ladislao, found meanes that 
Sigismondo King of Ungaria should be chosen Emperour, 
perswading him to come into Italy ; which he did, and met 
with the Pope at Mantova. There they agreed to call a 
Councell generall, and therein to reunite the Church : the 
rather to become able to withstand the force of their 
enemies. At that time were three Popes, Gregorio, Bene 
detto, and Giovanni, who made the Church exceeding weake, 
and without reputation. The place elected for this Coun 
cell, was Costanza a Citie of Germanic. But contrarie to 
the expectation of Giovanni, the death of Ladislao, removed 
the occasion of Councell : notwithstanding, being alreadie 
bound by promise, hee could not refuse to goe thither. 
Being arrived at Costanza (overlate knowing this errour) he 
practised to flie thence, but was there staied, put in prison, 
and constrained to resigne the Papacie. Gregorio also the 
other Antipope, by his messenger resigned. Benedetto the 
third Antipope, refusing to resigne, was condemned for an 
heriticke, and being abandoned by his Cardinals, was in the 
end enforced to resigne. The Councell then created Oddo 
Colonna, who was called Pope Martino quarto. And so the 
Church, after fortie yeares of division was united, having 
bene all that time in the hands of diverse Popes. 

In those dayes, (as hath bene beforesaid) Philippo Vis- 
conti, remained in the Castle of Pavia. But Fantino Cane, 
who (during the troubles of Lombardy) possessed himselfe 

64 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 



THE 

FIRST 

BOOKE 



of Vercelli, Allisandria, Novara Tortona, and had also 
gathered great riches, then died. And not having anie 
heire, bequeathed his possessions to Beatrice his wife; 
desiring his friendes to procure she might be married to 
Philippo. By which marriage, Philippo became potent, 
and recovered Milan, with all the state of Lombardy. 
Afterwards, to declare himselfe thankfull for so great a 
benefit, he accused Beatrice of adulterie, and put her to 
death. Thus atteined to be a Prince most mightie, he 
beganne to thinke upon the warres of Toscana, before en- 
tended by his father Giovan Galiazzo. Ladislao King of 
Napoli, at his death, left unto his sister Giovanna, not 
onely the kingdome, but also a great Armie, governed by 
the principall Leaders of all Italy. Among the chiefe of 
whom, was Sforzadi Contignuola, in those dayes a man of 
warre, of singular reputation. The Queene (the rather to 
eschue a slaunder by one Pandolfello a man brought up by 
her selfe) tooke to husband Jacobo Delia Marchia, who was 
descended from the French Kings, upon condition that hee 
would content himselfe to be called Prince of Tarranto; 
and suffer her to enjoy the kingdome, with the government 
thereof. Notwithstanding, so soone as he arrived at Naples, 
the souldiers called him King, whereof great warres followed Warre be- 
betwixt the wife and the husband : and sometimes the one, * lxt Queene 
and sometimes the other, had the upper hand. But in the 
end, the Queene remained governour of the state, and after 
wards became enemie to the Pope. Thereupon Sforza 
intending to drive her to a disadvantage, and inforce her 
to be glad of him, contrarie to all expectation gave up his 
enterteinment, by which meanes she remained utterly dis 
armed, and not having other, fled for aid to Alfonso King 
of Arragon and Sicilia, adopting him her sonne, and enter- 
teined Braccio di Montone: who was in Armes no lesse 
esteemed, then was Sforza, and therwithall enemy to the 
Pope, for having surprized Perugia, with some other townes 
belonging to the church. Afterwards a peace was taken 
betweene her and the Pope. Then the King Alfonso doubt 
ing least she would entreat him as she had intreated her 
husband) fought secretly to possesse the Fortresses. But 
she being subtil, fortified her self in the Castle of Napoli. 
I 65 



THE 
FIRST 
BOOKE 



Lodovico 
de Angio, 
adopted king 
of Naples. 



How Italy 
was governed 
and divided. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

Suspitions thus growing in the minds of the one and the 
other, they came to fight, and the Queene with the helpe of 
Sforza (who was returned to her service) vanquished Alfonso : 
drave him out of Naples, deprived him of his adoption, and 
adopted Lodovico de Angio ; whereof grew a great warre 
betwixt Braccio who had folowed Alfonso, and Sforza that 
favoured the Queen. 

In the proceeding of these wars, Sforza occasioned to 
passe the river of Pescara, was there drowned: wherby 
the Queene became again disarmed, and should have bene 
driven out of the kingdom, if Philippo Visconti Duke of 
Milan had not enforced Alfonso (proceeding on in his 
journey against the Queen) to be staied. For having 
besieged Aquila, the Pope (supposing the greatnes of 
Braccio not to be good for the church) enterteined Fran 
cesco the sonne of Sforza, against Braccio, and at Aquila 
slew him, and overthrew his army. On the part of Braccio, 
Oddo his son was saved, from whom the Pope tooke Perugia, 
and left to him Montone : yet shortlie after, fighting for 
the Florentines in Romagna, was there slaine. So then, 
of all these that served with Braccio, Nicholo Piccinino, 
remained of most reputation. 

Now because we are come with our history neare to that 
time whiche I determined (and that the rest which remaineth 
unspoken, importeth for the most part nothing else but the 
wars which the Florentines and Venetians had with Philippo 
Duke of Milan, which shall also be discoursed hereafter, 
when particulerly we entreate of Florence) I will not speak 
more therof, but briefly reduce to memorie in what termes 
Italy with the Princes and the souldiers of those daies 
remained. Among the principall states, Queene Giovanni 2. 
held the kingdom of Napoli, La Marca, Patrimonio and 
Romagna. Part of the townes to these belonging, obeyed 
the church, and part of them were usurped by tirants, or 
their ministers: as Farrara, Modena, and Reggio by the 
house of Este. Faenza by Manfredi ; Imola by the Alidosi ; 
Furli by the Ordelaffi; Rimino and Pesaro by the Malatesti; 
and Camerino by the house of Varano. The Provinces of 
Lombardy, were partly governed by Philippo Duke of 
Milan, and partly by the Venetians. For all those that 

66 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

had therin any particuler states, were extirped (except the THE 
house of Gonzaga) which governed stil at Mantova. In FIRST 
Toscana, the greatest princes that governed, were the BOOKE 
Florentines : onely Lucca and Siena, lived with their lawes. 
Lucca under Guinici, Siena as absolutely free. The Genovesi, 
sometimes in libertie, and sometime in servitude to the 
house of France, or Visconti, were without reputation, and 
among the meaner Potentates accounted. For all the prin- 
cipall Lords and Potentates, were at that time of their 
owne subjectes utterly disarmed. The Duke Philippo living 
at home, and not suffering himselfe to be seene, his warres 
were altogither directed by ministers. The Venetians, so 
soone as they began to make warres by land, lost all that 
glorie which before upon the sea they had gotten. And 
(following the custome of other Italians) by the direction 
of strangers governed their warres. The Pope being a man 
of religion, and the Queene Giovanna a woman, did laie by 
their Armes : doing that for necessitie which others had 
done by election. The Florentines also, to like necessitie 
yeelded : for their sundry civil divitions among themselves, 
had clearly extirped the Nobilitie, and left the Common 
weale to be governed by those that had bene brought up in 
marchandise, and were therby enforced to abide the fortune 
of others. The discipline of warre then remained, only in 
the poore Princes, and Gentlemen that wanted living ; and 
they not moved by any desire of glorie, but rather to be 
come rich and assured, armed themselves. They then being 
wel practised in the warres (not having any other trade to 
live) sought by the wars to make themselves strong and 
honourable. Among this number for their value, most 
renowned, were Carmignuola, Francesco Sforza, Nicholo 
Piccinino, brought up by Braccio, Agnolo della Pergola, 
Lorenzo, and Michelletto Atteriduly: Tartaglia, Giaco- 
paccio Cecolino da Parugia, Nicholo di Tolentino, Guido 
Torello, Antonio dal Ponte ad Hera, and others. Besides 
them were those great Lordes of whom I have alreadie 
spoken. And with them, may be numbred the Orsini, and 
Calonnesi, Barrens of Rome, with some other Gentlemen of 
the kingdome, and of Lombardy : who making a misterie 
or art of the warre, had among themselves a secret league 

67 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE and intelligence, whereby they protracted the service for 
FIRST their profit. And so, the Princes for whom they served, 
BOOKE W ere on both sides loosers. 

In conclusion, the warres became so cowardlie, that anie 

ordinarie Captaine, having in him but a shadow of the 

auncient vertue, might (to the admiration of all Italy) have 

vanquished those souldiers: who through small wisedome, 

(and want of judgement) were much honoured. Of these 

idle Princes, and of these most base and cowardlie souldiers, 

this my Historic shall at large entreate. But first (as in 

the beginning I promised) it seemeth necessarie for me to 

returne backe, and tell the originall of Florence, letting 

everie man to understand fully, what was the state of 

that Cittie in those dayes : and by what meanes amongst 

so many troubles happened in Italy (during the 

space of a thousand yeares) the same hath 

still continued. 



68 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 




THE SECOND BOOKE 

MONG other great and marvellous orders 
of the auncient common weales, and prin- 
cipallities (at this time decaied) was that 
wherby new Townes and Citties were from 
time to time builded. For there is nothing 
more worthie an excellent Prince, or well 
governed common weale, nor more profit 
able to any Country, then the building 
up of new Townes, where men may with commoditie, for 
defence and tilladge, assemble themselves : which thing 
those people might easily do, having in custome to send 
dwellers into such Countries as were either unpeopled, or 
conquered; which people, were in those dayes called Collonies. 
For besides, that this order occasioned new Townes to be 
built, the same also did make the Country conquered, to be 
more assured to the Conquerors thereof. It also replenished 
the voyd places, and mainteined the people in such orders 
as they were planted : which wrought this effect, that men 
most commodiously inhabiting, did most multiply. They 
were also in the offence of others the more readie, and in 
defence of themselves more assured. That custome (being 
through negligence of common weales and Princes of this 
time, discontinued) doth occasion the weakenesse and ruine 
of their Countries, because that only maketh every govern 
ment assured, and every Country (as is beforesaid) plenti 
fully inhabited. The assurance groweth, because Collonies 
planted in any province newly conquered, is (as it were) a 
castle and gard, to hold the same in obedience. Besides 
that, no country wel inhabited, can maintaine the inhabi 
tants thereof, nor continue them as they be planted, without 

69 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE that rule and order: for all places are not plentifull or 
SECOND wholesome, which is the cause that the people in the one do 
BOOKE abound, and want in the other. So as if no meane be, to 
take away where is abundance, and supply where want is, 
that Country in short space must of force be ruined ; be 
cause the one part thereof, through the small number of 
inhabitants becommeth desolate, and the other being over 
charged, oppressed with povertie. And for that nature 
could not reforme this disorder, it is necessarie, that industry 
should do it. For unwholesome Countries planted full of 

ale, comming thither alltogither, do make the same 
Mul, by reason that the tilling of the earth doth alter 
the soyle ; and the fiers, doth greatly purge the aire ; which 
things nature by her selfe could not. The experience thereof 
is seen by the Cittie of Venice, seated in a place paludious, 
and unwholesome. Notwithstanding, the assemblie of many 
inhabitants come thither at one instant, did make the same 
healthy inough. Pisa likewise, through the contagion of 
the aire, was never replenished, but when Genova, and the 
rivers thereto belonging, were by the Sarasins destroyed, 
it enforced the people (driven from their native countrey) 
to flye thither, and make that place well inhabited, and 
strong. 

This custome of sending Collonies being discontinued, is 
the occasion that countreyes conquered, are holden with 
more difficultie ; those that be emptie are not supplied, and 
countreyes over full are not disburthened, whereby, manie 
parts of the world, and chiefly Italy, in respect of the 
ancient times, are become desarts. The reason thereof is, 
that there hath not bene, nor is not in Princes, anie desire 
of true glorie, nor in Common-weales anie ordinance that 
meriteth commendation. In the old time we see, that 
through vertue of these Collonies, Citties were often made 
new, and some others (alreadie begun) encreased : of which 
number was the Cittie of Florence, begunne by the people 
of Fiesole, and inlarged by Collonies. A thing most true 
it is (as Dante and John Villano have written) that the 
Cittie of Fiesole being set on the top of a mountaine, to 
occasion their markets to bee the more frequented, and give 
commoditie to those that with their merchandize would 

70 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 



THE 
SECOND 
BOOKE 



resort thither, did give order that they should not clime up 
the hill, but stay in the plaine, betwixt the foote of the 
mountaine, and the river Arno. These markets (as I judge) 
were occasion of the first building in that place. The mer 
chants also being desirous to have storehouses commodious 
for the receiving of wares, made buildings there, which in 
time became houses of habitation. Afterwards, when the 
Romanes (having vanquished the Carthaginesi) had made 
Italy from forreine warres secure, in great numbers there 
they multiplied ; for men doo never seeke the defence of 
themselves, if by necessitie they are not incouraged : and, 
as feare of warre doth constraine them willingly to inhabit 
barren places and strong, so that feare remooved, (allured 
with commoditie) more willingly they covet to dwell in 
Countryes pleasant and profitable. 

The securitie which grew in Italy by reputation of the 
Roman common-weale, might occasion the number of the 
inhabitants to bee so great, as made this place to become 
(as it were) in forme of a Towne, and was at the beginning 
called Arinna. After that time, civill warres happened in 
Rome, first betweene Mario and Silla, then betwixt Cesare 
and Pompeio, and at last betweene the murtherers of Caesar, 
and those which sought to revenge his death. It seemeth 
therefore, that first by Silla, and next by those three Citizens 
of Rome (that after the revenge made for Caesar) divided 
the Empire, Collonies were sent to Fiesole, who either all, or 
part, did plant their dwellings in the plaine neare unto the 
Towne alreadie begun : insomuch, as the same was much en 
larged, and so well replenished with buildings, men, and other 
things necessarie for civill life, as it became to be numbred 
among the Citties of Italy. Yet whence this name Firenze Whereof the 
should be derived, divers men do diversly hold opinion, name of Flo- 
Some suppose it so called of Florino, one of the chiefe of 1 , en ? e \ s 
the Colloni. Others would not consent that it was called 
Florentia at the beginning, but Fluentia, because it was 
neare the river of Arno, which floweth. And they alledge 
the authorise of Plinny, where he saith, that the people 
Fluentini be neare unto Arno : which may be false, because 
Plinny maketh demonstration where the Florentines were 
seated, not how they were called. And that word Fluentini 

71 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE must needes be corrupted, because Frontino and Cornelio 
SECOND Tacito (who wrote almost in the time of Plinny) do call the 
BOOKE Towne Florentia, and the people Florentini ; for that long 
since in the time of Tiberio, they were governed according 
to the custome of other Cities in Italy. Cornelio reporteth 
also, that the Florentines had sent Embassadors to the 
Emperor, praying, that the waters of Chiane might not 
discend uppon their Countrie; neither is it reasonable, 
that the Citie should have in one time two names. I be- 
leeve therefore it was alwaies called Florentia. For what 
cause soever it was so named, or for what cause soever it 
had the beginning, most sure it is, that under the Empire 
of Rome, it had the foundation, and in the reigne of the 
first Emperours, Writers did make mention thereof. More 
over, at such time as the barbarous people did persecute 
the Empire, Florence was by Tottila King of the Ostragotti 
defaced, and after 250 yeares by Carlo Magno reedified : 
from which time, till the yeares after Christ 1215 it con 
tinued under that fortune which others did, who then com 
manded in Italy. In which time, first governed there the 
posteritie of Carlo, then Barengarii, and last of all the 
Emperours of Germanie, as hath bene in our universall 
discourse before declared. The Florentines could not in 
those times increase or do aniething worthie memorie, for 
the authoritie of them, unto whom it was subject: not 
withstanding, in the year 1010 and the day of S. Romolo, 
(a solemne Feast with the Fiesolane) they surprized Fiesole, 
and demolished the same ; which they did, either with 
consent of the Emperours, or else at such times as one 
Emperor being dead, the other was not elected, whereby 
everie man (for the present) remained at libertie. But 
since the Popes tooke unto themselves more authoritie in 
Italy, and the Germane Emperours grew weake, everie 
Towne in that Province, with lesse reverence to their 
Prince, was governed. Insomuch, as in the yeare 1080 
in the time of Arrigo the third, Italy was openly divided 
into faction betwixt him and the Church : notwithstanding 
the Florentines maintained themselves united, till the yere 
1215 yelding to the victorious, without aspiring farther 
than to save themselves. But as to the bodies of men, the 
72 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

longer they bee healthie, the more dangerous and mortall THE 
are the sicknesses, when they happen : so Florence the SECOND 
more slowlie it followed the factions, the more speedily and BOOKE 
greevously it was by them afterwards afflicted. The first 
occasion of division in that Citie, is most publiquely 
knowen, because it hath bene written by Dante and divers 
others: nevertheles I thinke good briefely to speake 
thereof. 

There was in Fiorence (among others) of the mightie The first 
Families, Buondelmonti, and Uberti ; next unto them were devision of 
the Amidei and Donati. In the house of Donati was a Florence. 
Gentlewoman, a widow and rich, who having one onely 
daughter, a maiden of much beautie, whom within her selfe, 
shee determined to marrie unto Buondelmonti a yong 
Gentleman, and the chiefe of his house. This her intent, 
eyther through negligence or delay of time (none beeing 
made privie thereof) was deferred so long, that Buondel 
monti was contracted to the daughter of Amidei : wherwith 
she greatly discontented, and supposing it were possible 
with the beautie of her daughter to stay the marriage, 
before the same should be solemnized : one day, seeing 
Buondelmonti comming towards her house, came downe, 
her daughter following ; and meeting him at the gate, said, 
I am very glad that you are now become maried, yet was 
it my meaning you should have had this my daughter, and 
with those words (she opened the gate) and shewed her 
unto him. The Gentleman beholding the beautie of the 
maiden (which indeed was rare) and therewith considering 
that her parentage and portion was not inferiour to hers, 
whom he had alreadie taken, became exceedingly desirous 
to have her. Then, not respecting his faith alreadie given, 
nor the injurie he did in breaking the same, nor yet the 
inconvenience that might ensue thereof, said : Sith it hath 
pleased you to reserve your daughter for me, I should bee 
.unthankfull (beeing yet all in time) to refuse her. After 
the speaking of these words (without farther delay) hee 
married her. This marriage beeing knowen, highly offended 
all the Familie of Amidei, and Ubarti : who were by his 
first marriage, allied. Then assembling themselves, and 
consulting together, in the ende concluded, that such an 

K 73 



THE 
SECOND 
BOOKE 



By what 
means the 
factions of 
Guelfi and 
Ghibilini 
arose in 
Florence. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

injurie might not bee borne without shame ; nor the revenge 
thereunto due, could bee other than the death of Buondel- 
monti. And albeit some did fore-cast the inconveniences 
that might followe such an Action : yet Moscha Lamberti 
sayde, that who so ever casteth all doubts, should never 
resolve anie thing; alleadging the auncient Proverbe, A 
thing once done, is past remedie. Then gave they the 
charge of this murther to bee performed by Moscha, Stiatta, 
Uberti, Lambertuccio, Amidei, Odorigo Fifanti. These 
men in the morning of Easter day, at the houre of Resur 
rection, assembled themselves in the houses of the Amidei ; 
by which streete, Buondelmonti passed the bridge upon a 
white horse : and supposing (as it seemeth) that it had bene 
a thing as easie to forget an injurie, as renounce a marriage, 
was at the foote of the bridge under an Image of Mars 
(which there is standing) assaulted, and slaine. This 
murther divided the whole Citie, the one halfe tooke part 
with Buondelmonti, the other with Uberti. These Families, 
by reason they were strong in houses, towers, and men, 
fought manie yeares, before the one could chase the other 
out of the Cittie : till at length (without anie firme peace 
made) a truce was taken, which according unto occasion, 
was sometimes kept, and sometimes broken. 

Florence continued in these troubles, till the time of 
Federigo the second : who being also King of Napoli, was 
perswaded hee might encrease his dominion against the 
Church. And to make his authoritie more assured in 
Toscana, he favoured the Uberti and their followers, who 
thereby drave out the Buondelmonti : and so our Cittie 
(like unto all other Townes of Italy) became divided into 
Guelfi and Ghibilini. And it seemeth not superfluous to 
make mention of the Families that depended of the one 
and the other. Those that followed the faction of Guelfi, 
were Buondelmonti, Narli, Rossi, Frescobaldi, Mozzi, Baldi, 
Pulci, Gherardini, Faraboschi, Bagnesi, Guidalotti, Sachetti, 
Manieri, Lucardesi, Chiaramonti, Compiobbesi, Cavalcanti, 
Giandonati, Gianfigliazzi, Scali, Gualerotti, Importuni, 
Bostichi, Tornaquinci, Vecchietti, Tosinghi, Arregucci, 
Agli, Sitii, Adimari, Visdomini, Donati, Pazzi, della Bella, 
Ardinghi, Tebaldi, Cherchi. For the Ghibilini, were 

74 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

Uberti, Mannelli, Ubriachi, Fifanti, Amidei, Infanganti, THE 
Malespini, Scolari, Guidi, Galli, Capardi, Lamberti, Sol- SECOND 
danieri, Capriani, Toschi, Ameri, Palermini, Migliorelli, BOOKE 
Pigli, Baruchi, Cattani, Agollanti, Brunelleschi, Capon- 
sachi, Elisei, Abbati, Tedaldini, Givochi, Caligai. Besides 
these noble houses, manic popular families joyned in that 
action : so that welneare all the Cittie became corrupted 
with this division. But the Guelfi being driven out, retyred 
themselves into Townes of the Vale of Arno, where their 
chiefe places of strength were, and (the best they could) 
against the furie of their enemies defended themselves. 
Federigo then dying, such as remained in Florence and 
were men neuterall, having also credite with the people, 
thought better to reunite the Cittie, than holding it in 
division, utterly to overthrow it. They therefore found 
meanes, that the Guelfi (setting all injurie aside) should 
returne, and the Ghibilini (without suspition) receave them. 
They thus united, it seemed to them, that the time would 
well serve to frame an order for the libertie of the Cittie, 
before the new Emperour should grow strong. For which 
purpose, they divided the Cittie into sixe parts, and chose 
twelve Cittizens for everie part to governe the same, whom 
they called Antiani, and were changed everie yeare. Also An union and 
to remove all offences, that might arise by Judges, they P ol ^ ie ^ setled 
elected two Straungers to that office, calling the one Cap- : 
taine of the people, and the other Podesta: who were 
authorised to judge all causes that happened in the Cittie, 
either civill or criminall. Also, because no order is assured 
without defenders thereof, they appointed in the Citie 
twentie Ensignes, and threescore and sixteene in the 
Countrey; under which all the youth was mustred, and 
commanded they should bee readie armed, everie man under 
the ensigne whereto he belonged, whensoever he were either 
by the Captain or the Antiani called. And as the ensignes 
which those soldiers were appointed unto were divers, so 
were the weapons diversly divided : for the crosbowes had 
their private ensigne, and the holberdiers theirs. Also at 
everie feast of Penticost, with great pompe they erected 
new ensignes, and appointed new Captaines, and trained 
the souldiers to such perfection, as everie man knew in what 

75 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE order hee should march, retire, and charge the enemy. 
SECOND Then they caused a great chariot covered with redde, and 
BOOKE drawne by two Oxen, to carry their chiefe ensigne, of colour 
white and redde. Whensoever they intended to assemble 
all their forces, they commanded this Chariot to be brought 
into the market place, and with great ceremony give charge 
thereof to the chiefe Captaines of the people. They had 
also for the magnificence of their enterprise, a great bell 
called Martinella, which was rung continually one whole 
moneth before their Army was brought into the field : to 
the end that the enemie might prepare for his defence. So 
great was the vertue of men in those dayes, and so honour 
ably they proceeded in their actions : where at this present 
to assaile the enemy sodeinly and without warning, is 
thought to be a wise and honourable thing, in those dayes 
the same was holden cowardly, and dishonourable. This 
Bell was also carried with the Army, and by the sound 
thereof the watches and other orders of the Campe were 
commanded. Upon these martiall ordinances and civill 
rules, the Florentines laide the foundation of their libertie. 
Neither can it bee imagined how great authoritie and force 
that Cittie in short space atteined unto. So that it became 
not onely chiefe of Toscana, but also was accounted amongst 
the best Cities of Italy, and should have so continued, had 
not the often and new divisions disturbed the same : under 
this government the Florentines lived tenne yeares, within 
which time they enforced the Pistoiesi, Aretini, and Senesi, 
to make league with them. Returning from Sienna with 
their Army, they surprized Volterra, and demolished some 
castles, leading the inhabitants of them to Florence. All 
which enterprises were performed by counsell of the Guelfi, 
who could do much more then the Ghibilini, because they 
for their insolencie during the raigne of Federigo were 
hated of the people. The faction of the church also much 
more loved, then the faction of the Emperour : because the 
Florentines hoped thereby to preserve their libertie, but 
beeing under the Emperour they feared to loose it. 

The Ghibilini then seeing themselves bereft of authoritie, 
could not live contented, but still aspecting occasion to 
recover the government, and seeing Manfredi sonne of 
76 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

Federigo, possessed of the kingdome of Napoli, who had THE 
also discomforted the forces of the church, thought the SECOND 
time come to serve their purpose. Secretly then they BOOKE 
practised with him to take their authoritie uppon him, but 
their practise was not so cunningly handled, but that the 
same was discovered to the Antiani, who presently sent for 
the Ubarti. They not onely refused to appeare, but also 
tooke Armes, and fortified themselves in their houses : 
wherwith the people offended, likewise tooke Armes, and 
ayding the Guelfi, enforced them and all the rest of the 
Ghibilini to abandon Florence, and go unto Siena. From 
whom they prayed aide of Manfredi king of Napoli, and by King- Man- 
trie industry of Farrinata Uberti, the Guelfi upon the river fl *edi, a chiefe 
Arbia, received so great an overthrow and slaughter, as ^ Glllbl " 
those that were saved, returned not to Florence; but sup 
posing their Cittie lost, fled into Lucca. The chiefe 
Captaine of those souldiers sent by Manfredi, was Earle 
Giordano, a man of war in that time greatly esteemed. 
Hee, after the victorie, went with the Ghibilini to Florence, 
reducing the citie wholly to the obedience of Manfredi, 
deposing the magistrates, and altering everie other order, 
whereby might appeare any forme of libertie. Which 
injurie with small wisdom committed, was generally of the 
people taken in great disdaine, and of friends to the Ghibi 
lini, they became mortal enemies, wherof, with time, grew 
their utter ruine. 

The Earle Giordano, having occasion to return to Napoli 
for the service of that kingdome, left in Florence as deputie 
for the king, the Earle Guido Novella, Lord of Casentino, 
who at Empoli assembled a councell of Ghibilini, thought 
it was necessarie to raze Florence, as apt (by reason the 
people were Guelfi) to recover force for the aide of the 
church. To this so cruell a sentence in prejudice of that 
noble citie, there was no citizen nor friend (Farinata Ubarti 
excepted) that apposed himself. He openly and without 
respect spake in favour therof, and said, that he had not 
laboured nor adventured himselfe in so many perils, but to 
the end he might inhabit his native country ; and would 
not loose that he had so long sought, nor shunne that which 
fortune had laid upon him. Yea, being no lesse enemy to 

77 



THE 
SECOND 
BOOKE 



Farinata 
Uberti. 



The Duke of 
Angio, called 
into Italy by 
the Pope. 



King- Man 
fredi slaine. 



New ordi 
nances in 
Florence. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

them that should so determine, then he had bene to the 
Guelfi, he wold not refuse to favour his country, hoping 
that his vertue which had chased out the Guelfi from Flor 
ence, should also defend the same. 

Farinata was a man of great courage, excellent in the 
wars, chief of the Ghibilini, and greatly esteemed of Man- 
fredi : his opinion therefore prevailed, and new means were 
thought upon how to preserve the state. The Guelfi (be 
fore fled to Lucca for feare of the Earles threatning) were 
sent away from thence, and went to Bologna : from whence 
they were called by the Guelfi of Parma, to go with them 
to an enterprise against the Ghibilini, wherin by their 
vertue the enimies were vanquished, and they recovered 
their owne possessions. So that encreasing in riches and 
honour, knowing also that Pope Clemente had sent for 
Carlo of Angio, to take the kingdome from Manfredi, by 
Ambassaders they offered him their service : and the Pope 
did not onely receive them for his friendes, but also gave 
them his Ensigne ; which ever sithence the Guelfi have 
carried in their warres ; and is that, which at this day is 
used in Florence. Then was Manfredi by Carlo dispos 
sessed of his kingdome and slain. In which enterprise, the 
Guelfi of Florence happening to be present, their faction 
gained reputation, and the Ghibilini became the weaker. 
Whereupon, those that governed with the Earle Guido at 
Florence, thought it meete by some benefit to winne the 
love of the people, which with many injuries had before 
that time bene lost. For those remedies which before this 
time of necessitie would have prevailed, using them now 
without order, and out of time, did not onely hurt, but also 
hasten their ruine. They then thought good to make the 
people friends and partakers of such honours and authoritie, 
as had bene taken from them : and elected thirtie sixe 
Citizens Commoners, who with two Gentlemen (called from 
Bologna) should reforme the state of the Citie. They thus 
assembled, presently divided the Citie into Arts or Mis- 
teries : over every one of which Misteries, they appointed 
one Magistrate to do j ustice to all those within his govern 
ment. They ordeined also an Ensigne to everie Misterie : 
to the end, that all men might repaire therunto armed, 

78 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

whensoever occasion did serve. These Misteries, were in 
the beginning twelve, seven great, and five lesse. After 
wards, the lesse Misteries encreased to fourteene, so then 
the number was, (as at this present it is) twenty one. The 
thirtie six men appointed for reformation, practised many 
things for the benefit of the people. 

The Earle Guido for the paying of the souldiers imposed 
a Subsidie uppon the Citizens : whom hee found so un 
willing therewith, as hee durst not enforce them to paie 
those summes that were imposed. And supposing to have 
lost the state, he joyned himselfe with the chiefe of the 
Ghibilini ; which done, determined to take that from the 
people by force, which they for want of judgement had 
graunted. For that purpose assembling the souldiers 
Armed, and accompanied with the thirtie sixe Reformers, 
hee made an Alarum, and foorthwith the Reformers retired 
themselves to their houses, and the Ensignes of the Misteries 
came foorth, followed by many Armed men, who under 
standing that the Earle Guido with his followers, were at 
Saint Giovanni, they made head at Saint Trinita, and there 
elected Giovanni Sodarini, theyr Captaine. The Earle on 
the other side, hearing where the people were, marched 
towardes them, who fled not, but assoone as the Earle 
drew neare, charged him neare unto the place called Loggio 
delli Tornaquinci. There they forced the Earle to retire 
with the slaughter, and losse of many his souldiers. The 
Earle fearing that his enemy (seeing his souldiers maimed 
and weary) would assault him, and in the night kill him : 
determined forthwith to flie, and so save himselfe. So as 
contrarie to the counsell of the governours and others of 
his faction, he presently fled with his men to the Citie of 
Prato. So soone as hee came thither, finding himselfe out 
of feare, being in a place of securitie, remembred how 
great an errour he had committed : and desirous to amend 
the same, the next morning earely, marched with his men 
towards Florence: offering to enter the Citie by force, 
which by cowardise hee had abandoned, but that attempt 
tooke no successe, for the people which with difficultie 
might have driven him away, with facilitie could hold him 
out. So that with great sorow and shame, he went unto 

79 



THE 
SECOND 
BOOKE 



THE 
SECOND 
BOOKE 



New ordi 
nances in 
Florence by 
the Guelfi. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

Casentino, and the Ghibilini to their vilages. Thus the 
people remained with victorie, and for the comfort of those 
which loved the common wealth, determined to reunite the 
citie, and call home all citizens as well Ghibilini as Guelfi : 
by meanes whereof, the Guelfi after sixe yeares absence 
from the citie were returned. And the Ghibilini (notwith 
standing the memorie of their late injurie) were pardoned 
and put in their country : yet much hated both of the 
people and the Guelfi ; for these could not forget their 
exile, and those remembred too much the tyrannic which 
was used during their authoritie : which things, caused that 
neither the one nor the other were contented. 

While in this forme the Florentines lived, it was reported, 
that Corradino nephew to Manfredi, should come with 
forces from Germany to the conquest of Napoli. Where 
upon the Ghibilini tooke heart and hope, thereby to recover 
their authoritie. And the Guelfi began to thinke how they 
might assure themselves of their enemies : for which purpose, 
they praied king Carlo to defend them in the time of 
Corradino his passage. The souldiers of Carlo being in 
march, made the Guelfi insolent, and amazed the Ghibilini 
so much, that two dayes before they arrived (without any 
violence offered) they fled. The Ghibilini thus departed, 
the Florentines reordeined the state of their citie, and 
elected twelve chiefe men to be magistrates, and governe 
their citie for two moneths, whom they called not Antiani, 
but Buoni Homini. Next unto them, they appointed a 
Councell of foure score Citizens, which they called La 
Credenza. After them, were an hundreth and foure score 
Commoners, who with the Credenza and the twelve Buoni 
Homini, were called the Councell generall. They ordeined 
moreover one other Councell of a hundreth and twentie 
Citizens, of the Comonaltie and Nobilitie mixed, which 
should give perfection, and confirmation to al things 
determined in the other Councels. This government thus 
setled, the faction of the Guelfi, togither with the Magis 
trates fortified the citie, to the end they might the better 
defend themselves from the Ghibilini, whose goods they 
divided into three parts : the one, they imployed to publike 
uses: the second was given to the Captaines ; the third 

80 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

divided amongst the Guelfi, in recornpence of the losses. THE 
The Pope also to maintaine the Guelfi in Toscana, ordeined SECOND 
the King Carlo to bee Lieftenant Emperiall of that BOOKE 
countrey. The Florentines thus holding themselves in 
reputation, by vertue of these new orders, governed all 
things well, with their lawes at home, and with their armes 
abroad. 

Then died the Pope, and after long disputation, in the 
end of two yeares, Gregorio decimo was elected : who 
having bene long time in Soria (and was at the time of his 
election) did not make so great account of the factions, as 
his predecessors had done. But returning home towards 
France, being arrived at Florence, to performe the office 
of a good Pastor, sought to unite that citie : wherein he 
prevailed so farre with the Florentines, as they were content 
that Commissioners for the Ghibilini might be received 
into Florence, to solicit the return of their faction, which 
was concluded. Notwithstanding, the Ghibilini were so 
terrified, as they durst not come home. The Pope laid 
the fault thereof to the citie, and being offended, did ex 
communicate the same. In which displeasure, the Floren- Florence ex- 
tines continued all the life of that Pope : but after his communicate, 
death the citie was absolved by Pope Innocentio quinto ; 
to whom succeeded Nicholao tertio, descended of the house 
of Orsini. And because the Popes had alwaies in suspition The Pope ever 
those that aspired to greatnes in Italy, (although by the suspitious. 
favour of the church they were thereunto atteined) sought 
alwaies to put them backe. Therof grew many tumults 
and often variations, for the feare of him that was become 
strong, occasioned the advancement of an other that was 
weake, who beeing likewise growne up, was forthwith feared, 
and being feared, cast downe. This was the cause, that 
occasioned the kingdome to be taken from Manfredi, and 
given to Carlo. This was also that which caused the Pope 
to mistrust Carlo, and seek his distruction. Nicholao tertio 
then, for the reasons beforesaid, found meanes through the 
helpe of the Emperour, that the government of Toscana 
was taken from Carlo: and in his place hee sent thither 
Latino his Legate. At that time Florence remained in 
verie hard estate, because the Nobilitie of the Guelfi were 

L 81 



New ordi 
nances in 
Florence. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE become insolent, and feared not the Magistrates : so as 
SECOND everie of them committed murthers, and other violences 
BOOKE without any justice or punishment of those that committed 
the same ; because they were alwaies by one or other great 
person favoured. To bridle this great insolencie, it was by 
the chiefe of the people thought good to revoke such as 
were banished : which gave opportunitie to the Legate, to 
reunite the citie; and the Ghibilini returned home. In 
the place of twelve governours, there were foureteene made, 
for everie part seven, to governe the cittie during one 
yeare : and they to be elected by the Pope. Florence con 
tinued in this order of government two yeares. Then Pope 
Martino aspired to the Papacie, who being a French man, 
restored unto king Carlo, all that authoritie which the 
Pope Nicholao had taken from him : wherby the factions 
in Toscana were suddeinly revived. For the Florentines 
tooke Armes against the Emperours Governour, to deprive 
the Ghibilini of the government : therewith also to hold 
the great men in awe, they ordeined a new forme of 
government. 

The yeare 1282 beeing come, the companies of the 
Misteries having received their Magistrates and Ensigns, 
Florence became greatly esteemed. They among themselves, elected 
reformed. j n the place of the fourteene, three Citizens to remaine two 
rnoneths governours of the common-weale, and called them 
Priori : who might be either Commoners or Gentlemen, so 
that they were Merchants of some Misterie. Afterwards 
the chiefe Magistracie was reduced to sixe men, so as in 
every part of the citie there might be one : which order 
continued till the yeare 1342. At which time the cittie 
was divided into quarters, and the number of Priori en- 
creased to nine, and diverse times in that meane while (by 
reason of some accident) they were in number twelve. This 
Office was the meane (as shall hereafter appeare) that the 
Nobilitie was ruined ; for then by many occasions they were 
excluded, and afterwards without respect oppressed ; where- 
unto the Nobilitie at the beginning consented : for they 
unwilling to bee united with the people, and desiring to 
have all the state into their hands, and the people having 
like desire, became both loosers. Then they appointed a 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

pallace for their office, where by auncient custome, the THE 
Magistrates and Counsellours assembled, who were in SECOND 
honourable sort by Serjeants and other Ministers there BOOKE 
attended, albeit at the erection of this office, the officers 
were called Priori : yet afterwards (for more magnificence) Priori, 
was joyned therunto the name of Signory. 

The Florentines for a space, among themselves remained 
quiet, during which time they made vvarre uppon the 
Aretini, because they had banished the Guelfi : and in 
Campaldino most fortunately wonne the victory. The 
cittie then encreasing in men and riches, thought good to 
encrease also the wals therof, and therefore inlarged the 
circuit of the same to that compasse, which now wee see : 
for before that time the Diametre thereof, was onely that 
space which is from the old bridge, to S. Lorenzo. The 
wars abroad, and peace at home, had (as it were) worne out 
of Florence the factions of Guelfi and Ghibilini. Then Discord be- 
remained only those humors (which naturally were wont to tween the 
be in everie cittie) betwixt the Nobilitie and the people. 
For the people desirous to live according to law, and the 
great men studying to command them, becommeth a thing 
impossible they should accord togither. This humour, so 
long as the Ghibilini held the citie in awe, was not dis 
covered ; but so soone as they were vanquished, it shewed 
the force thereof: for everie day some popular man was 
injured, and Magistrates knew not by what meanes to 
punish the same, because everie Gentleman with the force 
of his friends defended himselfe. The Magistrates of the 
misterie, studying to remedie so great a mischiefe, provided 
that everie Senate in the beginning of their authoritie 
should create one Gonfaloniere di Giustitia, a man elected 
in the number of Commoners, unto whom was appointed 
one thousand men, under twentie Ensignes readie at all 
occasions to maintaine justice, whensoever they were by 
their Gonfalone or their Captaine commanded. The first 
chosen was Ubaldo Ruffbli, he drew forth the Gonfalone, 
and razed the houses of the Galetti : because one of that 
Family had in France slaine a popular man. It was an 
easie thing for the misteries to make this order, by reason 
of the great hatred among the Nobilitie, who considered 

83 



THE 
SECOND 
BOOKE 



New ordi 
nances in 
favour of the 
people. 



Giano della 
Bella. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

not of any provision against them, till such time as they 
felt the bitter execution thereof; which, at the first gave 
them great terror : neverthelesse afterwards, they returned 
to their wonted insolencie. For alwaies some one of the 
Nobilitie being an Officer, had therby meanes to hinder the 
Gonfaloniere, in execution of his office. Moreover, for that 
everie accuser must produce his witnesse to prove the 
offence offered, and no man for feare of the Nobilitie durst 
give witnesse, the citie in short space returned to the former 
discord : and the people injured in the same sort as they 
were wont to bee; because judgement was slow, and execu 
tion thereof wanted. 

The populer sort then not knowing what course to take, 
Giano della Bella, a Gentleman of auncient race (yet there 
with one that loved the libertie of his Country) encouraged 
the chiefe of the misteries to reforme the disorders of the 
citie. By this Councell it was ordeined that the Gon 
faloniere should remaine with the Priori, and have foure 
thousand men at his commandement. They likewise made 
all the Nobilitie uncapable of the Senate, and every man 
that was accessarie in anie offence, to be as subject to 
punishment as the principall. They decreed moreover, that 
publique fame should suffice to receive condemnation by the 
lawes, which they called Ordinamenti della Giustitia. By 
this mean the people gained great reputation, and Giano 
della Bella much hated : because thereby he became evill 
thought of by the Nobilitie, and reputed one that oppressed 
their authoritie. The rich Commoners did also envie him, 
for that they imagined his credit overmuch, which at the 
first occasion was so proved. For it shortly after happened, 
that in a fraie, one of the people chanced to be slaine ; at 
which conflict diverse Gentlemen were present ; and among 
the rest, Corso Donati : unto whom (as The most quarrel 
some of the companie) the fault was laid, and by the 
Captaine of the people apprehended. Howsoever it were, 
either that Corso had not offended, or that the Captaine 
feared to commit him, he was presently set at libertie. 
Which deliverie so greatly offended the people, that they 
tooke Armes and ramie to the house of Giano della Bella, 
desiring him to be a meane that those lawes might be 

84 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

observed, whereof he had bene the inventor. Giano willing THE 
that Corso should be punished, did not (as many thought SECOND 
he would do) cause the people to laie down their Armes, BOOKE 
but perswaded them to go unto the Senate, and praie them 
to looke unto the matter. The people, in the meane while 
much moved, and supposing the Captaine to have offered 
injurie, and also that Giano had forsaken them ; went not 
to the Senat, but unto the Captaines pallace, which they 
tooke and sacked. That fact greatly displeased all the 
Citizens, and those that desired the fall of Giano accused 
him, laying all the fault to his charge. Amongst the Lords 
of the Senate, one of his enemies happened to be : who 
accused him to the Captaine, for having stirred the people 
to sedition. During the time that this cause was in 
debating, the people armed, went againe to the house of 
Giano, and offered him defence against the Senators his 
enemies. But Giano would neither make proofe of this 
populer favour, nor yet commit his life to the Magistrates, 
because he feared the lewdnesse of these, and the incon- 
stancie of those, so as to take occasion from his foes to 
offend him, and from his friendes to harme their countrey, 
he determined to depart, and so giving place to envie, and 
to deliver the Citizens from that feare they had of him, 
went into voluntarie exile : notwithstanding he had with 
his great perill, delivered the citie from servitude of the 
Nobilitie. 

After his departure, the Nobilitie hoped greatly to 
recover their dignities, and judging that all their evill was 
by his mean procured, they assembled themselves togither, 
and sent two of them to the Senate (which they thought 
did favour them much) to entreate that by the same, the 
severe lawes made to their prejudice, might in some thing 
be quallified : which request being knowne, troubled much 
the people, fearing that the Senators would grant the same : Division 
Insomuch as the desire of the Nobilitie, and the suspition of betwixt the 
the people, drew them to the sword. The Nobilitie made 6 and 

head in three places, at S. Giovanni, in the new market 
place, and in the Piazza di Mozzi. Their Captaines were, 
Forese Adimari, Vanni di Mozzi, and Geri Spini. The 
people on the other side, with their Ensigne, in great 

85 



THE 
SECOND 
BOOKE 



Perswasions 
to the Nobi 
litie to laie 
downe armes. 



Perswasions 
used to the 
people. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

numbers assembled at the Senators pallace, who at that 
time dwelt neare unto S. Bruocolo : and because the people 
had that Senate in suspition, they joyned with them six 
Citizens for the government. While the one and the other 
part prepared themselves to fight, some of the people, and 
some of the Nobilitie, togither with certaine religious men 
of good fame, came betweene them and perswaded a peace : 
Letting the Nobilitie understand, that the cause why the 
honours from them was taken, and the lawes against them 
made, proceeded of their owne pride and evil government. 
And because they had before that time, taken Armes to 
recover that which through their owne division and evil 
behaviour had bene taken from them, it would not do other 
then occasion the ruine of their country, and hinder them 
selves. It was moreover said unto them, that the people, 
in number, riches and mallice, was much their superiour : 
and that these noble men by whom they thought to oppresse 
others, would not fight, but went their waies, so soone as 
the fight began. It was therefore a folly for them, against 
so great a multitude to contend. They perswaded the 
people on the other side, that it was no wisedome to seeke 
their will by way of extremitie, and that it was no part of 
judgement to drive men into desperation: for whosoever 
hopeth of no good, feareth no evill. They ought also to 
remember, that the Noble men were those, which in the 
warres had honored the citie : therfore it was no reason nor 
just occasion, why they should be so greatly hated. And 
moreover, although the Nobilitie could be content not to 
possesse the supreame offices, yet would they not endure to 
be driven out of their Country. It were therefore well 
done to laie Armes aside and grow to agreement, not 
trusting to the multitude of the people : for it hath bene 
often seene, that the greater number have by the lesse bene 
vanquished. Upon these speeches grew divers opinions 
among the people : many wold have fought, as a thing that 
of force at one time or other must be ; and therefore was 
better to do the same now, then afterwards when their 
enemies were become stronger. And though it were 
beleeved that by mittigation of the lawes, the Nobilitie 
wold become contented, yet the pride of them was such, 
86 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

as without enforcement would never rest. Others of the THE 
people, wiser, better advised, and of more quiet disposition, SECOND 
thought that the mitigation of the lawes was no great BOOKE 
matter : but to fight one part against the other, was a 
thing of great importance. So in the end, this opinion 
prevailed, and it was provided, that no accusation against 
any of the Nobilitie, should bee received without witnesses. 
The Armes of the one and the other side, thus laide aside, 
either of them continued full of suspition : fortifying them 
selves in their houses, and preparing weapons anew. Then 
the people reordeined the government, restraining the 
same into a smal number, mooved thereto, because that 
Signoria had bene favoured of the Nobilitie : of whom, 
the chiefe were, Mancini, Magalotti, Altouiti, Peruzzi, and 
Gerrettani. 

The state thus setled, for more magnificence, and securitie New reforma- 
of the Senate, in the yeare 1298, they builded their Pallace, tion in Flo- 
and made a Court before it, of that place where the houses rence 1298 - 
of the Uberti sometimes were. At this verie time were also 
the common prisons begunne, and within few yeares after, 
finished. For in those daies, our cittie was in as great and 
happie estate, as at anie time it hath bene : being full of 
men and reputation. The number of Cittizens fit for the 
warres, were numbred at thirtie thousand : and the people 
of the Countrey able for that purpose, amounted to three 
score and tenne thousand. All Toscana, either as subjects 
or friends obeyed us. And albeit betwixt the Nobilitie 
and people, some indignation and suspition were, yet no 
evil effect thereof followed, but every man neighborly and 
peaceably lived. And had not this peace bene by new 
enimitie within the cittie disturbed, no forreine disorder 
could have molested the state : because the cittie stood in 
such tearmes that it neither feared the Empire, nor those 
that were banished. And against all the states of Italy, it 
was of force sufficient to defend it selfe. That injury ther- 
fore, which external forces could not do, by inward discord 
was performed. 

There were in Florence two families, one called Circhi, New division 
the other Donati ; in riches, Nobilitie, and men mightie. oftheBianchi. 
Betweene them (being both in Florence, and the Country 

87 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE neare neighbors) there grew displeasure, yet not so great, as 
SECOND to occasion the use of armes : neither would there perhaps 
BOOKE thereof have growne any great matter, had not the same 
bene by some new occasions encreased. Among the chiefe 
houses of Pistoia, is that of Cancellieri. It happened that 
Lore sonne of Guglielmo, and Geri sonne of Bertaccio (both 
of that familie) playing togither, fell into quarrell, and 
Geri of Lore was lightly hurt. This chance greeved 
Guglielmo much : and thinking with curtesie to amend the 
matter, made the same much worse. For he commanded 
his sonne to go unto the house, where the father of the hurt 
man dwelled, and there aske pardon. The yoong man 
obeyed his father. Notwithstanding, that humble act, did 
no whit decrease the bitter disposition of Bertaccio, who 
caused Lore to be taken and holden by his servants, till his 
hand were cut off; saying unto him, return home unto thy 
father, and tel him that wounds be cured with steele, and 
not with words. The crueltie of this fact so greatly offended 
Guglielmo, that he armed his friends to revenge it. Bertaccio 
on the other side armed, to defend himselfe. Whereby, not 
onely these families, but all the cittie of Pistoia was divided. 
And because these Cancellieri, were descended from one of 
that name, who had two wives : the one named Biancha, 
the one party being descended of that woman, called their 
faction Biancha : the other partie to take a name contrarie, 
was called Nera. Betwixt them, at diverse times diverse 
conflicts and slaughters of men followed. At length both 
parties growing wearie, and yet not knowing how to be 
reconciled, did desire, either to make an end of their dis 
cord, or else to draw others into quarrels with them, and so 
encrease their faction. For which purpose they come to 
Florence. And the Neri having familiar acquaintance with 
the Donati, were by Corso (chiefe of that house) favoured : 
which the Bianchi understanding, to make themselves strong 
and able to resist the Donati, resorted to Veri de i Circhi : a 
man in everie condition no whit inferiour to Corso. This 
humour come from Pistoia, encreased the olde hate betweene 
the Circhi and Donati : and was alreadie so apparant, that 
the Priori and other good Cittizens feared everie houre, 
least some slaughter would therof ensue : and the whole 
88 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

citie be divided. For preventing whereof, they resorted THE 
unto the Pope, desiring him, that with his authoritie he SECOND 
would take order for these quarrels, which they themselves BOOKE 
could not. The Pope sent for Veri, and pressed him to 
make peace with the Donati, whereat Veri seemed to 
marvell, and said, he had no quarrell unto them, and 
because everie peace presupposeth war, sith no war was 
betweene them, he knew not why any peace should be 
required. Then Veri returned from Rome without other 
conclusion. These humours so encreased, that every small 
accident (as often it happeneth) was like to bring great 
disturbance. 

In the moneth of May, (at which time the youth of 
Florence on feastivall dayes doo disport themselves pub- 
liquely in the streetes) it happened certaine yoong men of the 
Donati, with their friends, to come on horsebacke to behold 
the women dauncing, neare unto S. Trinita, where staying 
awhile, thither chanced to come certaine Gentlemen of the 
house of Circhi : they also bringing with them some of their 
friends. They not knowing that the Donati were there 
(who stood before them) desirous to see the daunce, pressed 
forward with their horses, and shouldred them. Wherewith 
the Donati finding themselves offended, drew their swordes : 
and the Circhi as bravely prepared themselves to answere 
the assault. After many hurts given and taken, everie man 
departed his way. This disorder happened in a very un- 
happie houre, because the whole Citie upon that occasion 
was divided : as well the people, as the great men, and the 
parties tooke name of Bianchi and Neri. The chiefe of the 
faction Bianchi, were the Circhi, and with them joyned 
Adimari Abbati, some of the Tosinghi, Bardi, Rossi, Fres- 
cobaldi, Nerli, Mannelli, all the Mozzi, Scali, Gherardini, 
Cavalcanti, Malespini, Bostechi, Giandonati, Vecchietti, 
and Ariguzzi. They were also followed by many populer 
families, and all the Ghibilini that were in Florence. So 
that through the great number that tooke part with them, 
they had welneare all the sway of the Cittie. The Donati 
on the other side, were chiefe of the partie Nera, and with 
them the rest of those families before named, that joyned 
not with the Bianchi : and besides them, all the Pazzi, 

M 89 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE Spini, Buondelmonti, Gianfiliazzi, and Brunelleschi. This 
SECOND humour did not only infect the Cittie, but also divided the 
BOOKE whole countrey. Whereupon the Captaines of misteries, 
with everie other of the Guelfi that loved the Common 
weale, did feare, least the division should with time, ruine 
the cittie, and revive the Ghibilini. Wherefore they sent 
againe to Pope Bonifacio, to the end hee should devise 
meane to save that cittie, which had bene alwaies a shield 
of the church : and now likely either to be destroyed, or 
become subject to the Ghibilini. The Pope sent then unto 
Florence a Legate called Mattheo de Acqua Sparta, a Car- 
dinall of Portugal!, who finding difficultie in the Bianchi 
(which part as hee thought was the greater) feared the lesse, 
and departing from Florence offended, did excommunicate 
the cittie : whereby it became in worse estate then before 
his comming. Then the mindes of all men being full of 
offence, it happened that manie of the Circhi and Donati, 
meeting at a buriall, fell to words, and from words, to 
swordes. Whereof for that time followed nothing but 
tumult and disorder, and so everie man returned home. 
The Circhi then determined to assault the Donati, with 
great numbers of people went to seeke them. But by the 
vertue of Corso they were put backe, and manie of them 
also verie sore wounded. All the Cittie was up in Armes, 
the Signori, and the Lawes were trodden downe with furie 
of greate men. The wisest and best Cittizens lived full of 
suspition. The Donati and their partakers feared moste, 
because they could doo least. Thereuppon Corso, and the 
other heades of the Neri, togither with the Captaines of the 
misteries, resolved to entreate the Pope, to sende unto 
Florence some one of the blood royall, hoping by his meanes 
to oppresse the Bianchi. This assembly and resolution was 
notified to the Priori, and of the adverse part complained 
upon, as a conspiracie against the libertie of the Cittie. 
Both the factions being at that time in Armes, the Senators 
(of whome Dante happened to bee one) by his counsaile 
and wisedome, tooke courage and Armed the people, with 
whome also joyned manie of the Countrey. And so in- 
forcing the heades of the factions to laie downe their 
Armes, banished Corso Donati, with the others of the part 
90 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

Nera. Moreover, the Senators seeming to bee neutrall in THE 
this judgement, confined some of the Bianchi : who shortly SECOND 
after under colour of honest occasions returned home. Corso BOOKE 
and his friends imagining themselves favoured by the Pope, 
went unto Rome, and with their presence perswaded the 
Pope unto that, which before they had written. 

It happened at the same time that Carlo de Vallois the Carlo di 

French Kings brother was in the Popes Court, called into v r ollo ? s > 
T, t i ,1 T7" f TWT T i -TO- ! mi T- Govemor 

Italy by the King or Napoli, to go into Sicilia. The Pope Fi orence> 

thought good (being desired thereunto by the banished men 
of Florence) to sende him to remaine at Florence, till such 
time as the season of the yeare better served to passe the 
seas. Then went Carlo to Florence, and although the 
Bianchi who then governed, had him in suspition, yet 
because hee was chiefe of the Guelfi and sent by the Pope, 
they durst not gainsay his comming, but to make him their 
friend, they gave him authoritie to dispose of the Cittie 
according to his owne discretion. Carlo having received 
this power, armed all his friends and followers : which gave 
the people great suspition that hee intended to usurpe the 
libertie. For preventing of which mischiefe, order was 
given, that everie Cittizen should arme himselfe, and stand 
with weapon at his owne doore, to be readie, if Carlo should 
at his entrie happen to enterprise any thing. The Circhi 
and other heads of the faction Biancha (having bene a 
while chiefe of the Common weale, and borne themselves in 
their offices proudly) were come into universall hatred, 
which encouraged Corso and others, banished men of the 
faction Nera, to come to Florence; knowing that Carlo 
with the Captaines of companies would favour them. When 
the Citie through the mistrust of Carlo was armed, Corso 
with the banished men and many others that followed him, 
came unto Florence : and without let, entered the Citie. 
And though Veri de Circhi, was perswaded to have en- 
countred him, yet would he not, saying that the people of 
Florence (against whom he came) and not he should punish 
him. But the contrary came to passe, for he was by the 
people received, and not punished. And it behoved Veri 
for his owne safetie to flie. For Corso having entered the 
gate called Pinti, made head at S. Pietro Maggiore, neare 

91 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE to his owne house, whither many friends and many people 
SECOND desirous of noveltie, came. And first delivered all the 
BOOKE prisoners that had bene either for publique or private cause 
committed. Then they enforced the Senators to returne 
to their houses as private persons : and elected in their 
places populer men of the faction Nera. For five dayes 
also they sacked those that were the chiefe of the part of 
Biancha. The Circhi and other Princes of that faction 
were gone out of the Citie, and retired to their places of 
force. And not seeing Carlo to entermedle, the greater 
part of the people became their enemies. Wherupon 
though they would not before follow the Councell of the 
Pope, now they were inforced to pray his aide, letting him 
understand, that Carlo was come to disunite, and not to 
unite the Citie. Then the Pope sent againe his Legate, 
Mattheo d Acqua Sparta, who perswaded a peace betweene 
the Circhi and the Donati, confirming the same with new 
alliances and marriages. Hee also laboured that the Bianchi 
might bee partakers of the Offices in government : whereto 
the Neri (mistrusting the state should receive thereby some 
hinderance) would not consent. The Legate thereuppon 
grew offended, and departed from thence as discontented, 
as hee had bene the time before, leaving the Cittie dis 
obedient and cursed. Thus remained the one and the other 
part evill satisfied. The Neri seeing their adversaries at 
hand, feared least with their ruine, they should recover the 
authoritie by them lost. And the Bianchi seeing them 
selves deprived of authoritie and honour, therewith being 
had in disdaine and suspition, were offered new injuries. 

Nicholo de Circhi, accompanied with diverse his friendes, 
and going towards his possessions, passing the bridge 
AffHco, was there assaulted by Simone sonne of Corso 
Donati. This conflict was great, and of either side verie 
bloodie : for Nicholo was slaine, and Simone so hurt, as 
the next night hee died. This chaunce troubled all the 
Cittie anew, and albeit the part Nera was therein most 
culpable, yet by those that governed, they were defended. 
Also, before judgement given, was discovered, that the 
Bianchi had entered a conspiracie with Pietro Feranti, a 
Barren belonging to Carlo. In which treason, they practised 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

to place themselves againe in the government. This matter THE 
came to light, by Letters which the Circhi had written to SECOND 
the Barren : yet some men held opinion that those Letters BOOKE 
were not true, but forged by the Donati, to shadowe the 
infamie, that by the death of Nicholo they had incurred. 
Thereuppon all the Circhi were confined, with all their 
followers of the parte Biancha : amongest whome was Dante 
the Poet. Their goods were solde, and their houses razed. 
These banished men, joyned with many Ghibilini, disposed 
them selves into manie places, and hoping with new travailes 
and troubles to finde new fortune, and Carlo having done 
that in Florence for which hee came, departed and returned 
to the Pope, to go on his enterprise of Sicilia : wherein hee 
shewed himselfe no wiser, nor better then hee was in Flor 
ence. So that with the losse of many of his, hee returned 
into Fraunce dishonoured. 

After the departure of Carlo, the Cittie continued quiet. New troubles 
Corso onely was enclined to trouble, because hee thought bv Corso 
himselfe not in that authoritie that hee ought to bee, but 
sawe the government in the hands of populer men, farre 
his inferiours. Hee then mooved with these passions, thought 
to performe a dishonest intent, by an honest occasion, 
slaundering manie Cittizens, who had the custodie of the 
publique treasure : saying that they had imployed the same 
to their private commodities, and therefore it were well 
done to examine their dooings and punish them for the 
same. This his evill opinion was allowed by manie that 
were men of the like disposition : with whome also manie 
others, through ignorance joyned : because they thought 
Corso had beene indeede mooved thereunto with the love of 
his Country. On the other side the Cittizens slaundered, 
having love borne them of the people, defended themselves. 
In so much, as this diversitie of opinions, after civill dis 
putation brought them to Armes. On the one part was 
Corso Donati and Lottieri, Bishoppe of Florence: with 
manie great men, and some Commoners. On the other 
part, was the Senate, with the greater number of the 
people : so that the moste part of the Cittizens did fight. 
The Senators seeing the daunger wherein they were to bee 
great, prayed aide of the Lucchesi, and suddeinly all the 

93 



THE 
SECOND 
BOOKE 



Medici and 
Guini. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

people of Lucca were in Florence : by whose authoritie, for 
that time, all thinges were composed. These tumultes 
appeased and asswaged, the people continued in their 
authoritie, and the liber tie preserved, without any other 
punishment of him that mooved the slaunder. The Pope 
understanding the troubles of Florence, to pacific the same, 
sent thither his Legate called Nicholao de Prato, who 
beeing a man for degree, learning, and good behaviour, 
greatlie reputed, obteyned easily so much favour, as to have 
authoritie to dispose of the state as himselfe thought good ; 
and for that hee was in faction a Ghibilin, hee intended to 
call home those that were banished : yet first thought good 
to win favour of the people. To that end he renued the 
auncient companies, which greatly strengthened him, and 
weakened the Nobilitie. The Legate then (perswaded that 
the people were become all his) practised to call home 
those that had bene banished. For the compassing whereof 
he proved many meanes, which did not onely take evill 
successe, but also made himselfe thereby so much suspected 
among those that governed, as he was therby enforced to 
depart, and returne home to the Pope, leaving Florence full 
of confusion, and excommunicate. 

In the citie at that time remained not only one humour, 
but many, to the disturbance thereof : being there in the 
displeasure betwixt the people and the Nobilitie, the 
Ghibilini and the Guelfi, the Bianchi and Neri. All the 
citie tooke Armes, because many Cittizens who desired 
the returne of the banished men, were evill content with 
the Legates departure. The chiefe of those that moved 
the quarrell, were the Medici and Guigni, who togither 
with the Legate were discovered to favour the Rebels : In 
sundrie parts of the citie the people fought. To which 
disorder, there happened a fire, first in Orto Sante Michele, 
at the houses of the Abati : from whence it passed to the 
houses of the Caponfacci and burnt them, with the houses 
of Mazzi, Amieri, Toschi, Cipriani, Lamberti, and Caval- 
canti, and all the new market. From thence it passed to 
the gate of S. Maria, and burnt all that, returning about 
Ponte Vecchio, and consumed the houses of Gherardini, 
Pulci, Amidei, and Luccardesi, with many others, that the 

94 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

number amounted to 1700 or more. Some were of opinion THE 
that this fire happened by chance in the fury of the conflict. SECOND 
Others affirme, that one Neri Abbati Prior of S. Pietro BOOKE 
Scaragio, a man dissolute and desirous of mischiefe, kindled 
the same. For seeing everie man occupied in the conflict, 
knew he might do that displeasure, which no other could 
remedie. And to the end it might the rather have successe, 
hee set fire in the houses of his owne companions. 

It was the yeare 1304, in the moneth of July, when the 
citie of Florence was with fire and sword in this sort afflicted. 
Corso Donati was hee, that of all others in these tumults 
armed not himselfe, because hee hoped the rather to be 
Judge and Umpire betwixt the parties : when being weary 
of fight, they should be content to be perswaded. Not 
withstanding, weapons were laide downe rather for very 
wearinesse and necessitie, then through any pacification or 
perswasion of peace. For this onely followed thereof, that 
the Rebels should not returne,and the faction that favoured 
them remained with disadvantage. The Legate returning 
to Rome, and hearing the troubles that were begunne in 
Florence, perswaded the Pope, that for the uniting of that 
Cittie, it was necessarie for him to send thither for twelve 
principall Cittizens, whereby the roote of the mischiefe 
removed, it should be the more easie to quench the same. 
This Councell was by the Pope allowed, and the Citizens 
sent for, appeared. Amongst whom was Corso Donati. 
When these Cittizens were absent, the Legate wrote unto 
the Rebels, that the chiefe of the Cittizens were from home, 
and therefore the time served well for them to returne unto 
Florence. Which encouragement being received, they as 
sembled their forces and came to the Cittie, entering where 
the walles were not fully finished : and passed forward, till 
they came to the Piazza di Saint Giovanni. It was a thing 
notable, to see how those cittizens, who had lately fought 
for the Rebelles, so long as disarmed they desired revoca 
tion, beeing now armed, and forcing the citie, became their 
enemies, and tooke armes against them. So much the 
common good was by those Cittizens esteemed and preferred 
before private friendship. Wherefore they uniting them 
selves with all the people, enforced the rebels to depart and 

95 



New refor 
mation in 
Florence. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE returne from whence they came. This enterprise had no 
SECOND successe, both because the banished men had left part of 
BOOKE their forces at Lastria : and for not having tarried the 
comming of Tolosetto Ubarti, who should have come from 
Pistoia with three hundreth men. But they imagined, that 
expedition should have prevailed more then force (as often 
in like cases it so happeneth) that delaies do hinder occasion : 
and haste wanteth force. The Rebels being gone back, 
Florence returned to the wonted divisions. Then to take 
authoritie from the house of Cavalcanti, the people by 
force removed them from possession of the Castle called 
Le Stinche, seated in the vale of Greve aunciently belonging 
thereto. And because the souldiers therein taken, were the 
first that were put into that prison newly builded, that 
prison ever after, was called Le Stinche, by the name of the 
Castle from whence the prisoners came. Also those that 
were chiefe of the Common- weale, renewed the companies of 
the people, and gave them Ensignes as had bene before 
ordered : making Gonfalonieri of the misteries, calling them 
Colleggio di Signori. They ordeined also, that the Senate 
should reforme all disorders, in time of warre, by Armes, 
and in time of peace, by Counsell. They joyned unto the 
two old Rettori one Essecutore, who, togither with the 
Gonfalonieri, should reforme the insolencie of the great 
men. 

In the meane time died the Pope, and Corso with other 
Cittizens was returned from Rome. The Cittie should then 
have continued quiet, had it not bene with the unquietnesse 
of Corso anew disturbed. He, to gaine himselfe reputation, 
ever used to hold opinion contrarie to men of most authoritie: 
and wherunto he found the people enclined (to gaine their 
favour) that way he directed his authoritie. Whereby he 
made himselfe head of all new opinions, and to him resorted 
all those who sought to obteine any thing by extraordinary 
meane. For that cause many great Citizens did hate him, 
which hatred encreased so much, as the faction of Neri came 
Corso to open division, because Corso imployed private forces, and 

Donati. such as were enemies to the state. Notwithstanding, so 

great was the authoritie of his person and presence, that 
everie man feared him : yet to winne from him the populer 
96 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

favour (as by such kinde of meanes might easily be done) a THE 
brute was put foorth, that he went about to tyrannize the SECOND 
citie : which was easily beleeved, because his maner of living BOOKE 
did in troth surpasse the charge of civil expence. That 
opinion was encreased greatly, after he tooke to wife the 
daughter of Uguccione della Faggiola, chiefe of the faction 
Ghibilini and Bianca, in Toscana most mightie. This 
alliance come to knowledge, the adverse part tooke Armes ; 
and the people for the same occasion refused to defend him : 
the chiefest of them joyning with his enemies. The greatest 
of his adversaries were Rosso della Tosa, Pazzino de Pazzi, 
Geri Spini, and Berto Brunelleschi : they with their followers, 
and the greater part of the people, assembled themselves 
armed at the foote of the Pallace, of the Signori. By whose 
order an accusation was preferred to Piero Brancha (Captain 
of the people) against Cor so Donati, for that he, with the 
aide of Uguccione, sought to make himselfe a tyrant. Then Corso 
was he cited to appeare, and after for contumacie judged a condemned. 
Rebell. Betwixt his accusation and the judgement pro 
nounced, was not longer time then two houres. This 
sentence given, the companies of the people under their 
Ensignes, marched towards him. Corso on the other side 
was not dismaied, (though he were abandoned by many his 
friends) nor for the sentence pronounced, nor yet with the 
authoritie of the Senators, nor the multitude of his enemies : 
but fortified his house, hoping there to defend himselfe, till 
he were rescued by Uguccione, for whom he had sent. All 
his houses, and all the waies unto them, were fortified and 
made close : and within, many of his faction to defend them. 
So that, the people (though in great numbers come thither) 
could not enter. The conflict was great, many slaine, and 
many hurt of either side. And the people seeing that by 
those wayes they could not prevaile, brake the houses of his 
neighbours, and by that devise not mistrusted, did enter. 

Corso then seeing himselfe beset with enemies, and no 
longer trusting to the helpe of Uguccione, resolved to see 
what meane he could fmde to save himselfe, sith of victorie 
hee utterly dispaired. Then with Gherardo Bondini, and 
many others his most valiant and faithfull friends, he 
charged his enemies with so great furie, as he brake them, 

N 97 



THE 
SECOND 
BOOKE 



The death of 
Corso Donati 
1308. 



The Emperor 
Arrigo called 
into Italy 
1312. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

and made way to passe through to the gate of the Citie, 
where they got out. Yet were they still pursued, Gherardo 
upon the bridge Affrico, was by Bocaccio Caviccivoli slaine. 
Corso also was taken at Bovezano, by certaine horsemen 
belonging to the Senate. Notwithstanding beeing brought 
towardes Florence, hating the sight of his enemies, and the 
glorie of their victorie, he fell from his horse, and was by 
one of them which ledde him, there murthered. The bodie 
was after taken up by the Monkes of S. Salvi, and (without 
any honor) by them buried. This was the end of Corso 
Donati, unto whom, his country, and the faction of Neri, for 
many deeds both good and bad, must acknowledge it selfe 
beholding. But had his disposition and mind bene more 
quiet, the memorie of him had deserved great honour. For 
indeed he was a Citizen so rare, as had at any time before 
bene scene in our citie. Yet true it is, that his factious mind 
bereft him of that honour which by his country and con 
federates was due: and in the end, procured his owne death, 
with many other misadventures. Uguccione comming to 
the rescue of his sonne in law, and arrived at Remoli, heard 
there that Corso was by the people taken. Wherupon, 
knowing that he could by no means then helpe him, for not 
hurting himselfe, returned backe. 

Corso thus ending his life (which happened in the yeare 
1308) was the cause that all tumults ceased, and the citie 
continued quiet, till such time as intelligence was given, 
that Arrigo the Emperour (who favoured by the Florentine 
Rebelles) was come into Italy, followed by them, and intend 
ing to put them againe in possession of their country. For 
preventing of which mischiefe, the Magistrates of the citie 
thought good to call home all those that had not bene by 
speciall name banished : whereby the number of their 
enemies should be the lesse. The greater number that 
remained in exile were Ghibilini, and some fewe of the 
faction Bianca, among whom were Dante Alighieri, the 
sonnes of Veri de Cerchi, and Giano della Bella. They sent 
also for aide to Roberto King of Napoli, which not obteined 
at his hand as their friend : they were enforced to give him 
the citie for five yeares ; to the end, he might defend them 
as his subjects. Then the Emperour passed into Italy, and 

98 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

by the way of Pisa, went to Rome, there to be crowned, THE 
in the yeare 1312. Afterwards, determining to reforme SECOND 
Florence, hee returned thither by Perugia and Arezzo : and BOOKE 
lodged his Campe at the Monastery of S. Salvi, distant one 
myle from the citie ; where he remained fiftie dayes, with 
out any good done, and therfore as desperate of successe, 
removed to Pisa ; where he agreed with Federigo King of 
Sicilia, to assault the kingdom of Napoli. Being with his 
Army there arrived, in great hope of victorie, and the King 
Roberto in great feare of his distruction, at Buonconvento The death of 
he died. It happened shortly after, that Uguccione di Arri g- 
Faggiola, became Prince of Pisa, and not long after of 
Lucca : brought thither by the faction of Ghibilini, with 
whose aide he greatly injured his neighbours. Amongst 
whom, the Florentines to be delivered, gave unto the brother 
of King Roberto, the government of their Army. Uguccione 
on the other side, for the encreasing of his power, laboured 
continually, till by force and subtiltie he had gotten many 
Castles in the vale of Arno and Nievole. Then marching 
towards Monte Catini, with intent to besiege the same, the 
Florentines thought it necessarie to rescue that place, least 
the losse thereof might disturbe the whole countrey. Then 
assembling a great Army, they passed into the vale Nievole, 
where they fought with Uguccione, and in the end of their 
battaile, two thousand or more of their men were slaine, 
with Piero the Kings brother their Generall ; whose bodie 
afterwards was never found : neither was this victorie with 
out losse to Uguccione, whose sonne was also killed, with 
many Captaines and Leaders of his Armie. 

The P lorentines after this overthrow, fortified the townes 
about them, and the King Roberto sent them anew Generall 
called Andrea Earle Novello. By whose government, (or 
rather by the naturall inclination of the Florentines, dis- New divition 
contented with everie state, and divided by everie accident) in Florence, 
notwithstanding the warres they lately had with Uguccione, 
fell to faction. The one part whereof, called themselves the 
Kings friends, the other the Kings enemies. The chiefe of 
the Kings enemies, were Simon della Tosa, the house of 
Magalotti, with certaine other populer men, in whom rested 
the chiefe of the government. These men found meanes to 

99 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE send into France and Germany, to leavie Captaines and 
SECOND souldiers to remove the Earle Andrea Governour for the 
BOOKE King. But their fortune was such, as could not bring to 
passe that they desired : yet did they not abandon the 
enterprise, but beeing disappointed both by France and 
Germany, they found out a Governour in Agobio, and 
Lando de before his comming, removed Andrea. Lando de Agobio 
Agobio, made being come, was made their minister, or rather their hang- 
Fl^ence" man > having received absolute authoritie over all the citizens. 
He, being a man covetous and cruell, accompanied with 
his souldiers (all armed) visited everie streete, murthering 
everie man, whom those that elected him, would require. Yea, 
(such was his insolencie) that he caused false mony to be 
quoined with the stampe of Florence, and no man durst 
gainsay the doing therof: so great was the authoritie 
whereunto the discord of the citie had brought him. Great 
and lamentable was the estate of this towne, which neither 
the memorie of passed division, neither the feare of Uguc- 
cione, nor the authoritie of the King could reforme. In 
most miserable plight it then remained, when the country 
abroad was spoyled by Uguccione, and the citie within 
by Lando of Agobio sacked. The Kings friends were all 
contrary to Lando and his followers. Likewise all Noble 
houses, the chiefe of the people, and al the Guelfi. Not 
withstanding, because the adverse party had the government, 
they could not without perill to themselves be discovered. 
Yet resolving to be delivered from so dishonest a tyrannie, 
they wrote secretly unto the King Roberto, to make the 
Earle Guido Buttifolle his Lieftenant in Florence : which 
the King presently did, and the adverse part (notwithstand 
ing that the Senators were contrarie to the King) durst not 
for the respect they bare to the Earle, finde fault. But the 
Earle had not therby much authoritie, because the Senators 
and the Gonfaloniere were by Lando and his partie favoured. 
During the continuance of these troubles in Florence, the 
daughter of King Alberto comming from Germany, passed 
that way in her journy towards Carlo, the sonne of Roberto 
her husband. She was greatly honoured by the Kings 
friends, and they imparted unto her the state of the citie, 
and the tyrannie of Lando with his followers. In so much 
100 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

as by the favour of her, before her departure the citie was THE 
pacified, Lando removed from his authoritie, and with riches, SECOND 
blood, and spoile, sent home to Agobio. The government BOOKE 
also of the King over the citie, for three yeares was con 
tinued. And whereas there had bene before seven Senators 
elected by Lando, six more were chosen for the King, so the 
Magistrates were for a time thirteene. After, they were 
reduced to the auncient number of seven. About this time 
Uguccione was deprived of his authoritie in Lucca and Pisa ; 
and Castruccio Castracani, from a private Cittizen, aspired Castruccio 
to be Lord of Lucca ; for hee being a yoong man of great Castracani. 
courage, and in everie enterprise fortunate, became in short 
space the principall Leader of all the Ghibilini in Toscana. 
For which respect, the Florentines setting aside private 
discord, devised with themselves by what meanes Castruccio 
might be kept downe : and how his forces alreadie growne 
might be resisted. And to the end that the Senators might 
with better counsell be advised, and with more authoritie 
execute the same, they elected twelve Cittizens, whome they 
called Boni Homini : without whose consent and counsell, 
the Senators might not do any thing of importance. 

In this mean while, the government of king Roberto was 
expired, and the citie became Prince over it selfe, with the 
auncient Magistrates and governors therof. Also the great 
feare they had of Castruccio, did hold the same united, hee 
having done many things against the Lords of Lunigiana, 
and assembled Prato. The Florentines hearing those newes, 
resolved : and determining to rescue that towne, shut up 
their shops and went confusedly togither, to the number of 
twentie thousand footmen, and fifteene hundreth horse. 
Also to diminish the strength of Castruccio, and encrease 
their owne, the Senators by proclamation gave notice, that 
whatsoever Rebell of the faction of Guelfi, would come to 
the rescue of Prato, should be after the enterprise restored 
to his country. Upon this proclamation more then foure 
thousand Rebels came presently thither. This great Army 
in haste conducted to Prato, so much terrified Castruccio, 
that without triall of his fortune by fight, he retired to 
Lucca. Then grew great controversie within theCampe of the 
Florentines, betwixt the Nobilitie and the people : for these 

101 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE would have followed the enemie, hoping by fight to have 
SECOND overthrowne him ; and those would returne backe, saying, 
BOOKE it sufficed that they had hazarded Florence to succour Prato. 
Which was well done, being constrained by necessitie, but 
sith the cause was now remooved,no wisedome would (where 
litle was to be gotten and much to be lost) that fortune 
should be further tempted. This matter (the people not 
agreeing) was referred to the Senators, who found among 
themselves the same diversitie of opinions that was betweene 
the people and the Nobilitie : which being knowne, much 
company assembled in the Market place, using great words 
of threatnings to the Nobilitie ; In so much that they for 
feare, gave place to the will of the people: but all too 
late, because in the meane while the enemy was with safetie 
retired to Lucca. This disorder brought the people into 
so great indignation of the Nobilitie, that the Senators 
would not performe the promise, by their consent given to 
the Rebels : which the Rebels understanding, and hoping 
to prevent the Senate before the Campe arrived at Florence, 
offered to enter the gates. But their intent being dis 
covered by those in the Citie, were repulsed. Then they 
sought to compasse that by perswasion, which by force 
they could not, and sent eight Ambassadours to put the 
Senators in remembrance of their promise, and the perill 
they had under the same adventured, hoping of that reward 
which was by them offered. The Nobilitie thereby put in 
mind, and knowing themselves by promise bound, laboured 
greatly in the favour of the Rebels. Notwithstanding, by 
reason the people were offended, for not following the 
enterprise of Castmccio, nothing was obteined : which 
afterward proved the great shame and dishonour of the 
citie. For many of the Nobilitie therewith displeased, did 
assaie to win that by force, which by entreatie they could 
not. For which purpose, they conspired with the rebelles 
to enter the Cittie armed, and they would take armes also 
for their aide. This appointment before the day of execu 
tion, was discovered : whereby the banished men at their 
comming found the cittie armed, and order given to appre 
hend them abroad, and keepe downe those that were within. 
Thus this enterprise was in everie respect without successe. 
102 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

After the departure of the rebels, the citizens desired to 
punish those by whose meanes they did come thither. And al 
beit everie man knew who were the offenders, yet no man durst 
name them, much lesse accuse them. Therefore to under 
stand the troth without respect, it was ordered, that secretly 
the names of the offenders should bee written, and privilie 
delivered to the Captaine. In this accusation were named 
Amerigo Donati, Teghiaio, Frescobaldi, and Lotteringo 
Gerardini : who having Judges more favourable, then per 
haps they deserved, were onely condemned in pecuniall 
punishment. The tumults which grew in Florence by 
comming of the Rebels to the gate, made triall that one 
Chieftaine for all the companies of the people did not 
suffice: and therefore they required after, that to everie 
company might be appointed three or foure Leaders ; and to 
everie Gonfaloniere two or threeothers, whom they would have 
called Pennonieri. To the end, that in time of necessitie 
all the companie not assembling, part of them, under one 
head might be imployed. Moreover (as it happeneth in all 
common weales after any accident) some old lawes be dis- 
anulled, and some others are made new : so the Senate 
before appointed from time to time, the Senators with the 
Collegii which then were (to the end their force might be 
the greater) had authority given them and their successors, 
to continue in office during the space of fortie moneths. 
And because many Citizens feared their names not to be 
put into the bagge, they procured a new Imborsation. Of 
this beginning, grew the election of Magistrates, as well 
within, as without the Citie : which election was in those 
dayes called Imborsation. Afterwards the same was called 
Squittini. And for that everie three, or at the most five 
yeares, this order was taken, the occasion of tumults in the 
Citie, at the choice of Magistrats, was remooved, yet were 
they ignorant of such discommodities, as under this small 
commoditie was hidden. 

The yeare 1315 being come, and Castruccio having sur 
prised Pistoia, was growne to that greatnesse, that the 
Florentines fearing the same, determined before such time 
as he was setled in his Principal! i tie, to assault him, and 
bring him under their obedience. For which purpose they 

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THE 
SECOND 
BOOKE 



Ramondo di 
Cardana, 
Generall for 
the Florents. 



The Floren 
tines over- 
throwne hy 
Castruccio. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

levied twentie thousand foote men, and three thousand 
horse. With these forces they besieged Altopassio, in hope 
by having of that Towne, to impeach the passage of those 
that would come to the succour of Pistoia. The Florentines 
prevailed in this enterprise, and having taken the place, 
marched towards Lucca, spoiling the country where they 
went. Notwithstanding, through the small wisedome of the 
General!, or rather his infidelitie, little good ensued thereof. 
This Captaine was called Ramondo de Cardona. Hee, 
seeing the Florentines to have bene liberall of their libertie, 
giving the same somtimes to Kings, and sometimes to the 
Legates of Popes, and men of meane qualitie : thought it 
possible to bring himselfe to be a Prince; if first he could 
lead them into some great necessitie. He gave them there 
fore to understand, that for his better reputation, it was 
meete for him to have the same authoritie within the Citie, 
that he had in the Army : otherwise he should not have 
that obedience of his souldiers which belonged unto a 
Generall. Whereto the Florentines not consenting, the 
Army proceeded slowly, or rather everie day losing some 
what: and Castruccio continually gained. Because, by 
that time were come unto him diverse supplies sent by the 
Visconti, and other tirants of Lombardy. 

Castruccio by this meane growne strong, and Ramondo 
having neglected his service : as for want of fidelitie he did 
not prosper at the first, so he could not after save him 
selfe : for whilest he lingered with his Camp, Castruccio did 
assault him, and overthrew him, neare unto Altopassio. In 
which conflict many Citizens were slaine, and with them 
Ramondo himselfe: who thereby found the punishment 
of fortune, which his infidelitie and evill service to the 
Florentines deserved. The displeasures which Castruccio 
did after the victorie, by spoyling, distroying, burning, im 
prisoning, and killing, cannot be told. Because without 
any resistance he rode up and down in the country, where 
himselfe listed, spoyling, and committing what cruelties hee 
thought good. The Florentines scantly able, after so great 
an overthrow, to defend the citie : yet were they not so 
greatly dismayd, but that they made much provision, both 
of men and money : sending also to their friends, to have 

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NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

their aide. All which sufficed not to bridle the furie of so THE 
mightie an enemie. Wherefore as constrained, they made SECOND 
choyse of Carlo Duke of Calauria, son to King Roberto, to BOOKE 
be their Prince : offering him, not their friendship, but 
their obedience, and prayed him to defend their Citie. 
But Carlo being occupied in the warres of Sicilia (and 
therefore not at leisure to come in person), sent thither 
Gualtieri, by Nation a French man, and Duke of Athene. The Duke of 
He as deputie for his maister, tooke possession of the Citie, Athene, 
and placed officers according to his owne discretion. Not- Governour of 
withstanding, his behaviour was so modest, and contrary to 
his owne nature ; that everie man loved him. 

Carlo having ended the warres of Sicilia, being followed 
with a thousand horse men came to Florence, and made his 
entry in the yeare 1326, whose comming staied Castruccio 
from spoylingof the Florentines countrey. But that reliefe 
which was found abroad, was lost within, and those dis 
pleasures which the enemies could not, were by friendes 
performed. Bicause the Senators did nothing without the 
Dukes consent : who within the space of one yeare, levied 
in the Citie foure thousand Florins, notwithstanding that 
by the capitulation with him taken, it was agreed, hee 
should have but two thousand. So great impositions were 
daily by him or his exacted. To these displeasures new 
suspitions, and new enemies were discovered. For the 
Ghibilini of Lombardy suspected so much the comming of 
Carlo into Toscana, that Galiazzo Visconti and other tyrants 
of Lombardy, by mony and promises, procured Lodovico di The Empe- 
Baviera Emperour elected, against the Popes wil to come row Lodovico 
into Italy : who being arrived in Lombardy, marched mt 

towardes Toscana, where with the helpe of Castruccio hee 
became Lord of Pisa. And being relieved with mony, he 
went towards Rome : which caused Carlo to leave Florence, 
and returne to the kingdome, leaving Philippe de Sagginetto 
his Lieftenant. 

Castruccio, after the Emperours departure possessed Pisa, 
and the Florentines tooke from him by practise, Pistoia, which 
Castruccio after besieged, with so great vertue and resolu 
tion, that although the Florentines many times assaied to 
rescue the Towne, sometimes assailing the Army, and some- 

O 105 



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The death of 
Castruccio 
and Carlo 
Duke of 
Calauria. 



New refor 
mation in 
Florence. 



The death of 
Lodovico. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

times disturbing the Country : yet could they never either 
by force or industry, remove him from that enterprise. So 
greatly he thirsted to chastise the Pistoiesi, and offend the 
Florentines. By meanes whereof, the Pistoiesi were con 
strained to receive him for their Prince : which thing, albeit 
were greatly to his glorie, proved in the end his disadvantage. 
For being returned to Lucca, there he died. And because 
that one good or evil hap, commeth sildome unaccompanied, 
with the like : also at the same time died Carlo Duke of 
Calauria Prince of Florence, as it were, to the end that the 
Florentines beyond all expectation might be delivered from 
the government of the one, and the feare of the other. They 
thus become free, reformed the cittie, disanulled all orders 
of the olde Councelles, and created twoo newe Councelles : 
the one having in it three hundreth Cittizens Commoners, 
and the other two hundreth and fiftie Gentlemen, and Com 
moners, mixed. The first of these, was called the Councell 
of the people, the other the common Councell. 

The Emperour beeing arrived at Rome, created an Anti- 
pope, and ordered many things in prejudice of the church, 
and many other things also hee attempted without effect. 
And therefore with this honour he removed from Rome to 
Pisa ; where, either of melancholy, or for want of mony to 
paie eight hundred Almaine horsemen, who were rebelled, 
and at Montechiaro had fortified themselves, died. They, 
so soone as the Emperour departed from Pisa to go unto 
Lombardy, surprised Lucca, and drave out of that cittie 
Francesco Castracani, left there by the Emperour. Then 
being possessed of that cittie, and intending to make profit 
thereof, offered to sell it to the Florentines, for threescore 
thousand Florins, and was refused by the Councell of Simon 
della Tosa. This refusal would have bene to our cittie 
most profitable, if the Florentines had ever continued in 
that minde : but because shortly after they changed opinion, 
it was greatly to our losse. For if at that time for so small 
price, they might so peaceably have had it, and would not, 
afterward desiring it, and offering much more then was 
required, they could notobteine it: which was the occasion, 
that Florence many times with great prejudice hath changed 
the government. Lucca being thus by the Florentines 

106 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

refused, was by Gerardino Spinola of Geneva, for thirtie THE 
thousand Florins bought. And because men be more slow SECOND 
to laie hold of that which they may come by, then to BOOKE 
desire that they cannot attaine unto : so soone as this 
bargaine made with Gerardino was knowne, and how small 
a summe of mony be paid ; the people of Florence became 
greatly desirous to have it, repenting themselves, and blam 
ing those that were the cause that the bargaine proceeded 
not. Then sought they to get that by force, which for 
money was refused. For obteining whereof, they sent their 
souldiers to spoile the country belonging to Lucca. 

In this meane time, the Emperour was gone out of Italy, The troubles 
and the Antipope by order of the Pisani, sent prisoner into and war in 
France. The Florentines then, from the death of Cas- ce a11 
truccio (which happened in the yeare 1328) til the yeare 
1340, continued quiet within, and attended their matters 
of state abroad. They also made many wars in Lombardy, 
for the comming thither 01 king John of Bohemia, and in 
Toscana, touching the state of Lucca. They likewise 
ornefied their cittie with new buildings. For in that time, 
the Tower of S. Reparata, according to the direction of 
Giotto (an excellent Painter), was builded. And because, 
in the yeare 1333 by meanes of a marvellous flood, the 
River of Arno into many places overflowed the cittie, more 
then 12 cubits ; many bridges and buildings were thereby 
decaied, which with great care and expence were now 
restored. But the yeare 1340 being come, new occasions 
of alteration were growne up. The cittizens of most power, 
had two meanes to encrease and maintain their greatnesse. 
The one, by restraining the number of those that should 
be elected Magistrates, whereby the offices of authoritie 
came either unto them, or their friends. The other, be 
cause themselves being chiefe at the election of the Rettori, 
they were by them in their offices the more favoured. And 
this second cause they esteemed so much, that to these two 
ordinarie Rettori, they also joyned a third : whom they in 
those dayes brought in extraordinarie, under the title of 
Captaine of the Guard, and placed therein Jacamo Gabrieli 
de Agobio, giving him absolute authoritie over the citizens. 
He, day by day, before the face of them that governed, 

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Conspiracy 
against 
Jacomo 
Gabrieli of 
Agobio. 



Taldo Valori. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

committed many injuries, and among those that were 
injured, was Piero de Bardi, and Bardo Frescobaldi. They, 
being gent, and naturally proud, could not endure that a 
stranger wrongfully, and in the presence of some Magistrates 
had done them injurie : which, both against him, and those 
that governed, they conspired to revenge. Into that con- 
spiracie, entered many Noble families, and some of the 
people ; whom the tyrannic of him that governed, did 
offend. The order of execution agreed upon, was, that 
every man shuld assemble into his house as many armed 
men as he could, and in the morning of All Saints day, 
when everie bodie was in the church, to take armes, and kill 
the Captaine. Which done, they determined to place new 
Senators, and with new orders to reforme the state. But 
because enterprises of perill, the more they be thought upon, 
the more unwillingly be performed. It alwaies happeneth, 
that conspiracies not suddenly executed, are for the most 
part discovered. 

There was among the conspirators one called Andrea de 
Bardi, (in whom the consideration of punishment could do 
more, then the hope of revenge) revealed all to Jacamo 
Alberti his brother in law. Then Jacamo enformed the 
Priori, and the Priori enformed the Governours. And 
because the day of danger grew neare (which was the feast 
of All Saints) manie citizens consulted in the Pallace, and 
thinking it dangerous to deferre the time, judged it best 
that the Senators should cause the bell to be rung, and 
thereby call the people to armes. Taldo Valori was Gon- 
falonieri, and Francesco Salviati, one of the Senate. They 
being to the Bardi kinsmen, would not have the Bell rung, 
saying it were not well done, upon everie light occasion to 
arme the people. For authority being given to a loose 
multitude, could worke no good effect. It was also easie to 
move tumults, but to appease them, hard. It were ther- 
fore much better, first to examin the troth of the cause, 
and punish the same by law, then correct it disorderly with 
ruine of the citie; which words were not willingly heard. 
For the Senators with many injurious and presumptuous 
speeches, were enforced to ring the Bell : upon hearing 
wherof, all the people ran sodeinly into the market place, 

108 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

armed. On the other side, the Bardi and Frescobaldi, THE 
seeing themselves discovered, intending to winne their pur- SECOND 
pose with glory, or die without shame, tooke armes : hoping BOOKE 
to defend that part of the citie where their own houses 
were : and on the other side of the river fortified the bridges, 
trusting to be succoured by the nobility of the country, and 
other their friends. Which purpose was disappointed by 
the people that inhabited where their houses were, who 
tooke armes in favour of the Senat : so that finding them 
selves disapointed, they abandoned the bridges, and retired 
to the street where the Bardi dwelt, as a place of more 
strength then any other, and that very valiantly they 
defended. 

Jacobo de Agobio knowing all this conspiracy to be 
against him, fearful of death, and amazed, at the pallace of 
the Senators in the midst of the armed men, placed himself. 
But there was more courage in the Rettori, who had lesse 
offended : and most of all in the Podesta, called Maffeo de Maffeo de 
Maradi. For he presented himself to those that fought, Maradi. 
and as a man senceles, and without al feare, passing the 
bridge Rubaconte, entred in among the swords of the Bardi, 
making signes to speak with them. Wherupon they con 
sidering the reverence of the man, his vertue, and other 
his good, and great qualities, staied their weapons, and 
quietly heard him. He then with modest and grave words 
blamed their conspiracy, laying before them the perils 
wherto they were subject, if they gave not over this 
populer enterprise : giving them also hope, that they should 
be favourably heard, and mercifully judged. And promised 
moreover, to be the mean wherby their reasonable offences 
should find compassion. Then he returned back to the 
Senators, and persuaded them not to be victorious with the 
bloud of their own citizens, neither to judge before the 
cause were heard. And his persuasion prevailed so much, 
as by consent of the Senate the Bardi and Frescobaldi with 
their friends, were suffered to abandon the citie and return 
to their castles. They being gone, and the people disarmed, The Bardi 
the Senators proceeded onely against the families of Bardi and Fresco- 
and Frescobaldi, who had taken armes. And to spoile them *| aldl c n ~ 
of some part of their power, they bought of the Bardi, the cnned< 

109 



THE 
SECOND 
BOOKE 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

Castle of Mangona, and the Castle of Varina, and made a 
la we, that no Cittizen might possesse a Castle within 
twentie miles of Florence. Within fewe monethes after, 
Stiatta Frescobaldi was beheaded, and many others of that 
familie proclaimed Rebelles. It sufficed not the Governours 
to have oppressed the Bardi, and Frescobaldi, but they did 
(as men commonly doo) the more authoritie they have, the 
worse they use it, and the more insolent they become : so, 
where was before one Captaine of the Guard who oppressed 
the Cittizens within Florence, they also chose an other in the 
Countrey, to the ende, that men to them suspected, should 
neither within the Cittie nor without, have anie dwelling. 
So earnestly were they bent against the Nobilitie, that they 
forced not to sell the Cittie to be revenged : aspecting onely 
occasion, which came well, and they better used the same. 

By meanes of many troubles which hapned in Lombardy 
and Toscana, the possession of the citie of Lucca was come 
into the hands of Mastino della Scalla, Lord of Verona, 
who (notwithstanding hee was bounde to deliver the same 
to the Florentines) did not, because he thought himselfe 
able to hold it, the rather, by being Lord of Parma, and 
therefore of his promise he made none account at all, which 
moved the Florentines to offence. For revenge whereof, 
theyjoyned against him with the Venetians, and made so 
hotte warres upon him, as thereby he was inforced almost 
to abandon his country. Notwithstanding therof followed 
nothing, but some satisfaction of mind, to have oppressed 
Mastino. For the Venetians (as all other doe that joyne 
in league with such as be weaker then themselves) after 
they had surprised Trivigi and Vicensa, without respect of 
the Florentines made peace with Mastino. Shortly after, 
the Visconti Princes of Milan, having taken Parma from 
Mastino, and hee fearing for that cause, that Lucca could 
not be kept, determined to sell it. Those that desired to 
buy that citie, were the Florentines and the Pisani. In 
beating the bargaine, the Pisani perceived that the Floren 
tines richer then they, would obteine it. Therefore they 
sought to winne it by force, and with the aide of Visconti 
besieged it. The Florentines notwithstanding proceeded, 
and bargained with Mastino, paying part of the money in 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

hand, and for payment of the rest, delivered hostages, THE 
Naldo Ruccelai, Giovanni the sonne of Barnardino de SECOND 
Medici, and Rosso de Rici : and then by order of Mastino, the BOOKE 
possession of the Citie was delivered. The Pisani notwith 
standing pursued their enterprise, and by all meanes possible 
laboured to get the Cittie by force : yet went the Floren 
tines to rescue the Cittie, and remoove the siege. But after 
a long warre, the Florentines were forced with losse of their 
money and honour to depart : and the Pisani became Lords 
of the Citie. The losse of this Towne (as in like cases it 
ever happeneth) made the people of Florence greatly 
offended with those that governed, whome in everie Market 
place they defamed, accusing them of covetousnesse and 
unadvised counsell. 

At the beginning of this warre, the authoritie thereof, 
was given to twentie Citizens, who elected Malatesta of 
Rimini for their Generall. He governed the same with 
small courage, and lesse wisedome. They also praied aide 
of Roberto King of Napoli, who sent unto them Gualtieri The Duke of 
Duke of Athene : and (as fortune would, prepairing all Athene, 
things for future mischiefe) arrived in Florence, at the same 
instant when the enterprise of Lucca was utterly lost. 
Whereupon the twentie, seeing the people displeased, 
thought by chusing a new Captaine, to bring them into 
new hope. And to the end that the Duke of Athene might 
with more authoritie defende them, they created him first 
their Defender, and after gave him the title of Captaine 
Generall, over their men at Armes. The great Cittizens, 
who for the occasions beforesaid, lived discontent, and 
many of them having also acquaintance with Gualtieri, at 
such time as they governed Florence in the name of Carlo 
Duke of Calauria, thought the time was come to alter the 
state, and oppresse the people, who had so long oppressed 
them. For the bringing of that to passe, they thought 
good to reduce the government under one Prince, who 
knowing their vertue, and the insolencie of the people, 
might reward the one and punish the other. They might 
also hope the more of the Princes favour, if he by their 
meanes, aspired to that dignitie. To compasse this inten 
tion, they manie times met in secret, and perswaded the 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE Duke to take the government, offering to aide him to the 
SECOND uttermost of their powers. With these Gentlemen, joyned 
BOOKE some populer families, as the Perussi, Acciaivoli, Anteilesi, 
and Buonacorsi, who being greatly indebted, and not able 
to paie of their owne, desired with the servitude of their 
country, and the goods of others to deliver themselves from 
the daunger of their creditors. Those perswasions mooved 
the ambitious minde of the Duke, to great desire of 
government, and the rather to make himselfe beloved, and 
accounted upright, therewith also to whine the favoure of 
the people, hee persecuted those that had governed the 
warres of Lucca, and put to death, Giovan de Medici, 
Naddo Ruccellaii, and Guglielmo Altoviti : many also were 
banished, and manie in money condemned. These execu 
tions amazed much those of the meane sort, onelie the 
Gentlemen and basest people were therewith satisfied. 
These, because their nature is to rejoyce at evill, and those 
for that thereby their injuries received of the people, were 
revenged. When so ever the Duke passed the streetes, his 
favourers would publiquely speake to his honour, and wish 
that the fraude of the Citizens might be by him examined 
and punished. The office of the twentie thus became dis- 
esteemed, the reputation of the Duke growne great, and all 
men for feare, or affection, seemed to honour him. And in 
token thereof, set the Dukes Armes upon their houses. In 
so much, as this Duke wanted nothing that belonged to 
absolute authoritie, saving the title of Prince. Then he 
perswaded himselfe, that whatsoever he attempted might 
be safely done, and therefore sent unto the Senators, letting 
them understand, that for the better government of the 
citie, it behoved him to have the full absolute authoritie 
and government: and seeing that all the rest of the 
Citizens were therto consenting, he desired that therwith 
they would be also pleased. 

The Senators albeit that long before they had foreseene 
the ruine of their Countrey, yet were they all with this 
request greatly troubled. And though they knew also the 
perill, yet not to omit the dutie to their Countrey, they 
boldly denied the Duke. This Duke to make himselfe be 
thought the more religious, and well disposed, did choose 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

for his dwelling, the Monasterie of Saint Croce : and being THE 
desirous to execute his evill intent, hee caused to be published SECOND 
by proclamation, that his pleasure was the people should BOOKE 
resort unto him, at the gate of the saide Monasterie. This 
proclamation amazed the Senate much more then the 
message, delivered them by word. Wherefore they thought 
good to joyne with those Cittizens, whome they knew to 
be lovers of their Countrey. Neither did they thinke 
(knowing the Dukes forces) that there was other remedie, 
to divert the Duke from the enterprise, then to entreate 
him : and so make proofe what effect faire words might 
worke, to perswade him to use himselfe in the government 
more mildly. Then went certaine of the Senators unto the 
Duke, and one of them spake as followeth. My Lord, we 
are come hither, first moved by your Graces request, and 
next by your commandement to assemble the people. For 
it seemeth a thing certaine, that you intend to obteine 
that extraordinarily, whereunto by ordinarie meanes wee 
have not consented. Our meaning is, not by force to hinder 
your designes, but onely laie before you, how greevous a 
burthen you put upon us, and how perillous an action you 
take in hand. To the end you may hereafter remember our 
Councels, and waigh the same with theirs, who not for your 
profit, but for the execution of their owne furie, have 
counselled you. You labour to bring this citie in bondage, 
which hath ever lived in libertie. For that authoritie 
which we have graunted to the Princes of Napoli, was com- 
panie, and not subjection. Have you considered of what 
importaunce and how joyfull a thing the name of libertie 
is, in everie Cittie like unto this? The vertue whereof, 
no force can subdue, no time can consume, nor no merite 
can deserve. Consider (my Lord) how great forces it be- 
hoveth you to have, to hold so great a Citie in servitude. 
Those straungers, whome you have enterteined, bee not of 
force sufficient : and these that be within thetwalles, are not 
to be trusted. For such as be now your friends, and have 
counselled you to this enterprise, so soone as they have with 
your authoritie beaten down their enemies, wil seek also 
by what means they may to oppresse you, and make them 
selves Princes. The base multitude also in whom you 
P 113 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE trust, upon every accident, (be it never so litle) do chaunge 
SECOND their opinion. So that in short time, you may looke to 
BOOKE find this citie your foe, which shall be the ruine thereof, 
and yours also. Neither can you find remedie for such a 
mischief, sith those Princes onely can govern securely, who 
have few enemies : because those few, either by death or 
exile may easily be removed. But against universall hatred, 
no assurance can be found : because you know not where 
the mischiefe groweth. And who so feareth every man, 
cannot assure himselfe of any man. Also, if you seeke to 
be assured of others, you environ your selfe with perils : 
because those that remain, do hate you the more, and are 
the more readie to revenge. A thing most certain it is, 
that no time can weare out the desire of liberty. For 
we know, where the same hath bene in a citie revived by 
those, who never tasted thereof, save onely by the memorie 
of this name libertie, which their ancestors by tradition 
did leave them. Therfore having recovered it, with all 
obstinacie and resolution they wil defend it, and if our 
ancestors had never left any signe of libertie, yet should 
we be put in mind therof, by these publike Pallaces, by 
these places made for Magistrates, and these badges of 
freedom and libertie : which things be publikely knowne, and 
with great desire every citizen studieth to know them. 
What can you do, or what can by any meanes be done, 
to countervaile the sweetnesse of life in libertie, or make 
the people forget the commodities therof? Yea though 
you could joyne all Toscana to the dominion of this state, 
or might every day return to the citie, triumphing over 
your enemies, yet all should not suffice. Because that 
glory should not be yours, but ours. And our citizens 
should conquer no subjects, but encrease companions in 
servitude. Albeit your maners were godly, your behaviour 
curteous, and your judgements just: yet were they not of 
force inough to make you be loved. If you would beleeve, 
they did suffice ; you therin should deceive your self. For 
to men accustomed to a life in libertie, the lightest clog 
seemeth heavie, and the losest bands do pinch. A thing 
impossible it is for any state by violence gotten, to be by a 
srood Prince mainteined : because of force he must become 
114 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

like unto his government, otherwise the one and the other THE 
wil perish. You must therfore thinke either to hold the SECOND 
citie with extreame violence, as castles, garrisons of men, BOOKE 
and forrein friends (and yet many times they suffice not) 
or els be content, with that authoritie, which we have 
given you. We therefore perswade you, and pray you to 
remember, that such obedience is durable, as is also volun 
tary. And labor not (being blinded with some ambition) 
to set your self where you neither can stand nor clime 
higher without your great prejudice and ours, and so be 
forced to fall. These words moved not at all the hardened The Dukes 
heart of the Duke, saying, his intention was not to take answere to 
away, but restore the liberty of the citie. For cities dis- the Senate - 
united were not free, but those that were united. And if 
Florence by reason of factions, ambition, and enmitie, had 
lost the libertie, hee would restore it. Saying moreover, 
that not his owne ambition, but the sute of many Cittizens, 
brought him to take this burthen : and therefore they 
should do well to be content with that, wherewith others 
were contented. As touching those perils which hee might 
by this occasion incurre, hee feared them not at all. For 
it was the office of no good man, to leave the good, for 
feare of evill, and the propertie of a coward, for feare of 
good successe, to abandon a glorious enterprise. Also hee 
hoped so to beare himselfe, as they should have cause in 
short space, to confesse that they trusted him too little, 
and feared him too much. 

The Senate then seeing no more good to be done, agreed 
that the next morning with their authoritie to give the 
government unto the Duke for one yeare, with the same 
conditions, it was given to Carlo Duke of Calauria. It was 
the eight day of September 1342, when the Duke accom 
panied by Giovan della Tosa, with all his followers, and 
many Cittizens, came into the Market place, and there in 
presence of the Senators, ascended up to the Ringiera (for 
so they called that place of the staires belonging to the 
Pallace) where the conditions between the Senate, and the 
Duke were read. And when the Reader pronounced those 
words, which gave the Duke authoritie for one yeare : the 
people cried for his life. Then Francesco Rusticheli (one 

115 



THE 
SECOND 
BOOKE 



Ordinaunces 
made by the 
Duke of 
Athene in 
Florence. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

of the Senate) rose up to speake, and appease the tumult : 
but his words, were, with shouting of the people interrupted. 
So as by consent of the multitude he was created Prince, 
not for one yeare only, but for ever : and being carried by 
the multitude about the market place, his name was pro 
claimed. It is the custome, that whosoever is appointed to 
the Guard of the Pallace, shall in absence of the Senators 
be shut up therein. To which office at that time was 
Rinieri di Giotto appointed : hee being corrupted by the 
Dukes friends, without anie violence offered, received the 
Duke into the Pallace. And the Senators therewith 
amazed, and dishonored, went home to their owne houses. 
Then was the Pallace by the Dukes servants sacked. The 
Gonfaloni del Populo thrust out, and the Dukes Armes 
set uppon the Pallace, to the great and inestimable griefe 
and sorrow of all good men, and the great content of 
those, who either for ignorance, or wicked mind there 
unto consented. 

The Duke having gotten the government, intending to 
take all authoritie from those that were woont to defende 
the libertie of the Cittie, did forbid the Senators to assemble 
anie more in the Pallace, and appointed them a private 
house. Hee tooke also the Ensignes from the Gonfalonieri 
of companies. Hee remooved the order of justice against 
the Nobilitie, and delivered the prisoners that had bene 
committed. Hee called home the Bardi, and Frescobaldi, 
who had bene banished, and gave generall command ement 
that no man should weare weapon. Also for his better 
defence within the Citie, he wanne himselfe forraine friends, 
and for that purpose pleasured the Aretini, and all others 
under the Florentine government. Hee made peace with 
the Pisani, notwithstanding hee were created Prince pur 
posely to make warre with them. Hee tooke the obliga 
tions from those merchants, that in the warre of Lucca had 
lent mony to the state. He encreased the old Imposts, and 
erected new : taking all authoritie from the Senators. The 
Rettori by him appointed, were Raglione da Perugia, and 
Guglielmo de Scesi : with whom he joyned, Cerrettieri 
Bisdomini ; and those three men were his onely Councell. 
The taxes which he imposed upon the Citizens were ex- 

116 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

treme, his judgements unjust, and that gravitie and curtesie THE 

which he had before fained, was converted into pride, and SECOND 

crueltie. For many citizens both wealthy and noble were BOOKE 

condemned, and diverse also by new invented tortures, 

tormented. Moreover to shew his authoritie in like sort 

abroad, as it was in the citie, he authorized six Rettori for 

the country, who oppressed and spoiled the rurall people. 

He had the great men in suspition, although by them hee 

had bene pleasured : and that some of them by his meanes 

had bene restored to their Countrey. For hee imagined 

that such Noble mindes as commonly are in Gentlemen, 

could not be contented with his government. Hee sought 

therefore to winne the good will of the people, hoping 

with their love, and the aide of straungers, to defende his 

tyrannic. 

Then the moneth of May being come, at which time the 
people were accustomed to make sport and triumph, he 
caused the companies of the Common people, and basest 
sort to have Ensignes, and money, with honourable titles to 
bee given them. Wherupon the one part of them, went 
from place to place feasting and triumphing : and the other 
part with great pompe received the triumphers. When 
fame had dispersed abroad the new principallitie of the 
Duke, many of the French Nation came unto him. And 
hee to everie one of them (as men most to be trusted) gave 
countenance and enterteinment. So that Florence within 
short space was not onely subject to the French men, but 
also to their factions and apparrell. Because both men and 
women, without respect of shame, did followe them. But 
above all things that displeased, was the violence which he 
and his, without respect, used to the women. The Citizens 
lived then with great indignation, seeing the majestic of 
their state ruined, their ordinances broken, their lawes dis- 
anulled, honest life corrupted, and all civill modestie ex 
tinguished. For the Citizens, not accustomed to see any 
regall pompe, could not without sorrow behold the Duke 
amidst his guardes of armed men, both on foote and horse- 
backe : for so with their owne shame, they were forced to 
honour him, whome they most hated. Whereunto might 
be joyned, the feare and death of many Citizens, and the 

117 



THE 
SECOND 
BOOKE 



Matteo di 
Moroso. 



Conspiracy 
against the 
Duke of 
Athene. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

continuall exactions, wherewith he impoverished, and con 
sumed the citie. All which indignations and feares, were 
well inough knowne to the Duke, yet would he not be 
thought to mistrust any thing, but shew himselfe as though 
he were beloved of all men. For it happened that Matteo 
di Moroso, either to gratifie him, or acquite himselfe of 
danger, revealed a conspiracie practised by the house of 
Medici, and some others. 

The Duke enformed therof, did not onely not examine 
the cause, but also caused Matteo most miserably to be put 
to death. By which doing, he tooke courage from all those 
that would tell him anie thing for his good, and encouraged 
others that went about his ruine. He caused also with 
great crueltie, the tongue of Bettone Cini to be cut off, who 
after, therof died. And this punishment was done, because 
Bettone had found fault with the exactions laid upon the 
Cittizens. These cruelties encreased offence in the people 
with their hatred to the Duke, because that citie which was 
accustomed freely to do and speake all things, could not 
endure to have their hands tied, and their mouthes closed. 
These offences and this hatred grew to that ripenesse, as 
mooved not onely the Florentines, (who could neither main- 
taine their freedome nor suffer servitude) but even the most 
servile people of the world, to recover libertie. And ther- 
upon many citizens of all estates resolved, with the losse of 
their lives to recover their libertie lost. Then practised 
they three sorts of conspiracies, the one among the Nobilitie, 
the second among the people, the third among the artificers. 
These conspiracies, besides the general respect, were for 
particuler reasons willingly taken in hand. The great men 
desired to recover authoritie. The people were sorrowfull 
for having lost the government. And the Artificers found 
their trades and earning of money to be decaied. 

At that time Agnolo Acciaivoli, was Archbishop of 
Florence, who in his Sermons and otherwise, had extolled 
the actions of the Duke, and done him great favour among 
the people. But afterwards seeing him Prince, and knowing 
his tyrannous proceedings, knew how much he had deceived 
his country : and therefore to make amendes of that faulte, 
determined, that the hande which had made the wound, 

118 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

should also cure it. Wherefore he became head of the first THE 
and greatest conspiracie : wherein were the Bardi, Rossi, SECOND 
Frescobaldi, Scali, Altoviti, Malagotti, Strozzi, and Mancini. BOOKE 
The chiefe of the second conspiracie, were Manno and Corso 
Donati, and with them the Pazzi, Cavicciulli, Cherchi, and 
Albici. The principall of the third conspiracie, was Antonio 
Adimari, and with him the Medici, Bordini, Ruccelai, and 
Aldobrandini : whose intent was to have slaine the Duke 
in the house of Albezi, whither (as they thought) he in 
tended to go upon Midsomer day, to behold the running of 
horses. But thither he went not, and therfore that enter 
prise became frustrate. Then they ment to assault him 
walking in the citie ; but that seemed hard to do, because 
he was well accompanied, and alwaies armed, therewith also 
everie day changed his walke, so as they knew not in what 
place certaine to wait for him. It was likewise the opinion 
of some, that the best were to kill him in the Councell : and 
yet that were hazardous ; for though he were slaine, the 
conspirators should be at the discretion of his forces. During 
that the conspirators communed of these matters, Anthonio 
Adimari, discovered the matter to some of his friends of 
Siena, whose aide hee hoped of, and tolde them the names 
of some conspirators, saying that the whole Citie was bent 
to recover libertie. Then one of them imparted his know 
ledge to Francesco Brunelleschi, not with intent the practise 
should be laid open, but supposing that hee also had bene 
of the same conspiracie. 

Francesco either for feare of himselfe, or for the hatred 
he bare towards some other, revealed all to the Duke : and 
presently Pagolo del Mazecchia, and Simon da Mantezappoli 
were apprehended ; Who detecting the qualitie and quantitie 
of the conspirators, did thereby much amaze the Duke, and 
was therefore counselled rather to send for them, then arrest 
them : For if they fled, then he might without his owne dis 
honour, by their banishment assure himselfe. The Duke there 
fore caused Antonio Adimari to be called, who trusting to his 
companions, presently appeared. Adimari being staied, the 
Duke was advised by Francescho Brunelleschi, and Uguccione 
Buondelmonti, to search the Citie, and kill so many as could 
be taken. But that the Duke thought not good, supposing 

119 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE his forces not sufficient to encounter so many enemies, and 
SECOND therefore proceeded an other way, which having taken effect, 
BOOKE should both have assured him of the enemies, and also gained 
him strength. The Duke was accustomed at occasions, to 
assemble the Citizens, and to take their counsell. Having 
therefore sent put to assemble the people, he made a bill of 
three hundreth Citizens names; and caused his Serjeants 
under colour of councelling with them, to warne them to 
appeare : and being appeared, he intended either to kill 
them, or imprison them. The apprehension of Antonio 
Adimari, and the sending for other Citizens (which could 
not be secretly done) did greatly dismay every man : but 
most of all, those that knew themselves guiltie. Insomuch 
as men of greatest courage would not obey him. And be 
cause manie had read the bill, wherin one saw an others 
name, the one encouraged the other to take armes, and 
chose rather to die like men, then as Calves to be led to the 
butchery. By this means within an houre, all the three 
conspiracies became knowne one unto the other: and de 
termined the day following (which was the twentie sixt of 
July, in the yeare 1343.) to raise a tumult in the olde 
Market place : there to arme themselves, and call the people 
to libertie. The next day, about high noone, according to 
appointment, everie man tooke armes, and all the people 
hearing the name of libertie, armed themselves, and everie 
man in his quarter prepared him under the Ensigne of the 
peoples armes, which the conspirators had secretly caused 
to be made. And the chiefe, as well of the Noble houses, 
as of the populer families, came forth and sware both their 
owne defence, and the Dukes death, excepting some of the 
Buondelmonti and Cavalcanti, with those foure families of 
the people, which procured him to be made Prince. They, 
togither with the Butchers, and people of basest condition, 
came armed to the Market place in defence of the Duke. 
At this uproare, the Duke armed all his Court, and his 
servants in sundrie places lodged, mounted on horsebacke 
to come to the Market place. But in many streetes they 
were beaten downe and slaine, and onely three hundred 
horses came unto him. The Duke in the mean while stood 
doubtfull, whether he were better to come out and fight 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

with his enemies, or defend himselfe within the Pallace. THE 
On the other side, the Medici, Cavicculi, Ruccellai, and SECOND 
other families most injured, did feare that if the Duke BOOKE 
would come out, manie that had taken armes against him, 
might happily become his friends. And therefore to remove 
the occasion of his comming forth, and encreasing his forces, 
made head, and went up to the market place. At whose 
arrival, those populer families, that stood there for the 
Duke, seeing the Cittizens couragiously to charge them, 
chaunged their mindes. 

After the Duke had thus altered his fortune, and everie 
man revolted to the Citizens, saving Uguccione Buondel- 
monti, who went into the Pallace : and Giannozzo Caval- 
canti with part of his men, retired unto the new Market, 
and there stood up, desiring the people to arme themselves 
to defend the Duke. Also the rather to terrific the people, 
he threatned them, that if obstinately they followed the 
enterprise against the Prince, they should be all slain e. 
But finding no man to follow him, nor yet any that pursued 
him, and seeing himselfe to have laboured in vain, tempting 
fortune no further, retired unto his owne house. The 
conflict in the meane while (betwixt the people and the 
Dukes souldiers) was great, and though the Dukes forces 
defended the Pallace, yet were they in the end vanquished : 
some of them yeelded to their enemies, and some leaving 
their horses, folowed into the Pallace. While in the Market 
place the fight continued, Corso and Amerigo Donati, with 
part of the people brake the prisons, burnt the Records of 
the Podesta, and of the publique chamber: sacked the 
Rettori and their houses; and slew all the officers of the 
Duke, that they could laie hand upon. The Duke on 
the other side, seeing the Market place lost, and all the 
citie against him, not hoping of any helpe, made proofe, 
whether by any curtuous act the people might be appeased. 
Therfore he called unto him the prisoners, and with gentle 
words delivered them, and made Antonio Adimari (though 
nothing to his owne contentment) a Knight. Hee caused 
also his owne armes to be rased out of the Pallace, and set 
the peoples armes in the same place. Which things being 
done too late and out of time, by enforcement, and without 

Q 121 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE order, helped litle. Thus as a man discontented and be- 

SECOND sieged, he remained in the Pallace; and found by experience, 

BOOKE that by coveting too much, he lost all : and therefore looked 

within fewe dayes, either to die by famine or sword. The 

Citizens intending some forme of government, assembled 

themselves in Santa Reparata : and created there foureteene 

Citizens, halfe of them great, and the other halfe populer, 

who with the Bishop, should have full authoritie to reforme 

the state of Florence. They chused also sixe to have the 

authoritie of the Podesta, till hee were come. 

There were in Florence at that time, diverse straungers 
come thither to aide the people : amongst whom, were some 
Sanesi sent from Siena, with sixe Embassadours, men in 
their country much honoured. They betwixt the people 
and the Duke practised reconsiliation, but the people 
refused to common of any agreement, untill Guglielmo da 
Scesi, and his sonne, with Cirretieri Bisdomini were de 
livered into their hands. The Duke would not thereunto 
consent, till being threatned by those that were shut in with 
him, suffered himselfe to be inforced. Certainly the furie 
is greater, and the harmes more, when libertie is in recover 
ing, then when the same is recovered. This Guglielmo and 
his sonne, being brought among thousands of enemies, (the 
yoong man not being eighteene yeares of age) could neither 
by his youth nor innocencie be saved from the furie of the 
multitude. And those that could not strike him alive, 
would needs wound him being dead. Yea not being satisfied 
by cutting him in peeces with swords, with their nailes and 
teeth, they also tare his flesh. And to the end al their 
sences might have part in the revenge, having alreadie 
heard him lament, scene his wounds, and touched their 
torne flesh, would also that their taste should take part, so 
that all sences both without and within might be pleased. 
This terrible furie though it were greevous to Guglielmo 
and his sonne, yet was it profitable to Cirretieri. Because 
the multitude, being weary with the crueltie executed upon 
those two, did clearly forget him, remaining still within 
the Pallace not called for. Then, the night following, by 
certaine of his friends, hee was conveyed away and saved. 
The multitude being appeased with blood of these two : A 
122 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

conclusion was made, wherin was set downe, that the Duke THE 
and his, should safely depart with bagge and baggage, and SECOND 
renounce all his authoritie over Florence. And afterwards, BOOKE 
so soone as he should come to Casentino upon the confines, The Duke 
ratifie the same. of Athene 

After this composition, the sixt day of August he departed ^eFloren 
from Florence, accompanied with many Citizens. And tines 
arrived in Casentino, he ratified (though unwillingly) the 
resignation of his authoritie : for had he not bene by the 
Earle Simone threatened to be brought backe to Florence, 
he would not have performed his promise. This Duke (as Discription of 
his proceedings do shew) was covetous and cruell, no willing the Duke and 
hearer of complaints, and in his answeres, haughtie ; hee lspos 
looked for service of all men, and esteemed the love of no 
man : yet desired he to be beloved, more then feared. His 
person and presence did deserve to be hated, no lesse then 
his conditions ; his bodie was small, his face blacke and hard 
favoured, his beard long and thin ; so as both in appearance 
and being, hee merited the love of no man. Thus within 
the tearme of ten moneths, his evill behaviour lost him that 
government, which foolish Councell of others had given him. 
These accidents being happened within the citie, gave en 
couragement to all the townes which had bene subject to 
the Florentines, to returne also to their libertie : whereby 
Arezzo, Castiglione, Pistoja, Volterra, Colle, and S. Gimig- 
nano, rebelled. 

After the Duke was thus driven away, the foureteene 
Cittizens, togither with the Bishop, thought better to please 
their subjects with peace, then make them enemies by warre. 
And therfore seemed as much content with the libertie of 
them, as with their owne. Then sent they Embassadors to 
Arezzo, to renounce all their government and interest in 
that citie, and make a league with the Citizens there. To 
this end, that sith they could not have their aide as subjects, 
yet they might have it as friends : with other townes they 
likewise practised to continue them in friendship. This 
counsell wisely taken, had happie successe : because Arezzo 
after a fewe yeares returned under the government of 
Florence, and the other townes within a fewe moneths came 
to their auncient obedience. Whereof may be conceived, 

123 



THE 
SECOND 
BOOKE 



Florence 
againe re 
formed. 



The people 
of Florence 
offended with 
the nobilitie. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

that many times things fled or not desired, are with lesse 
perill and smaller charge obteined, then if the same had 
bene by extreame travell and great force followed. All 
things thus setled abroad, they turned their studie to deale 
with matters within : and after some disputations betweene 
the great and populer Citizens, they agreed that the great 
men should have a third part in the Senate, and in the other 
offices the halfe. The citie (as hath bene beforesaid) was 
divided into six parts, so that one of the Senators was 
appointed to every sixt part, unlesse upon some accident 
twelve or thirteene were created : but shortly after they 
were reduced againe to the number of sixe. It was there 
fore thought good to reforme the government in this point, 
as well for the evill distribution of the parts, as because 
they intended to deliver charge of the gates to the great 
Cittizens ; it was necessarie to encrease the number of the 
Senators. Therfore the citie was againe divided, into quar 
ters : allotting to everie quarter three Senators, leaving out 
the Gonfaloniere Delia Justitia, and the Gonfalonieri of 
companies. And in lieu of the twelve Buoni Homini they 
created eight Councellours, of either sort foure. This 
government with this order setled, would have continued 
quiet, if the great citizens had bene content to live with 
that modestie, that to a civill life apperteined : but they 
followed a course cleane contrarie. For when they were 
private, they would no companions ; and being in authoritie 
ruled as Lordes. So as everie day some proofe of their 
insolencie and pride was seene, which thing greatly dis 
pleased the people, supposing that in place of one tyrant 
sent away, there was growne up a thousand. The insolencie 
of the one part, and the offence of the other, grew to that 
greatnesse, that the heads of the people did expostulate 
unto the Bishop the dishonestie of the great men, who were 
not by anie meanes content to live like companions and 
neighbours. And therefore pers waded him to finde meanes 
that the great Cittizens might be contented with the meane 
offices : and that the Magistracie of the Senate should be 
onely left to them. 

The Bishoppe was naturally good, but easily perswaded 
to alter opinion : which was the cause, that by perswasion 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 



THE 
SECOND 
BOOKE 



of his companions, he first favoured the Duke of Athene, 
and shortly after by the counsell of other Citizens conspired 
against him. So now he seemed in reformation of the state, 
first to favour the great men, and after to allow better of 
the people, moved by those reasons, which the populer 
Citizens had tolde him. He therefore supposing to find as 
small constancie in others, as in himselfe, perswaded betwixt 
them a composition. Then he assembled the foureteene, 
who yet continued in their authoritie, and perswaded them 
to yeeld the office of Senate to the people, alleadging that 
would be the quiet of the citie, and the deniall, the ruine 
thereof. These words did greatly chaunge the mindes of 
the great men, and Ridolpho de Bardi, with bitter words 
reproved the Bishop, calling him a man not to be trusted : 
laying before him the friendship which he entered with the 
Duke unadvisedly, and how he banished him afterwardes, 
traiterously. And in conclusion he said, that those honours 
which they with their perill had gotten, with their peril 1 
should be defended. Thus being divided from the Bishop, 
he and his companie tooke leave, and went unto others of 
their consort, imparting the matter to all the Noble houses 
in the Cittie. The people likewise brake their mindes to 
such as were men of their condition. While the great men 
prepared themselves to the defence of their Senators, the 
people thought good to be also readie, and suddeinly ranne 
unto the Pallace armed : crying aloud, and requiring that 
the great Citizens should renounce the Magistracie. The 
rumour and tumult was great, and the Senators found them 
selves abandoned : because all the people beeing armed, the 
great Cittizens durst not take armes, but everie one remained 
in his owne house. By meane whereof, the new Senators The autoritie 
appointed by the people, first appeased the tumult, and . f . the 
then gave knowledge thereof: saying that their companions 
were modest and good men, and that they were faine, for 
avoyding a worse inconvenience to take this course, and so 
sent home the other Senators safe to their houses. The 
great Citizens thus remooved from the Pallace, the office 
was also taken away from the foure great Counsellours. In 
whose place, they appointed twelve of the people, with the 
eight Senators that remained. They created one Gonfaloniere 



THE 
SECOND 
BOOKE 



Andrea 
Strozzi. 



The nobilitie 
assaie to re 
cover their 
honours. 



The People 
armed against 
the nobilitie. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

de Justitia, and sixteene Gonfalonier! of the people. They 
also reformed the Councels, so as, all the government re 
mained at the discretion of the people. 

At such time as these things happened, there was great 
dearth in the citie : by meanes whereof, both great Citizens 
and the basest sort of people became discontented. These, 
for hunger, and those for having lost their authoritie : which 
occasion made Andrea Strozzi to imagine, that it were 
possible for him to usurpe the libertie of the citie. He 
perswaded with that imagination, solde his corne much 
better cheape then others : by meanes whereof, many people 
resorted unto his house. And one morning hee mounted on 
horsebacke, being followed by some of them, tooke courage to 
call the people to armes : which done, within lesse then one 
houre foure thousand people were assembled ; with whom he 
went to the Senate, desiring the Pallace might be opened 
for him. But the Senators with threatnings and force, sent 
him from thence, and after with proclamations so terrified 
him, that by litle and litle everie man returned to his house. 
So as Andrea being left alone, could scantly flie and save 
himselfe from the Magistrates. This attempt, although it 
were unadvised, and had such successe, as commonly all others 
like thereunto have, yet did the same give hope unto the 
Nobilitie, that they might easily oppresse the people, seeing 
the poorest sort misliked them. For not loosing this op- 
portunitie, they determined to arme themselves with all 
sorts of aide, and recover that reasonably, which unjustly 
and by force, had bene taken from them. The assured 
hope they had conceived of successe in this enterprise, grew 
so great, that openly they provided armes, fortified their 
houses, and sent to their friends in Lombardy. The people 
on the other side, togither with the Senate, made their pro 
vision, and arming them, sent to the Sanesi and Perugini 
for aide. The assistaunce of the one, and the other beeing 
come, all the Cittie was in Armes, and the Nobilitie made 
head on this side Arno in three places. At the houses of 
Cavicciulli neare to S. Giovanni : at the houses of the Pazzi 
and Donati, in S. Piero Maggiore : and at the houses of the 
Cavalcanti in the newe Market. The others beyonde Arno, 
fortified the bridges and streetes next to their houses. The 

126 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

Nerli at the bridge Caraia ; The Frescobaldi and Mannelli, THE 
at S. Trinita. The Rossi and Bardi, at the olde bridge; SECOND 
and the bridge Rubaconte defended themselves. The people BOOKE 
on the other part, under the Gonfaloniere della Justitia, and 
the Ensignes of companies assembled themselves. 

Being thus prepared, the people thought good no longer 
to delaie the fight. The first that gave the charge were the 
Medici and the Rondinegli, who assaulted the Cavicciulli, 
in that way which leadeth from the Court before S. Giovanni 
to their houses. There the conflict was great, by reason 
that from the Towers stones were cast downe to the harme 
of many, and below others with Crosse-bowes were sore hurt. 
This fight continued three houres, and still the people en- 
creased. Then the Cavicciulli seeing themselves by the 
multitude overmatched, and wanting aide, yeelded to the 
people : who saved their houses and their goods, and tooke 
from them onely their weapons, commanding them to divide 
themselves, and remaine in the houses of such Commoners 
as were their kinsfolks and friends. This first troupe van 
quished the Donati and the Pazzi, who being of lesse force 
were easily subdued. Then remained only on this side 
Arno, the Cavalcanti, who by men and the seat of the 
place were strong. Neverthelesse seeing all the Gonfalonieri 
against them, and knowing the others to have bene by three 
Gonfaloni vanquished without any great resistance yeelded. 
Thus were three parts of the Cittie in the hands of the 
people, one part more remained to the Nobilitie : which was 
hard to be wonne, by reason of the strength of them which 
defended it, and the seat of the place, it being so fortified 
with the river of Arno, that the bridges must first of force 
be surprised, which were defended in that sort as is before- 
said. The people then knowing that there they laboured 
in vaine, assaied to passe the bridge Rubaconte : where 
finding the like difficultie, they left for guard of those two 
bridges, foure Gonfaloni ; and with the rest assaulted the 
bridge Caraia. Where albeit the Nerli manfully defended 
themselves, yet could they not withstand the furie of the 
people. Both because the bridge wanting towers of defence, 
was weak, and the Capponi with other populer families also 
assailed them. In so much as being on every side distressed, 

127 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE they retired and gave place to the people ; who forthwith 
SECOND likewise vanquished the Rosci : by reason that all the people 
BOOKE on the farre side of Arno joyned with the victorious. Then 
the Bardi were onely left, whom neither the overthrow of 
others, nor the uniting of the people against them, (nor the 
small hope they had of rescue) could any whit amaze : for 
they did choose rather to die fighting, see their houses 
burnt, and their goods spoyled, then voluntarily submit 
themselves to the mercie of their enemies. They therefore 
defended themselves with so great resolution, that the 
people many times in vaine assaulted them, both upon the 
old bridge, and upon Rubaconte : and were with death of 
many, and the hurting of more, repulsed. 

There was in times past a lane, whereby men passed from 
the way that leadeth towardes Rome, by the house of the 
Pitti, to go unto S. Giorgio. By this way the people sent 
six Gonfalonieri, with commandement to assault the back 
side of the house of Bardi. That assault made the Bardi to 
loose their hope, and occasioned the people to assure them 
selves of victorie : for so soone as those who defended the 
streetes knew their houses were assaulted, they abandoned 
the fight, and ranne to save them. This was the cause that 
the chaine of the old bridge was lost, and that the Bardi on 
everie side fled : who were by the Quaratesi Panzanesi, and 
Mozzi encountred. The people in the meane while (chiefly 
those of basest qualitie) being greedie of spoyle, sacked 
their houses, razed their Towers and burned them, with so 
great furie, that even he that is most foe to the Florentine 
name, would have bene ashamed to behold so great a 
The Nobilitie crueltie. The Nobilitie thus oppressed, the people ordeined 
oppressed. a government. And because the Cittizens were divided into 
three sorts, that is to say, great men, meane men, and base 
men. It was ordered that of the great men there should be 
two Senators, of the meane men three, and of the basest 
men three. Also the Gonfalonieri should sometime be of 
the one, and sometime of the other sort. Moreover the 
ordinances of Justice, against the Nobilitie were confirmed. 
And to make the Nobilitie weaker, they tooke some of that 
number, and mixed them with the populer multitude. This 
ruine of the Nobilitie was great, and so much weakened 
128 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

their faction, as after that time they durst never take armes THE 
against the people: but continually remained poore and SECOND 
abject of minde; which was the occasion that Florence be- BOOKE 
came spoyled, not onely of armes, but also of all generositie. 
After this ruine, the citie continued quiet, till the yeare 
1353. In which time, happened that memorable plague 
(whereof Giovan Boccacio with great eloquence) hath writ 
ten. Of which died in Florence, 96 thousand persons. The 
Florentines made then the first warre with the Visconti, 
occasioned by the ambition of the Archbishop, then Prince 
of Milan. That warre being ended, beganne suddeinly 
new factions within the Citie. And albeit the Nobilitie 
was destroyed, yet fortune found meanes to raise 
up new divisions, and new troubles. 



R 129 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 



THE THIRD BOORE 



held 



HE greevous and naturall enimities betwixt 
the people, and Nobilitie, through desire 
of the one to commaund, and the other, 
not to obey : are causes of all evils, which 
happen in everie citie. For of the diver- 
sitie of these humours, all other things 
which disturbe Common weales doo take 
their nutriment. This was that which 
Rome disunited. And this (if we may compare small 




matters to great) was that which continued Florence divided. 
Notwithstanding, in those two cities, the divisions, did bring 
forth two sundrie effects. For the enimitie of the people 
and Nobilitie in Rome, was at the beginning ended by dis 
putation : but the division of the people and Nobilitie of 
Florence, was with sword and slaughter determined. That 
of Rome by lawe ; but that of Florence by exile, and death 
of many Citizens was ended. That of Rome did alwaies 
encrease the vertue militarie, but that of Florence, utterly 
extinguished the same. That of Rome, from an equalitie of 
the Citizens, to a great disequalitie, reduced the citie : but 
that of Florence, from disequalitie, to a marvellous equalitie 
was changed. Which diversitie of effects, must of force be 
occasioned, by the diverse ends, which these two people had. 
For the people of Rome, desired not more, then to partici 
pate the soveraigne honours with the Nobilitie, but they of 
Florence would be alone, and governe all without companie 
of the Nobilitie. And for as much as the desire of the 
Romane people was more reasonable, the offences done to 
the Nobilitie became the more tollerable. By meane whereof, 
that Nobilitie, without resistance gave place : and after 
180 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

some disputation, a lawe was made to the peoples satisfac- THE 
tion, they being content that the Nobilitie should continue THIRD 
their dignities. On the other side, the desire of the Floren- BOOKE 
tine people was injurious and unjust; by reason whereof, 
the Nobilitie prepared themselves for defence, and without 
banishment and bloud of the Cittizens, their contentions 
were not ended. Also those lawes which were afterwards 
made, not for the common commoditie, but altogither in 
favour of the people, were ordeined. Thereof proceeded 
likewise, that by victories of the people, the citie of Rome 
became more vertuous. Also the people having sometime 
authoritie in the warres, and commaundement in government 
with the Nobilitie, were indowed with like vertue, and caused 
that citie by encrease of vertue in men, to encrease also in 
power. But in Florence, the people having victorie, the 
Nobilitie were deprived of Magistracie, and being desirous 
to recover it, it behoved them by their behaviour and man 
ner of life, to endevour themselves, not onely to seeme, but 
also to be men populer. Heereof, came the alteration of 
Ensignes, and the chaunge of titles, which the Nobilitie (to 
seeme common people) were constrained to make. So as 
that vertue in armes and generositie of minde, which had 
bene in the Nobilitie, was extinguished ; and could not be 
revived in the people, where it was not : which is the cause 
that Florence ever after becam the more abject. And as 
Rome knowing the vertue of it self grew to such pride, as 
without a Prince could not be mainteined : so Florence was 
reduced to such termes, as every wise law maker might have 
brought the same to any order or forme of government : as 
by reading of the former booke may partly be perceived. 

Now having already shewed the beginning of Florence, 
and the original of the liberty therin, with the occasions of 
division : and how the factions of the nobilitie and of the 
people, with the tyrannic of the Duke of Athene, did end : 
and lastly how the Nobilitie were destroyed. It remaineth 
to discourse the enimitie betwixt the people and the multi- The enimitie 
tude, with such accidents as of those divisions proceeded, betweene the 
So soone as the authoritie of the Nobilitie was oppressed, P e pl ea ndthe 
and the warre with the Arch-Duke of Milan finished; it n 
seemed that no occasion of displeasure or offence, remained 

131 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE in Florence. But the froward fortune of our Cittie, and the 
THIRD evill orders thereof, caused newe dissention to arise, betwixt 
BOOKE the families of Albizi and Ricci : which divided Florence, as 
by the Buondelmonti and the Uberti, and as by the Donati 
and Circhi it had before beene divided. The Popes, who at 
that time remained in Fraunce, and the Emperours in Ger 
many, to maintaine their reputation in Italy, sent thither 
at sundrie times, sundrie multitudes of souldiers, English 
men, Germaines, and Brittaines. They, (the warres ended) 
beeing without paie and entertainment, sometime under the 
Ensigne of one Prince, and sometimes under an other, spoyled 
the Countrey. In the yeare 1353, one of those companies 
came into Toscana, under the conduct of Monsigneur Reale, 
whose comming amazed all the Citties of that Province. 
And the Florentines did not onelie in that respect publiquely 
levie forces, but also diverse private Cittizens. Amongest 
The faction or whome, the Albizi and Ricci, for their owne defence, Armed 
division of themselves. These two houses hating one the other, studied 
d k we ^ey might one oppresse the other : yet were they not 
come to Armes, but onely contended in the government, and 
in Councell. The Cittie then upon this occasion armed, 
there happened by chaunce a quarrell in the olde Market : 
whither many people (as is at like occasions the custome) 
resorted. During the brunt of this brute, newes were 
brought to the Ricci, that the Albizi assailed them. And 
in like maner it was tolde to the Albizi, that the Ricci 
sought for them. Upon these rumours, all the citie arose, 
and the Magistrates could with difficultie hold backe the one 
and the other of these families, from dooing of that violence, 
which without any fault or intent of theirs, was occasioned. 
This chance (though of no importance) somwhat kindled the 
minds of those gentlemen, and every of them were the rather 
desirous to allure partakers. And forasmuch as by the 
ruin of the nobilitie, the Citizens were reduced to such an 
equalitie, that the magistrates had more reverence then they 
were wont, either of them determined by ordinary meane, 
and without private violence to oppresse his adversary. 

We have alreadie tolde, how after the victory of Carlo 
the first, the Guelfi were created Magistrates, and to them 
great authoritie given over the Ghibilini. Notwithstanding 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

through tract of time and new divisions, that law became so THE 
much neglected, that many descended of Ghibilini, aspired THIRD 
to the most principall offices. Uguccione de Ricci then BOOKE 
chiefe of his family, found meane, that the law against the A new lawe 
Ghibilini was revived : of which faction (as some thought) against the 
the Albizi were, who many yeares past did come from Gnibi .l ini 
Arezzo to inhabit Florence. Upon reviving of this law, ^a privie 
Uguccione hoped to deprive the Albizi of authoritie, be- respect, 
cause thereby it was ordeined, that whosoever was descended 
of the Ghibilini, should not in any wise beare office in the 
state. This practise of Uguccione was discovered to Piero 
sonne of Philippo degli Albizi, who determined to favour 
it, least doing the contrarie, he should declare himselfe a 
Ghibiline. This lawe although renewed by ambition of the 
Ricci, yet did it not diminish, but encrease the reputation 
of the Albizi, and was the originall of many mischiefs. 
Neither can any lawe be made more prejudiciall to a Com 
mon weale, then that which hath relation to time, long since 
passed. 

Piero having thus consented to the law, that, which his 
enemies had devised for a let, was the high way to lead him 
to his greatnesse. For being made as chiefe of this new 
ordinance, he still encreased in reputation, and became more 
favoured of the Guelfi, then any other. And for as much 
as there was no Magistrate appointed for discoverie of the 
Ghibilini, the lawe alreadie made, served to small purpose. 
It was therefore provided that authoritie should be given to 
the Captaines, to detect those that were of faction Ghibilini, 
and finding them, to give admonishment that they should 
not take uppon them any office in the state : Or if they 
should disobey the said admonishment, then to be con 
demned. Hereof it commeth, that since that time, all 
those that be disabled to beare office in Florence, be called 
Ammoniti. The captains then by this authority grew to Ammoniti. 
be so insolent, as they did not only admonish those that 
deserved admonition, but also every man, whomsoever it 
pleased them, being thereto moved by any cause whatso 
ever, either of covetousnesse or ambition. So that, from 
the yeare 1357 (at which time this ordinance was made) til 
the yeare 1366 more then two hundreth Citizens were 

133 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE admonished. By this mean, the Captaines, and faction of 
THIRD Guelfi were become mightie, because every man fearing to 
BOOKE be admonished, honoured them. The chief of them were, 
Piero delli Albizi, Lapo da Castiglionichio, and Piero 
Strozzi. And albeit this insolent order of proceeding 
displeased many, yet the Ricci were of all other most 
discontented. For they supposing themselves to be the 
occasion of this disorder, saw the common weale ruined, and 
the Albizi their enemies, contrary to expectation, become of 
most authoritie. Wherfore Uguccione de Ricci, being one 
of the Senate, desired to staie this mischiefe, wherof he and 
his friends were the beginners : and by a new law he pro 
vided, that the six captains should be encreased to the 
number of nine, of whom, two should be of the smal 
misteries. And ordeined moreover, that the detection of 
the Ghibilini, should be by 24 Citizens of the faction of 
Guelfi confirmed. This ordinance for the time, qualified 
the authoritie of the Captaines, so as the admonishment 
grew colde. And if anie happened to be admonished, they 
were not manie. Notwithstanding, the factions of Albizi 
and Ricci, continued : and the leagues, practises, and resolu 
tions, devised in hatred one of the other, did proceed. In 
this unquietnesse, the citie lived from the yeare 1366 till 
1371. In which time the Guelfi recovered their forces. 

There was in the family of Buondelmonti, one Gentleman 
called Benchi, who for his merit, in the warre against the 
Pisani, was made one of the people, and thereby become 
capable of the office of the Senate. And when he looked 
to be chosen to that honour, a lawe was made, that no 
Gentleman become one of the people, might exercise the 
office of the Senate. This greatly offended Benchi, where 
fore consulting with Piero delli Albizi, determined with the 
admonition to oppresse the meaner sort of the people, and 
the rest alone to enjoy the government. Then through 
the favour which Benchi had with the olde Nobilitie, and 
through the affection of manie of moste mightie people 
borne to Piero, the faction of Guelfi recovered some force : 
and with new reformation, they handled the matter so, that 
they might both of the Captaines and the twentie foure 
Cittizens, dispose as themselves thought good. Where- 
134 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

uppon they returned to admonish more boldlie then they THE 
were woont and the house of Albizi, as head of this secte, THIRD 
still encreased. On the other side, the Ricci failed not by BOOKE 
their owne force and friendes to hinder their enterprises all 
they were able, so that all men lived in suspition, and everie 
one mistrusted his owne ruine. For which cause, manie 
Cittizens mooved with the love of their Countrey, assembled 
themselves in Saint Pietro Sceraggio, and reasoning of these 
disorders, went to the Senators : unto whome one of most 
authoritie spake thus. 

Wee have (my Lordes) doubted (although for a publique The Oration 
occasion) to assemble our selves by private consent, fearing of the citti - 
to be noted for presumptuous, or condemned as ambitious. ~ ens - t 011 
Yet considering that everie day (without respect) manie * 
Cittizens conferre both in the streetes and in their houses, 
not for anie common commoditie, but their owne ambition : 
we do hope, that as they have come togithers for the ruine 
of the Common weale, so it shall not be offensive, that we 
consult by what meane the same might be preserved : 
Neither is there cause why we should regard them, seeing 
they of us, make none estimation at all. The love (my 
Lordes) which we beare to our Countrey, did first bring us 
togither, and the same also hath ledde us hither to intreate 
of these inconveniences, which are now great, and daily en- 
crease in this our Common weale. In the redresse whereof, 
we offer our selves to assist you. And (albeit the enterprise 
do seeme hard) yet may it be performed, if it shall like your 
Lordships to laie by all private respects, and with publique 
forces imploy your authorities. The common corruption of 
other Citties of Italy, doth also corrupt ours. For sith this 
Province was drawne under the Empire, all Cities (wanting 
Governours able to rule them) have governed themselves : 
not as free, but as townes into sects and faction, divided. 
Out of this, be sprung up al other discords that are to be 
found. First, among the Citizens, there is neither union, 
nor friendship, but onely among such, as have against their 
countrey or private persons, conspired some lewde enterprise. 
Also, bicause religion and feare of God is in every man 
almost extinguished, othes and faith given, are none obliga 
tions equall to profit, which all men covet. Yet do they 

135 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE stil use both promising and othes, not to observe them, but 
THIRD the rather to deceive those, that trust them. And the more 
BOOKE easily and safely they can deceive, the more they account 
their praise and glory. For this reason, hurtfull men be 
commended as industrious, and good men blamed as foolish. 
Yea, I assure my selfe, that all corruption, or that can 
corrupt others, is to be found in the cities of Italy. The 
young men are idle, old men wanton, every sects, and every 
age full of lewde conditions : which good lawes, being evil 
used, do not amend. Hereof the covetousnes which we see 
in Citizens, and the desire, not of true glory, but of shame- 
full honors, do proceed : whereupon depend hatred, enmitie, 
displeasures, and sects. Also of them do follow murders, 
banishments, persecution of the good, and advancement of 
the evill. For good men trusting in their owne innocencie 
do not (as evil men) seeke extraordinary defence. Whereby 
unsupported and dishonoured, they are suffered to sinke. 
This example occasioneth love of the factions, and their 
forces : because the worst sort for covetousnesse and ambi 
tion, and the best for necessitie, do follow them. It is also 
worthie consideration (as that which is more perillous) to 
see how the leaders of these enterprises do colour their 
lewdnesse with some honest or godly tearme. For (albeit 
they are all enemies to libertie) yet under the word Ottimacy, 
or popularitie, they cloake their evill intent. Because the 
rewarde which they aspect of victorie, is not glorie, by 
having delivered the Cittie, but the satisfaction they take to 
be victorious, and usurpe the government thereof. Where 
with allured, there is nothing so unjust, nothing so cruell, 
or covetous, that they leave unattempted. Hereof it pro- 
ceedeth, that lawes, and statutes, not for the common, but 
the private profit, be made. Hereof it proceedeth, that 
warre, peace, and leagues, not for publike glory, but for the 
pleasure of a few, are contracted. And albeit some other 
Cities be touched with these disorders, yet none so fowly 
infected as ours. Because the lawes, the statutes, and civil 
ordinances, not according to a life in libertie, but according 
to desire of the faction victorious, have bene, and yet are, 
ordeined ; which is the cause that ever one faction driven 
out, or one division extinguished, sodeinly ariseth an other. 
136 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

For that citie which is mainteined more by faction, then THE 
law, so soone as anie faction hath gotten the over hand, and THIRD 
is without opposition : it must of force be, that the same BOOKE 
becommeth in it selfe divided. For by those private meanes 
which were made for preservation therof, it cannot be de 
fended : which to be true, the ancient, and moderne divisions 
of our citie do make triall. Everie man thought that the 
Ghibilini extirped, the Guelfi should ever have continued in 
honour. Notwithstanding within short time, the Bianchi 
and Neri arose. The Bianchi vanquished, our citie con 
tinued not long without partes, but was sometimes troubled 
with favouring those that were banished, and somtimes with 
the enmitie betwixt the people, and nobilitie. Yea, at 
length (giving that to others, which by accord either we 
would not or could not possesse our selves) sometimes to 
the King Roberto, sometimes to his brother, and last of all 
to the Duke of Athene, we yeelded our libertie. And in 
troth we never setled our selves in any estate, as men, that 
could not consent to live free, nor be willing to obey : 
neither feared we living under a King (so greatly are our 
orders disposed to division) to preferre before his majestic, 
a man of most base condition, born in Agobio. The Duke 
of Athene may not without shame of this citie be remem- 
bred : whose bitter and cruel mind might make us wise, 
and instruct us how to live. But he being sent away, we 
suddeinly tooke armes in hand, and with more malice and 
fury, fought among our selves, til all our auncient nobilitie 
were oppressed and left at the peoples discretion. Then 
was it thought by many, that never for any occasion it were 
possible to stir up new troubles or factions in Florence, they 
being cast down, whose pride and unsupportable ambition 
was the cause thereof. Yet is it now seene by experience, 
how easily the opinion of men is deceived. For the am 
bition and pride of the nobilitie was not quenched, but 
removed into the people : who now (according to the 
custome of ambitious men) hope to aspire to the most 
soveraigne offices. And not wanting other meane to usurpe 
the same, they moved new discords, and new divisions in the 
citie, raising up the name of Guelfi and Ghibilini, which, 
(had they never bene knowne) should have made our country 
S 337 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE the more happie. Besides that, (to the end in this world 
THIRD should be nothing in continuance or quietnes) Fortune hath 
BOOKE provided, that in every state, there should be certaine fatall 
families, borne, and destined, to the destruction thereof. Of 
these, our Common weale hath bene more then anie other, 
replenished. For not one, but many of them have disturbed 
the quiet therof. As, first of all the Buondelmonti and 
Uberti ; then the Donati and Circhi. And even now (a 
shamefull and ridiculous matter) the Ricci and Albizi do 
trouble and divide our Citie. We have not remembred you 
of those corrupt customes, and our continuall division, to 
dismay you, but call to your minds the occasions of them, 
and enforme you, that the example of those, should not 
make you to dispaire the reformation of these. Because 
the power of these auncient houses was so great, and the 
favour that Princes did beare towards them so much, that 
the lawes and civill ordinances were not of force sufficient 
to hold them in quiet and due obedience. But now the 
Empire having no force, the Pope not feared, and that all 
Italy, and this Citie also, is reduced to so great equalitie, as 
may by it self be governed, the difficultie cannot be much. 
And this our common weale (notwithstanding the ancient 
examples to the contrary) may not only be brought to 
union, but also in good customs and civil orders be reformed, 
if your lordships be disposed to do it. Wherunto, we moved 
with the love of our country, and no private passion, do 
persuade you. And albeit the corruption thereof be great, 
yet allaie that disease which infecteth, that furie which 
consumeth, that poyson that killeth : and impute the 
auncient disorders not to the nature of men, but the time : 
which being changed, it may hope, that by meane of new 
orders, new fortune will follow, whose frowardnesse may 
be by wisedome governed, in putting a bridle upon the 
ambitious, disanulling such ordinances, as were nourishers 
of factions, and using those that to a civill life and libertie, 
are agreeable. Be ye also pleased to do this by vertue of 
lawe, rather now, then deferre the same, till such time, as 
by armes you shall be enforced thereunto. 

The Senators moved with these reasons, which themselves 
had before considered, and thereunto adding the authoritie, 
138 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

and comfort of the men, gave commission to fiftie sixe THE 
Citizens, to provide for the safetie of the Common weale. THIRD 
True it is, that the counsell of many is more fit to con- BOOKE 
serve a good order, then to invent it. These Citizens then 
studied rather to extirpate the present factions, then take 
away the occasion of future division. In so much, as 
neither the one or the other, was brought to passe : because 
not removing the occasions of new division, and the one 
part of those factions which were present, being of greater 
force then the other, became the more perillous to the 
state. Wherefore, out of everie office (excepting those that New refor- 
were in the handes of the Guelfi) for three yeares they de- mation in 
prived three men of the families of Albizi, and three of the Florence - 
house of Ricci : amongst whom, were Piero delli Albizi, and 
Uguccione dei Ricci. They prohibited all Citizens to come 
into the Pallace, saving at such times as the Magistrates 
sate there. They provided, that who ever was striken, or 
letted to possesse his owne, might call his adversarie to the 
Counsels, and protest him for one of the Nobilitie. These 
ordinances discouraged the Ricci, and incouraged the Albizi. 
For although they were equally noted, yet the Ricci were 
the more injured. And albeit the Pallace of the Senate 
was forbidden to Piero, yet the counsell house of the Guelfi 
(where he had great authoritie) was open for him. There 
fore if he and his followers were at the first earnest in 
admonishing, now after this injurie, they became much more 
earnest: and to that evil disposition, new occasions were 
joyned. 

At this time Gregorio IT. was aspired to the Papacie, who Pope 
living at Avignion, did (as his predecessors) governe Italy 
by Legates. They being men inclined to pride and 
covetousnesse, had thereby greatly afflicted many Cities. 
One of these Legates being in Bologna, taking occasion 
of the dearth which happened that yeare in Florence, 
determined to make himselfe Lord of Toscana. And there 
fore he not onely withheld from the Florentines, present 
reliefe, (but also to remove all hope of future provision) at 
the beginning of the next spring, with a great Army, entered 
their Countrey : imagining the people (disarmed and 
famished) might be easily conquered. And happily the 

139 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE enterprise had taken effect, if the souldiers that served him, 
THIRD had bene faithfull and not corruptible. For the Florentines 
BOOKE not having other remedie, gave unto them 130 thousand 
Florins, and for that mony the souldiers abandoned the 
enterprise. To begin a warre, is in the power of everie 
man, but to end a warre, no man can, when himselfe so 
liketh. This warre by the ambition of the Legate begun, 
was by the offence of the Florentines followed. For the 
A new Com- better execution thereof, they made league with Barnabo, 
mission for and with all the cities enemies to the church ; and elected 
the govern- eight Citizens to govern the said war : unto whom authoritie 
ment of war. wag gj ven> j- o p rO ceed without appeale, and spend without 
account. This warre begun against the Pope (notwith 
standing the death of Uguccione) encouraged those that 
followed the faction of Ricci, and had against the Albizi 
alwaies favoured Barnabo, and disfavoured the church : and 
the more, for that the eight were all foes to the faction of 
Guelfi : which was the reason that Piero delli Albizi, Lapo 
di Castiglionichio, Carlo Strozzi, and the rest, diverse times 
joyned, to the offence of the adversarie. And while the 
eight made warre, and they admonished, the warre con 
tinued three yeares, and by death of the Pope was ended. 
This warre was with so universall satisfaction, and so great 
vertue governed, that the office of the eight, was from yeare 
to yeare continued in those men, and they were called 
Santi, notwithstanding they litle regarded the Popes 
curses, spoiled churches, and forced the Clergie. Thus 
without respect, they preferred the service of their country 
before the Popes indignation. And thereby taught the 
church, that as being friend thereunto, they had defended 
it, so being enemie, they were able to annoy it, having 
procured all Romagna, La Marca, and Perugia, to rebell. 
But notwithstanding all these warres made by the Floren 
tines against the Pope, yet could they not defende them 
selves from the Captaines of their owne factions and their 
followers. For, the envie which the Guelfi bare unto the 
eight, made them to become insolent, and though they 
spared the rest of the Nobilitie, yet rested they not to 
injure the eight. Also the Captaines of factions, were 
growne up to so great arrogancie, as they were more 
140 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

favoured then the Senators, and men with more reverence THE 
resorted to their houses, then to the Pallace. In so much THIRD 
as everie Embassadour that came to Florence, brought with BOOKE 
him some commission or instruction to entreate with these 
Captaines. 

Then died Pope Gregorio, whereby the citie being de- New tumults 
livered of forreine warre, presently begun great confusion in Florence, 
at home. For on the one side, the insolencie of the Guelfi 
was insupportable, and on the other side, no meane could 
be devised to oppresse them. Onely this hope was left, 
that everie man should take armes, and so make triall 
whether partie should prevaile. On the part of the Guelfi, 
were all the old Nobilitie, with the greater number of the 
mightiest people : of whom (as hath bene declared) Lapo, 
Piero, and Carlo were the chiefe. On the other side, were 
all the people of least reputation, who had for Leaders, the 
eight Governours of warre, Georgio Scali, Tomazo Strozzi, 
and with them the Ricci, Alberti, and Medici. The rest 
of the multitude (as in like cases it ever happeneth) joyned 
to the partie discontented. It seemed then to the Guelfi, 
that the forces of their adversaries were great, and there 
fore themselves in much daunger, whensoever any unfriendly 
Senate should happen to be chosen. Therefore thought 
good for the preventing of that mischiefe, to assemble them 
selves in some place convenient, where they might consult 
of the state of that Citie. For it seemed that the Citizens 
admonished, being in number growne great, the most part 
of the Citie were their foes. Whereto they could not devise 
other remedie, but as they had taken from them the 
honours, so also to banish them the Citie, take the Pallace 
by force, and reduce all the state, to the order wherunto 
it was by the auncient Guelfi reduced : who lived not secure 
for any other reason, but onely because they had driven out 
all their adversaries. To this plot everie man consented, 
but of the time of execution, they discented. 

The yeare 1378 being come, in the moneth of Aprill, 
Lapo thought good not to deferre the time saying, there 
was nothing that hindred time so much, as time : and then 
specially because in the next Senate, Salvestro de Medici 
was likely to be chosen Gonfaloniere, whom to their faction 

141 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE they knew most contrary. Piero delli Albizi thought other- 
THIRD wise, for his opinion was it should be deferred, because the 
BOOKE execution of their intent required forces, which without 
publishing of the matter could not be levied, and if the 
matter were discovered, they should therby incurre manifest 
daunger. His opinion therefore was, it should be delaied 
till the feast of S. John (then at hand :) at which time, 
many people would resort to the towne, among whome they 
might convey in unknowne, as many friendes as they thought 
good. Moreover, to finde meanes how to prevent the 
election of Salvestro, it was thought fit to admonish him : 
and if that devise seemed not good, then to put into the 
election an other also of the same quarter. So as, it might 
fall out, that in steed of him, some other of his companions 
should be chosen. This cause was set downe as a resolution, 
(notwithstanding that Lapo unwillingly thereunto, con 
sented) judging, delaie was dangerous, and that no time can 
be in everie respect fit for execution. For whosoever tarrieth 
all opportunities, either he shall never performe any thing, 
or if he doth, the same (for the most part) falleth out to 
The Conspi- his disadvantage. The Colledge was warned, and Salvestro 
racy revealed. no ^ repulsed, but chosen Gonfaloniere : for the eight having 
discovered the practise, found meanes to prevent that which 
was looked for. Thus Salvestro sonne of Alemanno di 
Medici, who being of a verie noble populer house, could 
not endure that the people should be by a few great men 
oppressed. And having devised how to end their insolencie, 
seeing the people favoured that enterprise, he did com 
municate his intent to Benedetto Alberti, Tomazo Strozzi, 
and Georgio Scali : and they promised to bring him all the 
aide they possibly could. Then was there a law secretly 
established, wherby the ordinances of justice against the 
great men were renewed : and the authoritie of Captains was 
diminished. The same also, restored power to the ad 
monished, to have restitution of their dignities. And 
because (as it were at one instant) they intended both to 
propound and obteine, having first to passe the Colledge, 
and after to determine in the Councels, finding Salvestro 
President (which place in those dayes, for the time being, 
made him be placed as Prince of the Citie) they caused the 
142 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

Colledge and Councell in one selfe morning to be assembled. THE 
And first to the Colledge onely, they propounded the lawe THIRD 
made, which as a new thing was by that small number BOOKE 
rejected. Whereby Salvestro, seeing his wings clipped, 
wherewith he hoped to ascend to his desire, fained for his 
necessitie to depart the place ; and contrarie to expectation, 
went to the Councell : and standing up where he might be 
both seen and heard of everie man, said : He thought The speech of 
himselfe made Gonfaloniere, not to determine of private Salvestro di 
causes, (which have their ordinary Judges) but to attend Medici, 
the state, correct the insolencie of the great men, and 
qualifie the rigor of those lawes, which were found by proofe 
to hinder the Common weale. And albeit he had with 
diligence travelled in these matters, and to his power pre 
vented all inconveniences, yet the sinister disposition of 
men, so greatly opposed it selfe to his just indevour, that 
the way of well doing was stopped : and their intent was 
altered, not onely from determining well, but also from 
hearing thereof. Wherefore, seeing that he could not do 
anie thing more for the state, or the common commoditie, 
he knew not to what end he should continue longer in that 
office, which either he deserved not, or (as it was thought 
of others) he would not hereafter deserve. For these re 
spects he intended to retire home, to the end the people 
might put in his roome, some other of more vertue, or 
greater fortune. 

This speech ended, he departed from the Councel] towards 
his house, such as were in the Councell his friends, with 
some others also desirous of Innovation, began to murmure. 
Then the Senators and Colledges drew neare, and finding 
their Gonfalone departing, by entreatie, and authoritie 
staied him, and into the Councell, (being full of tumult) 
perswaded him to returne, where many noble Citizens were 
with words most injurious, threatned. Among whom, Carlo 
Strozzi, was by an Artificer taken by the bozome, and had 
bene slaine, if the standers by had not saved him. But 
that which stirred the greatest tumult, and put the citie 
in armes, was the motion of Benedetto Alberti, who from 
the window of the Pallace, cried aloude to the people to 
take armes. Wherupon sodeinly all the Court was full of 

143 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE armed men. By that mean, the Colledges were forced by 
THIRD threatnings and feare, to do that which being desired they 
BOOKE would not. 

In the meane time, the Captaines of the factions had 
assembled many Citizens, and consulted how to defend them 
against the order of the Senators. But so soone as they 
heard the rumour appeased, and understood what was by the 
Councell resolved, everie man fled to his owne house. For 
there is no man that moveth any alteration in a Citie, that 
knoweth how either to worke it at his owne wil, or suppresse 
it, at his pleasure. It was the intent of Salvestro to create 
a law, and appease the Citie : but the matter fell out con- 
trarie. For the humours moved, had chaunged everie man 
so much, that the shoppes were shut up, Citizens were 
assailed at their houses, many conveyed their goods to 
Monasteries, and hid them in Churches, as though everie 
one looked for some miserie at hand. The companies of 
misteries assembled, and everie misterie elected a Sindaco. 
Then the Priori called their Colledges, and the Sindachi 
consulted with them, how the Citie might be made quiet, 
but their opinions being diverse, nothing was determined. 
The next day following, the misteries drew forth their 
Ensignes, which the Senators knowing, and doubting that 
which happened; called the Councels to put order: but 
ere they were all assembled, a tumult was begun, and 
presently the Ensignes were come out, followed by armed 
men to the Pallace. Thereupon the Councell to give hope 
of contentation to the misteries and the people, and take 
from them the occasion of suspition, gave generall authoritie 
to the Senate, the Colledges, the Eight, the Captaines of 
parts, and the Sindachi, to reforme the Cittie, for common 
commoditie thereof. 

While these matters were in hand, certaine of the En 
signes of misteries, with others of lesse qualitie (thereby 
moved by some that desired revenge of the last injuries 
received of the Guelfi) shrunke away from the rest, and 
went unto the house of Lapo di Castiglionichio, sacking 
and burning the same. He hearing that the Senate had 
done an enterprise contrarie to order taken by the Guelfi, 
and seeing the people in armes, having no other remedie, 
144 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

but either hide himselfe or flie ; first hid him in Santa THE 

Croce, and after in the habit of a Frier fled into Casentino : THIRD 

where he was heard complaine of himselfe, for consenting BOOKE 

to Piero delli Albizi ; and of Piero, for that he would needs 

deferre to assure the state, till the feast of S. Giovanni. 

But Piero and Carlo Strozzi, at the beginning of the uprore 

hid themselves, thinking that the brunt past, their friends 

and kinsfolkes were of force sufficient to continue them 

secure in Florence. The house of Lapo being sacked 

(because mischiefes are hardly begunne, and easily en- 

creased) many other houses (some for hate universall, and 

others by private displeasure) were also spoiled and burned. 

And the ministers of these mischiefes, to make their com- 

panie the more forcible, for the spoyling of other mens 

goods, brake the Gayles, and let forth the prisoners. They 

also sacked the Monasterie of Agnoli and S. Spirito, where 

many Citizens had bestowed their goods. Neither had the 

publique chamber of Florence escaped the hands of these 

disordered spoylers, if one of the Senators had not taken 

upon him the defence thereof; who on horsebacke followed 

with some armed men, resisted the furie of the multitude. 

This populer madnesse, partly by mediation of the Senate, 

and partly for that the night drew on, was appeased. The 

next day, the Balia restored favour to the Citizens admon- New refor- 

ished, with condition that within the next three yeares, mat ion in 

they should not be capable to exercise any office. They Florence - 

also disanulled the lawes made by the Guelfi, in prejudice 

of the Citizens. They proclaimed Lapo di Castiglionichio, 

and his companions Rebels, and with them diverse others 

hated of the multitude. 

After these resolutions, they published new Senators, 
among whom Luigi Guicciardini was Gonfaloniere : whereby 
hope was conceived, that all tumults wold cease, because 
they were holden quiet men and lovers of peace. Notwith 
standing the shops were kept shut, the Citizens still armed, 
and great watches throughout the citie charged. For which 
cause the Senators received not their office without the 
Pallace with the pompe accustomed, but within, not using 
any ceremonie at all. These Senators thought nothing so 
necessarie to be done at their entry into office, as to procure 

T 145 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE a peace in the citie, and therfore caused al armes to be laide 
THIRD downe, the shops to be opened, and the people of the 
BOOKE countrey (called thither in the favour of Citizens) to be 
dispatched away. They ordeined Guards in many places of 
the citie : so as if the Citizens admonished, could have lived 
content, the people had bene quiet. But they not willing 
to abide three yeares from honour, did finde meane, that for 
their satisfaction, the misteries againe assembled, and de 
manded of the Senate, that for the good of the citie and 
quiet thereof, no Cittizen might any more be admonished as 
a Ghibiline, either by the Senators, the Colledge, Captaine, 
or Consull. Moreover, they required new Imborsation to 
be made of the Guelfi, and the old to be burned. These 
demands were presently accepted, both by the Senate, and 
all other Councels : because thereupon it was supposed, all 
newe tumults would cease. But mans nature doth not 
onely content it selfe with his owne, but will also covet 
other mens, and be revenged. Those that hoped in the 
disorder, declared to the misteries that they should never 
be assured, unlesse many of their enemies were driven out, 
and oppressed. Which request being presented, the Senators 
called before them, the officers of misteries, and the Sindachi, 
to whom Luigi Guicciardini Gonfaloniere spake in manner 
following. 

The Oration If these Lordes, and I also, had not knowne the fortune 
of Luigi of this cittie, the custome whereof is, that so soone as it 

Guicciardini. hath made peace abroad, the warre within beginneth : we 
would have more marvelled at the tumuls passed, and there 
with have bene more greeved. But because things accus 
tomed, do bring with them lesse sorrow, we have endured 
these troubles with great patience, and the rather, for that 
they were begun, without any our default, and shall (we 
hope) end, as all others before have done, sith we have 
alreadie, in so many, and so great demands, satisfied you. 
Neverthelesse perceiving that you never rest contented, but 
still with new injuries seeke to disturbe your Citizens, and 
condemne them to newe banishments : of your dishonest 
dealings, our greevous sorrow groweth. And truly, if we 
had thought, that within the tearme of our government, 
this citie should have bene so troubled, we would either 
146 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

by voluntary or violent exile, have shunned these honors. THE 
But hoping to deale with men, in whom remained curtesie THIRD 
and love to their country, we willingly received these offices, BOOKE 
beleeving our clemencie should have suppressed your am 
bition. But, we now see by experience, that the more 
mildly we beare our selves towards you, the more proud ye 
are, and the more dishonest requests ye demand at our 
hands. This plainnesse of speech we use, not to offend you, 
but to remember you, for our meaning is, that others shall 
speake that which pleaseth you, and we that which is best 
for you. Tell us (we pray you) what is that, you can 
honestly more require at our hands ? You required that the 
authoritie should be taken from the captains of factions, 
and so it was. You desired the Imborsations should be 
burnt and new reformation made, to that we consented. 
You demanded the restitution of the admonished Citizens 
to their honors ; and they were restored. We have also at 
your entreatie pardoned those that burned houses, and 
robbed the churches. Yea for your satisfaction, we have 
sent into exile, many honourable and mightie Citizens. 
The great men also by your meanes are with new lawes 
brideled. What end will those your demands have ? Or 
how long will you abuse your libertie ? See ye not that we 
with more patience did endure to be victored, then you to 
be victorious ? Whither will these misdemeanours drawe 
this your citie? Do ye not remember that by like dis 
union, Castruccio a poore Citizen of Lucca, did oppresse it ? 
And the Duke of Athene, a private Captaine of your owne, 
did conquere it ? So long as it lived in union, the power of 
an Archbishop of Milan, and a Pope, could not prevaile 
against it : but after, a warre continued diverse yeares, 
abandoned the enterprise with shame. Why would ye 
then, that your own discord, should in peace bring this 
citie in bondage, which so many mightie enemies have 
(notwithstanding their warre) left free ? What profit shall 
you looke for by your division, other then servitude ? Or 
what commoditie will rise of the goods you have robbed, 
other then povertie ? For they are those, that by our 
industry have fed the citie : wherof being spoiled, it can no 
longer be nourished. And they that shall usurpe them, 

147 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE wil (as of things evil gotten) not know how to keep them. 
THIRD Wherof shal follow famine and povertie. I, and these Lords 
BOOKE commaund yee, and (if without indignitie we so may) 
earnestly praie you to staie your minds, and rest contented 
with those things which by us are ordeined. And whenso 
ever you desire anie new sute at our hands, seek the same 
civilly, and strive not with tumult and armes to obtaine it. 
For whatsoever you reasonably aske, will be graunted, and 
men evill disposed shal want occasion to oppresse our citie 
to your shame, and the ruine therof. 

These words (because they were true) greatly moved the 
citizens, and much they thanked the Gonfaloniere, for 
having performed the office of a good Lord and citizen, 
offering to obey, wherin so ever it should please him to 
command them. The Senators also, to give the occasion, 
did authorize two citizens of every principal office, togither 
with the Sindachi, to practise a reformation, to the common 
quiet, and report their doings to the Senate. While these 
New tumult matters were in hand, an other tumult arose, which troubled 
in Florence, the state more then the former. For the greater part, of 
the burning and spoyling in times past, were done by the 
basest sort of people, who notwithstanding that being alto- 
gither, they were audatious, yet they ever feared that the 
furie once past and appeased, they should receive punish 
ment for their defaults, or (as it often happened) be aban 
doned by those that encouraged them to the performance 
of the disorder. Whereunto was joyned a hatred of the 
base people, towards the rich Cittizens and heads of the 
mysteries, judging themselves not so well paide for their 
labours, as they had deserved. Because at such time as the 
cittie was first by Carlo divided into mysteries, and everie 
mysterie a head thereunto appointed, it was enacted that 
the subjects of everie mysterie should be in all civill matters 
judged by the head thereof. These mysteries (as we said 
before) were at the beginning twelve, afterwards encreased 
to 21, and they became of so great power, as in fewe yeares 
they had all the government of the Cittie. Also to the end 
there should be difference betwixt those that were more, 
or lesse honourable, they were divided, and seven of them 
were called great mysteries, and foureteene named the lesse 
148 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

mysteries. By these divisions, and some other occasions THE 
before recited, grew the insolencie of the Captaines of THIRD 
factions. Because those Cittizens which aunciently were BOOKE 
Guelfi (under whose government that office continued) did 
ever favour the people of the great mysteries : and per 
secuted the lesse mysteries with their protectors. Where- 
uppon followed all the tumults that we have rehearsed. 
And for that in ordering the bodies of the mysteries, many 
occupations exercised by diverse of the base people, anol 
common multitude had no place of their owne in the bodie 
of the mysteries : they were referred and put under some 
other mysteries like unto theirs. Whereof followed, that 
they either were not satisfied for their labours, or by their 
maisters oppressed, and so forced to complaine to the 
Magistrates, of those mysteries who governed them : at 
whose handes (as they thought) they received not that 
justice that to them belonged. Also that mysterie which had 
in it the greatest number, was the mysterie of wooll, which 
being of most force and authoritie, did nourish and enter- 
taine the greatest part of the multitude, and base people. 
The multitude then as well of the mysterie of wooll as 
others (for the cause before saide) was full of offence : there 
with remembring the burning and spoles by them committed, 
diverse times assembled in the night, and reasoning of 
matters past, everie man tolde other the daunger wherein 
they stoode. The one of them, a man of most audacitie 
and experience, to animate the rest, spake to this effect. 

If we were now to consult whether it be best to take A seditious 
armes, robbe the Cittizens, and spoile the churches, my persuation of 
selfe would thinke it a matter considerable, and happily 
should preferre a quiet povertie, before a perillous profit. 
But sith armes be alreadie taken, and many displeasures 
done, mee thinkes, it behoveth us not to let goe the advan 
tage, but seeke meane how to assure our selves. I certainly 
thinke, that if no man would therein advise us, yet necessitie 
alone might counsell us. You see all this citie full of dis 
pleasure and hatred against us. The Citizens do often 
assemble, and the Senate is alwaies accompanied with 
officers. You see they laie snares to entrap us, and prepare 
new forces to oppresse us. Therefore it standeth us upon 

149 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE to procure two things, and in our Councels to have two 
THIRD endes. The one, that for your late doings we may not be 
BOOKE punished, the other, that we may live with more libertie 
and satisfaction, then heretofore we have done. It behoveth 
therefore (as I thinke) that to obtaine pardon of all former 
faults, our best meane is to commit some new : doubling all 
our misdeeds, by burning, robbing, and spoiling, and therein 
to make many companions. For where many offend, none 
are punished, and small faults are chastised, but great and 
greevous offences be rewarded. Also where many are in 
jured, fewe do seeke revenge. Because universal displeasures, 
are with more patience, then particuler wrongs endured. 
Therefore the multiplying of mischiefes is the readiest way 
to forgivenesse, and the best meane to obtaine those things, 
which for our libertie are desired. Surely it seemeth, we 
go now to a certaine victorie : for as much as those, that 
should impeach us, be disunited and rich. Their disunion 
shall give us victorie, and their riches (being made ours) 
shall maintaine it. Let not the antiquitie of their bloud 
(wherof they so much boast) dismaie you : for all men 
having one beginning be equally auncient, and are by nature 
made all after one maner. Behold them naked, you shall 
finde them like to us, and let us be clad with their garments, 
and they with ours ; we shall assuredly seeme noble, and 
they of base condition : because only povertie and riches are 
those things, which make the disequalitie. It greeveth me 
to thinke, that many of you do in conscience repent things 
done, and intend to refraine doing the like. Surely it is 
true, that you are not those men, I thought you to be : for 
indeed, conscience, nor infamie ought to feare you, sith 
hee that winneth victorie, in what maner so ever it be, 
doth never receive shame thereof. As for conscience, none 
account is thereof to be made. For who so stand eth in 
feare of famine and prison, as you do, should not be daunted 
with dread of death and hell. And if we consider the maner 
of mens proceedings, we shall find, that all those who have 
gained great riches or glorie, either by fraude or force are 
aspired. And those thinges, which they have either by 
craft or violence obteined, (to cloake the infamie of their 
theft, and make it seeme honest) do call the same purchase. 
150 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

Yea, whosoever for want of wit, or rather plaine folly, doth THE 

not follow this course, either sinketh in servitude, or THIRD 

perisheth in povertie. For in troth faithfull subjects are BOOKE 

slaves, and good men be still plagued with want. Such 

as escape bondage, be the most faithlesse, and audatious ; 

and they that shunne lacke, be onely covetous persons, or 

craftie. For God and nature have laide fortune before all 

men; of whom we see more enclined to robberie then 

industry : and more to the bad, then to good actions 

disposed. Hereof it commeth, that one man eateth an 

other, and he that can do least, must suffer most. You 

ought therfore to use force when occasion is offered : which 

can be at no time more then now. The Citizens are divided, 

the Senate fearefull, and the Magistrates dismayed. So 

that before they can be united, and resolved, it is most 

easie for us to oppresse them. By which oppression, we 

shall either become wholly Princes of the citie, or at the 

least, owners of so much, as we shall thereby, not onely 

have pardon of passed errors, but also authoritie to threaten 

new. I confesse this resolution is bold and daungerous, but 

where necessitie pincheth, desperation is judged wisedome. 

And in great enterprises, valiant men account not of perill : 

because those attempts which begin with daunger, do end 

with glorie. Also from one daunger men do not escape, 

but by hazarding an other. I likewise thinke that sith we 

see the prisons, torments, and death prepared for us, we 

ought rather feare to stand still, then seeke to assure our 

selves : for by the one, the mischiefe is certaine, by the 

other doubtfull. How often have I heard you complaine 

upon the covetousnesse of your superiors, and the injustice 

of your Magistrates ? Now is the time not onely to be 

delivered from them, but also to become so much their 

superiors, as they shall have more occasion to feare you, 

then you them. The opportunitie which this occasion 

offereth, doth passe, and being past, cannot be called 

againe. You see the prepare of your adversaries, let us 

prevent their intention. For which so ever of us do first 

take armes, shall no doubt be victorious, with ruine of the 

enemie, and advancement of himselfe. Thus may many of 

us gaine glorie, and everie man enjoy securitie. 

151 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE These perswasions greatly kindled their minds, alreadie 

THIRD warmed with desire of mischief. In so much as they resolved 
BOOKE to take armes, and the rather, having drawne unto them 
more companions of their disposition : whome by oath they 
bound to helpe them when any should happen by the Magis 
trates to be oppressed. While these men prepared to 
surprise the state, their intent was discovered to the Senators, 
who had in hand one called Simone, of whom they under 
stood all the conspiracy, and that the next day they ment 
to make a tumult : which perill perceived, the Colledges 
did assemble, and with the Sindachi practised to unite the 
citie, but before everie man was come, the night drew on. 
Then were the Senators advised to send for the Consuls of 
mysteries, who being togither, agreed that all men of warre 
within Florence should be warned to appeare : and the 
Gonfaloniere, the morning following with their companies 
to be armed in the Market place. At such time as Simone 
was tormented, and the Cittizens assembling, one called 
Nicholo da San Friano, kept the clocke of the Pallace, who 
being aware of that businesse in hand, beganne to spread 
rumours among his neighbours, so assuddeinly in the Market 
place of Santo Spirito, more then a thousand armed men 
were assembled. These newes came to the eares of the 
other conspirators, and San Piero Maggiore, and San 
Lorenzo (places by them appointed) were full of men armed. 
By that time day appeared, which was the twentie one of 
July. At which houre, came not to the Market place in 
favoure of the Senate, above eightie men of armes, and of 
the Gonfaloniere, not one : for they hearing the Cittie was 
all in Armes, feared to leave their houses. 

The first of the multitude that came to the Market 
place, were those that assembled at San Piero Maggiore : 
for whose comming the men of Armes remooved not. Then 
the rest of the multitude came, and finding no resistance, 
with a terrible crie demaunded of the Senate to enlarge the 
prisoners, and not seeing them delivered upon that threat- 
ning, sought by force to have them, and set fire on the 
house of Luigi Guicciardini. Whereupon the Senate, for 
avoyding a worse inconvenience, delivered the prisoners. 
Having obteined this demaund, they remooved the Gon- 
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NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

falone della Giustitia from the Esecutore, and under him THE 

burned the houses of many Citizens, persecuting those, that THIRD 

either for publique or private occasion was hated. Also BOOKE 

manie Cittizens to revenge private inj uries, brought them to 

the houses of their enemies. For it sufficed that anie one 

man cried, let us goe to such a place, or holding the Gon- 

falone by the hande, looked that way. They likewise burned 

all the writings belonging to the mysterie of wooll. Thus 

having committed manie evilles, to accompanie them with 

some lawdable deede : they made Salvestro de Medici, and 

diverse other Knightes, to the number of three score and 

foure. Among whom, were Benedetto and Antonio degli 

Alberti, Tomazo Strozzi, and such others their trustie 

friends, yet were some of them enforced thereto. In which 

accident, more then any other thing, it is to be noted, that 

some of them whose houses they burned, were in the same 

day (so neare was the benefit to the inj urie) made knightes : 

which experience was seene in Luigi Gonfaloniere della 

Giustitia. 

The Senators amidst these tumults, finding themselves 
abandoned by the men of armes, grew doubtful of the heads 
of the mysteries, and their Gonfalonieri : for none of them 
according to order given, came to the rescue. And of 
sixteene Gonfaloni, onely the Ensigne of the golden Lyon, 
and that of the Cowe and Calfe, with Giovanni Cambini, 
appeared. And they also tarried not long in the Market 
place, because they were not followed by the rest. On the 
other side, the Citizens seeing the furie of the unbrideled 
multitude, and the Pallace abandoned, some remained in 
their houses, others followed the troupes of armed men, 
hoping the rather to save their owne houses and defend 
their friends. By meane whereof the power of the people 
encreased, and the forces of the Senate diminished. This 
tumult continued all that day, and the night being come, 
at the Pallace of Stephano behinde the Church of S. Barnabo, 
it staled. The number of these men passed sixe thousand. 
And before the day appeared, the next morning they caused 
by threatning the mysteries to send for their Ensignes. 
Then came foorth the Gonfalone della Giustitia, and ac 
companied with the Ensignes of the mysteries, went to 

U 153 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE the Pallace of the Podesta: who denying to yeelde the 
THIRD possession of that house, they fought with him, and at 
BOOKE length wanne that place. 

The Senate desirous to make composition with them, 
sith by force they could not appease them, called three of 
their Colledges, and sent them to the Pallace of the Podesta, 
to understand the intent of the people : who founde, that 
the heades of the multitude with the Sindachi of the 
mysteries, and some other Citizens, had determined what 
should be required of the Senate. So as, they accompanied 
with foure of the people specially appointed, returned with 
Demaunds of these demaundes. First that the mysterie of wooll, might 
the People. not from that time foorth have anie straunger for their 
Judge. That three new corporations of mysteries should 
be erected : one to conteine the Carders and Diars ; the 
second to conteine the Barbars, Hosiers, and some other 
mechanicall Artes; and the third, for the poore people. 
Also, that of these three newe mysteries, there should be 
two of the Senate : and of the foureteene lesse mysteries, 
three. That the Senate should provide houses for the 
meetings and assemblies of these newe corporations. That 
no man within these bodies corporate, should within two 
yeares, be constrained to paie anie debt of lesse summe then 
two duckets. That the banckes should take no prejudice, 
but the principall onely to be restored. That all men 
banished or condemned, should be called home. That all 
the Cittizens admonished, should be admitted to their 
honours. Many other things in the favour of their private 
friends they demanded : and likewise the contrarie, that 
many their enemies might be confined and admonished. 
All which demaundes notwithstanding they were dishonest 
and unfit for the state : yet for feare of worse, were by the 
Senators, Colledges, and people graunted. Also to the end 
they might receive full perfection, it behoved to have them 
allowed by the common Councell. And (because in one 
day two Councels could not be assembled) that consulta 
tion of force was deferred til the next day. In the meane 
time, it was thought good, that the mysteries and people 
shuld rest content and satisfied, they promising, that so 
soon as the law were in perfection, all tumults shuld cease. 
154 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

The next morning while the common councel debated the THE 
matter, the multitude impatient and voluble, under their THIRD 
ensigns went to the market place, shouting and crying so BOOKE 
terribly, that all the Councel and the Senat were dismaid. 
Wherupon Gueriante Marignuolo, one of the Senators 
(mooved rather with feare then any other private passion) 
under colour to keepe the gate, went downe and fled to his 
house : yet could he not so secretly passe, but was by the 
multitude knowne. Otherwise they did him no injurie, 
then crie out saying, that the Senate would all abandon the 
Pallace, unlesse their children were slaine, and their houses 
burnt. In the meane space, the lawe was made, and the 
Senators returned to their chambers. Also the Councell 
came downe and staied in the Galleries and Courts without 
going further, as men dispairing of the citie, either because 
they perceived so great dishonestie and frowardnesse in the 
multitude, or so great cowardice in others, who had power 
to oppresse, or at the least, to allaie the rage of these 
tumults. The Senators were also amazed, and dispairing 
of their countrey, beheld one of their company fled, and no 
other Cittizen that would either assist them with force or 
counsell. Therefore they resolved of that they could, being 
incertaine what else they should do. 

Tomazo Strozzi, and Benedetto Alberti, either mooved 
with private ambition, desiring to be onely Lords of the 
Pallace, or else because they so thought best, perswaded 
the others to give place to this populer furie, and as private 
men returne home to their houses. This counsell given by 
those that were heads of the tumult (notwithstanding that 
the rest gave place) made Alamanno Acciaivoli, and 
Nicholo del Bene, (two of the Senate) to become offended. 
Yet after being come to themselves, they said ; that if other 
men would depart, they could not let them : but for them 
selves, they would not go, till their time appointed, unlesse 
that with their authoritie they did also loose their lives. 
These contrarieties of opinion, doubled the dispaire of the 
Senate, and the peoples offence. In so much as, the Gon- 
faloniere, desiring rather to end his office with shame, then 
perill, resigned the same to Tomazo Strozzi, who led him 
from the Pallace, and conducted him to his house. The 

155 



THE 
THIRD 
BOOKE 

The Gover- 
ment gained 
by the multi 
tude. 
Michele 
Lando. 



Ordinaunces 
of Michele 
Lando. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

other Senators in like maner, one after an other, went 
home. Then Alamanno and Nicholo, to shew no more 
courage then wisdome, seeing themselves left alone, de 
parted also : whereby the Pallace remained in the hand of 
the multitude and the eight governours for the warre, who 
had not given up their offices. At such time as the people 
entred the Pallace, one Michele di Lando, a Carder of 
wooll, bare the Ensigne of the Gonfaloniere Giustitia, hee 
being bare legged and raggedly apparrelled, followed with 
the multitude, went up the staires, and being come to the 
presence of the Senators, staied, and turned himselfe to the 
multitude, saying ; Doo you not see that this Pallace and 
this cittie is yours, and in your hands ? what doo you now 
thinke good to doo ? Whereto everie man aunswered, that 
hee should be Gonfaloniere, and Lorde to dispose, and 
governe the cittie as himselfe thought good. 

Michele accepted his authoritie, for hee was indeede a 
man verie wittie, and more bounde to Nature, then Fortune. 
Then hee determined to appease the cittie, and staie the 
tumults : also to hold the people occupied, and winne him 
selfe time to give order, commaunded one Ser Nuto, to be 
searched out, who had bene by Lapo Castiglionichio, ap 
pointed a Serjeant. To the execution of which service, the 
greater number of those that were present did goe. Then 
to begin that government with justice, which by favoure of 
the multitude was given him, he commanded by proclama 
tion, that no man should steale or take injustly from an 
other. And the rather to terrific all men, hee erected a 
Gibbet in the Market place ; he displaced the Sindachi of 
mysteries, and made new; he deprived the Senate and 
Colledges, and burned the Borsi. In the mean time Ser 
Nuto was by the multitude brought into the market place 
and there hanged by one foote. Every man with his sword 
cut him in pieces, til at length there remained not any 
thing but his foote. On the other side, the eight gover 
nours for the war (supposing themselves by the departure 
of the Senators, to be only Lords of the citie) appointed 
new Senators: which Michele knowing, sent one to tell 
them, they should presently depart the Pallace, because 
hee would let all men understand, that hee alone without 

156 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

their counsell could governe Florence. That done, he THE 
caused the Sindachi of mysteries to assemble, and created THIRD 
foure Senators of the base multitude, two of the great BOOKE 
mysteries, and two of the lesse. Moreover he made new 
Squittini ; dividing the state into three parts, commaund- 
ing that the one should belong to the new mysteries, the 
second to the lesser, and the third to the great mysteries. 
Hee gave unto Salvestro de Medici, the rentes of the houses 
uppon the olde bridge. To himselfe the Podesteria of 
Empoli : and on many other his friends of the multitude, 
he bestowed benefits : many others at his hand received 
pleasure and were restored to their owne, not so much for 
their good as that he might the rather be by them, from 
the envie of time defended. Then it seemed to the poore 
multitude, that in this reformation of the state, the better 
sorte of people were too much partakers thereof: and they 
not to have therein so much authoritie as to defend them 
selves, if neede should require. Wherefore set on with The multi- 
their accustomed boldnesse, they tooke armes againe, and tude offended 
uniting themselves under their Ensignes came anew into with Michele 
the Market, demaunding of the Senators to come downe to j awes> 
the Ringhiera, and consult of new matters concerning their 
securitie and good. 

Michele seeing their arrogancie, (yet not to move them 
to more offence, without asking what they would) blamed 
the maner of their demaunding, and perswaded them to laie 
downe armes, saying, that should be graunted unto them, 
which with the gravitie of the Senate through force, might 
not be graunted. The multitude with that offended, as 
sembled neare the Pallace of S. Maria Novella, where among 
themselves they appointed eight heades with their officers 
and orders, which gave them reverence and reputation. So 
as, the citie had two places of state, and was by two diverse 
officers governed. These heads determined among them, 
that ever eight, named by the bodie of the Mysteries, 
should dwell in the Pallace with the Senate, and whatsoever 
the Senators should determine, must be by them confirmed. 
They tooke from Salvestro de Medici and Michele, all that, 
which in their former Councels was given them. They ap 
pointed many new officers, and allowances for their degrees. 

157 



THE 
THIRD 
BOOKE 



Michele 

Lando 

victorious. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

These appointments taken, to make them the more assured, 
they sent two of them to the Senate, to require their con 
sent, intending, that if that were not graunted, that then 
by force they would have it. Those messengers, with great 
audacitie and more presumption, declared their Commis 
sion to the Senate: and told the Gonfalone what honour 
and authoritie they had given him, and with what in 
gratitude and small respect at his hand, they were reacquited. 
At length falling from words to threatnings, Michele could 
no longer endure such arrogancy. But remembring more 
the place hee occupied, then the basenesse of his late estate, 
thought meete by extraordinary meane, to bridle an extra 
ordinary insolency ; and drawing forth the sword he ware, 
hurt one of these messengers : and after caused him to be 
bound and imprisoned. This being knowne, greatly offended 
the multitude, and hoping to winne that by force, which 
unarmed they could not, presently tooke armes with great 
furie, and marched towards the Senators, with intent to com- 
pell them. Michele on the other side, doubting that which 
followed, determined to prevent them, and imagining it 
more for his glorie to assault others, then tarry within and 
be assaulted, and so like to his predecessors be forced with 
shame of the Pallace to flie away : did assemble a great 
number of Cittizens, who (having well advised themselves 
of their errours) mounted on horsebacke, and being followed 
by many armed men, went to Santa Maria Novella, to fight 
with the enemy. The people having (as wee before declared) 
made the like determination, almoste at the same time 
marched to the Market place : but it happened that the 
one passed by one streete, and the other by an other, so as 
by the way they met not. Michele being returned backe, 
founde the Market place taken, and the Pallace assaulted : 
hee therefore suddeinly charged the enemies and overthrew 
them. Some were forced to flie, others cast downe their 
weapons, and some hid themselves. This victorie gotten, 
the tumult was appeased, onely through the vertue of the 
Gonfaloniere, who for courage, wisdome, and integritie, 
excelled all the Citizens of that time, and is to be numbred 
among those few that have profitted their country. For 
had he bene of evil disposition or ambitious, the common 
158 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

weale had utterly lost the libertie therof, and should have THE 
fallen into a greater tyrannic then that of the Duke of THIRD 
Athene : but the bountie of Lando was such, as suffred no BOOKE 
thoght to enter his mind that might be prejudiciall to the 
universall quiet. His wisedom directed all things, so as 
many of his fellow ship gave him place, and his adversaries 
by force of armes were oppressed. Which maner of pro 
ceeding, caused the multitude to stand dismaied, and the 
better sort of Artificers to looke about them, and thinke how 
great their shame was, having oppressed the great mens 
pride, to endure the populer dregs. 

At such time as Michele obteined this victorie against 
the multitude, a new Senate was chosen, wherin were two 
men of so vile and unworthie condition, as every man 
desired to be acquit of that great infamie. When these 
officers were created (which was the first day of September) 
the Market place was full of armed men. So soone as the 
olde Senators came out of the Pallace, there was a brute 
given out among the armed men, that they would not, that 
any of the base people should be of the number of Senators. 
Whereupon the Senate for their satisfaction deprived two, 
the one called Tira, the other Baroccio, in whose roomes, 
they placed Georgio Scali, and Francesco di Michele. They 
also deposed the mysteries of the base people, and all 
officers, excepting Michele Lando, Lorenzo di Puccio, and a 
fewe others of the better sort. They divided the honours 
into two parts, allotting the one, to the greater mysteries, 
the other to the lesse. Of the Senate, they willed there 
should be ever five of the lesse mysteries, and foure of the 
great. And the Gonfaloniere to be chosen sometimes of 
the one, and sometimes of the other. The state thus 
ordeined for the present, appeased the citie. And albeit 
the government was taken away from the base people, yet 
the Artificers of meanest condition, remained more mightie 
then the populer Nobilitie, who were forced to give place, 
to winne from the base people the favoure of the mysteries, 
and content them : which was also favoured, by such as 
desired that those should be oppressed, who under the 
name of Guelfi, had with great insolencie injured many 
Cittizens. Among others that allowed this manner of 

159 



THE 
THIRD 
BOOKE 



New division 
in Florence. 



Divers great 

Cittizens 

accused. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

government, Georgio Scali, Benedetto Albert!, Salvestro di 
Medici, and Tomazo Strozzi were made as Princes of the 
citie. These matters thus proceeding and handled, the 
division alreadie begunne betwixt the populer Nobilitie, 
and the meane Artificers, through ambition of Ricci and 
Albizi, became confirmed. Whereof (because afterwardes 
followed greevous effects, and of them we shall be often 
occasioned to speake) we will call the one populer, the 
other plebeiall. The state continued thus three yeares, 
full of banishments and murthers. For they that governed, 
knowing there were both within and abroade, manie evill 
contented, did live in great suspition. The Cittizens within 
discontented, either they continually attempted some newe 
practise, or devised with themselves how they might do it. 
And those that lived without, having no bridle, by meane 
of some Prince or some Common weale, here and there, 
sowed sedition. 

At this time Giannozzo di Salerno, Lieutenant to Durazzo, 
descended of the Kings of Napoli, hapned to be at Bologna, 
intending to assault the kingdom, and take the same from 
Queene Giovanna. At the same time also were in Bologna 
many banished Florentines, who with the Pope and with 
Carlo, practised diverse things : which was the cause, that 
they who governed in Florence did live in great suspition, 
and gave credit easily to the slaunders of those Citizens 
that were suspected. During this doubtfull time, it was 
revealed to the Magistrates, that Giannozzo of Salerno, 
should with the banished men present himselfe before 
Florence, and that many within would take armes and 
deliver the citie to his hand. Upon this report many were 
accused, the chiefe of whom, were Piero delli Albizi, and 
Carlo Strozzi : and next to them the Cipriani Giaccomo 
Sacchetti, Donati Barbadori, Filippo Strozzi, and Giovanni 
Anselini : who were all taken, saving Carlo Strozzi, that 
fled. And the Senate, to the end none should take armes 
in their favour, appointed Tomazo Strozzi, and Benedetto 
Alberti, with many armed men to guard the citie. These 
Citizens were apprehended and examined, but the accusa 
tion and their answere conferred togither, no fault was in 
them found : Insomuch that the Captaine not willing to 

160 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

condemne them, their enemies in the meane space moved THE 

the people to mutinie, and by force they were judged to THIRD 

death. Neither was Piero degli Albizi any whit favoured, BOOKE 

either for the greatnesse of his house, or for that long time 

he had in the citie more reputation then any other, and 

had bene there more honoured and feared. During his 

prosperitie, some friend of his, either to perswade him to 

curtesie in his greatnesse, or else some enemie to threaten 

him with the inconstancie of fortune : at such time as hee 

made a solemne banquet to diverse Citizens, sent him a 

silver dish full of Comfits, and in those Comfits was hidden 

a naile; which being founde and scene of diverse his guestes, 

it was imagined, that thereby he should remember to staie 

the wheele : because fortune having set him on the height 

thereof (the wheele keeping course) must needes cast him 

downe. Which interpretation, was first by his decaie, and 

after by his death verified. 

After this execution, the citie remained full of confusion, 
because both the victored, and the victorious stood in feare : 
but the worst of all was, that the governours themselves 
lived in continuall suspition. For everie accident were it 
never so litle, made them to do new injuries to the factions, 
condemning, admonishing, and sending the Citizens into 
exile. Whereunto they joyned new lawes, and new orders, 
many times made, onely to fortifie their authoritie. All 
which was done to the injurie of them who were to their 
faction suspected. And they created fortie sixe men, who 
with the Senate should discover men suspected to the state. 
These officers admonished thirtie nine Citizens, making 
many populer persons great men, and many great men, 
populer. Also, the rather to withstand all external forces, 
they enterteined John Aguto, an English Captain, who, in 
those daies, was accounted of great experience in the war, 
and had long served the Pope and others in Italy. The 
suspition abroad proceeded of intelligence given, how certain 
companies of men at armes belonging to Carlo Durazzo, 
were put in readinesse, to assault the kingdome. Among 
whom, (as was reported) were many banished Florentines. 
For the meeting with those perils, besides the ordinarie 
forces, a summe of mony was provided. 

X 161 



THE 
THIRD 
BOOKE 

The Queene 
of Napoli 
taken 
prisoner. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

Carlo arrived in Arezzo, received of the Florentines fortie 
thousand Duckets, promising not to molest them. After 
that time, he atchived his enterprise, and happily surprized 
the kingdome of Napoli, tooke the Queen Giovanna, and 
sent her prisoner into Hungary. Which victorie encreased 
a new suspition of those that in Florence feared the state. 
Because they could not beleeve that their money should do 
more with the King, then the auncient friendship, which 
that house had with the Guelfi, who with manifold injury, 
had bene by him oppressed. These suspitions encreasing, 
encreased also the injuries, which did not decrease, but 
multiply them. By meanes whereof, the greater number of 
them lived much discontented, which discontent grew the 
greater by the insolency of Georgio Scali, and Tomazo 
Strozzi : whose authoritie prevailed more then the Magis 
trates : and everie man feared, least they beeing followed 
with the people, would oppresse them. In so much as, 
that, not onely the good men, but also the seditious sort, 
accounted that government tyrannicall and violent. But 
to the end, that the insolencie of Georgio should at length 
take end it fortuned that hee became accused of one 
Giovanii Cambio, his companion : having (as he said) 
practised diverse waies against the state : yet upon examina 
tion, was found guiltlesse by the Captaine. So as then, the 
Judge went about to punish the accuser with that punish 
ment, which the partie accused should have suffered, had he 
bene found faultie. And Georgio, neither with sute nor 
authoritie, able to save him, went with Tomazo Strozzi, and 
the multitude armed to deliver him by force. At which 
time, they sacked the Captaines Pallace, and forced him 
(for safetie of his person) to hide himselfe, which action 
filled the citie with so much hatred towards him, that 
thereby his enemies hoped to overthrow him, and take the 
citie both from him, and the plebeyall people also : who 
through presumption, had usurped the same three yeares. 
Thereof also the Captaine gave great occasion ; for he (the 
tumult ceased) went to the Senate, and said, that as he had 
willingly taken upon him, that, whereto their Lordships 
had elected him, because therein he hoped to serve just 
men, readie to take armes, in the favoure, not in the 
162 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

prejudice of justice: so seeing he had scene and knew the THE 
government of the citie, and the maner of life therein ; that THIRD 
office which he willingly tooke in hand for his profit and BOOKE 
honour, as willingly there he would yeeld the same up to 
shunne the perill, and losse that might thereof follow. The 
Captaine was by the Senators comforted, and promised 
reparation of former losses and future securitie. Then 
certaine of them, togither with some Cittizens, who were 
holden lovers of the Common weale, and men least sus 
pected, concluded that a good opportunitie was offered to 
take the citie from Georgio, and the multitude. By reason, 
that through that his late insolencie, the Citizens were 
greatly alienated from him : and was therefore good to 
execute that intent, before the offended mindes of the 
multitude were reconciled. For well they knew, that the 
favoure of the multitude upon every trifling accident is 
gotten and lost. Judging moreover, that for the bringing 
this enterprise to effect, it behoved them to winne the good 
will of Benedetto Alberti, without whose consent the action 
seemed dangerous. This Benedetto was a man exceeding Benedetto 
rich, curteous, grave, a lover of the libertie of his country, Alberti. 
and such a one, as much misliked the tyrannous proceedings 
of the time. By meane whereof, it was easie both to 
appease him, and also perswade him to the destruction of 
Georgio. For, the occasions, which made him enemy to 
the populer Nobilitie and Guelfi, and friend to the multi 
tude, was their insolencie, and their tyrannous maner of 
government. And, seeing that the heads of the multitude, 
were become of like insolencie, he would likewise leave 
them, as one that would not consent to the injuries by them 
done to many Citizens. So in conclusion, those reasons 
which induced him to take part with the people, did also 
perswade him to leave them. 

Benedetto and the heads of the Arts thus drawne to 
favoure the populer Nobilitie, tooke armes, apprehended 
Georgio, and Tomazo fled away. The next day after, 
Georgio was beheaded, to so great terror of his partie, as Georgio Scali 
no man moved in his favour, though every man went to beheaded, 
behold his ruine. He being brought to die, complained 
of those people, that lately had adored him, and lamented 

163 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE his own hard fortune, and the malignitie of the Citizens, 
THIRD who having wrongfully injured him, were forced to favoure, 
BOOKE and honour the multitude, wherin was neither trust nor 
grautuitie. And knowing Benedetto Alberti among the 
rest, of the armed men, said unto him ; And thou Benedetto 
doest consent to see me here so injured, as if I were where 
thou art, I would not suffer thee : but I do prognosticate, 
that as this day is the end of my miserie, so is the same the 
beginning of thy destruction. He complained moreover of 
himselfe, for having too much trusted to the people, whom 
everie voice, everie action, and every suspition moveth and 
corrupteth. With these lamentations he ended his life, 
amidst his enemies armed, and rejoycing at his death. 
Shortly after, certaine other his nearest friends were slaine, 
and drawne in the streetes by the people. The death of 
this Citizen troubled all the citie; for at the execution 
thereof, many tooke armes in favoure of the Senate and 
Captaine of the people. Many other, either for their owne 
ambition, or suspition, did the like. Also the citie being 
full of diverse humors, everie man had his diverse intent : 
which hee desired to execute before armes were layd downe. 
The olde Nobilitie (called great men) could not endure to 
see themselves deprived of the publique honours : and 
therefore with all studie laboured to recover them, liking 
well that authoritie should be restored to the Captaines of 
factions. To the populer Nobilitie, and the greater mysteries 
it was offensive, that the state was participated with the 
lesse mysteries, and base people. On the other side, the 
lesse mysteries desired rather to encrease then diminish 
their dignities. And the poore people, feared to forgo 
their Colledges. Which diversitie of mindes, made con 
tinually in Florence tumults to arise, for the space of one 
yeare. Sometimes the great men, sometimes the chiefe 
mysteries, sometimes the lesse, togither with the multitude, 
and sometimes altogithers, at one instant in diverse places 
were armed. Whereof ensued among themselves, and with 
the souldiers of the Pallace, diverse conflicts. 

The Senate, sometimes by giving place, and sometimes 
by fighting, sought all they could to remedie that mischiefe. 
Insomuch as, in the end, and after two consultations, and 
164 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

two Balie, for reformation of the citie, and after many THE 
harmes, many travels, and many great perils, a government THIRD 
was setled : whereby were revoked, all those that before, BOOKE 
and sith Salvestro de Medici was Gonfaloniere, had bene New refor- 
confmed. All priviledges and provisions, were taken away mation in 
from those to whome they had bene given by the Balia Florence - 
of 78. All honours were restored to the Guelfi. The two 
new mysteries were discorporated, and either of those re 
mitted under the auncient mysteries. The Gonfaloniere di 
Guistitia, was taken away from the lesse mysteries, and they 
reduced to be partakers of halfe the third part of the 
honours, and of those the best were taken from them. So 
that, the faction of populer Nobilitie and Guelfi, recovered 
the government, and the multitude lost their authoritie, 
which they had holden from the yeare 1378 til 81 at which 
time, this alteration happened : neither was this govern 
ment lesse injurious towards the Citizens, nor more mild, 
then was that of the multitude. For so many of the 
populer Nobilitie were confined, as had bene noted to be 
defenders thereof, togither with a great number of the 
principall men of the multitude. And among them, Michele Michele 
Lando ; whose former authoritie and good deserts, could La,ndo 
not in this time of populer furie, save him. His country confined - 
therfore, for many good merits, was to him unthankful!. 
Into which errour, because many Princes and Common 
weales do fall, is the cause, that men uppon like examples 
terrified, before they feele the smart of their governors 
ingratitude, do first offend them. These exilements and 
these slaughters did displease, and ever had displeased 
Benedetto Alberti, and he both publiquely, and privately, 
blamed them. For which cause, the Lords of the state 
feared him, as chiefe friend to the multitude, and thought 
him consenting to the death of Georgio Scali : not because 
his doings did offend him, but to be alone in the govern 
ment. Besides that, his words and workes did encrease the 
suspition, which made that side which governed, to keepe 
eye upon him, and watch opportunitie to oppresse him. 
The citie living in these tearmes, the actions abroad were 
of no great importance. For if any thing were done, it 
proceeded of feare, by reason that Lodovico di Angio came 

165 



THE 
THIRD 
BOOKE 

Carlo di 
Angio, come 
into Italy. 



The death of 
Carlo di 
Angio. 



Benedetto 
Alberto sus 
pected and 
envied. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

then into Italy, to restore the kingdom e of Napoli to the 
Queene Giovanna, and remoove Carlo Durazzo. The 
passage of this Prince, greatly amazed the Florentines ; for 
Carlo (according to the custome of old friends) demaunded 
of them aide, and Lodovico (like unto him that seeketh 
new friends) desired them to stand neutrall. Whereupon 
the Florentines to seeme willing to content Lodovico, and 
aide Carlo, discharged Giovanni Aguto, and procured Pope 
Urbano to entertaine him : which subtiltie was easily by 
Lodovico discovered, and for the same held himselfe much 
injured by the Florentines. During the warre betwixt 
Lodovico and Carlo in Puglia, new forces came from France 
in the favoure of Lodovico, who arrived in Toscana, were 
by the banished men of Arezzo brought into that citie : 
where they removed the faction, which governed for Carlo : 
intending also to have chaunged the state of Florence, as 
they had altered Arezzo. Then died Lodovico, wherby the 
affaires of Puglia and Toscana varied Fortune. For Carlo 
assured himselfe of the kingdome, which was well neare 
lost. And the Florentines mistrusting the defence of 
Florence, recovered Arezzo and bought it, of those souldiers 
which kept it, for Lodovico. 

Carlo then being assured of Puglia, went to take posses 
sion of Hungheria, which was by inheritance descended 
unto him, leaving his wife in Puglia, with Ladislao and 
Giovanna his children, being but babes, as hereafter shall 
be declared. Carlo possessed Hungheria, but shortly after 
there died. For this conquest, much tryumph was made in 
Florence, and the magnificence thereof was no lesse both for 
publique and private expence, then if the occasion therof 
had bene their owne. For many families kept open feasts : 
and the house of Alberti for pompe and magnificence ex 
ceeded the rest. The expences and charge of Armour that 
the Alberti used, were not onely fit for private persons of 
the best degree, but for the greatest Princes : which gained 
them no small envie. Whereto adding the suspition which 
the state had of Benedetto, was the cause of his ruine; 
because those that governed, could not endure him : fearing 
everie houre it might come to passe, that through favoure 
of his faction, hee might recover reputation, and drive them 

166 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

from the citie. These doubts remaining, it happened, that THE 
he being Gonfaloniere of companies, Philippe Malagotti THIRD 
his sonne in lawe, was chosen Gonfaloniere di Giustitia: BOOKE 
which doubled the mistrust of the Governours, imagining 
that Benedetto encreased over fast in force, and the state 
thereby in much perill. For prevention of which incon 
veniences without tumult, they encouraged Bese Magalotti, 
his companion, to signifie to the Senate, that Philippe 
having passed his turne, could not, nor ought not, exercise 
that office. The cause was by the Senate examined, some 
of them for hate, some to take away occasion of slander, 
judged Philippe not capable of that dignitie, and elected 
in his place Bardo Mancini, a man to the plebeyan faction 
contrarie, and mortall enemie to Benedetto. In so much 
as, hee beeing placed in office, called a Balia for reformation 
of the state, and therein confined Benedetto Alberti, and 
admonished the rest of that family, onely Antonio Alberti, 
excepted. 

Benedetto being readie to depart, called unto him all his The speech 
friendes, and seeing them sad, said ; you see (my good of Benedetto 

fathers and Lords) in what sort Fortune hath oppressed me, Alb . ertl ; at hls 

i , , T / T n r . r , banishment, 

and threatned you : wnereoi I mar veil not, neither ought 

you to marvell. Because it ever commeth to passe, that 
who so ever will be good among many evil, or doth seek to 
hold up that which many labour to pull downe, must of 
force perish. The love of my Countrey made me to joyne 
with Salvestro di Medici, and after to depart from Georgio 
Scali. The same did likewise perswade me, to hate the 
maners of those that now governe : who as they have not 
had any to punish them, so do they desire, that none should 
finde fault with them. For my part I am content with my 
banishment to acquite them of that feare which they had, 
not of me onely, but of everie other man, that knoweth 
their tyrannous and wicked dealings. My punishment 
therefore doth threaten others ; of my selfe I take no pitie : 
for those honors which my country being free hath given 
me, now brought unto servitude, cannot take from mee. 
And the memorie of my passed life shall alwaies more 
comfort mee, then mine hard fortune which brought mine 
exile, shall discourage me. It greeveth me much, that my 

167 



THE 
THIRD 
BOOKE 



The death of 

Benedetto 

Albert!. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

country should become a spoile for a fewe, and be subject 
to their pride and covetousnesse. I am also right sorie to 
thinke, that those evils which now ende in me, will begin in 
you. And I feare, least those miseries wil persecute you 
with more hinderance, then they have persecuted me. I 
would therefore counsell you, to prepare your mindes against 
all misfortunes, and beare your selves so, as what adversitie 
so ever happen (for many will happen) every man may know 
you are faultlesse, and that without your guilt they be 
hapned. 

After this leave taken, to give as great a testimonie of 
his bountie abroad, as hee had done in Florence : he 
travelled to the Sepulchre of Christ, from whence return 
ing, in the He of Rodes he died. His boanes were brought 
to Florence, and therewith great honour buried, by those, 
who in his life, with all slaunder and injurie did molest 
him. During these troubles, the house of Alberti was not 
onely oppressed, but many other Citizens also admonished 
and confined. Among whom, were Piero Benini, Mattheo 
Alderotti, Giovanni, and Francesco del Bene, Giovanni Benci, 
Andrea Adimari, and with them, a great number of the 
lesse mysteries. Among the admonished were the Covoni, 
the Benini, the Rinucci, the Formiconi, the Corbozi, the 
Manegli, and the Alderotti. It was the custome to create 
the Balia for time certaine, but those Citizens having it in 
their hands, being placed by honest meane, notwithstand 
ing their time were not expired, did yeelde up their offices : 
which being knowne, many ranne armed to the Pallace, 
desiring that before the officers departed, more Citizens 
might be confined, and admonished. Which request greatly 
offended the Senat, who with faire promises enterteined 
them, til forces were made readie, and then wrought so, as 
feare enforced them to laie downe those armes, which furie 
caused them to take in hand. Yet somewhat to feed so 
fierce an humor, and notwithstanding take away more 
authoritie from the plebeyall Artizans : it was ordered, 
that where they had the third of the offices, they should 
now have onely the fourth part. Also, to the ende that 
two of the most trustie Citizens might be alwaies of the 
Senate, they gave authoritie to the Gonfaloniere di Gius- 

168 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

titia, and foure other Citizens, to make a Borza of chosen THE 
men : out of which number at everie Senate should be THIRD 
elected two. The state thus setled after six yeares (which BOOKE 
was in the yeare 1381) the citie lived quiet within, till the Giovan 
yeare 1393. In which time, Giovan Galiazzo Visconti, Galiazzp be- 
called Conte di Vertu, tooke prisoner his uncle Barnabo, C 2? P 1 ! nc 
and by that mean, became Prince of all Lombardy. 1393 

This Giovan Galiazzo hoped by force to be made king of 
Italy, as by craft he was atteined to be Lord of Milan. 
And in the yeare 1390, hee began a brave warre against 
the Florentines: wherein Fortune became so variable, as 
many times the Duke was in no lesse daunger to lose all 
then the Florentines, who indeed had lost all, if the Duke 
had longer lived. Yet the resistance by them made, was 
so couragious and marvellous, as might be by any Common 
weale ; and the end no lesse perillous, then the warre had 
bene terrible. For when the Duke had taken Bologna, 
Pisa, Perugia, and Siena, and prepared a Crowne to be set 
on his head in Florence, as king of Italy, he died. Which The death of 
death suffered him not to taste the sweete of his passed Ga hazzo. 
victories, nor the Florentines to feele the perils at hand. 
While this warre with the Duke continued, Masso degli 
Albizi was made Gonfaloniere di Giustitia, whom the death 
of Piero had made enemie to the Alberti. And for that 
the humour of the factions continued, Masso (notwithstand 
ing that Benedetto was dead in exile) did hope before that 
Senate ended, to be revenged upon the rest of that family : 
and tooke occasion, by one that was upon certaine practises 
with the Rebelles examined, who named Alberto and Andrea 
delli Alberti. Whereupon, both they were apprehended, 
and the citie wholly chaunged. In so much as the Senate 
tooke armes, assembled the people, created a new Balia, and 
by vertue thereof, many Cittizens were confined, and new 
Imborsations of officers made. Among those that were 
confined, were almost all the Alberti, many Citizens also 
admonished, and some put to death. Upon occasion of 
so great injuries, the mysteries and the base people tooke 
armes, thinking their honour and lives were in hazard. 
One part of them came into the Market place, an other Veri di 
ranne to the house of Veri di Medici : who after the death Medici. 

Y 169 



THE 
THIRD 
BOOKE 



The speech 
of Veri di 
Medici to 
the Senat of 
Florence. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

of Salvestro remained as chiefe of that family. To deceive 
those that came into the Market place, the Senate appointed 
Captaines, and gave the Ensigne of the faction Guelfa, 
delivering the same into the hands of Rinaldo Gianfigliazzi, 
and Donati Acciaivioli, as men of the populer number, more 
then any other acceptable to the multitude. Those that 
went to the house of Veri, desired him to take the govern 
ment, and deliver them from such as were enemies to good 
men, and good orders. 

All such writers as have left memorie of the proceedings 
of that time, do affirme, that if Veri had not bene more 
honest, then ambitious, hee might without any let, have 
aspired to the principallitie of that citie. Because the 
exceeding great injuries done to the mysteries, some justly 
and some unjustly, had so kindled their mindes to revenge, 
as nothing wanted for the performance of their desires, but 
a Captaine to lead them. Neither wanted those, that would 
put Veri in remembrance what he might do. For Antonio 
di Medici (who had before time bene long for private re 
spects, his enemy) did perswade him to take in hand the 
government of the state. To whom he answered, as thy 
threatnings (being mine enemie) made me not to feare thee ; 
so thy Councell being my friend, shall not abuse me. 
Having uttered these words, he turned himselfe to the 
multitude, and perswading them to be of good courage, 
promised to be their defender, so that they would be con 
tent to be by him directed. Then in the midst of them he 
went to the Market place, and from thence up to the Pallace, 
and being come to the presence of the Senate, said : That he 
was not sorie to have so lived, that the people of Florence 
did love him : but yet sorie hee was, that they had not such 
opinion of him, as his passed life did deserve. For sith he 
had not shewed any signe of sedition or ambition, he could 
not conceive why he was thought a mainteiner of sedition (or 
as ambitious) a man that studied to usurpe his country. 
Therefore hee humbly besought their Lordships, that the 
ignorance of the multitude might not be imputed his fault : 
because so much as in him was, hee submitted himselfe unto 
them. He moreover put them in minde to use their fortune 
modestly, and be content to take rather halfe a victorie 

170 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

with saving the citie, then a whole conquest with the ruine THE 
thereof. The Senators greatly commended Veri, and re- THIRD 
quired him to persuade, that armes might be laide downe, BOOKE 
and then they would not faile to do that, which he and 
other Citizens should counsell them. 

After these speeches, Veri returned to the Market place, 
and joyning his followers, to those that were conducted by 
Rinaldo and Donato, said unto them all, that hee had found 
in the Senators a verie good disposition towards them, to 
whom he had also said much, albeit by means of the short 
time, and absence of the officers, nothing was concluded. 
Wherfore he praied them to laie their weapons downe, and 
obey the Senate : thereby to declare that curtesie, rather 
then pride, entreatie, more then threatning, might move 
them : and that they should not misse meanes and securitie, 
so long as they were by him governed. Thus upon his word 
every man was content to return to his owne house. The 
multitude having upon this perswasion disarmed themselves, 
the Senate first caused a guard to be set in the Market place : 
then they mustered two thousand Cittizens, men assured 
to the state, equally dividing them under Gonfaloni, whom 
they commaunded to be readie whensoever that they were 
called. Also commandement was given, that no man whose 
name was not taken nor warned, should for anie cause be 
armed. This preparation made, they confined and slew 
many of those Artificers which had in the late tumult 
shewed themselves most seditious and violent. And to the 
end that the Gonfaloniere de Giustitia, might have more 
reputation and dignitie : it was ordered and thought neces 
sary, that whosoever did exercise that office, shuld be of 
45 yeres. For confirmation of the state, many other pro 
visions were devised. These ordinances made, the Senators 
were insupportable, and to the good Citizens (even of their 
own faction) they became odious. For they could not 
judge any state good or secure, which had need with so 
great violence to be defended. So that this maner of pro 
ceeding, did not onely offend those of the familie of Alberti, 
which yet remained in the citie: and the Medici, who 
thought them to have abused the people, but many others 
also were with so great violence displeased. But the first 

171 



THE 
THIRD 
BOOKE 

Donati 
Acciaivoli. 



Donati 
Acciaivoli 
with others 
confined. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

that opposed himselfe was Donato sonne to Giacopo Acciai- 
voli. He being in the citie great, and rather superiour, 
then equall, to Masso degli Alberti (who for the great 
service done, when he governed as Gonfaloniere was ac 
counted as head of the Commonaltie) could not among so 
many discontentations live contented : nor (as the most 
men do) preferre private profit, before common commoditie. 
And therefore, thought he would assaie to restore those that 
had bene banished, or at the least, set the admonished into 
their offices. For compassing whereof, he whispered his 
intent in the eare of this and that Citizen, shewing that 
otherwise he could not please the people, nor staie their 
offence. And concluding said, hee onely staied to be of 
the Senate, and then to put the matter in execution. Yet 
because in the actions of men, delaie bringeth wearinesse, 
and haste is accompanied with perill : to shunne wearinesse, 
hee resolved to adventure with perill. 

Amongst the Senators, Michele Acciaivoli his companion, 
and Nicholo Riconori his friend, were elected : whereby 
Donato imagined a fit opportunitie to be offered, and 
desired them to propound a lawe to the Councels, wherein 
should be conteined the restoration of the Cittizens. They 
being by him perswaded, commoned with their fellows, who 
answered, that they would attempt no new matters, sith the 
obteining of them was doubtfull, and the perill certaine. 
Then Donato having in vaine made proofe of everie mean, 
in great choller let them understand, that seeing upon good 
occasion offered, they did not reforme the citie, he would 
with force of armes do it. Which words being greatly 
offensive, and the matter debated among the chiefe Gover- 
nours, Donato was cited, and appearing, was by witnesse of 
him to whom he committed the message, convinced : and in 
the end confined to Barletta. Also Antonio de Medici with 
all the rest descended of Alamanno, togither with many 
base Artizans (yet such as had credit with the people) were 
banished : which things happened after two yeares, that 
Masso had taken in hand the government. The citie thus 
standing, many were discontented within, and many with 
out banished. Of which number remained at Bologna, 
Picchio, Cavicciulli, Tomazo de Ricci, Antonio de Medici, 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

Benedetto degli Spini, Antonio Girolami, Christofano di THE 
Carlone, with two others of vile condition : but all yoong THIRD 
men adventurours, and disposed to hazard any fortune for BOOKE 
their country. To these men, secret intelligence was given 
by Piggiello, and Baroccio Cavicciulli (who as men ad 
monished lived in Florence) that if they did come to the 
citie disguised, they wold receive them into their houses. 
From whence they might go and kill Masso degli Albizi, Conspiracie 
and call the people to armes, who (being discontent) would in Florence 
easily move, and the rather, because they should be followed ^"^ibiz 
by the Ricci, Adimari, Medici, Manegli, and many other an( j others, 
families. They then encouraged with this hope, the fourth 
of August 1397, came to Florence, and entring secretly as 
they were appointed, sent to know where Masso was, in 
tending with his death to raise the tumult. 

At that time, Masso was come from his house, and staied 
in an Appothecaries shop, neare San Pietro Maggiore. The 
messenger sent to await him, ran to tell the conspirators 
therof ; who taking armes and comming to the place found 
him gone: yet not dismaid that this appointment sped 
not, returned towards the old Market, and there killed one 
of the contrary faction. Then the larum began, and the 
people cried armes, libertie, and kill these tyrants : which 
done, they returned towards the new Market, and at the 
end of Calimara, they slew an other. And with like showte, 
following their way, and no man taking armes, at the Loggia 
Nighitiosa, they staied. Then they climed up to a high 
place, and a great multitude drew neare, rather to behold 
them then helpe them, and with a loud voice they perswaded 
men to take armes, and acquite themselves of that servitude 
which they so greatly hated ; alledging, that the lamentation 
of the evill contented persons in the cittie, more then their 
owne injuries moved them to seeke meane to be delivered. 
And that they knew, many did pray God to grant them 
occasion to be revenged : which they wold performe, when 
soever they might find a head to lead them. And now 
occasion being come, and Captains ready to lead them, 
every man looked one upon an other, and stood as men 
amazed. So that, their resolution was in vaine, and the 
Citizens stil with bondage burthened. Also they much 

173 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE marvelled, that they (who for every small injurie were wont 
THIRD to take armes) would not now be moved, but suffer so many 
BOOKE their Citizens to be banished and admonished : yet was it in 
their power to restore the banished to their countrey, and 
the admonished to their offices. Which words (though 
true) moved not the multitude at all, either for feare, or els 
because the death of those two had made the murtherers 
odious. So that the movers of the tumult, seeing that 
neither words nor deeds had force to encourage any man, 
(too late aware how dangerous a thing it is to labour the 
libertie of a people, that will in any wise be subject) dis- 
pairing of the enterprise, into the temple of Santa Reparata, 
retired themselves : and there not to save their lives, but 
delaie their death, they shut themselves up. The Senators 
at the beginning of the tumult were armed and shut the 
Pallace gate, till after the case was understood, and the men 
knowne that moved the rumour, being before locked up, 
tooke courage, and commanded the Captaine to call his 
souldiers to apprehend the offenders. In so much that with 
small force the doores of the Temple were broken : part of 
them within were slain, in defence of the place, and the rest 
taken. They being examined, confessed none to be culpable 
but Barocco and Piggiello Cavicciulli, with others that were 
slaine. After this accident, there happened one other of 
more importance. 

At this time (as hath bene beforesaid) the cittie had warre 
with the Duke of Milan, who finding that to oppresse it, his 
forces sufficed not, determined to worke with wiles, and by 
aid of the banished Florentines (of whom Lombardy was 
full) practised that enterprise, whereto also many within 
Conspiracy by the towne were made privie. Concluding that upon a 
the Duke of ce rtain day, many of those banished men, apt for armes, 
shoul d go to places neare Florence, and by the river Arno 
passe into the citie, and there with friends enter the houses 
of the chiefe governors, and sleying them, reform the govern 
ment as themselves thought good. Among the conspirators 
within, was one of the house of Ricci named Samminiato, 
but (as in conspiracies for the most part it happeneth) that 
a fewe are not of force inough, and many will not keepe 
counsell : Samminiato seeking companions, found an accuser. 
174 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

This man imparted the matter to Salvestro Cavicciulli, whome THE 
the injuries done to his kinsfolke and himselfe, ought have THIRD 
made trustie. But he regarding more the feare at hand, BOOKE 
then the future hope, suddeinly bewrayed the practise to 
the Senators, and they apprehending Samminiato, con 
strained him to confesse all the conspirators : yet was there 
no man apprehended, saving Tomazo Duvisi, who comming 
from Bologna, and not hearing what happened in Florence, 
was by the way intercepted. All the rest after the appre 
hension of Samminiato for feare, fled. Then Samminiato 
and Tomazo, being according to their merits punished : 
authoritie was given to diverse Cittizens to finde out more 
offenders, and assure the state. They then discovered for 
Rebels, sixe of the family of Ricci, sixe of the Alberti, three 
of the Medici, three of the Scali, two of the Strozzi, Bindo 
Altoviti, Barnardo Adimari, with many of the meaner 
sort. They admonished all the family of Alberti, Ricci, 
and Medici, for tenne yeares (a fewe of them excepted). 
Among the Alberti was one called Antonio, who being 
accounted a quiet and peaceable man, was in that respect 
not admonished. It chanced after the suspition of the 
conspiracie not quenched, there was a Monke taken, who 
had bene seene diverse times during the conspiracie, to goe 
from Bologna to Florence. This Monke confessed that he had 
brought diverse letters to Antonio, who denied the matter, 
yet being avowed by the Monke, he was condemned in 
mony, and confined 300 miles distant from the citie. Also The famely 
to the end, that the Alberti might not daily put the state of Alberti 
in daunger, all that family above fifteene yeares of age, were confined, 
banished. This accident happened in the yeare 1402. 

The next yeare died Giovan Galiazzo, Duke of Milan : 
whose death (as is beforesaid) ended the warre which had 
continued twelve yeares. In this meane space, the govern 
ment became of more authoritie : and having fewe enemies 
both within and without, the Florentines attempted the 
enterprise of Pisa, and gloriously conquered that citie. 
They continued then quiet within, from the yeare 1400 till 
33, saving that in the yeare 1412 the Alberti, having broken 
their confines, a Balia was chosen, wherby new ordinances 
were made to assure the state, and impose greater paiments 

175 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE upon them. In that time also, the Florentines made war to 
THIRD Ladislao King of Napoli, which was ended by the death of 
BOOKE the King : in the yeare 1414. In execution whereof, the 
The death of King finding himselfe the weaker, yeelded to the Florentines 
Ladislao king the citie of Cortona, where he was Lord. Yet shortly after 
of Naples. ^ rev j ve( j ^ ne warre? which proved more dangerous then 
the former. And had the same not bene, as the other, 
ended by the Duke of Milans death, he had also brought 
the libertie of our citie into that daunger, that by the Duke 
it had bene. Neither did this war of the Kings end, with 
lesser adventure then the other. For when he had surprized 
Rome, Siena, La Marca, and Romagna, and that he wanted 
nothing, but Florence to passe with a mightie force into 
Lombardy, hee died. So as, death was ever more friendly to 
the Florentines, then any other friend : and of more power 
to defend them, then any other vertue. After the death 
of this King, the citie continued quiet without and within 
eight yeares. In the end of which time, with the warres of 
Philippe Duke of Milan, the factions were revived: and con 
tinued til the ruine of that state, which from 1380 had bene 
governed, and with much glorie, enterprised many warres, and 
brought under the Empire thereof, Arezzo, Piso, Cortona, 
Livorno, and Monte Pulciano. And would have done 
greater things, had the citie continued united, and 
the old humors not bene revived. As in the next 
booke shall particulerly be declared. 



176 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 




THE FOURTH BOOKE 

LL Cities (and chiefly they which be well 
governed under the name of Common- 
weales) doo often alter their state and 
government : not by meanes of libertie 
and subjection (as many imagine) but by 
meane of servitude and lycentiousnesse. 
For onely the name of libertie is honoured 
of the people, who are the ministers 
of lycentiousnesse, and servitude still sought for by the 
Nobilitie : so as either of them do studie not to subject 
themselves, either to lawes or men. True it is, that when 
it happeneth (as sildome it doth) that by good fortune of 
some Citie, there riseth up therein, a wise, good, and 
mightie Citizen, of whome such lawes be made, as these 
humours of the Nobilitie, and of the people, be kept quiet 
(or at the least so restrained as they cannot doo evill) then 
may that Cittie be called free, and that state h rme and 
stable. For being builded upon good lawes, and good^ 
orders, it needeth not afterwardes the vertue of anie man 
to uphold it. Of such lawes and orders, manie auncient 
Common-weales (whose estates continued long) were en 
dowed. Such orders and lawes, those states wanted, and 
doo want, which have oft times chaunged their government 
from states tyrannicall, to licentious, and from licentious, 
to tyrannicall. And in them by meane of their mightie 
enemies, there is not, nor cannot be anie stabilitie at all : 
because the one pleaseth not the good men, and the other 
offendeth the wise men. The one may do evill with facilitie, 
the other can do good with difficultie. In the one insolent 
men, in the other, fooles have too much authoritie. And 
Z 177 



THE 
FOURTH 
BOOKE 



Error com 
mitted by 
the populer 
nobilitie. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

therefore, it behoveth, that both the one and the other, by 
the vertue and fortune of some excellent man be mainteined : 
who either by death may be taken away, or by adversitie 
prove unprofitable. I say therefore, that government which 
had the beginning in Florence by the death of Georgio Scali, 
in the yeare 1381, proceeded first from the vertue of Masso 
delli Albizi, and after was by Nicholo di Uzano continued. 
The Cittie lived quiet from the yeare 1314 till the 22. At 
which time, the King Ladislao was dead, and the state of 
Lombardy into partes divided. So that neither without 
nor within, there was any thing that could breede diffidence 
or mistrust. Next to Nicholo di Uzano, the Citizens of 
most authoritie, were Bartolomeo Valori, Nerone di Nigi, 
Rinaldo degli Albizi, Neri di Guio, and Lapo Nicolini. 
The factions which grew, by the discord of the Albizi and 
Ricci, and after with great troubles by Salvestro di Medici 
revived, were never quenched. And albeit the partie most 
favoured of the multitude, raigned not above 3 yeares, and 
in the yere 1381 the same was oppressed : yet that humor 
having infected the greater number of the people, could not 
be utterly quenched. True it is, that the often contentions, 
and persecutions of the chief captains from the 1381 til the 
1400 brought the factions wel near to nothing. The families 
most persecuted were the Albizi, Ricci, and Medici. Those 
houses were diverse times spoyled, both of their men and 
substance, and if any of them remained in the citie, their 
honours and offices were taken from them. Which oppres 
sion made that part base minded, and (as it were) utterly 
trodden downe. Notwithstanding, there remained in many 
men, a certaine memorie of injuries received, and a desire to 
revenge them. Yet wanting power to performe their will, 
they kept that desire within their breasts, secretly hidden. 
Those of the populer Nobilitie, who peaceably governed 
the citie, committed two errors, which were the causes of 
their ruine. The one through their insolency, which grew 
by continuall authoritie and being in office. The other, 
through envie among themselves, and the long holding the 
state in their hands, they did not prevent those that might 
offend them : but daily renuing the universall hatred by 
their sinister proceedings, nor remooving the matter that 
178 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

might hurt and was to be feared, were the causes that the THE 
house of Medici recovered authoritie. FOURTH 

The first of them that begun to stand up, was Giovanni, BOOKE 
the sonne of Bicci. He, become exceeding rich, and being 
of nature curteous, and affable, was with the allowance of 
those that governed, ascended to the highest office. Whereat 
the multitude so greatly rejoyced (supposing to have gotten 
a protector) that the wiser sort conceived some just cause of 
suspition : because thereby they found all the old humors 
begun to arise. And Nicholo di Usano failed not to advertise Advice of 
the other Citizens, how daungerous a thing it was to Nicolo Uzano 
advance one, who had among the multitude, so much repu- SPJ? 8 * the 
tation : saying, it was easie to oppresse any inconvenience 
at the first, but letting it growe, the remedie was hardly 
found. For hee knew well, that in Giovanni, there were 
many more excellent partes, then in Salvestro. Nicholo 
could not be heard of his companions : because they envied 
his reputation, and sought for assistance to oppresse him. 
Men thus living in Florence, be set with contrary humours, 
(which secretly began to boyle within their breasts) Philippo 
Visconti second sonne of Giovan Galiazzo, being by the 
death of his brother, become Lord of all Lombardy, and 
devising upon some enterprise, desired greatly to be againe 
owner of Geneva, which at that present under Tomazo 
Frogolo lived in libertie. Yet feared he could neither 
compasse that nor any other thing, unlesse first hee pub 
lished a new accord with the Florentines : the reputation 
whereof, (as hee thought) might bring him to satisfaction. 
For which purpose, hee sent Embassadours to Florence : 
who beeing there, and perswading the league, it was by 
many Cittizens thought unfit to joyne with him, and yet 
they wished that the peace which had many yeares con 
tinued, should still endure. For they knewe what favoure 
and reputation the league would doo him, and how small 
profit the citie should receive thereof. To others it was 
thought good, that the league should be made, thereby to 
procure the Duke to enter conditions and bondes, which if Leage betwixt 
he passed, every man might discover his evill intent, and theFlorentins 
should (if he brake the peace) the more justly make warre *f 
upon him. Thus (the matter being throughly debated) 

179 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE the peace was concluded. Wherein Philippe promised, that 
FOURTH hee would not entermedle with anie thing on this side the 
BOOKE Rivers of Magra and Panaro. 

After this conclusion Philippe surprized Brescia, and 
shortly after Genova, contrary to the opinion of those that 
had perswaded the peace. For they beleeved that Brescia 
had bene defended by the Venetians, and Genova could 
have defended it selfe. And because in the league which 
Philippo had made with the Doge of Genova, he had 
reserved Serezana, and other Townes on this sides Magra, 
with condition that if he solde them, hee then to sell them 
to the Genovesi, the league was broken. Besides this, hee 
made peace with the Legate of Bologna. Which things, 
altered the mindes of our Citizens, and made them (doubt 
ing newe mischiefes) to looke for newe remedies. These 
suspitions come to the eare of Filippo, either to gratifie, or 
feele the disposition of the Florentines, or else to abuse 
them, sent Ambassadours unto Florence, and by them 
signified, how he marvelled much at the suspition conceived, 
and therewith offered to renounce everie thing by him done, 
whereof anie mistrust might grow : which Ambassadours 
wrought none other effect, then division of the citie. For 
the one part, (and those that were most reputed in the 
government) thought good to arme,and prevent the enemie. 
Notwithstanding if Filippo stood quiet, there should be no 
war at all, and in the meane time, that provision was an 
occasion of peace. Many others, either envying those that 
governed, or fearing the warre, judged that it was no wise- 
dome, lightly to become suspitious : neither were things by 
Philippo done, worthie to be suspected. But they knew 
wel, that to elect the Ten, and to hire souldiers, promised 
warre : which being taken in hand against so great a Prince, 
should be the ruine of the citie, without hope of any profit. 
For of his victories (having Romagna in the midst) we could 
not receive good, nor become Princes of that country. And 
of Romagna it self (by reason of the neernesse of the church) 
they could not think to become owners. Notwithstanding, 
the authoritie of those that would make preparation for 
war, prevailed before the other, that desired peace. And 
therefore they created the Ten, hired souldiers, and imposed 
180 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

Subsidies. Which proceedings (because they burthened THE 
more the lesse, then greater Cittizens) filled the cittie with FOURTH 
sorrow, and every man blamed the ambition and authoritie BOOKE 
of the great men, accusing them, that to fulfill their appe 
tites, and oppresse the people, they would make a warre not 
necessary. Yet was not the Duke come to manifest breach, 
but every thing was full of suspition. For Philippo, at the 
request of the Legate of Bologna (who feared Antonio 
Bentivogli banished, and remaining at the Castle Bolognese) 
had sent men to that citie : which beeing neare the dominion 
of Florence, held the state in mistrust. But that which 
most amazed everie man, and gave much cause to discover 
the warre, was the enterprise of the Duke at Furli. 

Georgio Ordilaffi, was Lord of Furli, who dying, left 
Tibaldo his sonne, under protection of Philippo. And 
albeit the mother, supposing the Duke to be a Tutor unfit, 
and therefore sent her childe to Lodovico Alidossi her father, 
Lord of Imola, yet was she forced by the people to observe 
her husbands testament, and commit him to the Dukes 
hands. Then Philippo to make himselfe the lesse sus 
pected, and the rather also to cover his intent, devised that 
the Marquesse of Farrara should send Guido Torello with 
some forces, to be his deputie, and take the government of 
Furli. Thus came that towne into the possession of Philippo, 
which being knowne in Florence, togither with the newes 
of the souldiers come to Bologna, made the resolution for 
the war the more speedie, notwithstanding it had before 
great contradiction, and Giovan de Medici publikely spake Consultation 
against it, saying, that although he were certaine of the in Florence. 
Dukes evil disposition, yet were it better that hee should 
march first, then they go towards him : for so the war 
shuld be justifiable, in the judgement of other princes: 
neither could we so boldly aske aid, as we might after that 
his ambition was discovered. Also, men wold with an other 
mind defend their own, then assault the goods of others. 
To the contrary, was said, it were not good to tarry for the 
enemy at home, but rather go seeke him. And fortune 
was more friend to him that assaulteth, then to him that 
defendeth. Moreover with lesse losse (though with more 
charge) the war is made far from home, then neare at hand. 

181 



THE 

FOURTH 

BOOKE 



The Floren 
tines over 
throwne. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

In the end, this opinion prevailed. And resolution was set 
down, that the Ten should devise some means how the city 
of Furli might be recovered from the Duke. 

Philippo seeing that the Florentines went about to sur 
prize those things which he had taken in hand to defend, 
set respects apart, and sent Agnolo della Pargola with 
great forces to Imola, to the end, that prince, having occa 
sion to defend his own, should not think upon his grand 
child. Agnolo arrived neare Imola, (the forces of the 
Florentines being also at Magdigliana) the weather frostie, 
and the towne diches frozen, in the night, by stealth, sur 
prized the towne, and sent Lodovico prisoner to Milan. 
The Florentines seeing Imola lost, and the warre discovered, 
commaunded their men to go unto Furli, and on everie side 
besieged that citie. Also to the end that all the Dukes 
forces should not come to rescue it, they hired the Earle 
Alberigo, who from his towne Zagonara issued out, spoyling 
the country even to the gates of Imola. Agnola della Per 
gola, finding he could not with securitie succour Furli, by 
reason of the strength where our Campe laie, thought good 
to besiege Zagonara, thinking that the Florentines would 
not lose that place, and if they did relieve it, then of force 
they must abandon Furli, and fight with disadvantage. 
The Dukes forces then enforced Alberigo to demaund com 
position, which was graunted ; he promising to yeeld the 
towne at any time, if within fifteene daies, it were not 
rescued by the Florentines. This disorder knowne in the 
Florentines Campe and in the Citie, and everie man desirous 
to prevent the enemie of that victorie, occasioned them to 
have a greater. For their Campe being departed from 
Furli to succour Zagonara, and entercountring the enemie 
was overthrowne : not so much through vertue of the ad- 
versarie, as the unhappinesse of the weather. For, our 
men having diverse houres marched in the deepe myre and 
raine, found the enemies fresh, and for that reason by them 
were vanquished. Notwithstanding, in so great an over 
throw published through all Italy, there died no more then 
Lodovico degli Obizi, with two others, who fallen from their 
horse were myred to death. All the citie of Florence at 
this overthrow, became sad : and chiefly the great Citizens 

182 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 



THE 
FOURTH 
BOOKE 



who had counselled the warre. For they sawe the enemie 
brave, their selves disarmed, without friends, and the people 
against them : who murmured, and with injurious words, 
complained of the great Impositions and Subsidies, they 
had paide to the maintenance of the warre taken in hand, 
without any cause or occasion. Saying moreover, now they 
having created the Ten, to terrific the enemie, have suc 
coured Furli, and taken it from the Duke. Thus do they 
bewraie their Councels to what end they are : not to defend 
the libertie, but encrease their own power, which God justly 
hath diminished. Neither have they only burthened the 
citie with this enterprise, but with many others : for like to 
this, was that against King Ladislao. To whome will they 
now resort for aide ? To Pope Martine ? who hath bene 
in their sight trodden upon by Braccio ? To the Queene 
Giovanna ? she was by them abandoned, and forced to put 
her selfe upon the King of Aragon. Besides these con 
tumelies, they repeated all such injurious reproves, as a 
people offended, could imagine. It was therefore thought 
good to the Senators, to assemble a good number of Citizens, 
and with curteous speech appease the humours mooved in 
the multitude. 

Then Rinaldo degli Albizi, eldest sonne of Masso, (who The speech of 
with his owne vertue, and the memorie of his father, aspired Rin aldo de 
to the chief honour of the citie) declared at large: that it ^ lb e azethe 
was no wisedome to judge enterprises by their successe. people. 
Because many things well devised, have had no good end, 
and others evil devised, have good. Also, if evil counsels 
having good successe, should be commended, the same wold 
encourage men to commit errors, which would prove to 
great disadvantage of the Commonweale : for it ever falleth 
out, that evill counsels be unfortunate. In like maner they 
erred, to blame a wise counsell, that hath no desired end : 
for thereby they discouradge the Citizens to counsell the 
citie, and saie frankly, what they knew or understood. 
Then he shewed the necessitie of that war, and how if it 
had not bene begun in Romagna, it should have bene in 
Toscana. But sith it pleased God that their forces be over- 
throwne, the losse should be the lesse, if the enterprise were 
not abandoned. For if they would still shewe their faces to 

183 



THE 

FOURTH 

BOOKE 



Braccio. 
Piccinino. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

Fortune, and endevour themselves to recover that was lost, 
neither should they finde any losse, nor the Duke any vic- 
torie. They ought also not to repine at the charge or 
Impositions that should be laid upon them, because those 
paiments which they had made, were reasonable, and the 
rest that should after be imposed would not bee so great. 
For lesse preparation is required for them that defend, then 
those that will offend. In the end, he perswaded them to 
imitate their auncestors, who by being in everie adversitie 
couragious, did defend themselves against all Princes what 
soever. 

The Citizens encouraged with the authoritie of this man, 
enterteined the Earle Oddo sonne of Braccio, with whom 
they joyned Nicholo Piccinino, brought up under Braccio, 
a man most esteemed of all those that served under his 
Ensigne, and under them they appointed other leaders. 
Also of their owne forces lately broken, some Captaines of 
horse men remained. Moreover they elected twentie Citizens 
to impose new Subsidies, who being encouraged with seeing 
the greatest Citizens oppressed by the late overthrow, im 
posed upon them without respect. This imposition much 
greeved the great Cittizens, yet not to declare themselves 
unwilling, at the first, shewed no private offence : but gene 
rally blamed the matter, giving their advise, that the Im 
positions might cease ; which being knowne to many, tooke 
no effect in the Councels : and thereupon to occasion these 
repiners feele the smart of their counsell, and make the 
matter more odious, they ordered, that the Im posers should 
proceed with all severitie, and have authoritie to kill any 
man that should withstand the publique officers. Whereof 
followed many foule accidents, by murthering and hurting 
of the Citizens. In so much, as the factions came to bloud : 
and everie wise man feared future mischiefes. Because, the 
great men (who were used to respect) could not endure to 
be laide hand uppon : and others were not content that 
everie man should equally be burthened. Many of the chiefe 
Citizens therefore assembled themselves, and concluded, that 
it behoved them to take the government into their hands : 
because their small diligence had given head, and suffered 
the publique proceedings to be reproved: allowing overmuch 

184 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

boldnesse in those that were wont to be heads of the multi- THE 
tude. Having to this effect consulted, they determined FOURTH 
manie times to meete all togither ; and in the church of S. BOOKE 
StefFano assembled more then 70 Citizens, with the lycence 
and allowance of Lorenzo Ridolfi, and Francesco Gian- 
figliazzi, who at that time were of the Senate. 

To this convention, Giovanni de Medici came not, either 
because he was as a suspect, uncalled, or that hee would not 
(being of contrary opinion) appeare. But Rinaldo delli Rinaldo di 
Albizi, as mouth of that companie, discoursed the estate of 
the citie, and how by their negligence it was come to the 
hand of the multitude, from whome in the yeare 1381, by 
their auncestors it was taken : putting them in minde of the 
iniquitie that raigned in that state, from the yeare 77 till 
81. And how sith that time, till this present, some had 
their fathers slaine, some their grandfathers, and now were 
returned to the selfesame perils, and the citie fallen to the 
like disorders ; because the multitude had alreadie at their 
pleasure imposed Subsidies : and wold ere long, (if the same 
were not by a greater force or better order withstood) 
appoint the Magistrates. Which being brought to passe, 
the multitude would usurpe their places, and ruine that 
state, which had bene with much glorie of the cittie fortie 
and two yeares continued : and Florence should be governed 
either casually, under the will of the multitude (so as one 
part should live lycentiously, the other daungerously) or 
under the commandement of some one that shall make him 
selfe Prince of all. Wherefore he assured them, that everie 
man that loved his country, and his owne honour, was con 
strained to beware : and put them in minde of the vertue 
of Bardo Mancini, who with the ruine of the Alberti ; saved 
the citie from those perils wherein it then was : and that 
occasion of boldnesse in the multitude, proceeded of the 
large Squittini, which were by their negligence made: 
which was the cause also that the Pallace was filled with 
new men and people of base condition. He therefore con 
cluded that the only remedie was, to yeeld the government 
to the great Citizens, and remove the lesse Artificers from 
their authoritie: reducing them from 14 to 7 companies. 
Which should be a meane that the multitude could have in 

AA 185 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE the Councels lesse authoritie : as well in respect, that the 
FOURTH number of them were diminished, as that the great men 
BOOKE should have most power, who for the old enmity did dis 
favour the multitude, affirming likewise that to know how 
to imploy men, according to the time was great wisedom. 
For as their ancestors used the multitude to oppresse the 
insolency of the great men (who thereby became humble 
and the multitude insolent) so it were now fit to bridle the 
insolencie thereof, with the aide of the great men. And for 
compassing of these matters they might resort either to 
subtiltie or force. For some of them beeing of the Tenne, 
by that colour might bring men secretly into the citie. 

This counsell given by Rinaldo, was by every man allowed. 
And Nicholo of Uzano among other, said ; that all things 
alledged by Rinaldo were true, and the remedies good and 
certaine, if the same might be done without manifest 
division of the citie : which would come to passe if Giovan 
de Medici, were not perswaded from them. For hee being 
on our side, the multitude without head and force, could 
not offend. But if he wold not consent, without armes it 
could not be. And with armes it were daungerous, for 
either they should not prevaile, or not enjoy the victory. 
Also, modestly he reduced to their memories, his former 
admonitions, and how they refused to prevent these diffi 
culties, when they might. But now the time served not to 
do it, without hazarding a greater mischiefe, and therefore, 
as the uttermost refuge, it behoved to gaine his favour. 
Commission therfore was granted for Rinaldo, to goe unto 
Giovanni, and perswade him to be of their minde. This 
Gentleman performed his Commission, and with the best 
reasons he was able, perswaded him to enter with them into 
this action, and that he would not for the love of the multi 
tude become insolent, to the ruine of the state, and citie. 
The answere Wherto Giovanni answered, that he thought it the office of 
of Giovanni a w i s e and good Citizen, not to alter the accustomed orders 
di Medici to Q f ^ c j t j e? b ecause there was nothing that so much offended 
men, as alteration, sith thereby many be offended, and where 
many live discontented, some evill accident is daily to be 
looked for. Also hee thought, that this their resolution 
might worke two effects verie dangerous. The one by 
186 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

giving the honours to those, who never before having them, 
would not much esteeme them, and should have the lesse 
occasion to complaine, if they never had them. The other 
by taking the honours from those that were used to have 
them, should make them unquiet till they were restored. 
And so shall the injurie done to the one part, be greater, 
then the benefit, which the other part could thereby receive. 
Thus shall the authour of this change, win few friends, and 
many enemies : and these will be more ready to offend him, 
then the others to defend him. For men are more naturally 
inclined to revenge an injury, then be thankful for a good 
turne : because this bringeth losse, but that promiseth 
profit and pleasure. Then turning his face towards Rinaldo, 
saide. And you sir, if you remember matters passed and 
with what subtilties men walk within this citie, your self 
would be more lowe in these resolutions. For the giver of 
that counsell, so soone as with your forces he hath taken 
away the authoritie of the people, would againe take the 
same from you, by the aide of those, who by this meane of 
injurie, will become your foes. And it will befall to you as 
it did to Benedetto Alberti, who (through the perswasions 
of him that loved him not) consented to the ruine of Georgio 
Scali and Tomazo Strozzi : and shortly after, by the selfe- 
same men that perswaded him, was sent into exile. Hee 
therefore wished him more naturally to thinke upon matters, 
and be willing to follow his father, who having love of the 
multitude, cared not to offend a fewe men evill disposed. 
It was then ordained that whosoever had to paie halfe a 
Florine for Subsidie, should paie it, or not : as himselfe 
pleased. And besides all men indebted, should for the day 
of the councell goe free, with out molestation of his creditors. 
In the end he concluded, that for his owne part, he would 
leave the cittie in that order and estate, it presently remained. 
These matters thus handled, were understood abroad, 
and the same gave great reputation to Giovanni and hatred 
to the other cittizens. Neverthelesse hee discontinued all 
affaires, the rather to discourage those, that under his 
favour intended new practises. Also, in all his comunica- 
tion, hee let everie man to understand that hee would 
not nourish, but extinguish factions. And for himselfe, 

187 



THE 
FOURTH 
BOOKE 



THE 
FOURTH 
BOOKE 



Biagio of 
Milan. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

he desired nothing but the union of the citie : yet were 
manie that followed him, therewith discontented. For 
divers of them did perswade him to be in those matters 
more quick : of which number was Alamanno de medici, 
who being fierce of nature, ceased not to sollicite him to per 
secute their enemies, and favour friends, blaming his cold- 
nesse, and slow maner of preceding. Which was (as he 
alledged) occasion that their foes without respect, practised 
against him. Which one daie would take effect, with the 
ruine of his house and friends. To the same effect, was hee 
encouraged, by Cosimo his sonne. Yet notwithstanding all 
these reasons to him revealed or prognosticated, hee stood 
firme in his intent, and by that meanes the faction became 
discovered, and the cittie in manifest division. 

At that time were in the Pallace two Chauncellors, one 
called Ser Martino, and the other Ser Pagolo. This 
favoured the parte of Uzano, that of Medici. Rinaldo see 
ing that Giovanni refused to concurre with them, thought 
fit to deprive Ser Martino of his office, hoping afterwards 
to finde the Pallace more favourable. That practise fore- 
seene by the adversaries, Martino was defended ; and Pagalo 
with sorrow and injury of his friends remooved : which had 
presently wrought bad effects, if the present warre had not 
bene, and the citie by the overthrow received at Zagonara, 
terrified. During the time that these matters were managed 
in Florence, Agnola della Pergola had with the Dukes 
forces taken all the townes which the Florentines possessed 
in Romagna (Castaro and Modigliana excepted) some of 
them beeing lost by the weakenesse of the place, and others 
by the default of those, that had them in guarde. In the 
surprizing of these townes, two notable things appeared. 
The first, how much the vertue of men even to their enemies, 
is acceptable. The other, how greatly cowardice and fainte 
heart, is contemned. Biagio of Milan, was Captaine of the 
fortresse called Montepetroso. He being environed with 
fire and enemies, not finding any meanes how to defend his 
charge, or escape with life, cast over the wall (where no fire 
yet burned) certaine cloathes and strawe, and upon the 
same his owne two children, and said to his enemies ; Take 
you here those goods which fortune hath given me, and you 

188 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

have power to bereave me of, but my riches of minde THE 
wherein glorie and my honour lieth, neither will I give FOURTH 
them, nor you can take them from me. The enemies ran BOOKE 
to save the poore children, and offered him roapes and 
ladders to convey himselfe downe safe. But he refused all 
succours, chusing rather to die in fire, then receive a life 
from the enemies of his country. An example truly like 
to those, of the auncient time so highly commended. And 
is the more notable, that such resolutions are but rare. 
The children were by the enemies restored to all thinges 
that were theirs, and could be found : and with great care 
conveyed to their friends, to whom their countrey also was 
no lesse kinde. For (during their lives) they were publikely 
releeved and mainteined. The contrary happened in Zanobi Pino. 
Galeata, where Zanobi di Pino was Podesta. For he with 
out any defence, yeelded his charge to the enemie : and 
besides perswaded Agnolo to abandon the Alpes of Romagna, 
and come into the hilles of Toscana, where he might make 
warre with lesse perill, and more profit. But Agnolo could 
not endure the cowardice and base mind of that man, and 
therfore gave him prisoner to his servants, who in con 
tempt, and disdaine allowed him no more foode, but painted 
cards, saying, by that means they would make him of a 
Guelfo to become a Ghibellino. But within a fewe daies, 
Pino pined to death. 

In this meane time the Earle Oddo togither with Nicholo 
Piccinino was entred into the vale of Lamona, to reduce the 
Lord of Faenza to the friendship of the Florentines, or at 
the least to empeach Agnola della Pergola in the spoile of 
Romagna. Yet by reason that vale is strong, and the 
country people warlike, it chaunced that Oddo was slaine, 
and Nicholo Piccinino ledde prisoner to Faenza. But 
fortune would, that the Florentines obteined that by this 
losse, which if they had woon the victorie should percase 
never have bene compassed. For Nicholo being prisoner, 
wrought so with the Lord of Faenza and his mother, that 
they by his perswasion became friendes to the Florentines. 
By this league Nicholo Piccinino was delivered, but folowed 
not that councel he gave to others. For whiles he com- 
moned with the cities that enterteined him, either for that 

189 



THE 
FOURTH 
BOOKE 

Piccinino re 
volted from 
the league. 



Carmignuola 
generall for 
the league. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

the conditions he had made seemed over meane, or that he 
hoped of better elsewhere, suddeinly without leave taking, 
departed from Arezzo where hee lodged, and went into 
Lombardy, and there tooke paie of the Duke. The Floren 
tines by this accident became fearefull : and being dis- 
mayd with their charges lost, thought they could not alone 
maintaine the warre, and therfore sent Embassadours to 
the Venetians, desiring them while the enterprise was easie, 
to joyne against one, who being suffered to grow, might 
become as dangerous to them as to the Florentines. To 
the same enterprise also Francesco Carmignuola did per- 
swade them, who was in those dayes accounted a man of 
warre most excellent, and had bene sometimes a souldier 
under the Duke, yet at that time, rebelled against him. 
The Venetians stood doubtfull, not knowing how much they 
might trust Carmignuola, fearing that the enmitie betwixt 
the Duke and him was but fained. They thus standing 
doubtfull, it happened that the Duke procured one of the 
servants of Carmignuola to poyson his maister : which poyson 
not being strong inough, killed him not, but brought him to 
extremitie. This being knowne to the Venetians, cleared 
all suspition : and the Florentines following their request, 
the league was made betwixt them, either partie binding 
himselfe to make warre at their common charge : and that 
whatsoever were gotten in Lombardy should be the 
Venetians, and whatsoever were possessed in Romagna, 
should be the Florentines, and Carmignuola to continue 
General of the league. Then was the war by mean of 
this league brought into Lombardy, and by Carmignuola 
governed with so great vertue, that in fewe moneths he 
had taken many townes from the Duke : togither with the 
Citie of Brescia, the winning whereof (in those dayes, and 
in those warres) was accounted marvellous. 

This warre was continued five yeares and the Citizens 
become wearie of the Impositions alreadie past, agreed to 
renew them, and provided the same might be imposed 
according to the value of everie mans wealth. In this 
Imposition, it fell out, that many mightie Cittizens were 
sore charged. And therefore, before the la we passed, it 
became of them misliked. Onely Giovanni di Medici openly 

190 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

did commend it, by which commendation, the lawe passed. THE 
And because in the excution thereof, every mans goods FOURTH 
were charged (which the Florentines called Accastare) the BOOKE 
Imposition was called Catasto. This law partly bridled 
the tirannie of the mightier Citizens, being thereby re 
strained from oppression of their inferiours, and their 
threatnings and counsels could not hold them silent, as 
before they might. That Imposition therfore was by the 
multitude willingly, but by the mighty citizens, verie un-" 
willingly, received. Notwithstanding (as it ever happeneth) ; 
that men be never satisfied ; but having the thing they wish" 
for, desire an other : so this people not content with this 
equalitie of Imposition by lawe, required that no respect 
should be had to time past, but desired to examine how 
much the great men (according to the Catasto) had paide 
too little, because they would have them to be charged as them 
selves had before bene ; who paying more then they ought, 
were forced to sell their possessions. This demaund, did 
more terrific the great men, then the Catasto, therfore they Catasto. 
ceased not to find fault, affirming it was most injust, that 
the imposition should extend to their moveables, which 
many times were one day possessed, and the next day lost. 
And moreover many men had money so secretly kept, that 
the Catasto could not find it. Adding thereto, that for 
service of the state, they omitted their private busines, 
and therfore ought be the lesse charged. For travelling 
in their persons, it was no reason that the citie should 
imploy both their goods and their industry, and of other 
men take onely their goods. The others (to whom the 
Catasto contented) did answere that if the goods moveable 
did varie, the Impositions might also varie, and so that 
inconvenience was remedied. And for goods concealed or 
hidden, therof it was not needfull to make accompt, for of 
such monies as are not occupied to profit, no reason would 
they should pay. And if they would imploy them, then 
should they thereby discover them. Moreover, if they liked 
no longer to use their industrie for the Common weale, they 
might at their pleasures leave those paines, and that travel!. 
For the state should find other good Citizens willing to 
helpe and serve, both with their counsell and substaunce. 

191 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE Also the government carried therewith so many commodities 

FOURTH and honors, as the same might suffice them that governed, 

BOOKE without deteining their impositions. But the griefe lay 

not where they alledged. For it greeved them that they 

could not make warre without their owne losse, being 

to contribute to the charge as others did. As if this 

way had bene before found, the warre with King Ladislao 

should not have bene then, nor this warre with the Duke 

now. Both which warres were made to enrich the Citizens, 

and not for necessitie. 

These humors stirred, were appeased by Giovan de Medici, 
declaring that it was not well done, to call againe matters 
passed, but rather to foresee future events. And if the 
Impositions before time were injust, then ought they to 
thanke God for that warre, whereby they were made just, 
and that this order might serve to reunite, not to devide 
the citie : as it would, if passed Impositions were called in 
question, to make the present seasement : because whoso 
ever is content with a reasonable victorie, doth best, seeing 
they that be enforced to pay for many pardons, do therby 
become desperate. With these or like wordes, hee appeased 
the humours, and the comparing of the old Impositions, 
with the new. The warre with the Duke yet continued, but 
shortly after a peace was made at Ferrara, by mediation of 
the Popes Legate. The conditions wherof, were by the 
Duke at the beginning broken. So that they of the league 
tooke armes againe, and joyning battle with the Duke at 
Maclovio, they overthrew him. After which overthrow, the 
Duke mooved new communication of peace, whereto the 
Venetians and Florentines consented. These because they 
suspected the Venetians, and thought they spent much to 
make others mightie. The other, for that, since the over 
throw, they perceived Carmignuola to proceede slowly, and 
Peace betwixt therfore feared to repose any trust in him. The peace 
the League therfore was concluded the yeare 1428 whereby the Floren- 
and the Duke. t{ nes recovered the townes lost in Romagna, and Brescia 
remained in the hands of the Venetians. Besides these, the 
Duke gave them Bergamo with the country thereto belong 
ing. In this warre the Florentines spent three millions and 
five thousand duckats. But the Venetians gained land and 
192 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

force : and they povertie and division. The peace thus THE 

made abroad, the warre at home began. And the great FOURTH 

Citizens not enduring the Catasto, not knowing by what BOOKE 

meane to be free from it, devised to make the lawe to have 

more enimies, thereby to have companions to represse it. 

Then they declared to the officers of the Imposition, that 

the lawe commaunded them also to seaze the Townes subject, 

to see, if among them remained any Florentines goods. 

Thereupon all subjects were commaunded within a certaine 

time to bring in bils of their goods. Then the inhabitants 

of Volterra sent unto the Senate to complayne of that 

matter, insomuch that the officers put xviii of them in 

prison. This made the Volterrani much offended, yet for 

the respect they had to their prisoners, they rebelled not. 

At this time Giovanni de Medici fell sicke, and know 
ing his disease mortall, called unto him his sonnea Cosimo 
and Lorenzo, and sayd unto them : I thinke now to have The speech of 
lived so long, as at my birth God and nature had appoynted. ^osimp de 
I dye content, because I leave you rich, healthie, and in ^tlT at 
estate (if you follow my footesteps) to live in Florence 
honorablie, and favoured of all men : For, there is nothing 
that maketh me dye so contented, as to remember, that I 
have never offended any man, but rather (sofarre as I could) 
pleasured all men. So do I perswade you (if you will live 
securely) to take of the State no more then by the lawes, 
and by men is given you, which shall never bring with it, 
either envie or perill. For that which is woon by violence, 
not that which is given freely, doth make men hated. And 
you shall find many coveting an other mans, to lose their 
owne, and before that losse, live in continuall disquiet of 
mind. With these rules among so manie enemyes, and 
contrarieties of opinions, I have not onely maynteyned, but 
also encreased my reputation in this cittie. Even so, if you 
follow my course, you shall in like sort maynteyne and 
augment your credit. But when you do otherwise, looke 
that your end shall be no more fortunate then theirs, who 
have ruyned themselves, and undone their houses. Shortly 
after these words pronounced, he tooke leave of life, and 
was much lamented by the greatest number of Citizens, 
for so his excellent vertues deserved. This Giovanni was 

BB 193 



THE 
FOURTH 
BOOKE 



Volterra 
rebelled. 



Giusto 

usurped 

Volterra. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

charitable, and accustomed to give almes not onely to them 
that asked, but also many times unasked. He bestowed 
reliefe on the poore, where need required. He loved every 
man, pray sing the good, and pittying the evill. He never 
desired offices, yet had he them all, he went not at any time 
to the Paliace uncalled, he loved peace, and shunned warre, 
he relieved men in adversitie, and furthered them in pros- 
peritie. He medled not with publique extortion, but en- 
creased the common profit. He was in office curteous, of 
no great eloquence, but singuler wise. His complexion 
seemed melancholy, yet was he in conversation pleasant 
and merrie. He died rich in treasure, but more rich of 
love, and good report : which inheritance aswell in goods 
of fortune as of mind, was by Cosimo not only preserved, 
but also enlarged. 

The Volterani being wearie of imprisonment, promised 
to condiscend to that which was demaunded. They then 
being delivered, and returned to Volterra, found the time 
come for the election of new Priori. Among whom was 
chosen one just man, a base fellow, yet of credit among the 
multitude, and was in the number of those that had ben 
prisoners in Florence. He being moved with the injurie 
offred both in publique and private by the Florentines, was 
encouraged by one Giovanni a noble man (who also sate in 
office with him) to stirre the people with the authority of 
the Priori and his owne credit, to take the towne from the 
Florentines, and make himselfe Prince thereof. By whose 
perswasion this Giusto (for so he was called) tooke armes, 
ransacked the towne, imprisoned the Captayne of the 
Florentines, and made him selfe by consent of the people, 
Lord thereof. This new matter happened in Volterra, 
greatly displeased the Florentines. Yet having lately made 
peace with the Duke, they imagined a time was come 
to recover it. And not omitting oportunitie, they sodeinly 
sent thither Rinaldo degli Albizi, and Palla Strozzi, as 
their Comissaries. Giusto in the meane space, supposing 
the Florentines would assault him, prayed ayd of the 
Sanesi and Lucchesi. The Sanesi denyed him, saying they 
were in league with the Florentines. And Pagolo Guinigi 
Lord of Lucca, to recover the favoure of the Florentine 

194 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

people (which in the Dukes warres he feared to have lost) THE 
did not onely refuse to ayde Giusto, but also sent his mes- FOURTH 
senger prisoner to Florence. These commissaries in the BOOKE 
meane space, to come unlocked for of the Volterani, Pagolo 
assembled all their men of Armes, and in the neather Val- Guinigi Lord 
derno, and the Province of Pisa, leavyed many footemen, of Lucca - 
from whence they marched to Volterra. Ney ther did Giusto 
for being abandoned of his neighbours, nor the assault of 
the Florentines, abandon himselfe : but trusting to the 
strength of the Scite, and the greatnes of the Towne, 
prepared for defence. 

There was at that time in Volterra, one called Arcolano, 
brother to Giovanni, who had perswaded Giusto to take the 
government, a man among the Nobilitie of good reputation. 
He, assembling his friends, declared how God by this 
accident had supplied the necessitie of their Cittie. For 
now if they were pleased to take armes, remove Giusto 
from the Senate, and restore the Cittie to the Florentines, 
they should thereby become chiefe of their Cittie, and con 
tinue their auncient priviledges. These men consenting to 
the enterprise, went to the Pallace where this Lord Giusto 
remayned : some of them also being left belowe, Arcolano 
with three others went up, and finding him with some other 
Cittizens, drew him aside, as though he had to speake with 
him in some earnest matter, so enterteyning him from 
chamber to chamber, till he came to the place where the 
rest of the companie remayned. Yet were they not so 
suddein, but that Giusto drew his sword, and before him 
selfe was slayne, hurt two of them. Notwithstanding, in Giusto slaine. 
the end unable to resist so manie, was murthered, and cast 
out of the Pallace. Then all the rest of the conspiracie 
with Arcolano tooke Armes, and gave the Towne to the 
Commissaries for the Florentines, who were with Souldiers 
neere at hand. They, without other capitulation, entered 
the Towne, whereby the Volterani made their condition 
worse then before. For among other things, they dis- 
membred the greater part of the Countrey, and was reduced Volterra 
to Vicariato. Thus Volterra, as it were at one instant lost, Covered by 
and recovered, no occasion of new warre remayned, had not J? 16 Floren ~ 
the ambition of men bene cause thereof. 

195 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE There served long time the Florentines in their warres 

FOURTH against the Duke of Milan, one called Nicholo Fortibraccio, 
BOOKE sonne to one of the sisters of Braccio di Perugia. He after 
the peace made, was by the Florentines discharged, and at 
such time as this chance happened at Volterra was lodged 
at Fucecchio, whereby the Commissaries in that enterprise 
employed him and his Souldiers. It was supposed that at 
such time as Rinaldo travelled with him in that warre, he 
perswaded Nicholo under some fayned quarrell to assault 
the Lucchesi, saying, that if he would goe against Lucca, 
he should be made Generall of the journey. Volterra thus 
surprized, and Nicholo returned home to Fucecchio, either 
by perswasion of Rinaldo, or of his owne will, in November, 
the yeare 1429 with 300 horse, and 300 footemen, surprized 
Ruoti and Compito, Castles belonging to the Lucchesi, and 
after came into the Countrey, and there made great spoyle. 
The newes of this enterprise published at Florence, many 
people assembled in divers places of the Cittie, and the 
greater number wished that Lucca might be assaulted. The 
great Cittizens that favoured the enterprise were those of 
the faction of Medici, and with them joyned Rinaldo, 
thereto perswaded, either because he thought the enterprise 
profitable to the common-weale, or else for his owne ambi 
tion, hoping to have the honor of the victorie. Those 
that disfavoured the attempt, were Nicholo de Uzano, and 
his followers. And it seemeth a thing incredible, that so 
great contrarietie should be in one Cittie, touching the 
making of a warre. For those Cittizens, and that people, 
who after tenne yeeres of peace blamed the warre against 
the Duke Philippe, for defence of their libertie : now after 
so great expences, and so much affliction of the Cittie, 
withall earnestly desired to make a new warre against 
Lucca, and to usurpe the libertie of others. On the other 
side, those that desired the first warre, found fault with 
this motion, so greatly did the opinions of men alter with 
time ; for the multitude seemeth more readie to take from 
others, then keepe their owne. Also, men are more moved 
with hope of winning, then feare of losing : For this feare 
is not beleeved, till it be neere at hand, but that hope, is 
hoped for, although farre off. 
196 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

The people of Florence was full of hope, both by the THE 
victories they had obteyned, and by letters sent unto FOURTH 
Fortebraccio from the Kettori neere to Lucca. For the BOOKE 
Deputies of Pescia and of Vico did write, that if they might 
have leave to receive those Castles, they would be delivered 
to them, and by that meanes all the Countrey of Lucca 
should be gayned. Besides these good newes, the Lord of 
Lucca sent his Embassador to Florence, to complayne of the 
spoyles committed by Nicholo, desiring the Senate, not to 
move warre against their neighbours, and a Citie that had 
ever been friend to the Florentines. This Embassador was 
called Jacopo Viviani. He not long before had been kept 
prisoner with Pagolo for a conspiracie against him : whereof 
although he were guiltie, yet was his life saved. And 
Pagolo supposing that Jacopo had likewise forgotten the 
injurie, put him in trust. But Jacopo remembring more 
the perill he had passed, then the benetite he received, 
being arrived in Florence, secretly encouraged the Cittizens, 
to proceed in the enterprise: which encouragement, joyned 
to other hope, was the cause that the Senate assembled a 
Councell, wherein were foure hundred ninetie eight Citti 
zens, before whome, by the principall men of the Cittie, the 
matter was debated. Among the chiefe that perswaded A warre 
the journey (as is before sayd) was Rinaldo, who alleadged againstLucca 
the profite that might ensue of victorie. Hee also declared perswaded by 
the occasion of the enterprise, and how the Lucchesi were Alton. 

abandoned by the Venetians and the Duke. And that the 
Pope (being busied in the affayres of the Kingdome) could 
not succour them. Thereto he remembred how easie it was 
to winne the Cittie, being in subjection to one Cittizen, 
whereby it had lost that naturall strength and auntient 
care to defend the libertie. So that, either by meane of 
the people, who studied to drive out the Tyrant, or the 
Tyrants feare of them, the successe was not to be doubted. 
Hee likewise layd before them the injuries which that Lord 
had done to our Common-wealth, and his evill disposition 
towards the same : And how dangerous a thing it were if 
the Pope or the Duke should make warre, concluding, that 
no enterprise attempted by the people of Florence, was ever 
more easie or more just. 

197 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE Against this perswasion, Nicholo de Uzano sayde, that 

FOURTH Florence did never take in hand any thing more unjust, nor 
BOOKE more perilous, nor whereof more daunger might followe. 
The per- First, they should goe about to offend a Cittie affectionate 
swation of to the Guelfi, and such a one as had ever bene friend to the 
Ni. de Uzano people of Florence, and had with perill to it selfe many 
to the con- timeg rec ei v ed tne Guelfi, when they durst not abide in 
their owne Countrey. And by the memoriall of our pro 
ceedings, it cannot be found, that Lucca being free, did 
ever offend Florence : but the offence at any time done, was 
committed by those that usurped, as heretofore by Cas- 
truccio, and now by this man, which defaults cannot be 
imputed to the Cittie, but the Tyrants. And therefore if 
the warre might be made uppon the Tyrant, and not the 
Cittie, the displeasure should be the lesse. But because 
that could not be, he might not consent that a Cittie, 
beforetime a friend, should be spoyled of her substance. 
Yet sith at this day, men live as though of right or wrong 
none account is to be made, hee would leave to speake 
thereof, and thinke onely upon the profit of the Cittie. 
His opinion therefore was, that those things might be called 
profitable, which would not lightlie procure losse. Where 
fore he knewe not how any man could call that enterprise 
profitable, where the losse was certaine, and the gayne 
doubtfull. The certeine losses were the charges it carried 
with it, which seemed so great, as would terrific any peace 
able Cittie, much more ours, having bene by long warres 
wearied. The profit of the enterprise, was the possession of 
Lucca, which hee confessed to be great ; Yet were they to 
consider the lets thereof: and they seemed to him so great, 
as hee thought the successe impossible. Neither could hee 
beleeve that the Venetians and Philippo were therewith 
pleased : Because the Venetians consent, was onely to seeme 
thankefull, having lately with the Florentines woon a great 
Dominion. The other would be glad, that in a new warre 
wee shoulde spende more treasure : so as worne, and wearyed 
on everie side, wee might after be the more easily annoyed. 
Also, there would not want meanes for him, even in the 
best hope of victorie, to succour the Lucchesi, eyther 
covertly with money, or with cassing of bands, and sending 
198 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

souldiers as adventurers to ayde them. Hee therefore THE 

perswaded that the enterprise might stay, and suffer them FOURTH 

live with the Tyrant, whereby they shoulde have the more BOOKE 

enemyes. For there was no way so apt to subdue the 

Cittie, as to suffer it continue under a Tyrant, and be by 

him assaulted or weakened. This matter wisely handled, 

the Cittie would be brought in termes, that the Tyrant not 

able to hold it, nor knowing how to governe it selfe, should 

of force fall in our bozome. Neverthelesse, seeing his words 

were not heard, hee would prognosticate that they would 

make a warre, wherein much should be spent, many hazards 

made, and in stead of surprizing Lucca, deliver it from the 

Tyrant, and procure that Cittie which before was subject 

and weake, to become a towne free, and full of displeasure : 

yea with time, an obstacle to the honour of the Florentine 

common- weale. 

This enterprise thus perswaded, and disswaded, they 
begun (as the custome is) to practise with men secretly for 
the winning of their good wills, so as onely 98 persons did 
speake against it. Then the resolution set downe, and the The warre 
Tenne elected for government of the warre, they enterteyned of Lucca 
souldiers both on horsebacke and foote. Astore Gianni, res l v ed. 
and Rinaldo degli Albizi were appointed Generalles, and 
they agreed, that Micholo Fortibraccio should have the 
government of the Townes, if the enterprise tooke successe. 
The Generalles with the Armyes being arrived within the 
territorie of Lucca, divided their forces. Astore went into 
the playne, towards Ca Maggiore and Pietrasanta: And 
Rinaldo, towardes the Mountaynes, thinking, that the 
Countrey being spoyled, the Cittie would be easily taken. 
The attempt of these men prooved unfortunate, not because 
they surprized no Townes, but for the dishonor committed 
by one of them in the service : For true it is, that Astor 
Gianni gave great occasions of his owne dishonour. Neere 
unto Pietrasanta, there is a Vale called Seravezza, riche, and 
full of inhabitants, who hearing the Generall was come, 
presented them selves : desiring him to receive them for 
faithfull servants to the people of Florence. Astor seemed 
to accept the offer, and after caused his Souldiers to possesse 
all the passages, and strong places of the Vale : then com- 

199 



THE 
FOURTH 
BOOKE 

Cruelty of the 

Florentine 

Generall. 



The com 
plaint of the 
Saravezesi. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

maunding all the inhabitants to assemble in the principal! 
Church, and there willed his men to take them prisoners, 
sack them, and spoyle all the Countrey most cruelly : not 
sparing the sacred places, but without respecte, abusing 
as well Virgins, as married women. The manner of these 
proceedings being knowne in Florence, offended not onely 
the Magistrates, but the whole Cittie also. Some fewe of 
the Saravezesi, who escaped the hands of the Generall, ran 
to Florence, telling in every streete, and to every man their 
miseries, and were by many Citizens encouraged, either 
because they desired to have the Generall punished, thinking 
him in deed an evill man, or else for that they knewe him 
not to favour their faction. So that the Saravezesi were 
brought before the tenne, where one of them stepped foorth, 
and spake to this effect. 

Sure we are (my good Lords) that our words should find 
beliefe, and compassion, if your Lordships did know in what 
sort your Generall hath used our Countrey, and how we 
have bene by him handled. Our Vale (as we hope your 
memorials do make mention) did alwayes love the faction 
Guelfa, and hath bene many times a faithfull receptacle for 
your Citizens, when flying persecution of the Ghibilini, they 
came thither. Our auncestors, and we also, have ever 
adored the name of this noble commonweale, being the 
head and chiefe of that secte. So long as the Lucchesi 
were Guelfi, we willingly obeyed their government, but 
since they submitted themselves to a Tyrant, (who hath 
abandoned his old friends, and followed the Ghibilini) 
rather by compulsion, then voluntarily, we have obeyed 
him. And God knoweth, how often we have prayed for 
occasion, whereby to shewe our zeale to the auncient faction. 
But alas how blind are men in their desires ? that which 
we wished for our helpe, is now become our harme. For so 
soone as we heard your Generall marched towards us, we 
went, not as enemyes to encounter him, but (as our 
auncestors were wont) to yeeld into his hand our Countrey 
and fortunes : hoping that in him, although there were not 
the mind of a Florentine, yet should we find him a man. 
We beseech your Lordships to pardon us, for our extremitie 
is so much, as more may not be indured, which is the cause 

200 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

we make bold to speake thus plainely. This your Generall THE 
hath not of a man more then his presence, nor of a Floren- FOURTH 
tine any thing save the name : but may be called a mortall BOOKE 
plague, a cruell beast, and as horrible a monster, as by any 
wrighter can be described. For he having assembled us in 
our Temple, under pretence to talke with us, hath made us 
his prisoners : spoyling the whole countrey, burning the 
houses, robbing the inhabitants, sacking their goods, beating 
and murthering the men, forcing the Virgins, yea, pulling 
them from the hands of their Mothers, made them the 
pleasures of his souldiers. If for any injury done to the 
people of Florence or him, we had deserved so great a 
punishment, or if we had armed our selves against him, and 
bene taken, then should we have had lesse cause to com- 
playne, yea, we would rather have accused our selves, con 
fessing, that eyther for injurie or pride, we had so merited 
to be handled. But being disarmed, and freely offering 
our selves, then to rob us, and with so great despight and 
ignomie to spoyle us, we thinke it strange, and are inforced 
before your Lordships to lay downe our griefe. And albeit 
we might fill all Lombardy with offence, and with reproch 
of this Citie, publish our injuries through all Italy, yet 
would we not, lest thereby to blemish so honest, so honor 
able, and so compassionate a common weale, with the dis- 
honestie and crueltie of one wicked Citizen, whose avarice 
before our ruine, was partly knowne unto us. And wee 
intended to strayne our selves to satisfie his greedie mind, 
which hath neither measure nor bottom. But sith our 
gifts come too late, we thinke good to resort to your Lord 
ships, beseeching the same to relieve the misfortune of your 
subjects, to the end, that other men may not be afraid to 
yeeld them selves to your devotion. If our infinite miseries 
cannot move you, yet let the feare of Gods ire perswade 
you, who hath seene the Churches sacked and burnt, and 
our people betrayed in them. 

These words pronounced, they presently fell downe pros 
trate upon the ground, weeping, and desiring their Lord 
ships, that their goods and countrey might be restored, and 
that (though the womens honors could not be recovered) 
yet the Wives might be delivered to their Husbands, and 

CC 201 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE the Children to their Fathers. This heavie case being before 

FOURTH reported, and now by the lively voyce of those afflicted men 

BOOKE confirmed, did much move the Magistrates : and without 

Astore con- delay, they revoked Astore, who after was condemned, and 

demned and admonished. Then was there Inquisition made for the 

Ri. slandered, goods of the Seravezesi, and so much as could be found, 

was restored. For the rest, they were in time divers wayes 

satisfied. Rinaldo degli Albizi, was likewise defamed, for 

having made the warre, not for the profit of the people of 

Florence, but his owne. Hee was also charged that so 

soone as hee became Generall, the desire of surprizing 

Lucca was forgotten, because hee sought no further than 

to spoyle the countrey, fill his pastures with cattle, and 

furnish his houses with the goods of others. Moreover, 

that his owne share of the bootie contented him not, but hee 

also bought the private spoyles of his souldiers. So that of 

a Generall, hee was become a Merchaunt. 

These slaunders come to his owne hearing, move.d his 
honest and honorable mind more, then they ought to have 
done. In so much, as hee became therewith so amazed, 
that taking offence against the Magistrates and Citizens, 
without delay or leave taken, hee returned to Florence, and 
The speech of presenting himselfe to the Tenne, sayd : He knew well, how 
Ri. in his pur- great difficultie and perill there was in serving a loose 
gation. people, and a Cittie divided. For the one is credulous of 

every rumor, the other, punisheth no evill doings, rewardeth 
not the good, and blameth the indifferent ; so that no man 
commendeth him that is victorious : For as much, as his 
fellowes for envie, and his foes for hatred, will persecute 
him. Notwithstanding, himselfe had never for feare of 
undeserved blame, omitted to performe an action that 
promised a certaine good to his countrey. But true it 
was, that the dishonestie of the present slaunders had 
oppressed his patience, and made him chaunge nature. 
Wherefore hee besought the Magistrates, to be from thence- 
foorth more readie to defend their Citizens, to the end, they 
might be likewise more readie to labour for their countrey. 
And although that in Florence no triumph was graunted, 
yet might they, at the leaste defende them from ignominious 
reproche, and remember that they them selves were also 
202 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

Citizens of the same towne, and that to themselves everie THE 
houre the like might happen : whereby they should e under- FOURTH 
stand howe great griefe false slaunders might breede in the BOOKE 
mindes of men of integritie. The Tenne as time would 
serve, laboured to appease him, and committed the care 
thereof to Neri di Gino, and to Alamanno Salviati : who 
leaving to spoyle the countrey of Lucca, with their Campe, 
approached the Towne. And because the season was colde, 
they stayed at Campanvole. Where it seemed to the 
Generall that time was lost : and desirous to besiege the 
Towne, by reason of the evill weather, the Souldiers woulde 
not thereto consent. Notwithstanding, that the Tenne did 
sollicite them to the siege, and would accept none excuse 
at all. 

At that time, there was in Florence an Architector, called 
Filippo Brunellesco, of whose handie-worke our Cittie is Filippo 
full : In so much, that after death, hee deserved to have his Brunelsco. 
Image of Marble, erected in the chiefe Church of Florence, 
with Letters, to testifie hys great vertue. This man de 
clared, howe Lucca considering the scite of the Cittie, and 
the passage of the River Serchio, mighte bee drowned. And 
pers waded them (so farre as the tenne gave commission) 
that this experiment should be tried, yet thereof followed 
nothing, but disorder to our camp, and suretie of the 
Lucchesi : for the Lucchesi advaunced their land, and then 
in the night brake the sluice of that ditch whereby the 
water was conducted : so that the ground towards Lucca 
being mounted, the water could not enter, and the ditch 
whereby the water should passe being broken, caused the 
river to revert towards the plaine, by meane whereof the 
Campe was forced to remove, and could not approch the 
towne. This enterprise, by meanes aforesaid prevented, 
the tenne newly elected, sent Giovanni Guicciardini for 
their Generall. He, with all speede possible, besieged the 
Cittie. The Lord thereof, finding himselfe environed with 
enemies, and encouraged by Anthonio del Rosso (who there 
remained as Embassador for the Sanesi) sent unto the Duke The Lucchesi 
of Milan Salvestro Trenta, and Lodovico Bonvisi. They in pray aide of 
the behalfe of their Lord, desired the Dukes aide, but find- $f la ^ uke of 
ing him cold, secretly desired him to graunt them souldiers, 

203 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE and in recompence thereof, they promised to deliver into 

FOURTH his hands their Lord, with the possession of their Cittie : 

BOOKE Assuring him, that if hee did not accept this offer, their Lord 

would give the Towne to the Florentines, who with great 

promises, required to have it at his hand. The feare which 

the Duke conceaved thereof, caused him to lay aside all 

Francesco respects : and gave order, that the Earle Francesco Sforza, 

Sforsa sent to ^ s chiefe Captaine, should openly aske him leave to make a 

a * journey to the Kingdome of Napoli. Which being obteined, 

he with his forces, went unto Lucca, although that he knewe 

the practise was mistrusted, and that the Florentines had 

sent to the Earle Boccacino Alamanni their friend, to 

prevent it. 

The Earle Francesco being arrived at Lucca, the Floren 
tines retired their Campe to Librafatta, and the Earle 
presently besieged Pescia, where Pagolo da Diacetto was 
Governor : who being rather counselled by feare, then any 
other passion, fled unto Pistoia. And if that towne had 
not bene by Giovanni Malavolti defended, it had bene 
presently lost. The Earle then after one assault retired 
thence, and surprized Borgo a Buggiano, and burned 
Stiliano, a Castell neere thereunto. The Florentines seeing 
these ruines, resorted unto those helpes which oftentimes 
had before saved them : well knowing, that against mer- 
cinarie souldiers, when force prevaileth not, corruption 
may : and therefore profferred unto the Earle certaine 
money, to the end he should not onely depart, but also 
deliver the towne into their hands. The Earle supposing 
that more money could not be had of the Lucchesi, was 
contented to take of those that could give it. Wherefore 
he concluded with the Florentines, not to deliver them 
Lucca, (because with his honestie he could not so do) but 
so soone as he should receive fiftie thousand duckets, he 
would abandon the enterprice. This bargaine being made, 
to the end the people of Lucca might excuse him to the 
Duke, he practised with them to drive out their Lord. At 
that time (as is before said) Antonio Rosso Embassador of 
Pagolo Lord Siena was at Lucca. He with the authoritie of the Earle, 
of Lucca practised with the Citizens the destruction of Pagolo. The 
deposed. chiefe of this conspiracie were Piero Cennanni, and Giovanni 

204 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

de Chivizano. The Earle was lodged without the towne by THE 
the River Scirchio, and with him Lanzilao the sonne of FOURTH 
Pagolo. The conspirators being in number fortie, all armed, BOOKE 
went unto Pagolo, who seeing them, demaunded the cause 
of their comming. To whom Piero Cennanni answered, 
that they had bene governed by him till their enemies 
besieged them with sword and famine, and therefore they 
were now determined from that time forward, to governe 
themselves. Therewith they required the keys of the Citie, 
and the treasure. Pagolo answered, that the treasure was 
consumed, but the keyes and himselfe also were at their 
devotion. Then he desired them, that as his government 
was begun and continued without bloud, so without bloud, 
by their favours, it might be ended. Pagolo and his sonne, 
were by the Earle Francesco brought to the Duke, and died 
in prison. The departure of the Earle, delivered Lucca 
from the tyrant, and the Florentines from feare of his 
souldiers. So as then, the one prepared to defend, and 
the other returned to offend, electing the Earle of Urbino 
to be their Generall : who againe straightly besieging the 
citie, enforced the Lucchesi to resort anew unto the Duke, 
who (under the same colour that hee had sent the Earle) 
did now imploy in their aide Nicholo Piccinino. He, being 
readie to enter into Lucca, was encountred uppon the River 
of Serchio, and in the passage thereof, our men received the 
overthrow, and the Generall with a fewe of our souldiers The Floren- 
saved themselves at Pisa. This misfortune greeved the tines defeated, 
whole citie, yet because the enterprise was taken in hand by 
generall consent, the people not knowing whome to blame, 
slaundered onely them that were officers of the warre, sith 
they could not accuse those that were the devisors therof. 
Then they revived the former fault laid upon Rinaldo, but 
above al others, they charged Giovanni Guicciardini, accus 
ing him for not having ended the warre after the departure 
of the Earle Francesco : saying that he had bene corrupted 
with mony, whereof he had sent part to his own house, 
and the rest he had carried with him and consumed. These 
rumours, and these accusations, proceeded so farre, that the 
Captaine of the people moved with publike voices, and also 
by the contrary partie provoked, sent for him. Giovanni 

205 



THE 
FOURTH 
BOOKE 



Peace be- 
tweene the 
Florentines, 
and Lucchesi. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

full of offence, appeared : wherupon his kinsfolkes for their 
owne honour, laboured the matter so earnestly, that the 
Captain did not proceed. The Lucchesi after the victorie, 
did not onelie recover their owne townes, but also surprized 
all others belonging to Pisa, except Bientia, Calcinava, 
Livorno, and Librafatta. And had not a conspiracie bene 
discovered in Pisa, the citie it selfe should have bene lost. 
The Florentines repairing their forces, made Michelletto 
their Generall, who had bene trained up by Sforza. On the 
contrarie side, the Duke followed the victorie (and the 
rather to molest the Florentines) procured that the Geno- 
vesi, Sanesi, and the Lord of Piombino, joyned in league 
for the defence of Lucca, and that Nicholo Piccinino should 
be enterteined for their General, which was the cause that 
the practise was laid open. Therupon the Venetians and 
Florentines renewed their league, and the warre began to 
be openly made both in Lombardy and Toscana. In either 
of which Countries, with diverse fortune, diverse conflicts 
followed. So that either side wearie, a peace was concluded, 
in the yeare 1343, whereby the Florentines, Lucchesi, and 
Sanesi, who had surprized the Castles one of the others in 
the warre, left them all, and everie man repossessed his owne. 

During the time that this warre continued, the evill dis 
position of factious men within the citie, beganne to worke, 
and Cosimo de Medici, after the death of Giovanni his 
father, governed all things concerning the Common wealth, 
with more care of the publike profit, and more liberalise 
towards his friends, then was by his father used. In so 
much, as those that rejoyced at the death of Giovanni, 
seeing the vertue of Cosimo, became sorie. This Cosimo 
was a man of excellent wisdom, of presence grave and 
gratious, greatly liberall, curteous, and such a one as never 
attempted any thing either against any faction or the state, 
but sought by all meanes to pleasure everie man, and 
with his liberalise to gaine the good wil of many Citizens. 
So that his good deserts defaced those that governed, and 
brought himself to beleeve ; that he might by that meanes 
live at Florence, in sufficient strength and securitie. And 
if the ambition of his adversaries should move any extra- 
ordinarie occasion to the contrarie, hee hoped both by armes 

206 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

and favoure of friendes to oppresse them. The greatest THE 
instruments to worke his greatnesse, were Averardo de FOURTH 
Medici, and Puccio Pucci. Of them Averardo with courage, BOOKE 
and Puccio with wisedome, procured him great reputation. 
For the counsell and wisedome of Puccio, was so well 
knowne to everie man, that the faction of Cosimo was 
called not by his owne name, but by the name of Puccio. 
The citie notwithstanding thus divided, the enterprise of 
Lucca proceeded, whereby the humours of the factions, were 
rather encreased then extinguished. And although the 
faction of Cosimo chiefly counselled the warre, yet many of 
the contrarie part were appointed officers therein, as men 
most reputed in the state : which Averardo and others not 
being able to remedie, sought by all industrie and practise 
to slaunder them : and if any losse happened (as many did) 
they imputed the same not to fortune or force of the enemie, 
but want of wisedome in the officers. This was the cause 
that the offences of Astor Gianni were esteemed so great. 
This made Rinaldo delli Albizi offended, and without 
lycence to depart from his charge. This was the occasion 
that the deliverie of Giovanni Guicciardini was required at 
the hand of the Captaine of the people. And heereof pro 
ceeded all blames that had bene imputed to the Magistrates 
and ministers of the warre. For the true slaunders were 
encreased, and the untrue were invented : and both the 
true, and not true, were of the people that loved them, not 
beleeved. These matters and manner of proceeding extra- 
ordinarie, was well knowne to Nicholo di Uzano, and others 
of his faction, who had many times thought upon remedie, 
but found no meanes how to deale therein : Because it seemed 
to them, that the suffering thereof was dangerous, and 
forcibly to helpe it, was not easie. Nicholo di Uzano, was 
the first unto whom this extraordinary way displeased. 
Thus the warres continuing without the citie, and these 
disorders within : Nicholo Barbadori, desirous to bring 
Nicholo di Uzano to consent to the oppression of Cosimo, Perswasion 
went unto his house, where he found him sadly set in his of Barbadori 
Closet, and there with the best reasons he could, perswaded Uzanoaai 
him to joyne with Rinaldo to drive Cosimo out of the Citie. Cosimo dl m8 
Unto whome Nicholo di Uzano answered, as folio weth. Medici. 

207 



THE 
FOURTH 
BOOKE 

Answere 
of Nicholo 
LJzano to 
Barbadori. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

I thinke it were better for thy house and our Common- 
weale, that all the rest, whose opinion thou herein followest, 
had their beards (as men saie) rather of silver, then gold, as 
thou hast. For then, their counsels proceeding from heads 
graie, grounded in experience, would be more advised, and 
more profitable. It seemeth to me, that those which desire 
to banish Cosimo from Florence, had neede first of all to 
measure their forces, with his. This our side, you have called 
by the name of Nobilitie : and the contrarie part, you have 
termed the plebeial partie. If the truth answered to these 
names, in everie accident, the victorie would prove doubt- 
full, and we have more cause to feare then to hope, moved 
with the example of the auncient Nobilitie of this citie, 
which had ben by this plebeiall sort heretofore oppressed. 
But the greatest cause of our feare is, that our side is dis- 
membred, and our adversaries continue whole and entyre. 
First you must consider, that Neri di Gino and Nerone de 
Nigi (two of our principall Citizens) be not, as you know, 
more friends to us, then to them. There be also many 
families, among themselves divided. For diverse through 
envie of their brethren or their kinsmen, do disfavour us, 
and favour them. I wil resite unto you the names of some 
few, the rest you may the more easily remember with your 
self. Of the house of Guicciardini, and among the sonnes 
of Luigi, Piero is enemy to Giovanni, and favoureth our 
adversaries. Tomazo and Nicholo Soderini, for the hate 
they have to Francesco their uncle, are openly protested 
our enimies. So that, if we consider well what they are, 
and what we our selves be, I know not for what reason we 
shuld cal our or their partie more noble. And if it be, 
that we cal their part plebeial, bicause they are by the 
multitude most followed, their state therin is the better, 
and ours the worse. For whensoever we shal come to arms, 
we cannot resist them. Also if we stand on our dignities, 
they have bin given to us by the state, and by vertue therof, 
we have continued them these 50 yeres. Yet whensoever 
we shal come to proofe, our weaknes wil appear, and we 
shal lose our authority. If you haply say, that the just 
occasion which moveth us to this enterprise, shall encrease 
our credit, and diminish theirs ? Thereto I answere, that 

208 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

it behooveth this just quarrel of ours to be knowne, and THE 
beleeved of others, as wel as of our selves : which falleth FOURTH 
out cleane contrarie, for the occasion alledged, is altogither BOOKE 
builded upon the suspition we have, that he goeth about to 
make himselfe Prince of this cittie. This is the mistrust 
we have, which others have not, but they rather accuse us 
of that, we accuse him. The matters which make Cosimo 
suspected, are that he imployeth his mony to serve everie 
occasion, not onely to private uses, but also to the publike 
affaires : and that as well to the Florentines, as the Cap- 
taines and Leaders. The cause why he doth favoure this, 
and that Cittizen, having need of authoritie, is for that his 
credit with the multitude, hath advaunced this and that 
friend, to great honours. Therefore it behoveth you to 
alledge the reasons why hee should be expulsed. Because 
he is charitable, friendly, liberall, and loved of all men ? 
And now tel me I pray you, what lawe inhibiteth, blameth, 
or condemneth men for their charitie, their liberalise, and 
their love ? And albeit these be meanes for him to aspire, 
yet are they not so taken, neither are wee of credite inough 
to make them so to bee thought. For our proceedings 
have wrought our discredit, and our cittie (naturally dis 
posed to division, and living alwaies in corruption) cannot 
give eare to such accusations. But admit you could expulse 
him, which (having a Senate for the purpose may easily 
come to passe) : yet how can ye devise, that he having in 
the citie so many friends studying for his returne, should 
not be revoked? This I think impossible, because his 
friends being many, and he (having love universal) you can 
not assure him. The more of his chiefe friends you labour 
to banish, the more enemies you winne to your selves. So 
that within short space he shall be returned, and you have 
gained thus much, that a good man he was banished, and 
returned an evil man : because his nature shall be corrupted 
by those, that will labour his revocation. To whom being 
made beholding, he may not oppose himselfe, and if you 
would put him to death, by order of Magistrates, you could 
never procure it : because his riches, and our corruptible 
nature, would assuredly save him. Yet admit he were dead, 
or banished never to returne ? I see not what is gotten to 
DD 209 



THE 
FOURTH 
BOOKE 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

our Common weale : for though it be thereby delivered of 
Cosimo, it becommeth subject to Rinaldo, and I am one of 
those, who wish, that no Citizen should surpasse an other 
in power and authoritie. But if any of these two should 
prevaile, I know not for what cause I ought to love Rinaldo 
more then Cosimo. Neither will I say more, then I pray 
God to defend, that any Citizen should aspire to be Prince 
of this citie. And though our sinnes have merited such a 
plague, yet God forbid we should obey him. Do not there 
fore perswade an enterprise, which in everie respect is 
dangerous, nor thinke that you (accompanied with a fewe) 
can withstand the will of many. For all these Citizens 
partly through ignorance, and partly of their lewdnesse, be 
prepared to make sale of the Common weale : and fortune 
is so friendly unto them, as they have alreadie founde a 
chapman. Be therefore pleased to follow my counsell : live 
modestly, and so shall you find cause, as well to suspect 
some of our side for enemies to the libertie, as those of the 
contrarie : and when any troubles happen being neutrall, 
you shall be to both acceptable. So shall you helpe your 
selfe, and not hinder your country. 

These words did somewhat appease the minde of Bar- 
badoro : and the citie continued quiet, during the war of 
Lucca. But the peace made, and Nicholo da Uzano dead, 
the cittie remained both without warre and order. By 
meane whereof, evill humours grew, and Rinaldo thinking 
himselfe to be onely Prince, ceased not to entreate, and 
perswade all those Citizens (whom he thought likely to be 
Gonfalonieri) to arme themselves for the defence of their 
country, against that man, who through the lewdnesse of a 
few, and the ignorance of many, should of necessitie bring 
the same to servitude. This course holden by Rinaldo, 
and the contrarie laboured by the adverse part, filled the 
citie with suspition : and at the election of everie Magis 
trate, the one against the other partie, publikely mur 
mured, and at the election of the Senators, all the 
citie was in open uproare. Everie matter brought before 
the Magistrates (how litle so ever it were) occasioned a 
^ tnutinie. All secret matters were laide open ; good and 
evill, were favoured and disfavoured : good men, and 

210 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

evill men, equally molested; and no Magistrate could THE 
execute his office. J FOURTH 

Florence remaining in this confusion, and Rinaldo labour- BOOKE 
ing to oppresse the greatnesse of Cosimo : knowing that 
Barnardo Guadagni, was likely to be elected Gonfaloniere, 
paide his debts, to the end, that such mony as he owed to 
the state, should not be a meane, to keepe him from that 
dignitie. The Senators being chosen, (and fortune favour 
ing our discords:) it came to passe, that Barnardo was 
chosen Gonfaloniere, to sit in that office, during the two 
moneths of September and October. Him presently Rinaldo 
visited, and told him how greatly the Nobilitie rejoyced for 
his being aspired to that honour, which for his vertue he 
deserved : and therfore required him, so to behave himselfe 
in the office, that their rejoycing should not be in vaine. 
Then he laid before him, the perils which proceeded of 
faction, and that there was no other remedie to unite the 
citie, but the oppression of Cosimo : because hee, with the 
love which his exceeding riches had gained him, held others 
downe, and aspired to make himselfe Prince. It were ther 
fore convenient, for remedie of so great a mischiefe, that the 
people should be assembled in the Market place : And by 
vertue of the Gonfaloniere the citie restored to libertie. 
He moreover declared, how Salvestro de Medici, could with 
out justice bridle the greatnesse of the Guelfi, unto whome 
by the bloud of their auncestors lost in that quarrell, the 
government to them apperteined. And if he unjustly could 
do that against so many, then might Barnardo with justice 
do the same, against one alone. Then he perswaded him 
not to feare any man, because his friends would be readie 
armed to assist him. Of the multitude which so greatly 
honoured Cosimo, none account was to be made, for Cosimo 
should have by their favours none other good, then had 
Georgio Scali. Neither should he feare his riches, for they 
being come to the hands of the Senators, should be theirs. 
And in conclusion said, that this action should make the 
state united, and him famous. 

To these perswasions, Barnardo briefly answered ; how he 
thought necessary to do according to that counsel. And 
bicause the time was to be imploied rather in action, then 

211 



THE 
FOURTH 
BOOKE 



Cosimo di 
Medici cited 
and com 
mitted. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

words, he would presently prepare forces, to be readie, so 
soone as his companions could be perswaded to the enter 
prise. Barnardo being placed in office, and having woon his 
companions, and counselled with Rinaldo, sent for Cosimo : 
who, albeit he were otherwise advised, did appeare, trusting 
rather to his owne innocencie, then the mercie of the Senators. 
So soone as Cosimo was entered the Pallace, Rinaldo with 
many others armed, came to the Market place, and there 
met with the rest of that faction. Then the Senators caused 
the people to be called, and made a Balia of two hundreth 
men, to reforme the state of the citie : which Balia, with 
such speed as possibly they could, consulted upon the refor 
mation, and also of the life and death of Cosimo. Many 
perswaded he should be banished, others would have him 
put to death, and many also said nothing, either for the 
compassion they tooke of the man, or for the fear of them 
selves. This diversitie of opinions, did procure that nothing 
was concluded. In a Tower of the Pallace called Alberget- 
tino, Cosimo was kept prisoner under the guard of Federigo 
Malavolti. From which place, Cosimo hearing them talke, 
and perceiving the noyse of armed men in the Market place, 
togither with the often ringing of the Bell to the Balia, he 
stooc} in great suspition of his life : and feared also, least 
his particuler enemies would extraordinaly murther him. 
For these respects, during the space of foure dayes, he would 
eate nothing, but one litle peece of bread : which Federigo 
perceiving, saide unto him. Cosimo, I see thou fearest to 
be poysoned, and therefore would first famish thy selfe. 
But thou doest me great dishonor, to thinke that I wold 
put my hand to so wicked a deede. I surely beleeve, that 
thou art not to die for this matter, having so good friends 
both within and without the Pallace. But if it be ment, 
that thy life shall be taken from thee, be sure, they should 
finde other ministers then me, to performe that deed. For 
I will not imbrew my hands in the bloud of any man, and 
chiefly in thine, who never offended me. Be therefore of 
good cheare, eate thy meate, and preserve thy life to the 
comfort of thy friends and country, and because thou shalt 
mistrust the lesse, I my selfe will eate part of those meates 
which be set before thee. 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

These words comforted Cosimo exceedingly, and with THE 
teares in his eyes, he embraced and kissed Federigo ; thank- FOURTH 
ing him most heartily for his friendly and pitious dealing : BOOKE 
offering to be thankfull whensoever occasion should be pre 
sented. Thus Cosimo somewhat comforted, and his cause 
disputed among the Citizens : It happened, that Federigo 
brought with him to supper a friend of the Gonfalonieries, 
called Farganaccio, a man verie wittie, and pleasantly dis 
posed. The supper being almost ended, Cosimo hoping to 
helpe himselfe by this mans presence (for he was with him 
well acquainted) made signes to Federigo to go aside : who 
knowing the occasion, fained to go for something that 
wanted. And leaving them alone, Cosimo after a fewe 
friendly words spoken to Farganaccio, gave him a token, 
and sent him to the Hospital of Santa Maria Nuova, for a 
thousand and one hundreth crownes : wherof one hundreth 
to be kept to his owne use, the other to be livered to the 
Gonfaloniere. Farganaccio performed his Commission, the 
mony was paide : and by vertue thereof, Barnardo became 
more favourable. So as, then it was ordered, that Cosimo Cosimo di 
should be onely confined to Padoa, contrary to the expecta- Medici 
tion of Rinaldo, that desired his life. Averardo and many banished, 
others of the house of Medici were also banished ; and with 
them Puccio, and Giovanni Pucci. Also to terrific others 
that were offended with the exile of Cosimo, they gave 
Commission of Balia, to the Eight of the Guard, and the 
Captaine of the people. After which order taken, Cosimo 
upon the third of October, in the yeare 1433, came before 
the Senators, who pronounced his banishment, and per- 
swaded him to obey the same : Or if he would refuse, more 
severitie would be used, both unto his person and goods. 
Cosimo with chearfull countenance received his confinement, 
protesting that whither so ever the Senate should please to 
send him, hee was most willing to obey. Humbly desiring, 
that as they had preserved his life, so it might please them 
to defend him : for he was given to understand of many, 
that watched in the Market place to have his bloud. He 
said moreover, that himselfe and his substance should be 
ever at the commandement of the citie, the people, and 
their Lordships. The Gonfaloniere did comfort him, and 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE kept him in the Pallace till night was come. There he 

FOURTH supped, and after brought him to his house : which done, 

BOOKE caused him to be accompanied with many armed men, and 

by them was conducted to the confines. Wheresoever 

Cosimo passed, he was honourably received, and by the 

Venetians publikely visited, not as banished, but as a man 

in great authoritie. 

Florence thus deprived of so worthie a Citizen, so univer 
sally loved, everie man was dismaid, and as wel they that 
had the victorie, as those that were victored, did feare. 
Rinaldo mistrusting future misadventure, to serve his owne 
turne and his friends, assembled many Citizens, and said to 
them, that he now saw their ruine at hand, because they 
were with faire words, teares, and the enemies mony van 
quished : forgetting that shortly themselves should be forced 
to entreate and weepe, when their sutes shall not be heard, 
and of their teares no man would take compassion. Also 
touching the monies received, the same must be repaid, with 
torments, death, and exile, in stead of usurie. Moreover, 
that it had bin better for themselves to be dead, then suffer 
Cosimo to passe with life ; and leave his friends in Florence. 
Because great personages should either not be touched, or 
being, must be made sure from taking revenge. No other 
remedie therefore remained, but to fortifie themselves within 
the citie : to the end, that the enemies taking knowledge 
thereof (as easily they will) we may resist them with armes, 
sith by order and lawe we could not avoyd them. The 
remedie of all this was (that which long before had bene 
remembred); to recover the great men, restoring and giving 
to them all the honors of the citie, making our selves strong 
with that faction : because the adversaries were strengthned 
by the multitude. By this means their partie should be 
knowne of how great force, vertue, courage, and credite it 
were. Alledging also, that if this last and truest refuge 
were not put in proofe, he sawe not by what other meane, 
the state might be among so many enemies preserved. And 
therefore he beheld at hand, a destruction of them and their 
Citie. 

To answer this speech, Mariotto Baldovineti one of the 
company opposed himselfe, and said ; that the pride and 
" 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

insupportable nature of the Nobilitie was such, that it were THE 

no wisedome to submit themselves to a tyrannic certain, to FOURTH 

eschue the doubtfull perils of the multitude. Rinaldo BOOKE 

seeing his counsell not heard, lamented the misfortune of 

himselfe and his friends, imputing everie thing rather to the 

heavens that so would have it, then to the ignorance and 

blindnesse of men. The matter thus depending, without 

any necessarie provision made, a letter was found, written 

by Agnolo Acciaivoli to Cosimo, wherein he advertised the 

disposition of the citie towards him, and wished him to 

move some warre, making Nero di Gino his friend. For hee 

thought the Cittie had much need of mony, and no way 

knowne that would supplie that want. By occasion wherof, 

the desire of his return, would be greatly revived in the 

Citizens minds. And if Neri should fall from Rinaldo, then 

that side would become so weak, as could not defend it selfe. 

This letter come to the handes of the Magistrates, was the 

cause that Agnolo was taken, and sent to exile. By this 

example, some part of that humour which favoured Cosimo, 

was cooled. The yeare of Cosimo his banishment expired,! 

and the end of August at hand, in the yere 1430, Nicholo 

di Cocco was chosen Gonfaloniere for the two moneths next 

following, and with him eight Senators, all friends to Cosimo. 

So as, that Senate terrified Rinaldo, and all his followers." 

Also because the custome was, that the Senators elected, 

should three dayes before they enter their office, remaine as 

private men at home : within that time, Rinaldo conferred 

with the chiefe of his faction, and shewed them their cer- 

taine, and approching perill : the remedie whereof was, to 

take armes, and by force procure that Donato Velluti (who 

was yet Gonfaloniere) should assemble the people in the 

Market place, call a new Balia, deprive the new Senators of 

their office, creating a new Senate for their purpose, and 

exchaunging the old Squittini, put in new, with the names 

of their friends. This devise was by many thought secure 

and necessarie. Of others, it was holden over violent, and 

dangerous. 

Among those that disallowed thereof, was Pal la Strozzi, 
who being a man indeed quietly disposed, gentle, curteous, 
and inclined rather to learning, then apt to encounter a 

215 



THE 
FOURTH 
BOOKE 



Rinaldo and 
his friends 
armed 
against the 
Medici. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

faction, or oppose himselfe to civill disorder: said, that 
enterprises having in them either craft or courage, do seeme 
at the beginning easie, but afterwards they proove hard in 
their proceeding, and in the end daungerous. Hee also 
beleeved, that the feare of new warres abroad, begun by the 
Duke in Romagna, neare to our confines, should be a meane, 
that the Senators would be more mindfull of them, then of 
these discords at home. But if it were scene, that they 
would change the government, the same could not be with 
such speed, but armes might be taken, and all things done 
necessarie for defence of the publike state. And this being 
performed upon necessitie, and not sooner, should be the 
lesse marvelled at of the people, and with lesse reproach to 
themselves. For these reasons it was concluded, that the 
new Senators should be suffered to enter, and heede be 
taken to their proceedings ; to the end that if any thing 
were attempted contrarie to the faction, that then everie 
man should take Armes and resort to S. Pulinare (a place 
neare to the Pallace) from whence they might go to 
performe whatsoever should be thought necessary. This 
conclusion made, everie man returned home. The new 
Senators entered their offices, and the Gonfaloniere (to give 
himselfe reputation, and terrifie the contrarie partie) con 
demned to prison Donato Velluti, his predecessor, for having 
imploied the publike treasure. After these things were 
done, he sounded the minds of his companions, touching 
the returne of Cosimo : and finding them well disposed, 
consulted with all those whom he thought to be chiefe 
heads of the faction of Medici. By them he was greatly 
incouraged: And thereupon commanded that Rinaldo (as 
principall man of the contrary faction) should be sent for. 

After this commandement given, Rinaldo thought good 
no longer to protract time, but came from his house 
followed with many armed men, and with him joyned 
presently Ridolpho Peruzzi, and Nicholo Barbadori. 
Amongst them were also diverse other Citizens, and many 
souldiers, who at that time hapned to be in Florence 
without pay. All which company, according to the order 
taken, resorted to S. Pulinare, and there staied. Palla 
Strozzi had also assembled much company, but came not 

216 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

out : the like did also Giovanni Guicciardini. For which THE 
so doing, Rinaldo sent to sollicite them, and reprove them FOURTH 
of their delaie. Giovanni answered, that hee made warre BOOKE 
inough to the enemie, if by his tarrying at home, he could 
holde Piero his brother from going out, to rescue the 
Pallace. Palla after manie messages sent unto him, came 
on horse backe to S. Pulinare, with two onely foote men, 
and himselfe, unarmed. And Rinaldo seeing him, went 
towards him, and reproved him greatly of negligence, saying 
that hee shewed himselfe thereby a man either of small 
troth, or little courage. Both which reproachfull faultes, a 
man of that sort, whereof he was holden, ought to eschue. 
And if happily he beleeved, for not performing his promise, 
that the enemie (having victorie) would pardon either his 
life or his exile, therein he was deceived. As for himselfe, 
if any misfortune happened, yet this content of minde 
should remaine, that before the perill, hee was not dismaid, 
and the perill being come, hee was not afraid. But he 
(and such others as he was) should double their owne dis 
contentments, knowing they had three times betraied their 
Countrey. First when they saved Cosimo, next when they 
refused his counsell, and last for not comming in Armes, 
according to appointment. To these speeches, Palla 
answered not any thing that was heard of those that were 
there, but murmuring, turned his horse, and went home. 

The Senators hearing that Rinaldo and his followers 
were in Armes, and seeing themselves abandoned, shut the 
Pallace gates, and as amazed, knew not what to doo. But 
Rinaldo delaying his going thither, attending for forces 
which came not, lost the occasion of victorie, and gave 
courage to the Senators to make provision, and to other 
Cittizens to goe unto them, and advise them how matters 
might bee appeased. Then some friendes to the Senators 
least suspected, went unto Rinaldo, and saide, that the 
Senate knew no cause of these motions, and that they had 
no intent to offend him, or if it were for Cosimo, there was 
no meaning of his revocation. If therefore these were the 
occasions of their suspition, they might assure themselves, 
come to their Pallace, be welcome, and have their demaunds 
graunted. These words could not alter the resolution of 

EE 217 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE Rinaldo, but said that hee would make the Senators private 
FOURTH men, and by that meanes bee assured : which done, reforme 
BOOKE the Cittie to the benefite of all men. But it ever commeth 
to passe, that amongst those whose authoritie is equall, and 
their opinions diverse, for the moste parte, nothing is well 
resolved. Ridolpho Peruzzi moved with the words of those 
Citizens, said, that for his owne part, hee sought not further 
then that Cosimo might no more return, which being 
granted, he thought the victorie sufficient. Neither desired 
he in hope of more, to fill the Citie with bloud, and there 
fore he would obey the Senate. Then went he to the 
Pallace, where he was joyfully received. Thus the staie 
of Rinaldo at S. Pullinare, the fainte heart of Palla, and 
the departure of Ridolpho, had utterly overthrowne the 
enterprise : and the mindes of those Cittizens that followed 
Rinaldo, beganne to faile of their wonted courage, where- 
unto the authoritie of the Pope was joyned. For at this 
time, Pope Eugenio being expulsed Rome, happened to be 
in Florence, where he heard of these tumults, and thought 
Pope Eugenio it his office to be a meane to pacific the Cittie. And 
laboureth a therefore sent Giovanni Vittelleschi, Patriarke and friend 
to R inaldo > to desire, that hee would come unto him, for 
hee intended to imploy all his credite and authoritie to 
the Senate, to make him contented and assured, without 
bloud or daunger to the Cittie. Rinaldo perswaded by the 
message of his friend, went to Santa Maria Novella, where 
the Pope laie, and was followed with all those whome hee 
had armed. To him the Pope declared, what credite the 
Senate had given him, which was, to determine all con 
troversies, and order all matters as should by him bee 
thought good. 

Rinaldo having made proofe of the coldnesse of Palla, 
and the inconstancie of Ridolpho Peruzzi, and wanting a 
better shift, yeelded himselfe into the Popes hands, hoping 
his authoritie should have continued. Thereuppon the 
Pope caused knowledge to be given to Nicholo Barbadori, 
and the rest, who attended without, that they should laie 
downe their Armes : because Rinaldo remained with him, 
for the concluding a peace with the Senatours. Which 
wordes resolved everie man, and they disarmed themselves. 
$18 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

The Senators seeing their adversaries disarmed, practised a THE 
peace by mediation of the Pope, and in the meane time FOURTH 
sent secretly to Pistoia, for certaine bands of foote men, BOOKE 
whome (accompanied with all their men at Armes) they 
suffered in the night to enter the Cittie : and possessing the 
strongest places, and calling the people to the Market place, 
created there a new Balia, which at the first assembly, de 
termined the revocation of Cosimo, with all others that Cosimo re- 
were banished. And of the contrary faction, they confined voked, and 
Rinaldo delli Albizi, Ridolfo Peruzzi, Nicholo Barbadori, Rinaldo with 
Palla Strozzi, and many other Cittizens, that the number of J^ers, con " 
them was such, as that fewe Townes of Italy (and many 
other places also) but were full of them. By this accident 
the Citie of Florence became deprived, not onely of honest 
men, but also of riches and industry. 

The Pope seeing the ruine of those men, who at his 
request had laide downe Armes, became greatly discon 
tented, lamenting with Rinaldo for the injury to him done 
under his credit, perswading him to patience, and hope of 
better fortune. To whome Rinaldo answered ; the small The words of 
credit which they gave me, who ought to have beleeved Rinaldo at his 
me, and the overmuch credite which I have given to you, banishment, 
hath utterly undone me, and my Countrey. But I com- 
plaine more of my selfe then anie others, for beleeving, that 
you being banished your Countrey, could maintaine mee, 
in mine. Of Fortunes dalliances I have had experience 
inough, and sith I little trusted to prosperitie, mine ad- 
versitie shall the lesse offend mee, for I knowe well, that 
(Fortune beeing so pleased) can againe favoure mee. But 
if she never so do, I shall ever care little, to live in that 
Cittie, where the lawes are of lesse authoritie, then men. 
Because that Countrey is to be desired, where the wealth 
and friends of men may be with securitie enjoyed, and not 
that, where mens goods may bee taken from them, and 
their friendes (for feare to loose theyr owne) in greatest 
necessitie forsake them. It was also ever lesse greevous to 
good and wise men, to heare the miseries of their Countrey, 
then with their owne eyes to see them. And it is also thought 
a thing more glorious, to be reputed an honourable Rebel, 
then a slavish Citizen. After this speech made, being much 

219 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE troubled in mind, he tooke leave of the Pope, finding great 
FOURTH fault with his Councels, and the coldnesse of his friends, 
BOOKE and so went towards his exile. Cosimo on the other side, 
having received knowledge of his restitution, returned to 
Florence, and was there received, with no lesse pompe, then 
is used to other Citizens, who after victorie, came home in 
tryumph. So great was the Concourse of people; so great the 
demonstration of their benevolence towards him, at this 
his returne from banishment, as the Cittizens willingly 
saluted him by name of the peoples Benefactor, 
and Father of the Country. 



220 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 




THE FIFT BOOKE 

LL Countries in their alterations, doo most 
commonly chaunge from order to dis 
order, and from disorder to order againe. 
For nature having made all worldly 
thinges variable, so soone as they have 
atteined their uttermost perfection and 
height, doo of force descend : and being 
come downe so low, as lower they cannot, 
of necessitie must ascend. So that from good they de 
scended to evill, and from evill ascend to good. Warre 
begetteth quiet, quiet occasioneth idlenesse, Idlenesse 
breedeth disorder, Disorder maketh ruine : Likewise of 
ruine groweth order, of order vertue, and of vertue, glorie 
with good fortune. It hath bene therefore by wise men 
observed, that learning followeth Armes, and in all Cities 
and Countries, Captaines were before Philosophers. For 
good and well governed Armes, having wonne victorie, of 
that victorie followeth quiet. And surely the courage of 
warlike mindes cannot with a more honest idlenesse, then 
the studie of Letters, be corrupted ; nor idlenesse by anie 
greater or more perilous craft enter Cities well governed : 
which Cato (at such time as Diogenes and Carneades 
Philosophers, were sent Embassadours from Athens to the 
Senate) did well observe. For hee seeing with what admira 
tion the youth beganne to follow them, and knowing the 
inconveniences which might of that honest idlenesse ensue, 
provided that no Philosopher, might after be received into 
Rome. Every country therefore by these meanes doth 
come to decaie. Wherewith men being beaten and weary 

" 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE of troubles, returne (as is beforesaid) to order, if by extra- 
FIFT ordinarie force they be not utterly ruined. These occasions, 
BOOKE by vertue of the auncient Toscani and Romanes did make 
Italy, sometimes happie, and sometimes miserable. And 
albeit since that time, nothing hath bene builded uppon 
the Romane ruines comparable to the olde, (as might with 
great glorie have bene under the government of a vertuous 
Prince). Yet in some newe Citties so much vertue is 
growne up (among the Romane spoyles) that although no 
one hath atteined such power as to commaund the rest, yet 
became they so well ordered and lincked togither, as they 
delivered and defended themselves from the barbarous 
people. Of this number was the Florentines government, 
(although of lesse Empire) yet in authoritie and power not 
inferiour to anie, but rather by inhabiting the middest of 
Italy, being rich and readie to offend, either happily they 
answered the warres made against them, or else gave the 
victorie to those in whose favoure they imployed their 
forces. By the vertue of these principallities, although no 
times of quiet, and long peace were, yet were they not by 
terrour of warre much perillous. For we cannot account 
that peace, where one state oftentimes with Armes assayleth 
the other. Neither can that be called warre, where men be 
not slaine, Citties not sacked, nor principallities destroyed. 
For the warres of that time became so cold, as they were 
begunne without feare, continued without perill, and ended 
without losse. Insomuch, as that vertue which in other 
Countries was wont by long peace to be extinguished, was 
in Italy by their owne cowardice quenched, as will plainly 
appeare, by that we will hereafter declare from the 1434 
till the 94. Whereby we may see, how at length a way was 
againe opened for the entrie of straungers, and Italy became 
to them subject. And albeit the actions of our Princes 
both abroad and at home, are not (as those of auncient 
time were) to be read and marvelled at for their vertue and 
greatnesse : yet for some other quallities, to be with no 
lesse admiration considered, seeing so many Noble people, 
were by so fewe and evill trained souldiers kept in awe. 
And if in declaration of things happened in this badde 
world, we shall not set downe the courage of anie souldier, 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

the vertue of anie Captaine, or the love of anie Cittizen THE 
towards his Countrey : yet shall you finde, what cunning FIFT 
and Art, the Princes, the Souldiers, and chiefe Governours BOOKE 
in Common weales (to maintaine the reputation they did 
not deserve) have used : which percase will proove not lesse 
worthie, and profitable to be knowne, then those of most 
auncient time. For as those do stirre up Noble mindes to | 
follow them : So these, to eschue their lewdnesse and lacke * 
of vertue, wil provoke us. In those dayes Italy was brought 
to such condition, by them that there commaunded : that 
whensoever through reconciliation of the Princes a peace 
was made ; shortly after, (by such as had weapons in hand) 
it was againe disturbed. So that neither by the warres 
ended, was gotten glorie, nor by the peace, quiet. The 
peace being concluded betweene the Duke of Milan, and 
those of the League, in the yeare 1433, the souldiers 
desiring still to exercise the warre, made an enterprise 
against the Church. 

There were at that time in Italy, two sorts of souldiers, Two sorts of 
the one trained under Braccio, the other under Sforza. Of souldiers in 
these, the chiefe Captain was the Earle Francesco sonne of Ital y> 148S - 
Sforza. Of the other, Nicholo Piccinino, and Nicholo 
Fortibraccio were the Leaders. To these two Sects, all the 
other Italian souldiers joyned themselves. Yet were the 
followers of Sforza of most reputation, as well for the 
vertue of the Earle, as the promise to him made by The Duke 
the Duke, of Bianca his naturall daughter : which alliance, of Milans 

gained him exceeding estimation. Both these Sects of daughter 
IT f. ,1 / T i i // T \ offered to 

souldiers, after the peace of Lombardy (for diverse occasions) p ran gforza. 

assaulted the Pope Eugenio. Nicholo Fortibraccio was 
thereto moved by the old displeasure borne to the Church, 
by Braccio. And the Earle, by his own ambition. Inso 
much as Nicholo assaulted Rome : and the Earle possessed 
himselfe, of La Marca. The Romanes to eschue the warres, 
banished Eugenio from Rome, who (with perill and difficultie 
escaped) came unto Florence. Where considering of the 
danger wherein he was, and seeing himselfe by those Princes 
abandoned, and that they refused to take armes in hand for 
him, by whose meane at their owne desire, they had bene 
lately disarmed, compounded with the Earle, and granted 



THE 

FIFT 

BOOKE 

The Pope 
assaulted by 
Fran. Sforza. 



Warre be- 
tweene the 
Pope and the 
Duke of 
Milan. 



Fran. Sforza 
Generall of 
the League. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

him the principallitie of La Marca : notwithstanding that 
hee had not onely before taken that countrey from him, 
but also used contempt in the letters which hee wrote to 
his Agents for the division of the land, writing thus; 
Girifalco nostro Firmiano, Invito Petro and Paulo. Neither 
was he contented with the graunt of these townes, but hee 
would be also Gonfaloniere of the Church. All which was 
graunted : So much did Pope Eugenio, feare more a 
daungerous warre, then a dishonourable peace. Thus the 
Earle become friend to the Pope, did persecute Nicholo 
Fortibraccio, and between them in the territorie of the 
Church, in many moneths, many accidents happened, more 
to the prejudice of the Pope, and his subjects, then of them 
that made the war. In so much as by the Dukes of Milan, 
his mediation, it was concluded, that the one, and the other 
of them, should remaine Princes in the Townes belonging 
to the Church. This warre quenched at Rome, was kindled 
in Romagna by Babtista Canneto, who in Bologna had 
slaine certaine of the house of Grisoni, and driven from 
thence the Popes Governour, with some other enemies. 
Then to hold that state by force, hee desired aide of 
Philippo. And the Pope to be revenged of this injurie, 
required helpe of the Venetians and Florentines. The one 
and the other of them were ayded. So that within short 
space, two great Armies were come into Romagna. The 
Generall for Philippo, was Nicholo Piccinino. The Venetian 
Forces, and the Florentines, were ledde by Gatamelata, and 
Nicholo de Tolentino. Neare unto Imola, they joyned 
battaile, wherein the Venetians and Florentines were over- 
throwne : and Nicholo de Tolentino sent prisoner unto the 
Duke, where either by poyson, or his owne sorrow for the 
losse received, within fewe dayes hee died. The Duke after 
this victorie, either because hee was weake; or beleeved 
that the league after this overthrow would stande quiet, 
followed no further his fortune; but gave the Pope and 
his confederates time to unite themselves anew : who elected 
for their Captaine the Earle Francesco ; with determination 
to remove Nicholo Fortibraccio from the Townes belonging 
to the Church ; and by that meanes, and the warres which 
in favoure of the Pope they had begunne. The Romanes 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

seeing the Pope strong in the field, sought his friendship, THE 
and received a Governour from him. FIFT 

Nicholo Fortibraccio among other townes, possessed BOOKE 
Tibali, Montefiasconi the Cittie of Castello and Ascesi. 
Into this towne Nicholo (not being able to keepe the field) 
fled. There the Earle besieged him, and the siege continu 
ing long (for Nicholo manfully defended himselfe) the Duke 
thought necessarie either to impeach the League of that 
victorie, or else after the same, to take order for the defence 
of his owne. He therefore, to remove the Earle from the 
siege, commaunded Nicholo Piccinino to goe into Toscana, 
by the way of Romagna. Whereupon the League judging 
it more necessarie to defend Toscana, then surprize Ascesi, 
gave order to the Earle, not to suffer the passage of Nicholo, 
who was alreadie with his Armie arrived at Furli. The 
Earle on the other side marched with his souldiers, and 
came to Secena, recommending unto Lione his brother, the 
warre of La Marca, and his other lands, during the time 
that Piccinino should passe. And while Piccinino laboured 
to passe, and the Earle impeached him, Nicholo Fortibraccio 
assaulted Lione, with great honour tooke him, and spoyled 
his souldiers. Also following this victorie, he surprized 
many townes in La Marca. This proceeding greatly greeved 
the Earle, and supposing all his Countries to be lost, 
hee left part of his armie to make warre upon Piccinino : 
with the rest he marched towardes Fortibraccio, whom he 
assaulted and vanquished. In that overthrow, Fortibraccio 
remained a prisoner, and was so sore hurt, that thereof he 
died. 

This victorie restored unto the Pope all those townes, Peace be- 
which by Fortibraccio had bene taken from him, and brought tweene the 
the Duke of Milan to demaund peace, which by the media- League and 
tion of Nicholo de Este Marquesse of Farrara, was concluded. the Duke - 
Whereby the townes surprized by the Duke in Romagna, 
were restored to the church : and the souldiers belonging to 
the Duke, returned to Lombardy. Also Baptista de Can- 
neto (as it happeneth to all others, who by force or vertue 
of other men possesse any state) so soone as the Dukes 
souldiers were departed from Romagna, (his own power and 
vertue not being able to defend him in Bologna) fled away. 

FF 225 



THE 

FIFT 

BOOKE 



New ordi 
nances in 
Florence. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

Whither Antonio Bentevogli, chiefe of the contrarie faction, 
presently returned. All these things chanced during the 
exile of Cosimo : after whose returne, these who had sought 
his revocation, with diverse other Cittizens before injured, 
thought without respect, to assure themselues of the govern 
ment. And the Senate which succeeded, in the moneths of 
November and December, not contented with that which 
their predecessours had done in favour of their faction, 
prolonged and changed the time and places of those that 
were banished, and confined many others anew. Also 
diverse Citizens were in that time hindered, not only by the 
humour of faction, but also in respect of their riches, their 
parentage, and private friendship. And if this proscrip 
tion of bloud had bene continued, it would have bin like 
unto that of Octaviano, or Silla, being partly also imbrued 
in bloud. For Antonio sonne of Barnardo Guadagni was 
beheaded, and foure other Citizens (among whome was 
Zanoby Belfrategli, and Cosimo Barbadori. These two 
Cittizens for having passed their confines, and remaining at 
Venegia, were by the Venetians (who esteemed more the 
love of Cosimo then their own honor) sent home prisoners, 
and were most cruelly put to death. Which thing gave 
great reputation to the faction of Cosimo, and much terror 
to the enemy, that so mightie a Common weale refused not 
to sell their libertie to the Florentines. Which was thought 
to be done, not so much to gratifie Cosimo, as to exasperate 
the factions in Florence, and make, by meanes of bloud, the 
division of our citie the more daungerous : Because the 
Venetians found that there was nothing that so much 
hindred their greatnes, as the uniting thereof. Thus the 
citie being acquite both of the enemies and persons sus 
pected to the state, the governours studying to pleasure 
other people, and make their own part the stronger, restored 
the house of Alberti with all other Rebels. All the great 
Citizens (a few except) were brought into the order of the 
people, and the possessions of the rebels at smal prices, 
among them sold. Moreover with new lawes, and orders, they 
strengthened themselves, making new Squittini, taking out 
the names of their enemies, and putting in the names of their 
friends. Also being warned by the ruine of their enemies, 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

and judging that it sufficed not for the holding of the state, THE 
to have the Squittini full of their friends : they also thought FIFT 
good, that the Magistrates of life and death, should be BOOKE 
chosen of the chiefe of their faction. It was therfore required, 
that the makers of the new Squittini, togither with the old 
Senate, should have authoritie to create the new. They 
gave unto the Eight authoritie over life and death, and 
provided that those that were banished, should not (though 
their time were expired) return, unlesse of the Senat and 
the Colledges being in number 37) were thereunto consent 
ing, or at the least, thirtie foure of them. To write unto 
those that were confined, or receive any letters from them, 
was forbidden. Also every word, every signe, and every 
action that offended the Governours, was greevously 
punished. And if in Florence remained any suspition, it 
was the Impositions lately imposed : and so having driven 
out their adversaries, or brought them to great poverty, 
assured themselves of the state. Also not to want forrein 
aid, but prevent such as thereby determined to offend them, 
they did confederate, and make league with the Pope, the 
Venetians, and the Duke of Milan. The state of Florence 
resting in these tearmes, Giovanna Queene of Naples dyed, 
making by her testament Rinieri de Angio, heyre of her 
Kingdome. 

At that time Alfonso King of Aragon happened to be in 
Sicilia, and having the friendship of many Barrens there, 
prepared himselfe to possesse that Kingdome. The Na- Warre be- 
politanes, and many of the Lords favoured Rinieri. ^ The ** 
Pope on the other side, would neither that Rinieri, nor jfin 
Alfonso might possesse it : but desired that himselfe should O f Aragon. 
governe it, by a Deputy of his owne. Yet Alfonso being 
arrived in the Kingdome, was by the Duke of Sessa received, 
and there enterteined some other Princes, hoping to surprize 
Capova (which the Prince of Tarranto in the name of 
Alfonso possessed) and by that meane to constraine the 
Napolitanes to yeeld to his will. For that purpose he sent 
his Navie to assault Gaietta, which was holden for the Nea- 
politanes. The Napolitanes then prayed ayde of Philippo, 
who perswaded the Genovesi to take that enterprise in 
hand. They not onely to satisfie the Duke their Prince, 

227 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE but also to save the merchandize they had in Naples and 
FJFT Gaietta, armed a mightie Navie. Alfonso on the contrary 
BOOKE side, understanding thereof, encreased his forces, and went 
in person to encounter the Genovesi, with whom he fought 
neere unto the Island of Pontio, and there his Navie was 
King Alfonso vanquished, himselfe with diverse other Princes taken and 
taken by the sent by the Genovesi to Philippo. This victorie dismayd 
Genovesi. a Q ne p rmces o f Italy, because thereby they thought he 
might become owner of all. But he (so diverse are the 
opinions of men) tooke a course, cleane contrary to ex 
pectation. This Alfonso, being a man verie wise, so soone 
as he could come to the speech of Philippo, tolde how 
greatly he deceived himselfe to favour Rinieri, and disfavour 
him : because if Rinieri were King of Naples, he would 
labour with all his force to bring the Dukedome of Milan to 
the hands of the French King, by reason his ayde was at 
hand, his furniture of all things necessarie, and the way 
open for his reliefe. Neither could he looke for better then 
his owne ruine, if he made that state to become French. 
But the contrarie would follow, if himselfe might be Prince. 
For he not fearing any other enemy then the French, 
should be enforced to love, honour and obey him, who had 
the onely power to open the way to his enemies. So that 
although the Kingdome should rest with Alfonso, yet the 
authoritie and power thereof would remaine in the hands 
of Philippo. Wherefore it would much more import him 
then himselfe, to consider the perill of the one, and the 
profit of the other, unlesse he desired more to satisfie his 
fantesie, then assure the state. Because in doing the one, 
he should be Prince, and free, by the other (in the middest 
of two mightie enemies) either sure to lose the state utterly, 
live alwayes in suspition, or, as a subject, obey them. These 
words wrought so deepe in the Dukes mind, that (changing 
King Alfonso his intent) he delivered Alfonso, honorably returned him 
delivered. to Geneva, and from thence to the Kingdome. There he 
imbarked againe, and being arrived at Gaietta, his delivery 
was knowne, and that Countrey sodeinly surprized by 
certaine Lords his followers. The Genovesi seeing, that 
without respect to them, the Duke had delivered the King, 
and that he, whome they with their charge and perill had 
228 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

honoured, did not make them aswell partakers of the honor THE 
in the Kings inlargement, as of the injurie to him done, FIFT 
and his overthrow, grew greatly offended. In the Cittie of BOOKE 
Genova (when it liveth inlibertie) there is created one head, 
whome they call Doge, not to be a Prince absolute, nor to 
determine alone, but as chiefe to propound those matters, 
whereof the Magistrates and Councels should consult. 
Within that Towne be many noble Families, which are so 
mightie, that with difficultie, they yeeld to the authoritie 
of Magistrates. And of them the houses of Fregosa and Fregosi and 
Adorna be of greatest force. From these, the divisions of Adorni. 
that Cittie, and the causes of civill disorders did proceed. 
For they many times contending for government, not onely 
civily, but also by armes, it falleth out, that ever the 
one faction is afflicted, and the other governeth. It also 
happeneth many times, that those who are deposed from 
authoritie, do pray ayde of forreine armes, and yeeld that 
government to others, which they themselves could not 
enjoy. Hereof it proceedeth, that those who governed in 
Lombardy, do for the most part commaund in Genova, as 
it happened at such time as Alfonso was taken. 

Among the chiefe of the Genovesi that caused the Cittie 
to be given into the hands of Philippe, was Francesco Francesco 
Spinola, who not long after he had brought his countrey Spinola. 
in bondage (as in like cases it ever happeneth) became 
suspected to the Duke. Wherewith he being discontent, 
voluntarily exiled himselfe to Gaietta, and there chanced 
to be, at such time as the fight by sea was performed against 
Alfonso. In which exploit he served so vertuously, that 
he perswaded himselfe to have deserved so well of the Duke, 
as in respect of his service, he might (at the least) live in 
Genova with securitie. Yet perceiving the Duke to con 
tinue in his suspition, and fearing least he beleeved, that 
a man who had not loved the liberty of his countrey, could 
not love him, determined to try a new fortune, and at one 
instant both to deliver his countrey, and win himselfe fame 
with securitie; Being perswaded, that by no meanes he 
might recover the good will of the Cittizens better, then to 
performe such an acte with his owne hand : So as, the same 
hand which had offended, and hurt his countrey, should 

229 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE also minister the medicine, and heale it. Then knowing 
FIFT the universall offence borne to the Duke by the deliverie 
BOOKE of the King, thought the time to serve well for the execu 
tion of his intent. Wherefore he imparted his mind to 
some, whome he knew of his owne opinion : Them he per- 
s waded and prepared to folio we him. The feast of S. John 
Baptist being come, Arismino (the new Governor sent by 
the Duke) entred into Geneva, accompanied with Opicino 
the old Governor, and many other Cittizens. Francesco 
Spinola thought then good no longer to deferre the matter, 
but came out of his house with diverse others, all armed, 
and privie to his determination. So soone as hee came to 
the market place, where himselfe dwelled, he proclaymed 
the name of libertie. And it was a thing very marvellous 
to see, with how great speed the people and Cittizens to 
that name assembled : So as no man that loved the Duke 
either for his owne profit, or other occasion, had leisure to 
take armes, or thinke how to save himselfe. Arismino with 
some other Genovesi, fled into the Castle which he kept for 
the Duke. Opicino presuming that (if he fled to the 
Pallace) having there two thousand Souldiers at his com- 
maundement, he should either save himselfe, or give courage 
to his friends to defend him, went thitherwards, but before 
he came to the market place, was slaine, cut in pieces, and 
drawne through every streete of the Cittie. The Genovesi 
having thus reduced the Cittie under their owne Magistrates 
The libertie and libertie, within few dayes also surprized the Castle, with 
of Geneva the other places of strength possessed by the Duke, and so 
recovered. clearely cast off the yoke of Philippe. These matters thus 
handled, as at the beginning, the Princes of Italy was dis- 
mayd, fearing that the Duke should become overmightie, 
so this gave them hope (seeing what end they had) to be 
able to bridle him. And notwithstanding the league lately 
made, the Florentines and the Venetians made peace with 
the Genovesi : whereupon, Rinaldo delli Albizi, and other 
leaders of the Florentines banished, seeing things out of 
order, and the world changed, did hope to perswade the 
Duke to make open warre against the Florentines. For 
which purpose they went to Milan, and Rinaldo being 
come to the Dukes presence, spake as followeth. 
230 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

If we sometimes your enemies, do now confidently desire THE 
ayde of you for the recoverie of our countrey, neither you, FIFT 
nor any other (that consider worldly matters, how they BOOKE 
proceed, and how variable fortune is) ought to mervaile, The Oration 
albeit neither of our passed or present actions, nor of that of Ri. de 

we have lone since done either to you, or to our countrey, ~ lb , lzl *? the 

i .s . j . J i J < Duke of 

or that which now is in doing, we can render a good and 

reasonable excuse. There is no good man reprooveth 
another for defending his Countrey, in what sort soever the 
same is defended. Neither was it ever our meaning, to 
injure you, but to defend our owne from being injured ; 
which was sufficiently proved in the greatest victories of 
our league. For so soone as we knew you inclined to a true 
peace, we were thereof more desirous, then you your selfe, 
so that we need not feare to obteine any favour at your 
hands. Neither can our Countrey find fault, although we 
now perswade you to take armes against it, whome with 
so great resolution we have withstood. For that countrey 
deserveth to be loved of all men, which indifferently loveth 
them ; and not that countrey, which disdaining the greatest 
number, advanceth a few. There is no man also that ought 
to condemne men, although for some causes they take 
armes against their countrey. For albeit the Cities be 
bodies mixed, yet have they of bodies simple, some resem 
blance. And as in these, many infirmities grow, which 
without fire and force cannot be cured : so in the other, 
many mischiefes arise, which a godly and good Citizen 
should offend to leave uncured : notwithstanding that in 
the cure he doth (as it behoveth him) apply both fire and 
force. What sicknes in the bodie of a common-weale can 
be greater, then servitude? And what medicine is more 
needfull then this in the cure of that disease? Those 
warres be only just, which be necessarie, and those armes 
most mercifull, where other hope cannot be had, then by 
them. I know not what necessitie is greater then ours, or 
what compassion can be more, then to deliver a Countrey 
from servitude ? Most certainly we know our cause is to 
be pittied and just, which ought to be both by us and you 
considered. For your part, faile not to affoord this justice, 
sith the Florentines have not bene ashamed, after a peace 

231 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE with so great solemnitie concluded, to make league with the 
FIFT Genovesi your rebels : so that though our cause move you 
BOOKE not to compassion, yet this dishonor offered unto your 
selfe, ought to perswade you, and the rather that you see 
the enterprise easie. Let not exampls passed discourage 
you, having seen the power of that people, and their 
obstinate defence of themselves. Which two things, might 
yet reasonably be feared, were they of the same vertue, 
which in those daies they have bene. But now you shall finde 
all contrarie. For what force can you looke for in any 
Cittie, which hath spoiled the greatest part of the riches, and 
industrie thereof. What resolution can be hoped of in a 
people, by so divers and new quarrels disunited ? Which 
disunion, is cause, that those riches there remaining in 
such sort as they were wont, be imploied, because men do 
willingly spend their patrimony, when they see the same for 
their owne glory, their owne honor, and their owne Countrey 
imployed : ever hoping to recover that in peace, which the 
warre hath consumed : and not when they see themselves 
both in war and peace oppressed ; having in the one to 
suspect the injurie of enemies, and in the other, the in- 
solencie of them that command. Also, the people are more 
harmed by covetousnes of our own Citizens, then the 
spoile of our enemies, for of this some end may be hoped 
of, but of that none at all. In the warres passed, you 
made warre to the whole Citie, but now you are only to 
contend with a few. Then you came to take the state 
from many, and those good Citizens, but now you are to 
assault a fewe, and those but bace companions. Then you 
came to take the libertie from the Cittie, but now you 
come to restore it. It is not therefore like, that in so great 
a contrarietie of occasions, the effect that will follow shall 
be like. Yea, you are rather to hope of victorie certaine, 
which how greatlie it fortifieth your State, your selfe may 
easilie judge, having thereby greatly bound Toscana to be 
your friend. And though at some other time, this victorie 
would be accounted ambitious and violent, yet upon this 
occasion, is esteemed just and reasonable. Omit not there 
fore the present opportunitie, and thinke that although 
your other enterprises against the Cittie, did with their 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

difficultie breed your expences and infamie, yet this with THE 
great facilitie shall bring you foorth exceeding profit, with FIFT 
most honourable report. BOOKE 

There needed not many words to perswade the Duke to 
move warre against the Florentines, because he was there 
unto disposed by hate hereditarie, and blind ambition, 
which humors did leade and commaund him : and the 
rather, being spurred forward by new injuries, and offence 
for the league made with the Genovesi. Notwithstanding, 
his former charges, with the fresh memory of perils, and 
losses passed, togither with the vaine hope of the banished 
men, did discourage him. This Duke, so soone as he under- Geneva re- 
stood the rebellion of Genova, had sent Nicholo Piccinino 
with all his men of armes, and those footemen he could hire 
in his journey, to recover the Cittie, before the Cittizens 
had setled their minds and planted a new government, 
greatly trusting unto the Castle of Genova which was 
holden for him. And albeit that Nicholo had forced the 
Genovesi to flee unto the mountaines, and taken from them 
the Vale of Pozeveri, where they fortified themselves, and 
also constrained them to retire within the walles of their 
Cittie : yet found he so great difficultie in going forward, 
by reason of the Cittizens resolute defending themselves, 
that he was enforced to remove from thence. Whereupon 
the Duke at the perswasion of the banished Florentines, 
commaunded that the River on the East side should be 
assaulted, approching the confines of Pisa, and there make 
the greatest warre to Genova, that possibly they could, 
supposing, that resolution would from time to time enforme, 
what course were best to be followed. Then Nicholo as 
saulted and surprized Serezana, and after many displeasures 
done, to make the Florentines more suspitious, he came 
to Lucca, and caused a report to be made, that he 
intended a journey to Naples in ayde of the King of 
Aragon. 

Pope Eugenio upon these new accidents, went from 
Florence to Bologna, where he practised new composi 
tion betweene the Duke and the League, perswading the 
Duke, that if he would not consent to the peace, he should 
be enforced to deliver the Earle Francesco his confederate, 

GG 233 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE at that present remayning in his pay. But notwithstanding 
FIFT the Pope his great indevour, all his designes prooved vayne, 
BOOKE because the Duke, without possession of Geneva, would not 
consent, and the League would refuse, unlesse Geneva con 
tinued free. Every man then dispairing of peace, prepared 
for the warre. 

Nicholo Piccinino being come to Lucca, the Florentines 
mistrusted no new matter, but caused Neri of Gino to goe 
with their Souldiers to the countrey of Pisa, obteining of 
the Pope, that the Earle Francesco should joyne with 
him, and so with both their armies togither, make head at 
S. Gonda. Piccinino arrived at Lucca, desired passage to 
march towards the Kingdome, and being denied, threatned 
to passe by force. These two armies, were in force and 
vertue of the Captaines equall, for which respect, neither of 
them prooved their fortune, being also hindered with the 
cold weather, for then the moneth of December was begun. 
In which respects many daies, without one offending the 
other, they staied. The first of them which marched, was 
Nicholo Piccinino, who was informed, that if he would in 
the night assault Vico Pisano, he might easily surprize it. 
Nicholo tooke the matter in hand, but not prevailing, 
spoiled and burned the countrey thereabouts, togither with 
Towne of S. Giovanni alia Vena. This enterprise, albeit 
for the most part thereof to no purpose, yet did the same 
encourage Nicholo to goe forwards, seeing the Earle and 
Neri moved not. Therefore he assaulted and possessed 
Santa Maria in Castello, and Filetto. Yet for all this, the 
Florentine forces removed not : not because the Earle stood in 
feare, but because the warre (for the reverence borne to the 
Pope, who intreated for peace) was not by the Magistrates 
in Florence determined. And that, which the Florentines 
by their owne wisdome were counsailed to do, was thought 
of the enemy to be done for feare. Which conceite gave 
them courage, to take new enterprises in hand, so that they 
determined to besiege Borgo, and before it presented all 
their forces. This new assault, caused the Florentines to 
set aside all respects, and not only to rescue Borgo, but also 
to assault the countrey of Lucca. Then the Earle marching 
towards Nicholo, and fighting with him neere unto Borgo, 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

vanquished his forces, and levied the siege. The Venetians THE 
in the meane while, thinking that the Duke had broken the FIFT 
peace, sent Giovan Francesco da Gonzaga their General!, BOOKE 
into Ghiriadada, who spoiling greatly the Dukes countrey, 
constrained him to revoke Nicholo Piccinino from the enter 
prise of Toscana. Which revocation, togither with the 
victorie had against Nicholo, gave the Florentines courage 
to assault Lucca, with hope to possesse it ; Wherein they 
had neither feare, nor respect at all, seeing the Duke, whome 
they onely feared, to be assailed by the Venetians : And 
that the Lucchesi, having received enemies at home, were 
content to be assaulted, in respect whereof they could not 
at all complaine. 

In the moneth of April!, the yeare 1437, the Earle 
marched with his army, but before the Florentines would 
assault others, desired to recover their owne, and therefore 
recovered againe Santa Maria in Castello, with all other 
places surprized by Piccinino. That done, directed a course 
to the countrey of Lucca, assailing Ca-Maggiore. The 
inhabitants whereof, though faithfull to their Lord, yet 
because feare of the enemy neere at hand, had greater force 
in them, then the dutie toward their friend farre off, they 
yeelded themselves. And with like reputation was Massa, 
and Serezana surprized. Which things being done about 
the end of the moneth of May, the army returned towards 
Lucca, spoiling the Corne, burning the Villages, cutting the Lucca 
Vines and trees, driving away the Cattle, and not fearing to distressed, 
performe every outrage that souldiers were wont to do unto 
their enemies. The Lucchesi on the other side, seeing 
themselves by the Duke abandoned, and dispairing to 
defend their countrey, intrenched and fortified the Cittie 
by all meanes they possible could. And having men suffi 
cient, hoped they might for a time defend the same, as in 
former assaults of the Florentines they had done. They 
only feared the mutable minds of the common people, least 
they being besieged, would grow wearie, esteeming more 
their owne private perill, then the libertie of others, and 
so enforce some dishonourable and dangerous composition. 
Wherefore to perswade them to take courage, and be re 
solute in defence of the Cittie, one of the most auntient 

235 



THE 

FIFT 

BOOKE 

The Oration 
of the Luc- 
chese to 
the other 
Cittizens. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

and wisest Cittizens assembled the people in the market 
place, and said unto them as followeth. 

You ought alwaies to remember, that things done by 
necessitie, deserve neither commendation nor blame. If 
therefore you have found fault with these warres which the 
Florentines do make upon you, and that we have gained in 
receiving souldiers from the Duke, and suffered them to 
assault us, you greatly injure your selves. Also, the 
auncient enimitie of the Florentines towards you is well 
knowne: whereof, neither your injuries, nor their owne 
feare, but ourweakenesse,and their ambition, hath bene the 
cause ; for that, the one giveth them hope to oppresse you, 
and the other incouragement to performe the oppression. 
Do not beleeve that any merit of yours can remove that 
desire in them, neither any injurie by you done, can more 
increase the desire they have to offend you. Wherefore, as 
they do studie to take your libertie from you, so must you 
labour to defend the same. And, for those things which 
both they and we do to that end, every man may be sorie, 
but no man can mervaile. Let us then be sorie that we are 
assaulted, that our townes are besieged, our houses burned, 
and our countrey spoiled. Notwithstanding, which of us is so 
unwise, as to mervaile thereat ? For if we were able, we our 
selves would do the like, or worse to them. If they have 
moved this warre by the comming of Nicholo, had he not 
come, they would have done the like upon some other 
occasion. If this mischiefe had bene deferred, the same 
perhaps would have prooved greater, so that, this his 
comming, ought not so much to be blamed, as our evill 
fortune, and their ambitious nature. For sith we could 
not refuse to receive the Dukes souldiers, they being come, 
could not refraine to make the warre. You know well, 
that without the aide of some mightie Prince, we could not 
be defended : neither was there any of power sufficient, nor 
more likely to defend us both with fidelitie and force, then 
the Duke. Hee hath restored our libertie, and therefore 
reason would, hee should defend it. He hath bene also 
enemy to all those that were our auntient enemies. If 
then by not offending the Florentines, we had incurred the 
Dukes displeasure, we should thereby have lost our friend, 

236 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

and made the enemy more mightie, and more apt to offend THE 
us. So as it is much better to have this warre with the FIFT 
Dukes love, then peace with his displeasure. And we may BOOKE 
hope well he will deliver us from those dangers, whereunto 
he hath drawne us, so that we do not forsake him. You 
know with how great furie the Florentines have diverse 
times assailed us, and with how great glorie we have often 
defended our selves against them, even when we had none 
other hope, but of God and time, the one and the other of 
them preserved us. And therefore why should we now 
dispaire to defend our selves ? At that time all Italy had 
abandoned us, but now, the Duke is on our side, and we 
may also hope that the Venetians will not be hastie to 
offend us, as men that desire not to increase the Florentines 
greatnes. Heretofore the Florentines have bene more free, 
they had also more hope to be aided, of themselves, they 
were more mightie, and we in every respect weaker then we 
now are. For at that time we defended a Tyrant, but now 
we defend our selves. Then the honour of our defence was 
an other mans, now it is our owne. At that time when 
they assaulted us, they were united, but now they assaile us 
disunited, all Italy being full of their Rebels. But if all 
these hopes were not, yet extreame necessitie ought to make 
us resolute in our owne defence. Every enemy ought to be 
by us justly feared, for every of them do seeke their owne 
glorie and our destruction. But of all others, we ought 
most to abhor re the Florentines, because our obedience, our 
tribute, and the subjection of this Cittie do not suffice to 
content them, but they would also have our bodies and 
wealth, to the end they might feed their crueltie with our 
bloud, and fill their covetous desire with our riches. Every 
man therefore of what sort soever, ought to detest them. 
Be not therefore dismayed to behold the fields spoiled, the 
Villages burned, and the Townes sacked. Yet if this Cittie 
be saved, of necessitie they will be recovered ; But if this 
Cittie be lost, without any our profit they should be saved : 
Because we continuing our libertie, the enemy shall with 
difficultie possesse them, but losing our libertie, in vaine we 
shall possesse them. Take your weapons therefore in hand, 
and when you fight, beleeve that the renowne of your 

237 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE victorie shall be not onely the safetie of our common 

FIFT countrey, but also of your private houses and children. 

BOOKE The last wordes of his speech were with so great comfort of 

the people received, that with one voyce they promised to dye, 

rather then yeeld or consent to any composition in prejudice 

of their libertie : and therefore prepared all things necessarie 

for defence of the Cittie. 

In the meane space, the Florentine army lost no time, 
but after much hurt done to the Countrey, by treatie tooke 
Monte Carlo, and after removed to Uzano, to the end that 
the Lucchesi environed on every side, should looke for no 
rescue, and so by famine force that Cittie to yeeld. The 
Castle was verie strong, and fully manned, whereby the 
winning thereof, was not so easie as the others. The 
Lucchesi seeing their Cittie on every side besieged, did (as 
The Lucchesi reason would) resort to the Duke : To whome, by all manner 
pray aide of of perswasions, both sweete and sowre, they recommended 
the Duke. themselves. And in their speech, sometimes they made 
mention of their owne merits, and sometimes they laied 
before him the injurie done by the Florentines, and what 
incouragement other his friends would take, if they were 
defended ; or not, what feare might be conceived thereby. 
But if they should lose their libertie and lives, he should 
thereby lose his friends and honour, togither with the love 
of all those, that would a*b every daunger adventure for him. 
These words were accompanied with teares, to the end, that 
if his owne obligation moved him not, yet the compassion 
of their miserie might perswade him. So that the Duke 
adding to his auntient hate towards the Florentines the 
new desert of the Lucchesi, and above all, desiring that the 
Florentines should not grow great by this victorie, resolved, 
to send mightie forces into Toscana, or else with much furie 
assault the Venetians, so as, the Florentines should be forced 
to leave their enterprise and succour them. This resolution 
made, was speedely advertised to Florence, that the Duke 
intended to send men into Toscana, which moved the 
Florentines to hope the lesse of victorie. And to the end 
the Duke might be holden occupied in Lombardy, they did 
sollicite the Venetians to set upon him with all their forces. 
But they were greatly daunted with the departure of the 
238 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

Marquesse of Mantova, who had abandoned them, and THE 
joyned with the Duke. And therefore being (as it were) FIFT 
disarmed, did answere, they were not only unable to make BOOKE 
themselves stronger, but also unfit to continue the warre, 
unlesse the Earle Francesco were sent unto them, with 
condition that he should in person passe the River Po. 
For they would not in any wise allow of the old Capitula 
tions, whereby he stood bound not to passe the River Po. 
And moreover they alleaged, that without a Captaine they 
could not make warre, and of other then the Earle, they 
had no hope. Neither could they imploy him, unlesse he 
were bound to make warre in all places. 

It seemed to the Florentines necessarie, that the warre 
should be made in Lombardy with great force : yet on the 
other side, if the Earle were removed from the siege of 
Lucca, that enterprise were to no purpose. And well they 
knewe this request made of the Venetians, was not so much 
of any neede they had of the Earle, as to hinder them of 
that victorie. Contrary to that allegation was alleaged, 
that the Earle was prepared to goe into Lombardy, whenso 
ever they of the League should commaund him, yet would 
he not alter his bond, least thereby he might hinder him- 
selfe in the marriage, promised by the Duke. Thus were 
the Florentines possessed with two contrarie passions, the 
desire to winne Lucca, and the feare of the Dukes warres. 
But (as for the most part it happeneth) feare prevailed, and 
they content that the Earle having wonne Uzano, should 
goe into Lombardy. One other difficultie also there was, 
which not being in the power of the Florentines to dispose, 
perplexed them more then the former. Which was, that 
the Earle would not passe the Po, and the Venetians other 
wise would not enterteine him. So no meane being to 
accord them, but that the one must yeeld to the other, the 
Florentines perswaded the Earle to write a letter, and 
thereby promise the Senate of Florence to passe the River, 
which he might do without dishonor, because that private 
promise should not be any breach of his publike obligation : 
and notwithstanding he might after make warre without 
passing the River, yet thereof this commoditie would 
followe, that the warre being kindled, the Venetians should 

239 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE be forced to followe it, and so the humor which they feared, 
FIFT would be turned another way. But the Venetians on the 
BOOKE other side affirmed, that his private Letter did suffice to 
binde him, and they were therewith satisfied. And if the 
Earle might still use respects to his Father in law, they 
would allow thereof: for it was neither profitable to him- 
selfe, or them, without great necessitie to discover him. By 
this meanes, the passage of the Earle into Lombardy was 
determined. Who having surprized Uzano, and made some 
Bulwarks about Lucca, to keepe the Cittizens from issuing 
out, and recommending the warre to his Deputies, passed 
the Alps, and went into Reggio. Then the Venetians grew 
suspitious of his proceedings. And first of all to proove his 
disposition, required him to passe the River Po, and joyne 
with their other forces. Which the Earle utterly denied, 
Diffidence and many injurious words passed betwixt him and Andrea 
betweene the Mauroceno, sent thither by the Venetians ; the one of these 
Venetians accusing the other of much pride, and little fidelitie. The 
Earle affirmin g he was not bound to the service, and the 
other protesting that no paiment should be made. So in 
the end, the Earle returned into Toscana, and Mauroceno 
to Venice. The Earle, was by the Florentines lodged in the 
countrey of Pisa, hoping to perswade him to renew the 
warre against the Lucchesi. But thereunto they found him 
not disposed. 

The Duke then understanding, that for respect and 
reverence borne to him, the Earle would not passe the 
River, he hoped also that by this meanes he might save the 
Lucchesi ; And therefore prayed him to make peace betwixt 
the Lucchesi and the Florentines, and (if he would) to in 
clude him also : Giving him hope, that hee should, whensoever 
he pleased, be married unto his daughter. This alliaunce 
greatly moved the Earle, because thereby hee hoped (the 
Duke not having any sonnes) to become owner of Milan. 
For which cause, he ever refused to proceed in the warres as 
the Florentines did require him, alleaging hee would not 
marche unlesse the Venetians did performe their payment 
and promises. Neither was their paie sufficient: for he, 
being desirous to live secure in his owne Countrey, it 
behoved him to have other friends then the Florentines. 
240 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

Wherefore, if by the Venetians hee were abandoned, then THE 
should it behove him to take heed unto his owne doings, FIFT 
and (so seemed) a little to threaten an agreement with the BOOKE 
Duke. These cavillations, and these subtilties, highlie 
offended the Florentines. For thereby they thought the 
enterprise of Lucca to be lost, and doubted also of their 
owne estate, if the Duke and the Earle should joyne 
togither. Then to perswade the Venetians to performe the The Vene- 
paie promised unto the Earle, Cosimo de Medici went unto ^ us an . d 
Venice, hoping with his credit to perswade them. Being *f ^ers 268 
there arrived, he disputed of this matter at large with the opinions 
Senate, and laide before them the state of Italy, and the touching the 
daunger thereof. Declaring also, of how great forces and P a 7 of the 
reputation in Armes the Duke was, concluding, that if the 
Duke did joyne with the Earle, the Venetians should bee 
forced to retire to the Sea, and the Florentines be in perill 
of their libertie. Whereunto the Venetians aunswered, that 
they knewe their owne strength, and the Italian forces, and 
beleeved they were able ynough to defend themselves. 
Affirming also, they were not woont to paie Souldiers that 
served other men. Wherefore it behoved the Florentines, 
themselves should paie the Earle, sith by him they were 
served: and that for the safe enjoying their estate, it was 
more necessarie to keepe downe the Earles insolencie, then 
to paie him, because men had no boundes wherein to staie 
their ambition. Also, if hee were nowe paide without any 
service done, hee would shortly after make some other dis 
honest and more perillous request. They therefore thought 
necessarie to bridle his pride, and not suffer the same to 
increase till it were incorrigible. If then they, either for 
feare, or for any other intent would continue him a friend, 
it stood then uppon to paie him themselves. Thus Cosimo 
returned without other conclusion. The Florentines not 
withstanding laboured, that the Earle should not fall from 
the League, and indeed very unwilling he was to depart. 
Yet the desire he had to conclude his marriage, did hold 
him doubtfull, so that the least occasion (as after it came to 
passe) might lose him. The Earle had appointed his 
Townes in La Marca to be guarded by a Captaine called 
Furlano, one of his principall Leaders. Hee having beene 
HH 



THE 

FIFT 

BOOKE 

The Earle 
Francesco 
abandoneth 
the Vene 
tians and 
Florentines. 



The Earle 
of Poppi. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

long sollicited by the Duke, discharged himselfe of the 
Earles entertainement, and went unto him : which was the 
cause, that the Earle, (setting aside all respectes) for feare of 
himselfe, made peace with the Duke. And among other 
conditions it was agreed, that in the matters of Romagna, 
and Toscana, the Earle shoulde not intermeddle further. 
After this peace made, the Earle instantlie perswaded the 
Florentines to agree with the Lucchesi, and in a sort con 
st rayned them. They therefore seeing none other remedie, 
yeelded to composition in the moneth of Aprill, 1438. In 
which agreement, the Lucchesi remayned in their libertie, 
and Monte Carlo, with some other Castles, continued in 
possession of the Florentines. Afterwards they lamented 
throughout all Italy, that the Lucchesi could not be 
brought under their government. And seldome it happeneth 
that any man hath bene so greatly greeved with losing his 
owne, as the Florentines were, for not having gotten that 
which belonged to others. Although then the Florentines 
were occupied in so great an enterprise, yet were they not 
forgetful 1 of their neighbours, nor fay led to furnish their 
owne Cittie. 

At that time (as is before sayd) Nicholo Fortibraccio 
(who had married the daughter of the Earle of Poppi) was 
dead. The Earle at the death of Nicholo, had in his pos 
session Borgo A san Sepulcro, with the fortresse of that 
Towne, which in the name of his sonne in lawe, during his 
life hee governed. After his death, as the dowrie of his 
daughter hee held the same, and refused to yeeld that 
Castle unto the Pope, who claymed it, as lande belonging 
to the Church. In so much, as the Pope sente the Patriarke 
thither with Souldiers to recover it. The Earle finding 
himselfe unable to resist that force, offered the Towne to 
the Florentines, and they refused it. Yet so soone as the 
Pope returned to Florence, they travelled betwixt him, and 
the Earle, to make an agreement. Wherein, finding some 
difficultie, the Patriarke assaulted Casentino, and surprized 
Prato Vecchio, and Romena, offering the same likewise to 
the Florentines. But they would not accept it, unlesse the 
Pope did firste consent, that they might restore it to the 
Earle: Wherewith the Pope after much disputation, was 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

contented. Yet so, that the Florentines should promise to THE 

perswade, that the Earle of Poppi, should restore unto him FIFT 

Borgo. The Popes minde by this meanes satisfied, the BOOKE 

Florentines thought good the Cathedrall Church of their 

Cittie called Santa Reparata, (being long before begun, and 

now come to such perfection, as divine Ceremonies might 

therein be celebrate) to desire his holinesse, that personally 

he would consecrate the same. Whereunto the Pope 

willingly consented, and for more magnificence of the Cittie, 

the Temple, and the Pope, a Tarrace was made, from Santa 

Maria Novella, where the Pope lay, unto the Church which 

he should consecrate, the same being in bredth foure yards, 

and in height three, and of both sides it was covered with 

exceeding rich cloth. Upon this Tarrace, only the Pope 

with his Court, and the Cittizens especially appointed 

to attend him did go. All the rest of the Cittizens 

and people stood in the streets, in their houses, and in 

the Temple, to behold the same. When all ceremonies 

belonging to so great a consecration, were finished, the 

Pope, in token of more love, honored Guiliano de Avanzati 

with Knighthood, being at that present Gonfaloniere de 

Justitia, and in al times accounted a noble and notable 

Cittizen, whereunto the Senate, to seeme no lesse desirous 

then the Pope of his advancement, gave unto him the 



Captaineship of Pisa for one yeare. 
About this 



ds time, some difference grew betwixt the 
Churches of Rome and Greece, touching the divine Service. 
And forasmuch as in the last Councell holden at Basil ea, 
much had bene sayd in that matter by the Prelates of the 
West Church, it was determined by the Emperours, that 
great diligence should be used to unite them, and was 
concluded in the Councell of Basilea, that proofe should 
be made whether the Gretian Church might be brought 
to concurre with that of Rome. Albeit this resolution was 
contrarie to the majestic of the Gretian Emperour, and the 
pride of his Prelates to yeeld unto the Bishop of Rome, yet 
the Emperour being oppressed by the Turkes, and fearing 
that the Gretians could not be defended by themselves, the 
rather also to live in securitie, and be ayded of others, 
determined to give place. Then the Emperour accompanied 

243 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE with the Patriarke, the Prelates and Barons of Greece, 
FIFT according to the order taken by the Councell of Basilea, 
BOOKE came unto Venice. Which Cittie being infected with the 
plague, it was determined, that the matter should be tried 
The Gretian in the Cittie of Florence. After many dayes of disputation, 
Church sub- betwixt the Prelates of the Romaine and Gretian Churches, 
mittethtothe the Q. ret j ans submitted themselves to the Bishop of Rome. 
Rome. Then was the peace concluded betwixt the Lucchesi and 

the Florentines. And was also hoped, that the warres 
betwixt the Duke and the Earle (chiefely in Lombardy and 
Toscana) might easily be pacified, because that warre which 
was begunne in the Kingdome of Naples, betwixt Rinato de 
Angio, and Alfonso of Arragon, should of force take end 
by the ruine of those two. And although the Pope was 
evill contented for the losse of many his Townes, and that 
therewithal!, the great ambition of the Duke and the 
Venetians was apparant, yet every man supposed, that the 
Pope for necessitie, and the others for wearinesse, would lay 
downe their armes. But the matter came otherwise to 
passe, for neither the Duke, nor the Venetians, would be 
New troubles quiet. By reason whereof, it fell out that they tooke 
in Lombardy Armes anew, and made warre in the most places of 
and Toscana. Lo mbardy anc [ Toscana. The great minde of the Duke, 
could not endure that the Venetians should possesse 
Bergamo and Brescia : And the rather, seeing them prepared 
for the warres, and every day molesting and disquieting his 
Countrey. He therefore thought, that if they might be 
abandoned by the Florentines, and the Earle, he should not 
onely bridle them, but also recover his owne. To compasse 
that conceipt, he intended to take Romagna from the 
Church, judging that afterwards the Pope could not offend 
him. And the Florentines, seeing the fire at hand, either 
they would not stirre for feare, or if they did, they could 
not conveniently assault him. The Duke also knewe the 
displeasure betwixt the Florentines and the Venetians, for 
the matters of Lucca, and for that cause, supposed the 
Florentines were the lesse willing to take Armes for 
them. As for the Earle Francesco, he thought that the 
newe friendship, and hope of the marriage, should suffice to 
hold him assured. Also, to flie all offence, and give the 
244 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

lesse occasion to all others to take Armes, and chiefely, for THE 
that he was bound by the Capitulations with the Earle, not FIFT 
to assault Romagna, he caused Nicholo Piccinino (as BOOKE 
thereto moved by his owne ambition) to take that enterprise 
in hand. At such time as the reconciliation was concluded 
betwixt the Duke and the Earle, Nicholo remained in 
Romagna, and seemed much discontent with that new 
friendship made with the sayd Duke and the Earle his per- 
petuall enemy. He therefore with his souldiers retired to 
Camurata (a place betwixt Furli and Ravenna) where he 
fortified himselfe to remaine, till such time as some other 
resolution was taken. The fame of his anger being blowne 
about every where, Nicholo gave the Pope to understand of 
his well deserving of the Duke, and with what ingratitude 
he was requited. He also alleaged, that the Duke through 
the helpe of principall Captaines, had wonne all the souldiers 
of Italy to be at his commaundement. Notwithstanding, if 
his holinesse were so pleased, he could procure, that of these 
two Captaines, the one should proove enemy to the Duke, 
and the other improfitable. For accomplishment whereof, if 
money were prepared, and the warres continued, he would 
so assault the Earle, who had surprized the townes belong 
ing to the Church, as he should have ynough to defend his 
owne, and not be able to follow the ambition of Philippo. 
The Pope gave credit to these words, seeming to him 
reasonable, and sent unto Nicholo five thousand Duckets, 
with many faire promises, offering to give lands to him, and 
his sonnes. And although the Pope were diverse wayes 
advertised of this deceipt, yet he beleeved well, and was not 
content to heare any thing to the contrarie. 

The Cittie of Ravenna was then governed for the Pope 
by Octacio da Polenta. Nicholo thinking good, not to 
deferre his enterprise (because his sonne had alreadie with 
the ignomie of the Pope sacked Spoletto) determined to 
assault Ravenna: (either because he judged the enterprise 
easie, or that he had some secret intelligence with Octacio) 
within few dayes he tooke the Towne by composition, and The Popes 
shortly after Bologna, Imola, and Furli, were by him sur- countrey 

prized. Also (as a thing more mervailous) of twentie Castles l?.^j? d - b ^ 

i i .1 . 111 p ii T- Ni. Piccinino. 

which were in those countries holden for the Pope, there 

245 



THE 

FIFT 

BOOKE 



Gatamelata 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

was not one that refused to yeeld unto Nicholo. Neither 
did it suffice him with this injurie to offend the Pope, but 
he would also to these deeds mock and deride him in words : 
Wrighting unto the Pope, that upon just cause his Townes 
were surprized, because he had broken the friendship be 
twixt the Duke and him : and written letters to many 
places of Italy, signifying, that he (the Earle) had aban 
doned the Duke, and joyned with the Venetians. Nicholo 
thus possessing Romagna, left the same in charge to his 
sonne Francesco, and himselfe with the greater part of his 
army went into Lombardy. Where joyning with the 
remaine of the Dukes forces, he assayled the Countrey of 
Brescia, which in short space he tooke, and besieged the 
Cittie. The Duke, who desired that the Venetians should 
be left for him as a pray, scused himselfe to the Pope, to 
the Florentines, and to the Earle : declaring, that those 
things which had bene done in Romagna by Nicholo, if they 
were contrarie to the Capitulations, they were likewise con- 
trarie to his will. Moreover, by secret messengers he gave 
them to understand, that for his disobedience (as occasion 
and time should suffer) he would finde meanes to have him 
punished. The Florentines and the Earle gave no credit 
thereunto, but beleeved (as in deede the truth was) that 
these warres were made to hold them occupied, till such 
time as he might oppresse the Venetians : who, being full 
of pride, and beleeving they could by themselves resist the 
Dukes forces, did not vouchsafe to demaund aid of any 
man, but with Gatamelata their Captaine, made warre alone. 
T he Earle Francesco with the favour of the Florentines, 
intended to have gone to the aide of King Rinato, if 
the accidents of Romagna and Lombardy had not with- 
holden him. And the Florentines would also willingly 
have favoured that enterprise, for the auncient friendship 
betweene them, and the house of Fraunce. But the one and 
the other of those, being occupied in the warres neere at 
hand, refrained to attempt any enterprise further off. 

The Florentines then seeing Romagna surprized by the 
Dukes forces, and the Venetians assaulted (as those that by 
the ruine of others did feare their owne) desired the Earle 
to come into Toscana, there to consider what was to be done 

246 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

to encounter the forces of the Duke, which were greater 
then ever they had bene. Affirming, that if his insolencie 
were not by some meanes bridled, every man that governed 
any part of Italy, should within short space be oppressed. 
The Earle knew well that the Florentines had reason to 
feare. Notwithstanding, the desire he had to proceed in 
the marriage with the Dukes daughter, did make him sus 
pected. And the Duke knowing his desire, gave him great 
hope thereof, if he would refuse to take armes against him. 
And because the Dukes daughter was alreadie marriageable, 
the matter was brought to this ripenesse, that all things 
for the purpose were prepared. Notwithstanding, with 
diverse cavillations, the marriage day was delayed, yet by 
words to hold the Earle in hope, some deeds were performed : 
and to that end thirtie thousand Florins (according to the 
Articles agreed upon for the marriage) were sent unto him, 
notwithstanding the warre of Lombardy increased, and the 
Venetians every day lost some Towne or other. Also, all 
the vessels for the warres, which they sent into the Rivers, 
were by the Dukes Souldiers taken. The Countries of 
Verona, and Brescia, were all spoiled : and both those 
Citties so straightly besieged, as in the common opinion, it 
was hard for them to be many dayes defended. 

The Marquesse of Mantova, who had bene many yeares 
Generall for that State, beyond all expectation had aban 
doned them, and was joyned with the Duke, so as that 
which in the beginning of the warres their pride suffered 
not, afterwards feare inforced them to do. For knowing 
none other remedie but the friendship of the Florentines, 
and the Earle, they began to speake them faire, though 
shamefully, and with suspition, bicause they feared least 
the Florentines would make them the same answere, which 
they at the enterprise of Lucca, and in the Earles cause 
had received at their hands. Neverthelesse, they found the 
Florentines more easily intreated, then either they hoped, 
or their deserts did merit. For greater was the Florentines 
hate to a friend become a foe, then the displeasure they 
bare to old and auncient enemy. They having long before 
knowne the necessitie whereunto the Venetians would fail, 
declared to the Earle, that their ruine woulde be also his : 

247 



THE 

FIFT 

BOOKE 



THE 

FIFT 

BOOKE 

Perswasions 
of the Vene 
tians and 
Florentines 
to the Earle 
not to aban 
don them. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

and that hee deceived himselfe, if hee beleeved the Duke 
Philippo woulde esteeme him so much in his good, as his 
evill fortune. For the occasion why the Duke offered his 
daughter unto him, was the feare wherein he stood : and 
sith things promised by necessitie, are never performed 
without necessitie, it behoved him still to hold the Duke 
distressed, which without the greatnesse of the Venetians, 
could not be done. Therefore, hee ought to thinke, that if 
the Venetians were forced to abandon their Countrey uppon 
the firme land, he should not onely want those commodities 
which he received by them, but also all others, which of 
other men for feare of them he might attaine unto. And 
if hee considered well the other states of Italy, he should 
finde some of them poore, and some others his enemies. 
Neither were the Florentines alone (as hee had often sayd) 
of force sufficient to mainteine him. So as, on every side 
it appeared, that for him it was necessarie, to mainteine the 
Venetians mightie uppon the land. These perswasions 
joyned with the hate which the Earle had conceived of the 
Duke, for being mocked in the marriage, caused him consent 
to the composition, yet would hee not at that time be bound 
to passe the River of Po. These compositions were made 
in the moneth of February, the yeare 1438. Wherein, the 
Venetians did covenaunt to defraie two thirds, and the 
Florentines one third of the charge. And both of them 
togither at their common charge, entred obligation to 
defend the lands which the Earle had woon in La Marca. 
Neither was this League contented with these forces, but 
unto them they joyned the Lord of Faenza, the sonnes of 
Pandolfo Malatesta of Rimini, and Pietro Giampagolo 
Orsino. And although with great promises they had per- 
swaded the Marquesse of Mantova, yet could they not 
remove him from the friendship and paie of the Duke. 
Also the Lord of Faenza, after that the League was setled, 
finding a better bargaine, revolted to the Duke, which 
deprived the League of hope, to be able to performe the 
enterprises entended in Romagna. 

In these dayes, Lombardy remained thus troubled, 
Brescia was besieged with the Dukes forces, so straightly 
as everie day was feared that for famine it should be forced 

248 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

to yeeld. And Verona became so invironed with enemies, THE 

that it doubted the like end, and if any of the two Cities FIFT 

were lost, every man judged all the other preparations for BOOKE 

the wars would be to no effect, and the charges till that 

time made, utterly lost. Neither was there found any 

other certaine remedy, then to procure, that the Earle 

Francesco might passe into Lombardy : Wherein were 

three difficulties, the one in perswading the Earle to passe 

the River of Po, and make warre in all places. The second, 

that the Florentines seemed to be at the discretion of the 

Duke, if the Earle should goe from them. The third was, 

what way the Earle with his forces should take, to convey 

himselfe into the country of Padoa, where the rest of the 

Venetians forces remained. Of these three difficulties, the 

second which apperteined to the Florentines, was most to 

be doubted. Notwithstanding they knowing the necessitie 

and being weary of the Venetians, who with all importunitie 

desired the Earle, (saying that without him, they should be 

abandoned) they preferred the necessitie of others before 

the suspicion of themselves. There remained also one 

other doubt, which way they should go, and how the same 

might be made assured by the Venetians. Moreover, 

because the handling of this contract with the Earle, and 

the perswading him to pass the River Po, was appointed to 

Neri, the sonne of Gino Capponi, the Senate thought good 

to send him expressly to Venice, to make that favoure the 

more acceptable there, and to take order for the way, and 

safe passage of the Earle. Then was Neri dispatched from 

Cesena, and in a Boate conveyed to Venice : where, by 

the Senate hee was received with more honour, then ever 

any Prince before that time had bene. For upon his 

comming, and that which by him should be determined, 

they thought the welfare of their dominion depended. 

Neri then being brought to presence of the Senate, spake 

as folio we th. 

Most Noble Prince, my Lords who have sent mee, were The Oration 
hitherto ever of opinion, that the greatnesse of the Duke, of Neri Cap- 
would be the ruine both of this state and their own Com- P oni to the 
mon-weale. So that, the well doing of these states, must 
be your greatnesse and ours also. If this had bene by 

II 249 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE your Lordships beleeved, we should be now in better con- 
FIFT dition, and your state assured from those perils, which 
BOOKE presently do threaten it. But because that in time con 
venient, you have neither given us ayd, nor countenance, 
we could not readily procure remedie for your harmes, nor 
you, speedily demaund it : as men which both in adversitie 
and prosperitie knew not how to behave your selves ; for 
getting that we are of such disposition, as whom we once 
love, we will love ever ; and whom we hate, we will hate 
ever. The good will which we have ever borne to this most 
Noble Senate, your selves do know, and have oftentimes 
seene, by the aide we have given you both in mony and 
men. The displeasure which we have borne to Philippe, 
is such, as we will alwaies beare towards his house, and so 
the world knoweth. Neither is it possible that auncient 
hatred, can be either by new desertes or new displeasures 
cancelled. We were and are assured, that in this war, we 
might with great honour have stood indifferent to the 
Duke, and with no great daunger to our selves. For 
though he had bene by your ruine become Lord of Lom- 
bardy, yet had there remained so much force in Italy, as 
we need not to have dispaired of our well doing, because he 
encreasing in state and power, the enmitie, and envie towards 
him would have also encreased. Of which two things, 
warre and displeasure be engendred. We knew also how 
great charges by eschuing this war, we should have avoyded 
how eminent perils we should have escaped : and how this 
warre, by our meanes might be removed from Lombardy 
into Toscana. Notwithstanding all these suspicions have 
bene, by our auncient affection borne to your state, can 
celled : and we have determined to aide you, with the 
same readie good will, wherewith we will defend our own, 
if the same should be assaulted. Wherefore my Lords, 
judging it before all other things most necessarie, to succour 
Verona and Brescia, and thinking also that without the 
Earle the same could not be, they have sent me hither, 
first to perswade him to come into Lombardy, and make 
war in all places : he being heretofore (as you know) bound 
not to passe the River of Po. Therefore I used with him 
those reasons, wherewith we our selves be moved. And he, 
250 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

(as he seemeth) by Armes invincible, wil not be overcome THE 
with curtesie. And that liberallitie which he sawe us use FIFT 
towards you, he hath bene pleased to surpasse the same. BOOKE 
For knowing well in how great perils, after his departure, 
Toscana remained, and seeing that we haue more regarded 
your perill, then our owne well doing ; is also content to 
preferre the same, before his owne. I am therefore now 
come here, to offer you the Earle with seven thousand 
horse, and two thousand foote men ; readie to assaulte the 
enemie in what place soever he may finde him. I beseech 
you then, (and my Lords also do intreate you) that as the 
number of his souldiers is greater than his obligation, 
wherby he bound himself to serve, so it may please you, 
that your liberallitie towards him may be likewise enlarged. 
To the end, that neither he shall repent his comming to your 
service, nor we be sorie to have perswaded him thereunto. 

This speech pronounced by Neri, was with no lesse 
attention heard of the Senate, then if from the mouth of 
some Oracle, the same had proceeded. For by his words 
all the audience was so mooved, that they would not suffer 
the Prince (as is the custome) to make any answere : But 
everie man stood up, and many of them weeping for joy, 
held up their hands, thanking the Florentines for so friendly 
an offer, and him, for having with so great diligence and 
speede performed the same. Promising moreover, never to 
forget that favoure, nor that any time, either in themselves 
or in their posteritie, should cancell the memorie of this 
merite. And that their Common-weale, should be as much 
at the Florentines commandement, as their owne. These 
curtesies and congratulations ended, they consulted what 
way the Earle might martch, to the end, that the bridges 
and passages should be prepared. Foure waies were then 
thought upon whereby he might passe. The one from 
Ravenna, by the sea side : which being narrow and full of 
marishes, was not liked. An other was by the direct way, 
which being impeached by a Fortresse called Uccellino, 
kept for the Duke, the same ought to be surprized before 
the Armie should march further ; which was heard to do 
in so short a time, unlesse the occasion of the enterprise 
were omitted, the same requiring great diligence and speede. 

251 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE The third was by the wood of Lago, where because the 
FIFT River of Po was overflowed, to passe that way, seemed not 
BOOKE onely hard, but also impossible. The fourth was by the 
Champion of Bologna, from thence to Ponte Pulidrano, to 
Cento, through Finale, and Bondeno, and so to Farrara : 
From whence by water and land, they might be conveyed 
into Padovana, there to joyne with the Venetian forces. 
In this way, albeit there was manie difficulties, and might 
by the enemie, in some places be impeached : yet was it 
thought the best of all others. Whereof the Earle adver 
tised, with great speed began his journy, and on the twentith 
of June, arrived in Padovana. 

The comming of this Captaine into Lombardy, made 
Venice, and all the countrie thereto belonging, in great 
hope, for as they seemed before to dispaire, now they began 
to hope, not onely to hold their owne, but also to win from 
others. The Earle first of all went to the rescue of Verona, 
and the rather to meete with Nicholo, and his Armie he 
marched to Soave, a Castle builded betwixt Vicentino and 
Veronesi, and invironed by a diche : which reached from 
Soave to the marish of Adice. The Earle seeing his pas 
sage by the plaine stopped, thought to passe by the 
mountaines, and by that way to come neare to Verona ; 
Supposing Nicholo did not thinke, that he would take that 
way being unpleasant and mountainous : or if he did, he 
could not in time come thither to impeach him. Where 
fore being provided of victuals for eight daies, hee and his 
men passed the mountaine and arrived under Soave, in the 
plaine. Where, albeit some bulwarks had bene made by 
Nicholo, yet were they not such as staied his passage, 
Nicholo then seeing the enemie above his expectation come 
thither, fearing to fight upon disadvantage, retired himselfe 
on the other side of Adice : and the Earle without anie 
obstacle, entred into Verona. Thus the Earle having per 
formed the first enterprise, which was to remove the siege, 
the second yet remained, to rescue Brescia. This Citie is 
so seated upon the river of Garda, the scite wherof is such 
that though it be besieged by land, yet may it be victualled 
by water: which was the cause, why the Duke put so great 
forces upon that Lage, and in the beginning of his victories, 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

had surprized all those townes which by the Lage could THE 
relieve Brescia. The Venetians had also Gallies uppon the FIFT 
Lage, but they were not of power inough to fight with the BOOKE 
Dukes forces. The Earle therefore thought fit with some 
more souldiers to strengthen the Navie, and win those 
townes which withheld the vittails from Brescia. He 
therfore brought his Campe before Bandolino, a Castle 
upon the Lage, hoping if that were wonne, the rest would 
presently yeeld. In that enterprise fortune disfavoured 
the Earle, for the greatest number of his men fell sicke : so 
as, leaving the enterprise, hee went unto Zeno, a castle 
belonging to Verona, where the country is plentiful, and 
the aire wholesome. Nicholo seeing the Earle retired : not 
to omit occasion to possesse himselfe of the Lage, left his 
Campe at Vegatio, and with some choise men went unto 
the Lage. There, with great furie, he assaulted the 
Venetian Armie, and tooke welneare all their Gallies. After 
this victorie, almost all the Castles upon the Lage, yeelded 
unto Nicholo. The Venetians dismaid at his losse, and 
fearing thereby, that they of Brescia would yeeld also, 
solicited the Earle, both by Letters and Messengers, to 
make speed to succour it. But the Earle seeing that by 
the Lage there was no hope to relieve it, and by land it 
was impossible, by reason of ditches, bulwarkes, and 
trenches, made by Nicholo, so as, whosoever should enter, 
must go to present destruction ; determined to prove the 
way of the mountains : wherby, as he had before saved 
Verona, so he hoped perhaps to rescue Brescia. The Earle 
for the atchiving thereof, departed from Zeno, and by the 
Vale of Acrine, marched to the Lage of S. Andrea, and 
came to Torboli, and Penda, upon the Lage of Garda. 
From thence he went to Tenna, and there pitched his 
Campe : because, to passe from thence to Brescia, it be 
hooved him to surprise that Castle. Nicholo understand 
ing the intent of the Earle, brought his Armie to Pis- 
chiera : and after with the Marquesse of Mantova, and 
some of his owne choise souldiers, marched towards the The Campe 
Earle, and fighting togither, Nicholo was overthrowne. of Nicholo 
Some part of his men were taken prisoners, an other part 
retired to the Armie, and the third part, fled to the Navie. 

253 



THE 

FIFT 

BOOKE 



Nicholo 
Piccinino 
desirous to 
recover his 
honor. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

Nicholo then, retired himselfe into Tenna, and the night 
being come, imagined he could not escape from thence, if 
he tarried til the next day. Wherfore to eschue that 
perill certaine, he adventured a daunger doubtfull. 

Nicholo had amongst many his servants one Almaine, a 
man of great strength, and to him above others, ever most 
faithfull. Nicholo perswaded this man, that if hee would 
put him into a sacke, he might upon his shoulders (as 
though he were some other thing) carry him to some place, 
from whence he might escape. At this time the Campe yet 
remained about Tenna. Neverthelesse, by meanes of the 
victorie the day before, no great order or watch was taken, 
so that this Almaine, the more easily might convey his 
maister. Wherefore taking him upon his shoulders, (as 
though he were some other burthen, himselfe being ap 
parelled like a Porter) he passed through the Camp without 
any let, and so saved his maister. This victorie, if it had 
bene well used, as it was happily wonne, had much better 
releeved Brescia : and the Venetians thereby should have 
proved more happie. But the same being evill used, the 
joy thereof was the lesse; and Brescia remained in the same 
distresse that it was before. For Nicholo having recovered 
souldiers, determined with them some new victorie, to blot out 
the dishonour of the late losse, and take from the Venetians 
the meane whereby they should rescue Brescia. He having 
intelligence from some prisoners taken in that war, that the 
Cittadell of Verona was weakely manned and guarded ; so 
as, easily it might be surprized : thought that Fortune 
thereby had offered an occasion to recover his honour ; and 
that the new joy of his enemie, for the late victorie, should 
now for a later losse, be converted into sorrow. 

The Citie of Verona is in Lombardy, seated at the foote 
of those mountaines which divide Italy from Germany : and 
is so builded, as it partaketh both of the mountaines and 
the plaine. The River of Adice springeth out of the Vale 
of Trento, and in the course thereof to Italy, it descendeth 
not straight into the plaine, but turneth on the left hand, 
and passeth by the midst of that Cittie. Yet the one part 
of the Citie towards the plaine, is greater then the other 
part towardes the mountaines. Upon these be built two 

254 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

Fortresses, the one called S. Piero, and the other S. Felice ; THE 
which seeme more strong by nature of the seate, then the FIFT 
thicknesse of the wall. For being set high, they commaund BOOKE 
the whole Citie. In the plain on this side the Adice, are 
joyning to the wall of the towne, two other Fortresses, the 
one distant from the other a thousand paces, one of them 
is named the newe Cittadella, and the other the old Citta- 
della. From the one of these within, there passeth a wall 
to the other, and is in respect of the compasse, as it were 
a string to a bowe. All this space betwixt the one wall 
and the other is inhabited, and called Borgo di San 
Zeno. These fortresses, and this Borgo, Nicholo Piccinino 
intended to sirprize, thinking the same easie, as well for 
the negligence of the guard therein, as the small care 
had thereof, by meanes of the late victory. For he knew 
well, that in the warre there is no enterprise so easily 
performed, as is that, which the enemie feareth not. Hee 
therefore making choyse of his men, being acquainted with 
the Marquesse of Mantova, in the night marched to Verona, 
and not being there looked for, scaled the walles, and wanne 
the new Cittadell. From thence he sent his men into the 
towne, who brake the gate of S. Antonio : and thereby all 
his horsemen entred. Those that for the Venetians kept 
the old Cittadell, hearing first a noyse when the guard of 
the first Cittadell was slaine, and after when the gates were 
broken open: knew well that enemies were come, made 
Alarum, rung Belles, and stirred up the people. Whereof 
the Citizens taking knowledge, came out in a confused sort : 
those that were of most courage, tooke Armes and went 
unto the Pallace of the Rettore. In the meane while, 
Nicholo had sacked Borgo of S. Zeno. Then going forward, 
the Citizens knowing that the Dukes souldiers were within 
the towne, and seeing no way to resist them, perswaded 
the Venetians Rettore to flee to the Fortresse, thereby to 
save their persons, and the towne : saying it was better to 
preserve their lives, and the riches of the citie, till a time 
more fortunate ; then for the encountring of the present Verona sur- 
furie, to die themselves, and utterly impoverish the citie. prized by 
Then the Rettore, and all other Venetians whatsoever, fled iclo10 
into the Fortresse of S. Felice. Which done, many of the 

255 



THE 

FIFT 

BOOKE 



Verona re 
covered by 
the Earle 
Francesco. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

chiefe Citizens came to Nicholo and to the Marquesse of 
Montova, beseeching, that it would please them, to take 
that citie with honour, as it was rich, rather then with their 
shame, to suffer it to be made poore and spoyled. And 
the rather, because they had neither deserved well of their 
chiefe Lords, nor in defence of the town merited any mallice 
of Nicholo or the Marquesse. Then were they, both by 
Nicholo and the Marquesse comforted, and (as much as in 
furie of the warre might possibly be) defended from the 
spoyle. Nicholo thinking assuredly, that the Earle would 
come to recover the Towne, laboured by everie meane to 
get into his hands all the strong places ; and those which 
hee could not get, with trenches and ditches were divided 
from the Towne : to the end, that the enemie should passe 
in with more difficultie. 

The Earle Francesco was with his men at Tenna, and 
hearing those newes, at the first thought the same untrue, 
but after being better advertised of the troth, thought good 
by speedie proceeding, to amend his former negligence. 
And albeit his chiefe Captaines of the Campe, did counsell 
him to leave the enterprise of Verona and Brescia, and go 
to Vicenza, for not being besieged of the enemie during 
his aboad there ; yet would hee not be perswaded by them, 
but in any wise trie his fortune to recover that citie : and 
in the midst of these doubtfull imaginations, promised the 
Proveditore of Venice, and Barnardo de Medici, the Floren 
tine Generall, certeinly to recover the Citie, if any of the 
Fortresses did remaine untaken till he came thither. Then 
giving order for his journey, he with his souldiers in great 
haste marched towards Verona. Whom, Nicholo seeing, 
thought good, as he had bene counselled by his Captaines, 
to go to Vicenza. Yet finding that the enemies marched 
towards the Towne, directing their course to S. Felice, he 
determined to defend that Fort : but all too late, because 
the trenches about the Castle were not finished, and the 
souldiers (for covetousnesse of the spoyle) were divided 
among themselves, so that he could not come thither soone 
inough. For the Earles souldiers had before approached 
the Fortresse, and from thence with good successe and dis 
honour of Nicholo, recovered the citie. Who togither with 

256 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

the Marquesse of Mantova fled first to the Cittadell, and THE 
from thence, to Mantova. Where assembling the remaine FIFT 
of their saved souldiers, they joyned with the others, that BOOKE 
besieged Brescia. Thus was Verona in foure daies by the 
Dukes Army, both wonne and lost. The Earle after this 
victorie (being at that time winter, and the cold great) 
had with much difficultie victualled Brescia, and went to 
remain in Verona : giving order, that certaine Gallies should 
tarry that winter at Torbali, to the end, that at the spring 
of the next yeare, he might be strong both by sea and 
land for the rescue of Brescia. 

The Duke seeing the warre for that time staled, and 
his hope to surprise Verona and Brescia remooved, wherof 
the Councell, and the money of the Florentines was the 
occasion, and that they could not be altered from the love 
of the Venetians, for any injurie they had received of them, 
nor for any promise he could make them ; determined (to 
the end they should shortly reape fruite of those seedes 
they had sowne) to assault Toscana : being therto en 
couraged by the banished men of Florence, and by Nicholo. 
Nicholo was thereto moved with the desire he had to winne 
the possessions of Braccio, and drive the Earle out of La 
Marca. And the Florentines desired to returne to their The Duke 
Country. So either of these, with reasons according to perswaded by 
their owne desire, perswaded the Duke. Nicholo tolde him, ^^. "J^ 
that himselfe might be sent into Toscana, and Brescia Florentines 
might neverthelesse be still besieged ; for the Duke was to assault 
Lorde of the Lage, and had the strong places belonging Toscana. 
to the Towne well furnished : the Captaines there remain 
ing, and men inough to encounter the Earle whensoever 
he should attempt any other enterprise ; which without the 
rescue of Brescia hee could not, and to rescue it, was im 
possible. So that he might make war in Toscana, and yet 
not leave the enterprise in Lombardy. Hee told him 
moreover, that the Florentines were enforced so soone as 
he came into Toscana, to revoke the Earle, or else lose it : 
so that if any of these two things came to passe, the victorie 
would follow. The banished men alledged, that if Nicholo 
with his Army did drawe neare to Florence, it was impos 
sible but that the people (being wearie of charges, and the 

KK 257 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE insolency of the great men) would take Armes against the 
FIFT Governours. They shewed also how easie it was to approach 
BOOKE Florence, promising to make the way open through Casen- 
tino, by meanes of the friendship which Rinaldo had with 
that Earle. Thus the Duke, first disposed of himselfe, and 
after confirmed by perswasions of these men, resolved upon 
this enterprise. The Venetians on the other part, notwith 
standing the bitternesse of the winter, failed not to call 
upon the Earle with all his forces to succor Brescia. Which 
the Earle answered could not be in that time done, but of 
force it must tarrie the spring of the yeare: and in the 
mean time prepare an Army by water, so as both by water 
and land it might at time convenient be releeved. Hereupon 
the Venetians became sorie and slow in all their provisions, 
which was the cause that in their Army many people died. 
Of all these things the Florentines being advertised, began 
to mistrust : seeing the warre at hand, and no great good 
done in Lombardy. The suspition also which they had of 
the Popes souldiers, did greatly perplex them : not because 
the Pope was their enemie, but for that they sawe those 
souldiers more obedient to the Patriarke, their mortall foe, 
more then to the Pope himselfe. 

The Patriarke Giovanni Vittelleschi Cornetano, was first Notarie Apos- 
of Alessandria tolicall, after Bishop of Ricanati, then Patriark of Ales- 
Generall for san( J r i a? an( J a t length after all these dignities, become 
Cardinall, and was called the Cardinall of Florence. This 
Cardinall being a man both couragious and craftie, and 
such a one, as was by the Pope so greatly beloved, as 
thereby he became Generall of all the forces belonging to 
the Church : and was Captaine in all enterprises that the 
Pope tooke in hand, either in Toscana, Romagna, the 
Kingdome, or the Citie of Rome. Whereby he wonne such 
reputation among the people, and so great authoritie under 
the Pope, that the Pope himselfe stood in doubt how to 
commaund him, and the people did onely obey him, and 
no other. At such time as the newes came, that Nicholo 
would passe into Toscana, this Cardinall with his company 
happened to be at Rome : whereby the Florentines feare 
was doubled, because that Cardinall after the banishment 
of Rinaldo, had ever bene enemie to Florence : for that the 
258 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

pacification among the factions of Florence made by his THE 
meanes, were not observed, but all things done to the pre- FIFT 
judice of Rinaldo, who had bene the occasion that Armes BOOKE 
were laid down, which gave his enemies good means to The Pa. friend 
banish him. Then the Governors of the state, imagined to Rinaldo 
the time come to restore Rinaldo of his losses, if with de A l blzl - 
Nicholo (being come into Toscana) they joyned their forces : 
but therof they doubted the more by the untimely de 
parture of Nicholo from Lombardy, who left there an enter 
prise halfe wonne, to begin an other more doubtfull : which 
he would not do, without some new intelligence, and secret 
subtiltie. Of this their mistrust they had enformed the 
Pope, who knew his owne errour in giving to an other 
overmuch authoritie. But when the Florentines stood thus 
doubtfull what to do, Fortune found then a meane, whereby 
to assure the Patriarke. That state, in those times main- 
teined diligent espials, to discover what Letters were brought 
too and fro, and thereby conceived, if any thing were 
practised to the prejudice thereof. It happened that at 
Monte Pulliciano, some Letters were taken, which the 
Patriarke without consent of the Pope, wrote unto Nicholo 
Piccinino. Those Letters by the Generall of the warre, 
were presently sent unto the Pope; And although they 
were written in Carects unused, so as no certaine sence 
could be made of them : yet this obscuritie, togither with 
the practise of the enemie, bred so great suspicion in the The pope 
Pope, as he determined to assure himselfe. The charge of seeketh to 
this action he committed to Antonio Rido of Padova, being 
then Captaine of the Castle in Rome. Rido having received 
this Commission, was readie to obey the Popes commande- 
ment, aspecting an opportunitie to performe the same. 
The Patriarke being determined to goe into Toscana, and 
minding the next day to depart from Rome, desired the 
Captaine Rido to attend for him in the morning upon the 
Castle Bridge, at such time as hee should passe that way. 
Antonio Rido thought then a good occasion was presented : 
and gave order to his men what to do, tarrying for the 
comming of the Patriarke, uppon the Bridge, which way 
of necessitie he must passe, hard by the Castle. So soone 
as hee was arrived uppon that part, which used to be 

259 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE drawne up, Rido gave his men a signe to drawe the Bridge 

FIFT and shut the Patriarke into the Castle, which was performed. 

BOOKE So as of a Generall to the Armie, the Patriarke was become 

The Patriarke a prisoner in the Castle. The people that followed him, 

made pri- at the first murmured, but understanding the Popes pleasure, 

soner. pacified themselves. The Captaine did comfort him with 

curteous wordes, and perswaded him to hope well. To 

whome the Patriarke aunswered, that great personages were 

not wont first to be apprehended, and after set at libertie. 

For those that deserve imprisonment, did not merite to bee 

enlarged, and so shortly after died in prison. 

After his death, the Pope appointed Generall of his 
Armie, Lodovico Patriarke of Aquilea. Who albeit before 
that time would not intermeddle with the warre, betwixt 
the League and the Duke ; yet was then content to take 
the same in hande : promising to be readie to defende 
Toscana with foure thousande Horse, and two thousand e 
footemen. The Florentines delivered of this feare, stood 
yet in doubt of Nicholo, and mistrusted the confusion of 
matters in Lombardy, by reason of the diversitie of opinions 
betwixt the Venetians and the Earle. Wherefore, to bee 
more fullie advertised, of their mindes, they sent Neri the 
sonne of Gino Capponi, and Guiliano de Avanzati, to 
Venice. Whom they gave in Commission, to determine in 
what sorte the Warre shoulde bee made the next yeare 
following. Commaunding Neri, that so soone as hee under- 
stoode the mindes and opinions of the Venetians, hee 
shoulde goe unto the Earle, to knowe his ; and perswade 
him to those thinges, which for the welfare of the League 
shoulde bee thought meete and necessarie. These Embassa- 
dours beeing in their journey not so farre as Farrara, had 
intelligence, that Nicholo Piccinino with sixe thousande 
horse was passed the Po. Which newes moved them to 
make the more speede. Being arrived at Venice, they found 
the Senate fully determined, that Brescia without any delaie 
should be rescued, because, that Cittie, could neither tarry 
unreleeved till the next Spring, nor till the Navie by water 
were prepared; but should be inforced for want of aide, 
to yeelde unto the enemie : which would make the Duke 
victorious, and occasion the losse of all their state, upon 
260 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

the firme land. Neri therefore went from thence to Verona, THE 
to heare what the Earle could alledge to the contrary. FIFT 
Who by many reasons declared, that for the present, it BOOKE 
were no furtherance, but rather an impeachment of the 
enterprise to march towards Brescia. For, considering the 
season of the yeare, and the seate of the Cittie, no good 
could be done, but great disorder, and to the souldiers 
great trouble would follow thereof. So that, when the 
Spring should be come, and the season fit for the action, 
the Army must be enforced to returne to Verona, for pro 
vision of those things, which the winter had consumed. By 
reason whereof, all the time fit for warre, should be spent 
in going and returning. There was sent to Verona with 
the Earle for the consultation of these matters, Orsato 
Giustiniani, and Giovan Pisani. With these Commis 
sioners after much disputation, it was concluded, that the 
Venetians should give unto the Earle for the next yeare to 
come, fourescore thousand Duckettes, and to everie one of 
his souldiers, fortie. And that they should sollicite the Resolution of 
Earle to march with his whole Armie, and assault the Duke, the League, 
To the ende, that hee, for feare of his owne countrey should ^ a " lst the 
be forced to revoke Nicholo into Lombardy. After which 
conclusion, the Embassadours returned to Venice. 

Nicholo Piccinino in this meane space proceeded in his 
journey, and was arrived at Romagna: where he pers waded 
so far with the sonnes of Pandolpho Malatesta, that they 
abandoned the Venetians, and joyned with the Duke. 
These newes were displeasant to the Venetians, and much 
more displeasant to the Florentines, because they hoped by 
that way to have resisted Nicholo. But seeing the Malatesti 
rebelled, they were thereat amazed, and the more, for the 
feare they had that Giampagolo Orsino, their Captaine, 
(who at that time was in the countrey of Malatesti) should 
be defeated, and they so disarmed. These occurrents also 
dismayed the Earle, fearing to lose La Marca, if Nicholo 
passed into Toscana. And intending to goe unto the rescue The speech 
of his owne, came first to Venice, where he declared unto of the Earle 
the Prince, that his comming into Toscana, was improfitable j 
for the League. Because the warre was ever to be made, Venice 
where the Armie and Generall of the enemie is, and not 

261 



THE 

FIFT 

BOOKE 



The Vene 
tians answer 
to the Earle. 



Resolution 
of the Vene 
tians with 
the Earle 
Francesco. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

where their Townes are, or their private Garrisons. For if 
the Armie bee overthrowne the warre is ended : but though 
the Townes be wonne, and the Armie be left whole, the 
warres for the most part becommeth more lively. Then hee 
enformed him, that La Marca and Toscana were lost, if 
good resistaunce were not made against Nicholo. Of which 
losse, Lombardy had no remedie. Or if it had, hee meaned 
not to abandon his owne subjects and friendes. For, being 
come a Lorde into Lombardy, hee would not depart thence, 
as a private Captaine. Heereunto the Prince aunswered, it 
was a thing most manifest, that if he did goe from Lom 
bardy, and with his Armie repasse the Po, that all their 
state uppon the firme land, should be lost, and that they 
would not spend any more upon the defence therof. For 
it were follie, to defend a thing, which by no meane could 
be holden. And lesse dishonour it were to lose the coun 
tries onely, then to lose the country and their money also. 
But if it should so fall out, that these things were lost, it 
should thereby appeare how greatly it stood the Venetians 
uppon, to defende Toscana and Romagna. They were there 
fore altogither contrarie to his opinion, for they beleeved 
that whosoever were victorious in Lombardy, could also 
have victorie in all other places. And it was easie to have 
the victorie, because the Duke and his country was become 
weake by the departure of Nicholo : so as hee might be 
oppressed, before that either hee could revoke Nicholo, or 
be provided of other remedie. Moreover, who so wisely 
considereth all things, should see, that the Duke had sent 
Nicholo into Toscana, to no other end, then to remoove the 
Earle from those enterprises, and make that war in other 
places, which hee now had at home. So that in pursuing 
him (if before hee found no extreame necessitie) hee should 
execute that which he had in hand, and be owner of his 
intent. But if the men of warre were still imployed both 
in Lombardy and in Toscana, howsoever it came to passe, 
hee should overlate finde his oversight, and in time see that 
without remedie hee had loste Lombardy, and gained nothing 
in Toscana. Thus everie one having said and replied accord 
ing to his opinion, it was concluded, that a staie for a fewe 
dayes should be made, to see what effect the agreement 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

betwixt the Malatesti and Nicholo would bring foorth : and THE 
whether the Florentines could imploy Giampagolo : and FIFT 
whether the Pope did faithfully deale with the League, as BOOKE 
hee had promised. 

This conclusion made, shortly after they were advertised, 
that the Malatesti had condescended to the agreement, 
rather for feare, then any evill intent : and that Pietro 
Giampagolo with his souldiers, were marched toward es 
Toscana, and the Pope was more willing to aide the League, 
then before time hee had bene. These advertisements satis 
fied the Earles minde. So as he became contented that 
himselfe might remaine in Lombardy : and Nery Capponi 
shoulde returne to Florence, with a thousande of his Horse, 
and five hundreth others. And if it did so fall out in 
Toscana, that the presence of the Earle were there needfull 
and necessarie, that then hee shoulde wryte unto him, and 
the Earle (without anie respect) be dispatched thither. Neri 
with his forces arrived at Florence, in the moneth of Aprill. 
And the same day, Giampagolo came thither. In the meane 
time Nicholo Piccinino having setled all things in Romagna, 
determined to come into Toscana, and desiring to passe by 
the Alpes of S. Benedetto, and the Vale of Montone, found 
those places by the vertue of Nicholo de Pisa, so well de 
fended, that hee thought all his power too little. Moreover, 
because the Florentines were not well furnished either of 
Captaines or souldiers, for this suddeine assault, they had 
sent diverse Citizens to the passages of those Alpes, with 
footemen levied in haste, for that purpose. Amongst whome 
was Bartholomeo Orlandini : and to him was appointed the 
keeping of the Castle of Marradi, with the passage of those 
Alpes. Nicholo Piccinino supposing* hee could not goe by 
S. Benedetto for the vertue of him that defended that way, 
yet thought hee it easie to passe by the other which Bar 
tholomeo kept : perswaded thereto by the cowardice of that 
Captaine. 

Marradi is a Castle built at the foote of those Alpes, 
which divide Toscana from Romagna. But on that side 
which is towardes Romagna, in the beginning of the Vale of 
Lamona, although it bee without walles, yet the River, the 
Mountaine, and the inhabitaunts of the countrey doo make 

263 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE it strong. For the men be warlike and faithfull. The 
FIFT River hath also worne into the lande, and made so deepe 
BOOKE caves and places, as it is impossible to approach it by that 
Vale, so long as one little Bridge bee defended. And on 
that side towardes the Mountaines, the shoare is so steepe 
as maketh it most assured. Notwithstanding, the cowardice 
of Bartholomeo was such, as made those people become base 
minded, and the seate to seeme of no force at all. For so 
soone as the noyse of the enemie was heard, hee abandoned 
his charge, and with his souldiers fledde away, never staying 
till hee came to Borgo S. Lorenzo. Nicholo entered into 
the places abandoned, much marvelling that they were not 
better defended. And being glad of that hee had gotten, 
came downe into Mugello, where hee surprized some Castles; 
and at Puliciano hee lodged his Campe. From thence hee 
spoyled all the Countrey, to the Mountaines of Fiesole. Hee 
was also so bolde, as hee doubted not to passe the River of 
Arno, forraging and spoyling everie place within three myles 
of the Cittie of Florence. The Florentines on the other 
side were not dismayed, but before all other thinges setled 
the government. Whereof they could not much doubt, as 
well for the good will the people bare unto Cosimo ; as be 
cause the chiefe Offices, were reduced into the handes of a 
fewe mightie Cittizens, who with their severitie handled the 
matter so, that they assured themselves of everie man, that 
shewed themselves discontented, or desirous of Innovasion. 
They knewe also by the contract made in Lombardy, with 
what Forces Neri returned, and they looked also for other 
souldiers, to come from the Pope, which till the comming of 
Neri, made them hope well. But Neri finding the Cittie in 
these disorders, and feares, determined to goe into the field, 
somewhat to bridle the furie of Nicholo, that hee should not 
so much at his pleasure spoyle the countrey. Then making 
a band of certaine footemen, the people with all the horses 
they had went out, and recovered Remole, which the enemies 
had taken. There they encamped themselves, empeaching 
Nicholo to proceed in his spoyle, and gave hope to the 
Cittizens to vanquish the enemie. Nicholo seeing that the 
enemies having lost their souldiers, mooved not : and under 
standing also, with what securitie they lived in that citie, 
264 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

determined not to lose time, but enterprise some other THE 
tbinges. To the ende that the Florentines might have FIFT 
occasion to sende out their Forces and fight with him. BOOKE 
And if the victorie prooved his, then hee hoped that all 
other matters should prosperously follow. 

In the Campe of Nicholo, Francesco Earle of Poppi The Earle 
happened to be. He in that time (that the enemies were ? f j? ?? 1 re 
in Mugello) rebelled from the Florentines, with whom he the FloreT 
had bene before in League. And albeit the Florentines tines, 
before mistrusted that hee would so doo, yet thought they 
to have bounde him with benefites, and to that ende en- 
creased his entertainment, and made him Governour over 
all their Townes neare unto him. All which notwithstand 
ing (so great strength had the love which hee bare to the 
contrarie faction) that no benefite nor no feare, could force 
him to forget, the affection hee bare to Rinaldo, and the 
others that governed in times past. In so much, as when 
hee understood that Nicholo drewe neare, suddeinly hee 
joyned with him, and perswaded him with all earnestie to 
goe from the Cittie, and passe into Casentino : shewing him 
the strength of that countrey, and with what securitie, he 
might from thence distresse the enemie. Nicholo was well 
content to be advised by his counsell, and come into Casen 
tino, surprized Romana and Bibiena, and after lodged his 
Campe at the Castle S. Nicholo. This Castle is seated at 
the foote of those mountaines which divide Casentino from 
the Vale of Arno, and by reason the seate thereof is high, 
and the place well manned, the taking thereof prooved 
hard : notwithstanding that Nicholo did with his Artillarie 
continually make the batterie. This siege had continued 
more then t wen tie dayes. In which time, the Florentines 
assembled their Forces at Figghini, to the number of foure 
thousande horse ; under the conduct of Pietro Giampagolo, 
the Generall, Neri Caponi, and Barnardo de Medici Com 
missaries. To them foure Messengers were sent from the 
Castle of Saint Nicholo to desire their aide. 

Those Commissaries having considered the seate of that 
place, founde they could not rescue it anie other way, then 
by the Alpes, which come from the Vale of Arno, and the 
tops of them might be possessed by the enemie, before they 

LL 26.5 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE could come thither, as well for that they were nearer, as 
FIFT that they could not goe unknowne. So as, they should 
BOOKE attempt a thing to no purpose, and hazard the ruine of 
their souldiers. Thereuppon the Captaines commending 
their fidelitie, commaunded them, that if they were not able 
anie longer to defende themselves, that then they should 
yeelde. Thus Nicholo prevailed in that enterprise, and 
possessed this Castle in the ende of thirtie two dayes, after 
hee and his Campe had besieged it. And for so great a 
losse of time, obteyned this small victorie, which was the 
greatest occasion whereby a greater enterprise was not per 
formed. For if hee had still continued with his Campe 
before Florence, he had forced those that governed, to levie 
money amongst the Cittizens, prepare Forces, and make 
everie other provision, with more difficultie, the enemie 
being so neare at hand, manie of the Cittizens would also 
have bene desirous of peace, to assure themselves from 
Nicholo evill Nicholo, seeing the warre likely to continue. But the 
counselled by desire which the Earle of Poppi had to bee revenged of some 
the Earle of C a pt a ines of Castles, who had beene long his enemies, did 
leade him to give that counsaile : And Nicholo for his satis 
faction, followed the same ; which was the destruction both 
of the one and the other. Whereof may be conceived, that 
for the moste part, the particuler passions of men, doo 
hinder the publique commoditie. Nicholo following the 
victorie, surprized Rassina and Chiusi. In these places, the 
Earle of Poppi, perswaded him to tarrie, declaring that hee 
might disperse his Forces into Chiusi, Caprese, and Pieve : 
by that meanes to become Lord of the mountaines, and at 
his pleasure to descende from thence, into Casentino, into 
the Vale of Arno, to the Vale of Chiana, and the Vale of 
Teveri, and bee also readie, to aunswere to anye motion 
whatsoever, that the Enemie coulde make. But Nicholo 
considering the barreinnesse of those places, aunswered, that 
his Horses, did not eate stones, and so went to the Borgo of 
S. Sepulchro, where he was friendly received. From thence 
hee practised to winne the favoure of the inhabitants, of the 
Cittie called Castello : who being friendes to the Floren 
tines, refused him. Also desiring to have the Perugini at 
his devotion, hee went with fortie horse unto Perugia : and 
266 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

was received (being there a Cittizen borne) verie lovingly, THE 
yet within fewe dayes after hee became suspected. For FJFT 
albeit both with the Governour and the Cittizens, hee BOOKE 
practised manie things, yet nothing was brought to passe. 
But receiving of them eight thousand Duckets he returned 
to the Camp. Then hee devised how to take Cortona from Practise to 
the Florentines, which beeing discovered before the time of surprise 
execution, that devise came not to effect. Cortona. 

Among the chiefe Cittizens of that Towne, was Bartholo- 
meo di Senso, who one evening going by commaundement 
of the Captaine to take the Guard of one of the gates, was 
by a Countrey man his friende, advised not to goe thither, 
unlesse hee were content there to be slaine. Bartholomeo 
desirous to understand the bottome of that matter, founde 
there were some practise made with Nicholo : which Bar 
tholomeo by authoritie of the Captaine revealed, and made 
sure the chiefe of the conspiracie. Then doubling the 
Guarde of the Gate, tarried there till Nicholo did come. 
Who at his arrivall, understanding the matter was dis 
covered, returned to his Camp. During that thinges were 
in Toscana thus handled, and that the Dukes souldiers had 
gained little: Lombardy grewe unquiet, with losse and 
disadvauntage of the Duke. Because the Earle Francesco, 
so soone as the season of the yeare suffered, came foorth 
with his Armie to the field, and for that the Venetians had 
supplied their Forces uppon the Lake, the Earle thought 
good first to make himselfe Lorde of the Water, and then 
drive the Duke from the Lake : (which done) all other 
thinges would be easily brought to passe. Then with the 
Navie of the Venetians, he assaulted the Dukes Gallies, and 
had the victorie. Hee also tooke those Castles which were 
holden of the Duke. In so much, as the Dukes other 
souldiers who besieged Brescia by lande, understanding this 
overthrowe, retyred. In this sorte was Brescia after three The siege of 
yeares siege delivered. This victorie had, the Earle marched Brescia re- 
towardes his enemies, who were come to Soncino, a Castle move "- 
uppon the River of Ogglio, where hee dislodged them, and 
forced them remoove to Cremona. There the Duke made 
head, and on that side defended his Countries. But the 
Earle day by day drawing nearer, and the Duke fearing 

267 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE to lose either all or part of his Countrey, founde how 
FIFT unadvisedly hee had done to sende Nicholo into Toscana. 
BOOKE And to amende that errour hee wrote unto Nicholo in what 
tearmes hee stood : praying him, with what speed he pos- 
siblie might, to leave Toscana, and returne into Lombardy. 
The Florentines in this meane space, by order of their 
Generalles, had joyned their souldiers with the Popes 
Forces, and made head at Anghiari, a Castle at the foote 
of the mountains, which divided the Vale of Tevere, from 
the Vale of Chiana, foure myles from S. Sepulchro, where 
the fieldes be large to receive Horse men, and fit for all 
actions of warre. And because they had intelligence of the 
Earles victorie, and the revocation of Nicholo, they thought 
that without the sword, or more labour, the warre was 
ended. Therefore wrote unto their Generals not to fight, 
for that Nicholo could not manie dayes remaine in Toscana. 
This Commission became knowne to Nicholo, who seeing that 
of necessitie hee must depart : to leave nothing unattempted, 
hee determined to fight, supposing to finde the enemie 
altogither unprovided, and not looking for anye Battayle 
at all. Whereunto hee was also animated and encouraged 
by Rinaldo, the Earle of Poppi, and diverse other banished 
men of Florence, who knewe theyr owne destruction to be 
certaine, if Nicholo did remove thence: but by fighting 
they hoped either to winne the victorie, or lose it with 
honor. This resolution made, the Army marched from the 
place where it was, till it came betweene the Cities of 
Castello and Borgo, and being come to Borgo, before that 
the enemies knew thereof, levied from the Towne two 
thousand men, who trusting to the vertue of the Captaine 
and his promises, being desirous of spoyle, followed him. 
Then Nicholo with his Army, marched in Battle-wise to 
wards Anghiari, and was within two miles of the enemie or 
lesse, when by Micheletto Attendulo was scene a great dust, 
who knowing the enemies to be there, warned everie man to 
prepare himselfe. The noyse in the Florentine Campe was 
great; because that Army encamped for the most part 
without Discipline, and supposed the enemie to be far off, 
so all the Florentines were more readie to flie then fight. 
For every man was far from his own lodging, and disarmed, 
268 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

either to refresh himselfe in that hotte season, or to take THE 

some other delight. Yet so great was the diligence of the FIFT 

Governours and the Captaine, that before the enemies BOOKE 

approached, they were on horsebacke, and prepared to 

resist the charge. And as Micheletto was the first to The battle of 

discover the enemies, so was he also the first that charged Anghiari. 

them, and with his souldiers made speede to winne the 

Bridge which crosseth the way not farre from Anghiari. 

And because before the comming of the enemie, Pietro 

Giampagolo had caused the ditches to be cast downe, which 

are on either side the waie : Micheletto standing against 

the Bridge, Simoncino the Popes Coronell, togither with 

the Legate, staied on the right hand, and on the left hand 

stood the Commissaries for Florence, and the foote men 

placed along the River. Then had the enemie no other 

way open whereby hee might charge, but by the Bridge. 

Neither had the Florentines to fight but onely uppon the 

Bridge, saving that they commaunded their footemen, that 

if the footemen of the enemie did goe towardes the men of 

Armes; that then they with their Crossebowes should 

charge them : to the ende that the Florentine horsemen in 

passing the Bridge, should not bee hurt on the side. So 

that they that gave the first charge were by Micheletto 

bravely resisted : but afterwardes Astore and Francesco 

Piccinino with their choyse bandes, so furiously charged 

Micheletto, as they tooke from him the Bridge, and drave 

him to the foote of the hill, which leadeth up to Anghiari. 

After that they were put backe by him, and forced to retyre 

beyonde the Bridge, and hee also charged them uppon the 

side. 

This fight continued two houres, for sometime Nicholo, 
and sometimes the Florentines, were Lordes of the Bridge. 
And although uppon the Bridge they were of equall force, 
yet both on that, and this side of the Bridge, Nicholo 
fought with great disadvantage. Because when the soul 
diers of Nicholo had passed the Bridge, they founde the 
enemies strong uppon that straight, and could not with 
like advantage be charged : and those that were wearie, 
might easily be, by fresh men supplied. But when the 
Florentines happened to passe, Nicholo could not so com- 

269 



FIFT 
BOOKE 



Nicholo 

Piccinino 

defeated. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

modiously releeve his wearied men, beeing straightned and 
holden in, with ditches and trenches : So as, though manie 
times Nicholo had wonne the Bridge, yet by the supplie of 
fresh enemies, hee was ever driven backe. But when the 
Bridge was by the Florentines assuredly wonne, and that 
their forces were entered into the waie, Nicholo wanted 
time, through the furie of the enemie, and the incommoditie 
of the place, to supplie his souldiers. For they of the 
Vangarde were forced to mixt themselves, with the Reare- 
warde : and so the one disordering the other, all the whole 
Armye was forced to flie, and everie man without anie 
respect ranne towardes the Towne. Then the Florentine 
souldiers beganne to spoyle : which spoyle of prisoners, 
armour, and horses, was great. For with Nicholo there 
was not saved above one thousand horses. They of the 
Borgo, who in hope of spoyle had followed Nicholo, were of 
spoilers, become a spoyle, bicause they were all taken and 
put to ransome. Their ensignes and carriages were lost, 
and the victorie was much more profitable for Toscana, 
then prejudiciall for the Duke. For if the Florentines had 
lost the battell, Toscana had bene his, but he losing the 
battell, lost no other thing but the armour and horses of 
his Army, which with plentie of money might be recovered. 
Neither could any warre be made in the countrey of another 
lesse dangerous, then was the warre of those dayes. For in 
so great an overthrow, and so long a fight (which continued 
from twentie to foure and twentie of the clock) more were 
not slaine then one man, and he also not hurt by the 
vertue of any other, but being falne from his horse, was 
trodden upon with horses, and so died : with so great 
securitie men fought in that age. The reason thereof is, 
that for the most part the souldiers fought on horseback, 
and covered with armour, they were defended from death 
till they yeelded. And therefore finding themselves able to 
fight, they so did, and being not longer able, they yeelded. 
This conflict (for matters which happened both in and after 
the fight) was a signe of the great unhappines of those 
warres, bicause the enemies being vanquished, and Nicholo 
returned into Borgo, the Governours of the Florentines 
would have followed, and besieged him there to have the 
270 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

victorie fullie. But some souldiers, and some Captaines THE 
also, refused to obey them, saying they would first carrie FIFT 
away the spoile, and cure the hurt men. Also (a thing BOOKE 
more notable) the next day at high noone, without leave or 
respect either of the Governours or of the Generall, the 
souldiers went unto Arezzo, and there bestowed their spoile Want of dis- 
(which done) they returned to Anghiari. A thing so much cipline in the 
against all order Militarie and Discipline of warre, that the 
remaine of any Army well ordered, might and would easily and 
deservingly have recovered that victorie, which the Floren 
tines undeservedly had gotten. Besides this, the Governours 
commaunding that all souldiers taken, should be stayed, to 
the end, that the enemy might not grow and sodeinly recover 
strength, yet were they presently delivered. All which things 
are greatly to be mervailed at. First, how in such an Army, 
there should be vertue sufficient to win victorie : And then, 
how there could be in any enemy so little value, as would 
be of so disordered a people oppressed. But while the 
Florentines went, and returned from Arezzo, Nicholo gained 
time to go with his souldiers from Borgo, and marched 
towards Romagna, with whome also fled the Florentine 
Rebels, who seeing all hope failed for their returne to 
Florence, they devided themselves, and every man tooke his 
owne way, some remaining in Italy, and some without, 
as they could find meane to bestow themselves. Of 
which number was Rinaldo, who made his habitation at 
Ancona: from whence (the rather to gaine himselfe a 
celestiall countrey) having lost his dwelling upon earth, he 
went unto the Sepulchre of Christ, and being returned 
home, at the marriage of one of his daughters sitting at the The death of 
table, sodeinly died : wherein fortune did favour him, that Rinaldo de 
in the day of his last sorrow she called him away. A man All)lzl - 
in every fortune honourable, and would have bene much 
more honourable, had he bene borne in a Cittie undevided. 
Bicause many times those his vertues which in a factious 
Cittie did hinder him, in a Cittie united would have advanced 
him. 

The Commissaries then seeing the souldiers returned 
from Arezzo, and Nicholo departed, presented themselves 
before Borgo. The Borghesi offered to yeeld to the 

271 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 



THE 

FIFT 

BOOKE 



Poppi 
besieged. 



in 



The speech of 
the Earle of 
Poppi to the 
Florentines 
commissaries. 



Florentines, but they refused to receive them. And 
compounding this agreement, the Popes Legat grew suspi- 
tious of the Commissaries, fearing they intended to take 
that Towne from the Church : in so much, as they grew to 
words of offence, and some disorder would have followed 
betwixt the Florentine and the Popes souldiers, if the 
matter had bene more spoken of. But bicause every thing 
passed according to the Legats desire, all anger was pacified. 
While this assault of Borgo continued, advertisements were 
given, that Nicholo Piccinino was gone towards Rome, and 
(as others said) towards La Marca. Whereupon the Legat, 
and the rest thought good to marche towards Perugia, to 
succour La Marca or Rome, if Nicholo directed his course 
to any of them. Barnardo de Medici followed, and Neri 
with the Florentines marched to surprize Casentino. This 
resolution made, Neri incamped before Russina, and sur 
prized it with the like furie, that he had taken Bibiena, 
Prato, Vecchio, and Romena. From thence, he went to 
Poppi, and there lodged the Army, deviding it into two 
parts, the one upon the plaine of Certomondo, the other 
upon the hill that reacheth to Fronzoli. The Earle seeing 
himselfe both of God and men abandoned, shut himselfe up 
in Poppi, not hoping of any aide, but the rather to procure 
a composition least to his disadvantage. Neri there 
besieging him, was desired to accept composition. The 
conditions whereof were such, as thereby he might hope 
to save himselfe, his children and goods portable, yeelding 
the Towne and his state to the P lorentines. When these 
capitulations were in making, the Earle came downe to the 
bridge of Arno, which passeth by the towne, and there with 
great sorrow spake thus. 

If I had well measured my fortune with your power, I 
should now have come as a friend to rejoyce at your victorie, 
and not as an enemy, intreate you, that my miserie might 
be pittied. This present chance, as it is to you honorable, 
and pleasant, so is the same to me lamentable and grievous. 
I was owner of weapon, horses, subjects and riches, who can 
therefore mervaile though with griefe of mind I leave them ? 
If you will, and can command all Toscana, of necessitie we 
must all obey you : and if I had not committed this errour, 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

neither should my fortune have bene knowne, nor your THE 
liberalitie appeared. For if at this time you favour me, FIFT 
you shall thereby give to the world a testimonie of your BOOKE 
mercie. Let therefore the vertue of your compassion, 
exceed the greatnes of mine offence : and be pleased that at 
the least this onely house may descend to those, of whome 
your auncestors have received benefits. To whome Neri The Earle 
answered, that as he had hoped overmuch in those that answered by 
could do little, so had he thereby in such sort offended the 
state of Florence, as his fault joyned with the conditions of 
the present time, must of necessitie take from him all his 
wealth, and be inforced to abandon that countrey, as enemy 
to the Florentines, which as their friend he would not pos- 
sesse. For he had made so evill a triall of himselfe, as he 
might not in any wise be suffered to remaine there, where at 
every change of fortune he might be readie to offend the 
Florentine common wealth, for it was not him, but his 
countrey whome they feared. But if he were pleased to 
repaire into Germany, he might there remaine a Prince, 
sith those Citties did desire him, and the Florentines for 
the love of those his auncestors whom he alledged, would 
be also therewith contented. Hereto the Earle in great 
collor replied, saying, that he would see the Florentines a 
great way further from him. So leaving all friendly com 
munication, the poore Earle despairing of other remedie, 
yeelded his Towne to the Florentines. That done, taking 
his goods, his wife, and children, departed, weeping and 
lamenting for the losse of that Countrey, which his aunces 
tors by the space of 900 yeares had possessed. These 
victories being known in Florence, were by the Governours 
of that State and the people with mervailous joy received, 
and bicause that Barnardo de Medici knewe that Nicholo 
was to no purpose marched towards La Marca or Rome, he 
and his souldiers returned to Neri, and from thence they 
went togither to Florence, where they were welcomed with 
all the greatest honors that by order of that Cittie 
might be given to victorious Cittizens. And were 
in triumphant wise saluted by the Senators, the 
Captaines, and the whole Cittie. 

MM 273 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 



THE SIXT BOOKE 




T hath bene, and by good reason ought to 
be the intent of all those that make 
warre, to inrich themselves, and im 
poverish their enemie. Neither is victorie 
for other occasion sought, nor the posses 
sions of the enemy to other end desired, 
then thereby to make thy selfe mightie, 
and thy adversarie weake. It followeth 
therefore, that so oft as thy victorie doth impoverish thee, 
or thy gaines do weaken thee, either thou passe or come 
short of the marke, whereunto the warre is directed. That 
Prince, and that State, is by the victories of warre inriched, 
which extirpeth the enemies, and becommeth Lord of the 
spoiles, and ransomes. And that Prince or Common- weale 
is impoverished, who cannot (though he be victorious) 
extirpate the enemy, or hath not to his owne use, the spoiles 
and ransomes, but leaveth them to his souldiers. Such a 
Prince in his losses is unhappie, and in his victories most 
infortunate, bicause in losing he suffereth all injuries which 
the enemy can do him, and in winning, must abide the 
offences of friends : which as they are lesse reasonable, so 
are they also lesse tollerable, seeing that by impositions, 
and new exactions, he is againe to burden his owne subjects. 
That Prince then, in whome is any generositie of minde, 
cannot rejoyce at such a victorie whereat all his subjects 
be constrained to lament. The auncient and well ordered 
Common weales were wont by conquests to fill their 
Treasuries with gold and silver, to give rewards to the people, 
to forgive tributes, and to make triumphs and publique 
274 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

feastings. But the States of whome we write, first emptied THE 

their treasure houses, and after impoverished the people, SIXT 

without assuring themselves of their enemies. All which BOOKE 

grew by their disorderly proceeding in the warres. For 

when they tooke any prisoners, not holding them nor 

slaying them, the revenge was no longer deferred, then the 

leaders of the enemy were furnished anew with horse and 

weapon. Besides that, the spoyles and raunsoms being 

given to the souldiers, the Princes victorious could not 

imploy the same in the next warre, but were forced to draw 

their provision from the bowels of their owne people. 

Neither did that victorie bring foorth other benefite, then 

make the Prince greedie, and with lesse respect to burthen 

them. For the souldiers had brought the warre to such a 

passe (as both the victorious and the victored, if they would 

commaund their owne men) had like need of money, bicause 

the one was to arme them anew, the other to reward them. 

And as they unmounted could not fight, so these without 

new rewards, would not. Whereby it followed, that the 

one injoyed not much of the victorie, the other felt little 

of the losse, seeing the victored was speedily repaired, and 

the victorious could not in time puisue the victorie. 

This disorder, and this perverse proceeding in warre, 
caused that Nicholo Piccinino was againe set on horseback, 
before his overthrow was knowne through all Italy, and 
made after greater warre then before he had done. This 
was the cause, that after the discomfit at Tenna, he could 
surprize Verona. This was the cause, that after the 
slaughter of his souldiers at Verona, he could recover a 
greater Army, and come into Toscana. This was the cause, 
that being overthrowne at Anghiari, before he arrived in 
Romagna, he was more mightie in the field, then before he 
had bene : and might thereby put the Duke of Milan in 
hope to defend Lombardy, which by his absence was 
supposed to be welneare lost. For when Nicholo had filled 
Lombardy with troubles, the Duke was brought to such 
passe, as he began to doubt of his owne estate. And 
fearing his ruine might follow before the comming of 
Nicholo, (for whome he had sent) to bridle the Earles furie, 
and with Industrie to temper fortune, (which with force 

275 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE he could not) he resorted to those remedies which in like 
SIXT cases had before time helped him. He therefore sent 
BOOKE Nicholo da Este Prince of Farrara unto Pischiera (where 
The Duke de- the Earle was) to practice a peace, and perswade that warre 
sireth peace. no t to be for his advantage. Bicause, if the Duke were 
brought to that weakenesse, that he could not mainteine 
his owne reputation, he should be the rather esteemed. 
And for more assurance that indeed he desired peace, he 
offered him conclusion of the marriage, and would send his 
daughter to Farrara, she promising (the peace made) to 
yeeld her selfe into his hands. The Earle answered, that 
if the Duke did faithfullie desire peace, with ease he might 
finde it ; as a thing both by the Florentines and Venetians 
wished for. Yet did he mistrust the same much, knowing 
that before time, he had never made peace, but for neces- 
sitie, which being passed, he would alwaies returne to his 
old minde, and make warre. Neither could he beleeve, 
that the Duke intended the marriage, having bene before 
at his hand so many times mocked : Notwithstanding, if 
the peace were concluded, he would after deale in the 
The Vene- marriage as by friends he should be advised. The Venetians 
tians mistrust wno without reason were suspitious of their owne souldiers, 
e ^ar e Q f those entertainements reasonablie conceived mistrust, 
their Gene- Which the Earle being carefull to remove, followed the 
rail. warre with greater furie. Notwithstanding, his mind was 

stil so tempered with ambition, and the Venetians were so 
infected with suspition, as the rest of that sommer was 
passed without any enterprise of importance. In so much 
as Nicholo Piccinino being returned into Lombardy, and 
the winter begun, all the souldiers repaired to their lodg 
ings: the Earle to Verona, the Duke to Cremona, the 
Florentines to Toscana, and the Popes forces to Romagna. 

After the victorie at Anghiari, they assaulted Furli, and 
Bologna, with intent to take them from Francesco Piccinino, 
who in the name of his father kept them. But that enter 
prise tooke none effect, yet their comming thither did so 
much terrific the people of Ravenna, that with the consent 
of Ostacio di Polenta, they abandoned the Pope, and yeelded 
their obedience to the Venetians, who in recompence of 
the towne (and to the end that Ostacio should never re- 
276 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

cover that from them by force, which for want of wit he THE 
had given them) sent him and his sonne to die in Candia. SIXT 
In which enterprises, notwithstanding the victorie of BOOKE 
Anghiari, the Pope wanting money, sould the Castell of Ingratitude 
Borgo Saint Sepulcro for twentie five thousand Florins, of the Vene- 
In this estate all things being, in respect of the winter, tians - 
every man supposed himselfe in safetie, and therefore of 
peace thought not at all : chiefely the Duke, held himselfe 
by Nicholo, and the winter season assured. For that con 
sideration, the parle of peace with the Earle was broken, 
and Nicholo with all diligence was set on horseback, with 
every other furniture for a future warre necessarie. Hereof 
the Earle being advertised, went unto Venice, to consult 
with the Senators what was to be done the yeare following. 
Nicholo on the other side was readie, and seeing the enemy 
unprepared, tarried not for the Spring, but in the depth 
of winter passed Adda, and entred Bresciano, possessing 
himselfe of all that Countrey (Adula and Acri excepted) 
and there spoyling and taking prisoners two thousand of 
the Dukes horses, who unwares were there assaulted. But 
that which more displeased the Earle and Venetians, was, 
the revolt of Ciarpellone, one of his chiefe Captaines. The 
Earle receiving these newes, went sodeinly from Venice, and 
being arrived at Brescia, found that Nicholo had done those 
displeasures, and was returned to his lodging, so as he 
thought not good to kindle the warre againe, being in that 
sort quenched. And sith the enemy and time did give 
opportunitie, thought good to prepare himselfe, hoping the 
rather with the new yeare to be revenged of old injuries. 
He therefore procured that the Venetians should call back 
their forces, which served the Florentines in Toscana : and 
commaunded, that the place of Gattamelata being dead, 
should by Micheletto be supplied. 

The Spring being come, Nicholo Piccinino was the first Micheletto 
that marched to the field, and besieged Cignano, a Castle Generall for 
distant from Brescia twelve miles. To the rescue whereof the Lea ue - 
came the Earle, and betwixt these two Captaines, according 
to their custome the warre was made. The Earle standing 
in doubt of Bergamo, besieged Martinengo, which Castle 
being easily wonne, the succour of Bergamo could not be 

277 



THE 

SIXT 

BOOKE 



A proude 
request of 
Nicholo. 



Peace be- 
tweene the 
League and 
Duke, and 
his daughter 
married to 
the Earle 
Francesco. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

hard. That Cittie being by Nicholo greatly distressed, and 
having provided so, as it could not receive harme, but by 
the way of Martinengo, they manned it so fully, as behoved 
the Earle to goe unto the siege thereof with all forces. 
Whereupon Nicholo with his whole Army placed himselfe 
where he might impeach the Earle of his victuall, and was 
with trenches and bulwarks so fortified, as the Earle with 
out his apparant danger could not assault him, and brought 
the matter to that passe, that the besieger was in more 
perill then the people of Martinengo who were besieged ; 
in so much as the Earle for want of victuall, could neither 
continue the siege, nor for the peril he was in, depart 
thence. Thus the Dukes victorie was thought assured, and 
the Venetians and Earles overthrow seemed apparant. But 
fortune, (who never faileth of meane, to favour her friends, 
and disfavour her foes) made Nicholo Piccinino with hope 
of this victorie to become so ambitious and insolent, as 
without respect to the Duke (and himselfe also) by a 
messenger signified unto him, that he had long time served 
under his ensigne, and yet had not gained so much land 
as he could therein burie himselfe : and was therefore de 
sirous to know wherewith his service should be rewarded, 
sith now it was in his power to make him Lord of Lom- 
bardy, and oppresse all his enemies. And to the end that 
of certaine victorie he might aspect a certaine recompence, 
desired to have of his gift the Cittie of Piacenza, where 
being wearie of long travell, he might sometimes repose 
himselfe: and in conclusion somewhat threatned to abandon 
the enterprise, if the Duke refused to satisfie his demaund. 
This presumptuous and insolent sute, so highly offended 
the Duke, as he made choise rather to lose the victorie, 
then consent thereunto. And that which so many dangers 
and threatnings of enemies could not compasse, the insolent 
behaviour of friends brought to passe, and the Duke re 
solved to make a peace with the Earle. To whome he 
sent Antonio Guidobuono of Tortona, and by him offered 
his daughter with the conditions of peace: which offer, 
was by the Earle, and all his Collegats greedily accepted, 
and the particularities betwixt them secretly concluded. 
The Duke then sent unto Nicholo, willing him to take a 
278 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

truce with the Earle for one yeare, alleaging he had bene THE 
so sore burthened with charges, as he could not refuse a SIXT 
certaine peace for a doubtfull victorie. Nicholo mervailed BOOKE 
much at this resolution, as one that knew not what might 
move the Duke to shunne a victorie so certaine : and could 
not beleeve that for want of good will to reward friends, 
he would save his enemies. Wherefore in the best manner 
he could, opposed himselfe to this determination. In so 
much as the Duke was constrained to threaten him, that if 
he were not conformable, he would give him either as a 
prisoner to the enemy, or as a spoile to his owne souldiers. 
Then Nicholo obeied, but with no other minde, then he 
that by force abandoneth his friends and countrey : com 
plaining his hap to be hard, sith sometimes fortune, and 
sometimes the Duke, had taken from him the victorie over 
his enemies. 

This peace made, the marriage betwixt the Ladie Bianca 
and the Earle, was solemnized, and to her was allotted for 
dowrie the Cittie of Cremona. Which done, the peace was 
ratified in November, the yeare 1441, where, for the 
Venetians, Francesco Barbarigo, and Pagolo Trono, and for 
the Florentines, Agnolo Acciaivolo, were Commissioners. 
In this contract, the Venetians gained Peschiera, Asola, 
and Lonato, a Castle belonging to the Marquesse of 
Montova. The warre thus stayed in Lombardy, it remained 
to take order for the troubles in the kingdome, which not 
being pacified, would be an occasion to renew the warres 
in Lombardy. The King Rinato during the warres in 
Lombardy, had bene spoiled by Alfonso of Arragon of all 
his Kingdome, save only the Cittie of Naples, so that 
Alfonso thinking to have victorie in his owne hand, de 
termined during the siege of Naples, to take from the Earle 
Benevento, and other his Countreys thereabouts : for he 
thought the same without perill might be done by the 
Earles absence, and his imployment in the warres of 
Lombardy. This enterprise was by Alfonso easily per- The warre 
formed, and with small travell he surprized all those betweene 
Townes. But the newes of the peace in Lombardy being King Rinato 
come, Alfonso feared that the Earle, the rather for that 
his townes were taken from him, would joyne with Rinato, 

279 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE and Rinato hoped for the same occasion that he would so 
SIXT do. Rinato then sent unto the Earle, desiring him to come 
BOOKE to the aide of his friend, and the revenge of his enemy. 
On the other side, Alfonso intreated Philippe, that for the 
good will betwixt them, he would cause the Earle to be 
so much set aworke, as to attend greater matters, he might 
be inforced to let this alone. Philippo graunted this re 
quest, not thinking what disturbed that peace, which he, 
not long since, had made to his disadvantage. Then he 
gave the Pope Eugenio to understand, that the time was 
now come, to recover those Townes which the Earle had 
taken from the Church. And for performance of that 
enterprise, he offered him Nicholo Piccinino paid, so long 
as the warres continued. For (the peace now made) he 
remained with his souldiers in Romagna. Eugenio greedily 
entertained this counsell, aswell for the displeasure he bare 
to the Earle, as the desire he had to recover his owne. And 
though before time, he had bene with the same hope by 
Nicholo deceived, yet now the Duke undertaking the action, 
he mistrusted no more deceipt, but presently joyned his 
forces with Nicholo, and assaulted La Marca. The Earle 
being so sodeinly set upon, ordered his souldiers, and 
marched towards the enemy. 

The Cittie of In this meane while, the King Alfonso wonne Naples, 
Naples wonne whereby all that Kingdome (excepting Castle Nuovo) was 
by Alfonso. at his devotion. Then Rinato leaving that Castle well 
guarded, went from thence to Florence, where he was most 
honourably received, and there remaining a few dayes, 
finding he could not make warre any longer, went unto 
Marsilia. Alfonso in the meane while had taken the Castle 
Nuovo, and the Earle remained in La Marca, in strength 
inferiour to the Pope and Nicholo, and therefore prayed 
the Venetians and Florentines to aide him with men and 
money. Letting them to understand, it was necessarie to 
bridle the Pope and the King, during the time he was 
able : for otherwise they were to looke for little good, seeing 
the Pope and King would joyne themselves with Philippo, 
and divide all Italy betwixt them. The Florentines and 
Venetians for a time stood doubtfull what to do, aswell 
bicause they knew not whether it were their best to be 
280 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

enemies to the Pope and King, as for that they were THE 

occupied with the matters of Bologna. Anibale Bentivogli SIXT 

had driven out of that Cittie Francesco Piccinino. And BOOKE 

the rather to defend the same from the Duke, (who favoured 

Francesco) he sent for aide to the Florentines and Venetians, 

and they did not denie him : so as being occupied in these 

matters, they could not resolve to assist the Earle. But 

Annibale having overthrowne Francesco Piccinino, and those 

matters setled, the Florentines determined to aide the 

Earle : yet first to be assured of the Duke, they renewed 

the league with him, which the Duke refused not, having 

consented that the warre should be made upon the Earle, 

so long as the King Rinato was in Armes. But seeing 

him vanquished, and utterly deprived of his Kingdome, he 

was not pleased that the Earle should then be bereft of 

his Countrey. And therefore he not onely consented to 

aide the Earle, but also wrote unto Alfonso, desiring him 

to be pleased to returne to the Kingdome, and make no 

longer warre. Whereunto, albeit Alfonso was unwilling, 

yet being beholding to the Duke, determined to content 

him, and retired himselfe with his Army to the other side 

of Tronto. While matters were thus handled in Romagna, 

the Florentines within themselves became disquiet. 

Among the Cittizens of most reputation and authoritie NeriCapponi. 
in Florence, was Neri, the sonne of Gino Capponi, whose Cosimo de 
greatnesse, Cosimo de Medici above all others feared. For Med ici. 
besides his great credit in the Cittie, he was also greatly 
honored of the souldiers, having bene many times Generall 
of the Florentine Armies, and with his victorie, vertue, 
and well deserving, had gained their love. Besides that, 
the memorie of victories wonne by him and Gino his father, 
the one having surprized Pisa, and the other overthrowne 
Nicholo Piccinino at Anghiari, made him beloved of many, 
and feared of those who desired no companie in the govern 
ment. Among many other of the chiefe Captaines in the Baldaccio 
Florentine Army, was Baldaccio of Anghiari, a man of Generall of 
warre most excellent. For in those daies, there was not J! 16 Floren- 
any in Italy, that for vertue, person, and courage, could 
excell him, and had among the footemen (for of those he 
was ever a leader) so much reputation, as all that sort 

NN 281 



THE 

SIXT 

BOOKE 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

of souldiers in every enterprise, and whensoever he pleased, 
would willingly follow him. This Baldaccio loved Neri 
exceeding much, as a man whose vertue (wherof he was a 
witnesse) so deserved, which bred in the other Cittizens 
great suspition. And they judging to suffer him, was 
perillous, and to restraine him was most danger of all: 
determined to dispatch him utterly, which intent fortune 
greatly favoured. 

Bartholomeo Orlandini was Gonfaloniere de Giustitia. 
He being (as is before said) Captaine of Marradi, at such 
time as Ni. Piccinino passed into Toscana, cowardly fled 
and abandoned that passage, which by nature almost de 
fended it selfe. This cowardice at that time greatly 
offended Baldaccio, who with words of reproofe and letters, 
made the same everywhere knowne. Whereat Bartholomeo 
ashamed and offended, did greatly study to be revenged, 
hoping by the death of the accusor, to cancell the fame of 
his infamie. This desire of Bartholomeo being known to 
other cittizens, with small labour he perswaded them to the 
oppression of Baldaccio, whereby in one act he might 
revenge his privat injurie, and deliver the state from that 
man, whom they must of force enterteine with peril, or 
discharge with disadvantage. Therefore Bartholomeo being 
fully determined to kil him, conveied into his chamber 
many yong men armed. Then the Gonfalone seeing Bal 
daccio come into the market place (whither he resorted 
daily to confer with the Magistrates of his charge) sent for 
him, and he obeied. Being come, the Gonfaloniere met 
him, enterteining him with speech touching his businesse 
from chamber to chamber, till he came neare to that place 
where the armed men were hidden, and when he thought 
good, called them foorth. Baldaccio being disarmed, was 
murdered by presently slaine, and throwne out of the windowe. From 
Bartholomeo thence, hee was carried to the market place, had his head 
cut off, and made a spectacle for the people all that day. 
Of him there remained one sonne by his wife called Annalena, 
who within fewe yeares after died. This Annalena having 
buried hir sonne and husband, determined no more to 
marrie, but making hir house a Monasterie, shut hir selfe 
up therein, with many other noble women, where they verie 
282 



Baldaccio 



Orlandini. 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

holily lived and died. Hir house in memorie of hir, was THE 
after made a Monasterie, by the name of S. Annalena (as SIXT 
at this present it is) and ever shall be. This action some- BOOKE 
what decreased the power of Neri, and tooke from him 
reputation and friends. Neither did that onely content the 
Cittizens in authoritie. For the tenne yeares of their office 
being passed, and their authoritie in the Balia ended, diverse 
men both by word and deedes tooke courage to complaine 
against the continuance of those officers : and therfore the 
Governors thought for the holding of their authoritie, it 
was necessarie to have their offices prolonged, giving new 
commission to friends, and oppressing their foes. For 
which consideration, in the yeare 1444 by their councels Florence 
a new Balia was created, which reestablished officers, giving reformed, 
authoritie to a few, to create the Senate, reviving the Chan- 
celorship of reformation : removing Ser. Philippo Peruzzi, 
and in his place appointing one other to governe, according 
to the pleasure of the great men : putting in prison Giovan 
the sonne of Simone Vespucci. The government thus setled, 
and the offices of state taken anew, they turned their minds 
to matters abroad. Nicholo Piccinino being (as hath bene 
before said) abandoned by the King Alfonso, and the Earle, 
with the helpe he had of the Florentines, became strong, 
assailed Nicholo neare unto Fermo, and there gave him so 
great an overthrow, that Nicholo lost welneare all his 
souldiers, and with a fewe fled into Montecchio. Nicholo Ni. Piccinino 
tarried there all the winter to increase his army, and therein discomfited, 
was helped by the Pope, and king Alfonso. In so much 
as the spring time being come, and the other Captaines 
returned to the field, Nicholo was the stronger, and the 
Earle brought to extreame necessitie, and had bene utterly 
defeated, if the intent of Nicholo had not bene by the 
Duke altered. Philippo sent for Nicholo, pretending to 
have occasion by mouth to impart unto him matters of 
great importance. Which Nicholo being desirous to heare, 
abandoned a certaine victorie, for an incertaine pleasure, 
and leaving Francesco his sonne to governe the army, went 
unto Milan. The Earle understanding of his departure 
from the Camp, would not lose the opportunitie to fight in 
the absence of Nicholo : and assaulting the army of Nicholo 

283 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE neare unto the Castle of Monte Loro, overthrew it, and 
SIXT tooke Francesco prisoner. Nicholo at his arrivall in Milan, 
BOOKE seeing himselfe abused by Philippe, and understanding his 
Death of Camp to be broken, and his sonne with sorrow died, the 
Ni. Piccinino. yeare 1 445 being of the age of 64 yeares, having bene a 
Captaine more vertuous then happie. Of him there re 
mained two sonnes, Francesco, and Giacopo, who as they 
were of lesse vertue then the father, so had they worse 
fortune. By which meane, the souldiers bred by Braccio, 
were almost worne out, and the discipline of Sforza (alwaies 
holpen by fortune) became more glorious. The Pope seeing 
the army of Nicholo suppressed, and him dead, nor much 
hoping in the aide of Arragon, sought to make peace with 
the Earle, which by mediation of the Florentines was con 
cluded. The peace made in La Marca, all Italy had lived 
in quiet, if the Bolognesi had not disturbed the same. 
Trouble in There was in Bologna two mightie Families, Channeschi, 

Bologna. an( j Bentivogli, of the one Annibale, and of the other 
Battista was chiefe. These (to be the rather assured one 
of the others friendship) contracted a marriage. But be- 
tweene men which aspire to one greatnesse, though alliance 
may easily be made, yet friendship cannot. Bolognia was 
in league with the Florentines and Venetians, which league 
had bene concluded by meane of Annibale Bentivogli, after 
they had driven out Francesco Piccinino. Battista know 
ing that the Duke desired greatly to have the favour of 
that Cittie, practised with him to kill Annibale, and bring 
that Cittie under his ensigne. The order of this murther 
agreed upon, the 24 of June 1445. Battista with his men 
assaulted Annibale and slew him: which done, he pro 
claimed the Dukes name throughout the towne. At that 
time, the Commissaries for the Venetians and the Floren 
tines, were in Bologna ; and at the first rumor retired unto 
their houses, but afterwards perceiving that the murtherers 
were not favoured by the people (who were in great numbers 
armed, and assembled, lamenting the death of Annibale) 
they tooke courage, went towards them, and assailed the 
Canneschi, whom in lesse then one houre they overthrew ; 
slaying some, and forcing the rest to flie the Cittie. Battista 
not fleeing in time nor slaine, remained at his house and 
284 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

hid himself in a vessell made for the keeping of corne. His THE 

enemies having all the day sought him, and assured he SIXT 

was not gone out of the towne, threatned his servants so BOOKE 

much, as one of them at length discovered where he was. 

From thence he was taken out and slaine, then drawne 

through the streets, and at last burned : so as the victorie 

of the Duke, was of force sufficient to perswade Annibale to 

the enterprise, but not of power ynough to save him from 

death. Thus by the death of Battista, and the fleeing of 

the Canneschi, these tumuls were appeased. The Bolognesi 

remained in great confusion, bicause there was not left of 

the house of Bentivogli any man fit for government. And 

for that there remained one sonne onely of Annibale but 

six yeares old (who was called Giovanni) the Bolognesi 

feared least among the friends of the Bentivogli some 

division would grow, which might perhaps occasion the 

returne of the Canneschi, with the ruine of their countrey 

and faction. 

While the Bolognesi continued in this doubtfull imagina 
tion, Francesco late Earle of Poppi being in Bologna, in 
formed the chiefe Cittizens, that if they had desire to be 
governed by one descended of the bloud of Annibale, he 
could informe them of such a one. Declaring that about 
20 yeares past, Hercole the Cosen of Annibale happened to 
be at Poppi, and had there carnall knowledge of a yong 
woman in that Castle, who was after delivered of a sonne 
called Santi, whom Hercole diverse times affirmed to be his. 
And it seemed to be a thing likely, for that the child so Santi Benti- 
much resembled Hercole, as liker it could not be. His vogli. 
words were believed by those Cittizens, and they deferred 
no time to send unto Florence, to find out the yong man, 
and perswade with Cosimo di Medici, and Neri Capponi, 
that they might have him. The supposed father of this 
Santi was dead, and the yong man lived under the tuition 
of an Uncle of his called Antonio Cascese. This Antonio 
was rich, without children, and friend to Neri. The matter 
being understood, Neri thought fit, neither to reject the 
motion, nor imbrace it, but commaunded that Santi in the 
presence of Cosimo, and those that were sent from Bologna, 
should speake with him. Then order being taken for their 

285 



THE 

SIXT 

BOOKE 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

meeting, Santi was by the Bolognesi not only honored, but 
also (as it were) adored. Then Cosimo calling Santi aside, 
said unto him, there is none that in this matter can better 
counsell thee, then thy selfe, for thou art to take that 
choise whereto thine own mind is inclined. If thou be the 
sonne of Hercole Bentivogli, thou wilt dispose thy selfe to 
such actions as be worthie of thy father and his house, but 
if thou art the sonne of Agnolo Cascese, thou shalt remaine 
in Florence, and imploy thy life basely in the art of cloth - 
making. These words much incouraged the yong man, for 
where he had before refused to take the matter upon him, 
he said now that he would be directed in all by Cosimo and 
Neri. Then they resolved with the messengers of Bologna 
to apparrell him, horse him, and man him, and so in honor 
able wise convey him to the Cittie, there to take the 
government : where he after governed with so great wise- 
dome, that notwithstanding the greater part of his pre 
decessors had ben by their enemies slaine, yet he peaceably 
and honorably lived and died. 

After the death of Nicholo Piccinino, and the peace made 
in La Marca, Philippo desired to entertaine a Captaine to 
governe his Army, and secretly practised with Ciarpellone, 
one of the Earles chiefe Leaders, and grew with him to 
composition. Ciarpellone prayed leave of the Earle to goe 
to Milan, to take possession of certaine Castles, which in 
the late warre were by Philippo given him. The Earle mis 
trusting that which was, (and to the end the Duke should not 
be served to his disadvantage) first stayed him, and shortly 
after put him to death, alleaging he had bene by him abused. 
Therewith Philippo was exceedingly angrie, and the Floren 
tines and Venetians much pleased, as they that feared least the 
Earles forces and the Dukes power j oyned in friendship. This 
anger was occasion to resuscitate new warre in La Marca. 
In Rimini, Gismondo Malatesti was Lord, who being son in 
law to the Earle, hoped to have possession of Pesaro : not 
withstanding the Earle having surprized it, gave it to Ales- 
sandro his brother. Wherewith Gismondo grew greatly 
offended, and the more bicause Federigo di Montefeltro his 
enemy, by the Earles favour, had usurped Urbino. This 
was the cause that Gismondo j oyned with the Duke, and 

286 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

sollicited the Pope and King to make warre upon the Earle. THE 

Who to the end Gismondo should feele the first fruits of SIXT 

that warre which he desired, thought to prevent him, and BOOKE 

sodeinly assailed him. Whereupon Rome and La Marca 

were on the soden brought into tumult, bicause Philippo, 

the king, and the Pope, sent great aide to Gismondo : and 

the Venetians and Florentines furnished the Earle, though 

with no men, yet with plentie of money. Neither was 

Philippo content to make warre in Romagna, but he also 

determined to take from the Earle Cremona and Pontre- 

moli : yet was Pontremoli by the Florentines, and Cremona 

by the Venetians defended. So that by these meanes the Newwarresiii 

warre in Lombardy was renewed, and therein somewhat Lombardy. 

done in Cremonese. 

Francesco Piccinino Generall for the Duke, was by Miche- 
letto, and the Venetian forces at Casale defeated. By which 
victorie, the Venetians hoped to take the Dukes state from 
him, and sent their Commissarie to Cremona, assailing 
Ghiraadada, and possessed all saving Cremona. Afterwards 
they passed Adda, spoiling the countrey hard to the gates 
of Milan. Thereupon the Duke desired aide of Alfonso, 
declaring what perill would ensue to the kingdome, if 
Lombardy were in the Venetians hand. Alfonso promised to 
send him souldiers, who without consent of the Earle could 
with difficultie passe. Then Philippo intreated the Earle 
not to abandon his father in law being aged and blind. 
The Earle found himself offended with the Duke for having 
moved the warre against him. On the other side he mis- The Earle his 
liked the greatnesse of the Venetians, his money grew low, friendship de- 
and the same was scarcely supplied by the Lords of the s^ed both by 
League. For the Florentines feared no more the Duke, Venetians 
which was the cause they esteemed the Earle, and the Vene 
tians desired his ruine, judging that the state of Lombardy 
could not be taken from them but by the Earle. Notwith 
standing, while Philippo sought to draw him into his pay, 
offering him the commaundement of all his souldiers, so 
that he would forsake the Venetians and restore La Marca 
to the Pope. They also sent Embassadors unto him, pro 
mising him the possession of Milan, if they could win it, 
and the perpetuitie in the government of their men of 

287 



THE 

SIXT 

BOOKE 



Death of 
Duke 
Philippo 
of Milan. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

warre, if he would still follow the warre in La Marca, and 
impeach the comming of aide from Alfonso into Lombardy. 
Thus were the promises of the Venetians great, and their 
deserts of him greater, having begun that warre, to save 
Cremona for the Earle. On the other part, the injuries 
done by the Duke were fresh, his promises not faithfull nor 
great. Yet did the Earle much doubt what resolution to 
make. For of the one side, the obligation of the league, 
their well deserving of him, and their promises of pleasures 
to come, did move him. On the other, the intreatie of his 
Father in lawe, and chiefely the poison which hee feared 
to be hidden under the great promises of the Venetians, 
did stay him ; suspecting least their promise of that state, 
if hee should hap to win it, might not be performed : having 
none other hold, but their bare promise, whereunto no wise 
Prince, unlesse it were for great necessitie, had ever trusted. 
These difficulties of the Earles resolution, were removed by 
the ambition of the Venetians, who hoping to surprize 
Cremona by meanes of some intelligence they had within 
the Cittie, under another pretence caused their souldiers to 
marche neere unto it. But that enterprise was discovered 
by those that guarded the towne for the Earle, whereby the 
treason tooke no effect, and they thereby wan not Cremona, 
but utterly lost the love of the Earle, who presently 
thereupon laying all respects apart, joyned himselfe with 
the Duke. Now was Pope Eugenio dead, and in his place 
succeeded Nicholao quinto. The Earle had his whole Army 
at Cotigniola, readie to passe into Lombardy. Thither 
came newes, advertising the death of Philippo, which was 
the last of August, in the yeare 1447. These newes grieved 
the Earle exceedingly, bicause he thought his army not 
fully paid, would be unreadie, and feared least the Venetians 
being in armes, would become his enemies. For having 
abandoned them and joyned with the Duke, he feared 
Alfonso his continuall enemy, not trusting either the Pope, 
or the Florentines. These, bicause they were in league 
with the Venetians, and the other, for that he did possesse 
some townes belonging to the Church. Notwithstanding, 
he determined to shew his face to fortune, and according to 
the chances therof to proceed. For many times by doing 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

somewhat, secrets are discovered, which by standing stil THE 
could not be knowne. Great hope he conceived in thinking, SIXT 
that if the Milanesi would be defended from the ambition BOOKE 
of the Venetians, that of force they must imploy him and 
his souldiers. Therof taking courage, he marched into the 
countrey of Bologna, and from thence to Modena and Regio, 
staying with his forces at Lenza, from whence he sent unto 
Milan to offer his service. Some of the Milanesi having 
buried their Duke, desired to live in libertie, and some 
others were contented to receive a Prince. Of those which 
desired a Prince, some would have the Earle, and some the 
King Alfonso, whereby those that loved libertie, being more 
united, became the stronger part, and framed after their 
faction a state and government, which was neverthelesse 
disobeyed by many Citties of the Dukedome, imagining 
that they might also (as Milan did) enjoy their libertie. 
And others also, which aspired not thereunto, did likewise 
refuse to yeeld unto the Milanesi. The Citties of Lodi 
and Piacenza gave themselves to the Venetians. Pavia and 
Parma would be free. The Earle understanding these con 
fusions, went unto Cremona, whither his Embassadors and 
the Embassadors of Milan came with this conclusion, that 
he should remain Captain general of the Milanesi, with those The Earle 
conditions last set down by the Duke Philippo, adding there- made Gene- 
unto that the Earle should have Brescia, till he surprised ^|} a for * he 
Verona. And being possessed therof, to yeeld up Brescia. 

Before the death of this Duke, Pope Nicholo at his as 
sumption sought to make peace amongst all the Italian 
Princes. For the compassing whereof, by Embassadors he 
practised, that the Florentines should send unto him at 
the time of his creation, desiring him to appoint a Parlia 
ment at Farrara, to procure therein either a long truce, or 
a perfect peace. Upon which occasion in that Cittie as 
sembled the Popes Legat, the Embassadors for the Venetians, 
Embassadors for the Duke, and Embassadors for the Flor 
entines. But those which were looked for from King 
Alfonso, appeared not. This King was then at Tiboli, 
accompanied with many men of warre, both on foote and 
horseback. From thence he gave countenance to the Duke, 
and it was thought that so soone as they had drawne the 

OO 289 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE Earle to their side, they would openly assault the Venetians 

SIXT and Florentines. In the meane time, the Earles souldiers 

BOOKE should remaine in Lombardy, and the peace to be enter- 

teined at Farrara, whither the King sent not, saying he 

would ratifie all things the Duke would assent unto. This 

peace was many dayes consulted upon, and after much 

disputation concluded, that either it should be perpetuall 

peace, or a truce for 5 yeares, at the election of the Duke, 

whose Embassadors being returned to Milan to understand 

his pleasure, at their comming thither found him dead. The 

Milanesi notwithstanding his death, would needs have the 

conclusion of peace allowed. But the Venetians did not 

consent, hoping greatly to usurpe that state. And the 

rather, bicause Lodi and Piacenza sodeinly after the Dukes 

death were yeelded unto them : whereby they hoped, either 

The Vene- by force or composition within short space to become Lords 

tians aspire to of al j tne territorie of Milan, and in the end so distresse 

Duchfeof 6 the Cittis as [i s ! lould also be forced to ? eeld before an y 
Milan. man could rescue it. And the rather they thus perswaded 

themselves, for that they sawe the Florentines busied in 
warre with King Alfonso. That King being at Tiboli, 
and intending to follow the enterprise of Toscana, as he 
had determined with Philippe, thinking therewith that the 
warre alreadie begun in Lombardy, would give him time 
and commoditie desired, to have one foote into the state 
of Florence, before such time as he would openly make the 
King Alfonso warre, and for that purpose practised to win the Castle 
assaulteth the Cennina in the upper vale of Arno, and wan it. The 
Florentines. Florentines striken with this unlocked for accident, and 
seeing the King readie to march to their offence, hired 
souldiers, created the ten Magistrates, and according to 
their custome, prepared all things for the warre. By this 
time the King with his Army was come to the countrey of 
Siena, labouring by all meanes to bring that Cittie to 
favour him. Notwithstanding, the Cittizens there stood 
firme in their friendship to the Florentines, and refused to 
receive the King, either into Siena, or any other of their 
townes : yet did they provide him victuall, whereof the 
importunitie of the King, and the force of the enemy might 
excuse them. The King then thought not good to enter by 
290 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

the way of the vale of Arno, as he first determined, aswell THE 
for that he had spoiled Cennina, as bicause the Florentines SIXT 
were partly furnished with souldiers, and therefore marched BOOKE 
towards Volterra, and surprized many Castles in the 
countrey thereto belonging. From thence, he marched 
into the countrey of Pisa, where, by the favour of Arrigo 
and Fatio, Earles of Chirardesca, he tooke some Castles, 
and assaulted Campiglia, which being defended by the 
Florentines and the cold winter, he could not surprize. 
Then the King leaving certaine of his owne souldiers to 
guard the townes by him taken, and to defend the countrey, 
retired with the rest of his Army to his lodgings in the 
countrey of Siena. 

The Florentines favoured by that season of the yeare, 
carefully laboured to provide souldiers. Their chiefe 
leaders were Federigo Lord of Urbino, and Gismondo Mala- 
testa of Rimino. And albeit there was betwixt them two 
some disagreement, yet by the wisedome of Neri, and Bar- 
nardetto di Medici, (Commissaries for the Florentines) they 
agreed so well, that notwithstanding the hard winter con 
tinuing, they marched, and recovered those townes which 
were lost in the countrey of Pisa, and the Ripomerancie in 
the territorie of Volterra. They also bridled the Kings 
souldiers, who before had spoyled the sea coast, so as with 
difficultie they might defend the townes committed to their 
guard. But the Spring time being come, the Commissaries 
drew forth all their souldiers, to the number of 5000 horse, 
and 2000 footmen. And the King came with his, to the 
number of welneare fifteene thousand, besides 3000 at 
Campiglia. And when he intended to returne to the siege 
of that towne, he went to Piombino, hoping easily to win 
it, bicause the towne was not well furnished, he thought 
the having thereof profitable for him, and disadvantagious 
for the Florentines ; bicause, from thence he might protract 
the warres, and consume them, having meane to victuall 
himselfe by sea, and disturbe the whole countrey of Pisa. 
This assault greatly displeased the Florentines, and con 
sulting upon the matter, thought that if they might with 
their Army remaine in the bounds of Campiglia, that the 
King should therby be inforced to depart either broken or 

291 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE dishonoured. For which purpose they armed foure small 
SIXT Gallies at Livorno, and with them put into the towne of 
BOOKE Piombino three hundred footemen, placing them at the 
Galdani, a place where with difficultie they might be as 
saulted. For if they were lodged in the plaine upon the 
Confines, the same was thought dangerous. The Floren 
tines received their victuals from the Townes thereabouts, 
which being but fewe and not much inhabited, did scarcely 
furnish them. So as the Armie suffered penurie, and most 
chiefly of wine : Because none being there made, nor brought 
thither from other places, it was impossible for everie man 
to have so much as should suffice him. But the King, 
notwithstanding he were by the Florentines straightly 
holden in, yet had he abundance almost of everie provision, 
by reason hee received it from the sea. The Florentines 
therefore thought good, likewise to make proofe, if they 
might be by sea releeved : and for that purpose loaded 
their Gallies with victuall, and sent them thither. But in 
their passage they were encountred with seven of the Kings 
Gallies, which tooke two of them, and suncke the others. 
This losse bereft the Florentine souldiers, of hope to be 
revictualled. Thereupon two hundreth or more Pyoners 
for want of drinke fled unto the Kings Campe : the rest of 
the souldiers mutined, complayning that in those hote 
places they could not remaine without wine, because water 
was there most unwholesome. So that the Commissaries 
determined to abandon that place, and imploy their forces 
to recover certaine Castles which remained in the Kings 
hand. Who on the other side, although he wanted not 
victual, being in force the stronger, yet was his Camp 
afflicted with sicknesse, bred there, by the infection of the 
aire, nere unto the sea: by mean wherof, almost everie 
man was infected, and many of them also died. These 
occasions ministred communication of peace, wherin the 
King demaunded fiftie thousand Florins, and Piombino to 
be left at his discretion. The matter being debated at 
Florence, by many desirous of peace, the demands were 
thought reasonable. For they were perswaded a war so 
chargeable as that was, could not without great expence 
be mainteined. Notwithstanding Neri Capponi went unto 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

Florence, and there with such reasons as he made, altered THE 

their minds. Disswading them utterly to accept those SIXT 

conditions : and the Florentines received the Lord of BOOKE 

Piombino as recommended ; promising both in time of 

warre and peace to defend him, if he would, (as hitherto 

he had) fight couragiously in defence of his owne Citie. 

The King understanding this resolution, and seeing his 

owne Campe afflicted with sicknesse, brake up, and retired 

with the rest into the country of Siena ; leaving behinde 

him two thousand dead bodies. From thence he marched 

towards the kingdome, and being exceedingly offended with 

the Florentines, threatned the next Spring to make uppon 

them a new warre. 

While matters were thus handled in Toscana, the Earle 
Francesco became Generall of the Milanesi, and before anie 
thing done, obteined the friendship of Francesco Piccinino, 
who had likewise served them, which he did, to the end 
that his enterprises might be the more favoured, and by 
Piccinino the lesse impeached. Then marched he with his 
Armie to the field, wherby the Citizens of Pavia, fearing 
they could not defend themselves, and being on the other 
side, unwilling to obey the Milanesi, offered him the 
Towne, with condition that he should not deliver it to 
them. The Earle greatly desired the possession of that 
Citie, thinking that the having thereof would be a good 
beginning to colour his intent, being neither deteined with 
feare, nor abashed to breake his faith. For great men do 
call losse, a thing dishonourable, but to compasse their 
desire by craft, is accounted no shame at all. Notwith 
standing he doubted, least his taking of the Towne in this 
sort, would so offend the Milanesi, as for that cause, they 
woulde yeeld themselves to the Venetians : and if it were 
not taken by him, then he feared the Duke of Savoia, to 
whom many of the Citizens were willing to give it. So as 
by everie of those meanes, hee thought himselfe bereft of 
the dominion of Lombardy : yet supposing it lesse perill, 
to take the Citie for himselfe then leave it to an other, 
determined to accept it, being perswaded it was notwith 
standing possible to content the Milanesi : whom he en- 
formed of those perils wherunto they should fall, if he 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE accepted not the Citie of Pa via. For that Citie (if it were 
SIXT by him refused) would yeelde to the Venetians or the Duke 
BOOKE of Savoia, in either of which cases, their countrey should 
be lost, and therefore thought rather be contented to have 
him their neighbour and friend, then any other that were 
The Milanesi more mightie, and their enemie. The Milanesi were much 
troubled ^ ith this matter, imagining that the Earle had 
thereby discovered his ambition, and the end whereunto 
he tended. Yet thought they not good to take knowledge 
thereof, because leaving the Earle, they sawe not whither 
to addresse themselves, unlesse it were to the Venetians, 
whose pride and hard dealing they mistrusted. Wherefore 
they resolved, not to shake off the Earle, but for the present, 
by him to be delivered of those inconveniences, hoping 
after to be also delivered of himselfe. For they were not 
onely assaulted by the Venetians, but also by the Genovesi 
and the Duke of Savoia, who made warre in the name of 
Carlo of Orliens, sonne to the sister of Philippo. But the 
Earle easily withstood their mallice. Then were the 
Venetians his only enemies, who with a mightie Armie 
determined to surprize that state, and had alreadie pos 
sessed Lodi, and Piacenza, wherunto the Earle brought his 
camp : and after a long siege sacked that Citie. Which 
done, (because the winter was alreadie come) he retired his 
men to their lodgings, and went himselfe to Cremona; 
where with his wife he rested all that winter. But the 
spring being come, the Armies of the Venetians and 
Milanesi, returned to the field. The Milanesi desired to 
surprize Lodi, and after make peace with the Venetians. 
Because the charges of warre did burthen them, and the 
fidelitie of their General was suspected. For these reasons 
they wished a peace, as well to repose themselves, as to be 
assured of the Earle. Then they resolved, their Army 
should besiege Carravaggio, hoping that Lodi would yeeld, 
so soone as the Castle could be taken from the enemie. 
The Earle obeyed the Milanesi, although his intent was to 
have passed Adda, and assault the country of Brescia. 
The siege being laid to the Castle of Carravaggio, hee 
trenched and fortified his Campe, least happily the 
Venetians would assaile him. 
294 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

The Venetians on the other side, conducted by Micheletto THE 
their General!, marched within two bowes shot off the SIXT 
Earles Campe, where diverse dayes both the Armies re- BOOKE 
mained, the one many times offending the other. Not 
withstanding, the Earle stil besieged the castle, and did so 
straightly distresse it, as it was readie to yeeld : which 
greatly displeased the Venetians; fearing that the losse 
thereof would be the ruine of all the enterprise. Great 
disputation arose among their Captaines, by what meanes 
it might be succoured. But no other way could be devised, 
then to assault the enemies in their trenches, which was 
exceeding daungerous. Notwithstanding so greatly they 
esteemed the losse of that Castle, as the Senate of Venice 
(beeing naturally fearefull to meddle with any matter either 
doubtful or dangerous) did chuse rather to hazard all, then 
with the losse of that, to lose the enterprise. They resolved 
therfore by all meanes to assault the Earle, and one morn 
ing earely charged him on that side where they thought 
he was weakest. At the first charge (as it happeneth in 
those assaults which be not looked for) all the Armie was 
dismaid. Notwithstanding, the Earle sodeinly repaired the 
disorders, and had handled the matter so, that notwith 
standing many assaults, the enemies were forced in the end, 
not onely to retire, but also were so pursued : that of their 
Camp (which was twelve thousand horse) not one thousand The Vene- 
was saved. All their goods were spoyled, and their carriages tians defeated 
taken. So as never before that time the Venetians received ^7 tlie Earle 
any overthrow greater, or more terrible. 

Among the spoyles and prisoners taken in this conflict, 
was the Venetian Proveditor, who before that skirmish, and 
after during the wars, had used diverse opprobrious words 
of the Earle, calling him Bastard and Coward. But being 
become prisoner, remembring what hee had deserved, and 
brought to the Earles presence : according to the nature 
of proud and cowardly men (which is to be in prosperitie 
insolent, and in adversitie abject and vile) kneeled down 
before him, weeping, and desiring pardon of his offences. 
The Earle tooke him up by the arme, comforted him, and 
willed him to be of good cheare. And afterwards said, 
that he marvelled much how a man of his wisdom and 

295 



Francesco. 



THE 

SIXT 

BOOKE 



The Vene 
tians for 
tunate. 



Peace be- 
tweene the 
Earle and 
Venetians, 
without con 
sent of the 
Milanesi. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

gravitie, could commit so great an error, as to speake evill 
of them that had not so deserved. And touching the matter 
of slaunder, he knew not in what sort Sforza his father, had 
used his mother Maddonna Lucia, because he was not there 
present. So as of that which was done by them he could 
receive neither blame nor commendation. But for his 
owne doings, he knew well, that nothing was by any man 
to be reprooved : and there of both he and his Senate 
could fully and truly witnesse with him. Whereof hee 
wished him afterwards to be more modest in speech, and 
in his proceedings more discreet. 

After this victorie, the Earle with his tryumphant Campe, 
marched to the territorie of Brescia, and possessing all that 
country, setled his Campe within two myles of the Citie. 
The Venetians on the other side, having received this over 
throw, feared, (as it came to passe) that Brescia would be 
first assaulted, speedily as they might, made provision, and 
with all diligence, levied forces, joy ning them to those that 
remained of the old Campe. Therewith also by vertue of 
the League, desired aid of the Florentines. Who being 
free from the warre of King Alfonso, sent unto them one 
thousand footemen, and two thousand horse. The Vene 
tians by having these souldiers, gained time to entreate of 
peace. It hath bene long time a thing fatall to the Venetian 
state, to lose by warre, and recover the losse by composition. 
And those things which by the warres are taken from them, 
by the peace many times be restored double. The Venetians 
knew well, that the Milanesi mistrusted the Earle, and that 
he desired not to be their Captaine, but aspired to the 
principallitie of Milan. Also that it was in their choise 
to make peace with either of them : the one desiring it for 
ambition, the other for feare. Then they chose to make 
peace with the Earle, and deferred their aide for that 
enterprise: being perswaded, that if the Milanesi found 
themselves deceived by the Earle, they might grow so 
offended, as they would give themselves rather to anie 
other, then to him. Being then brought to this passe that 
they could not defende themselves, nor would trust unto 
the Earle, they should be enforced, (not having other refuge) 
to trust unto the Venetians. This resolution made, they 

296 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

sounded the disposition of the Earle, and found him greatly THE 
disposed to the peace : as desirous that the victorie of SIXT 
Carravaggio might be his, and not the Milanieses. Then BOOKE 
was there a composition concluded, wherein the Venetians 
bound themselves to paie unto the Earle, so long as he 
deferred the taking of Milan, thirteene thousand Florines 
for everie moneth : and during the rest of the warre, to 
aide him with foure thousand horse, and two thousand 
footemen. And the Earle for his part did binde himselfe 
to restore to the Venetians, all Townes, prisoners, and 
everie other thing by him taken, and rest contented with 
those Townes onely, which the Duke Philippe at his death 
possessed. This agreement being knowne in Milan, did 
bring much more sorrow to that Citie, then the victorie of 
Carravaggio had given gladnesse. The chiefe Magistrates 
lamented, the people were sorrowfull, the women and chil 
dren wept, and all with one voyce, called the Earle disloyall 
and traytour. For although they beleeved not, either by 
intreatie or promises, to divert him from his unthankful 
intent, yet sent they Embassadors to see with what face, 
and with what words, hee would maintaine his wickednesse. 
Who being come to the presence of the Earle, one of them 
spake to this effect. 

Those that desire to obtaine any thing of others, were The Oration 
wont by entreatie, gifts, or threatnings, to perswade them, of the Mila- 
So that, either by compassion, by profit, or feare, they nesitothe 
might compasse the thing which they desired. But of ai e 
cruell men, and covetous, being in their owne opinion 
mightie (those three means not prevailing) nothing is ob- 
teined: so as whosoever doth trust by entreatie to make 
them pittifull, or by gifts to winne them, or by threatnings 
to feare them, deceiveth himselfe. We therefore now 
knowing (though all too late) thy crueltie, thy ambition, 
and thy pride, are come unto thee, not requiring any thing, 
nor hoping (though we had such desire) to obteine it, but 
to put thee in remembrance what benefites thou hast received 
of the Milanesi, and laie before thee, with what ingratitude 
thou doest requite them. To the end, that among so many 
injuries by us endured, wee may take this only pleasure, to 
reprove thee. Thou oughtst to remember wel, what thy 

PP 297 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE state and condition was, after the death of Duke Philippo. 

SIXT Thou wert enemie to the Pope and the King. Thou wert 
BOOKE abandoned by the Florentines and Venetians, who either 
justly offended with thee, or having no more neede of thee, 
wert become as their enemy. Thou wert weary of the war 
which thou hadst made with the church ; Thou hadst fewe 
men, fewe friends, litle money, and bereft of all hope to be 
able to hold thine owne countrey, and thy auncient reputa 
tion : which should easily have bene taken from thee, had 
not our simplicitie helped. For we onely received thee, 
perswaded with the reverence we bare to the happie memorie 
of our Duke, unto whom thou (being allied) didst make us 
believe, that his love would have continued in his heires. 
And sith to his benefits, we joyned ours, that favour and 
friendship ought to have bene, not onely firme, but also 
inseparable. In respect whereof, to the auncient composi 
tion, we joyned Verona and Brescia. What could we more 
give thee or promise thee ? And what couldst thou either 
of us or any others, in those dayes either have or desire 
more ? Thou hast received of us a pleasure unlocked for, 
and we for recompence, have received of thee, a displeasure 
not deserved. Neither hast thou deferred thus long to 
shew thy pride. For thou wert no sooner General of our 
Armie, but contrary to justice thou didst receive Pavia : 
which ought to have warned us, to what end thy friendship 
tended. Which injurie we bare, supposing that victorie 
with the greatnesse thereof, would have satisfied thy ambi 
tion. But (alasse) those who desire all, cannot with inough 
be contented. Thou didst promise that we should enjoy all 
things after that time by thee wonne. For thou knewest 
well, that which thou gavest at many times, thou mightest 
resume at once : as it came to passe after the victorie of 
Carravaggio ; which being begun with bloud and mony, was 
after followed with our destruction. O how unhappie are 
those Cities which be constrained to defend their liberties : 
against the ambition of all those that wold oppresse them : 
but much more unhappy be they that are inforced to 
imploy in their defence, mercinarie and disloyall souldiers, 
such as thou art. God graunt that this our example may 
be a warning to others hereafter : sith that of Thebe and 
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NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

Philip of Macidon, hath not warned us. Who having THE 

wonne victorie of their enemies, became of their owne SIXT 

Captaine, first their enemie, and after their Prince. We BOOKE 

may not therefore be blamed of other fault, then to have 

trusted too much in thee, whom we ought not to have 

trusted at all. For thy former life, and thy insatiable 

mind, not contented with any honour or estate, might have 

forewarned us. Neither ought we to have reposed any 

trust in thee, who had betraied the Lord of Lucca, fleesed 

the Florentines and Venetians, litle esteemed the Duke, nor 

regarded the King, and above all, with many injuries offended 

God and his Church. Neither ought we ever to have be- 

leeved, that so many Princes had lesse power of Francesco 

Sforza, then the Milanesi ; or that he would keep his faith 

to us, which to so many others he had broken. But this 

our small wisdom which we do blame in our selves, doth not 

excuse thy breach of faith, nor purge thee of those infamies, 

which our just complaints shall disperse throughout the 

world. Neither can it be, but that the pricke of thine 

owne conscience will persecute thee. For those Armes 

which were prepared by us, to assault others, must now by 

thy meanes offend our selves: so as thou wilt judge thy 

selfe worthie of that punishment which murtherers have 

deserved. If ambition hath blinded thee, all the world 

being witnesse of thy wickednesse, will force thee to open 

thine eyes. God also will cause thee to behold thy perjuries, 

thy faith broken, and thy treasons. Which things so greatly 

displease him, that although hitherto, for some hidden good, 

hee hath not punished, yet will he never favour men so 

impiously disposed. Do not therfore promise thy selfe a 

victorie certaine, sith the just ire of God will impeach it, 

and we are determined with losse of libertie to lose our 

lives. Which if we be not able to defend, then have we 

rather to submit our selves to anie other Prince then to thy 

selfe. For if our sinnes be such, as against our willes we 

must fall into thy hands, be assured, a dominion begunne 

with craft and infamie, shall either in thee or thy children, 

ende with dishonour and shame. 

The Earle notwithstanding he felt himselfe by the Milanesi 
many waies touched,yet shewed he no extraordinarie chaunge, 

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SIXT 

BOOKE 

The Earles 
answere. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

either by word or jesture : but answered hee was content to 
beare their chollor, and the great injurie of their unwise 
words. Whereunto he would answere particulerly, if they 
were before a Judge indifferent to determine the contro- 
versie. For it should appeare that he had not offended the 
Milanesi, but provided that they should not injurie him. 
And well he knew, after the victorie of Carravaggio what 
they had done: when in stead of rewarding him with 
Verona or Brescia, they sought to make peace with the 
Venetians. To the end, that upon him onely the dis 
pleasure should be laide: and they to enjoy the profit of 
the victorie, with the honor of the peace, and all the com- 
moditie reaped by the warre. So as they had no cause to 
complaine, though he had made that composition which 
they practised to bring to passe. Which resolution being 
deferred, they were as much to blame their owne ingratitude, 
as find fault with him : and whether this were true or not, 
that God (whom they had called to revenge their injuries) 
would by the end of the war shew whom he most favoured, 
or which partie did fight with most justice. The Embas- 
sadours being departed, the Earle prepared to assaile the 
Milanesi, and they made readie for defence. Then with the 
vertue of Francesco and Giacopo Piccinino (who for the 
auncient hatred the Braccheschi bare to the Sforzeschi, had 
bene to the Milanesi faithfull) they hoped to defend their 
libertie : at the least, till such time as they might disunite 
the Venetians from the Earle, who they thought would not 
be long his friends nor faithfull. On the other side, the 
Earle knowing thereof, supposed it was wisedome, to binde 
the Venetians by reward, which would holde sure, though 
the bond of friendship were too weake. And therfore in 
giving order for the war, he was content that they should 
assault Crema, and hee with other forces would set uppon 
the rest of that countrey. This composition laide before 
the Venetians, was the occasion that they continued so 
long in the Earles friendship, till he had surprized all the 
dominion of the Milanesi, and distressed the Towne so 
neare, as the dwellers therein could not make provision of 
things necessarie. In so much, as dispairing of all other 
aide, they sent Embassadors to Venice, desiring the Senate 
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NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

to have compassion of their estate, and be pleased, (accord- THE 
ing to the custome of Common- weales) to favour libertie, SIXT 
and disfavor a Tyrant. Who prevailing and become Lord BOOKE 
of Milan, could not be by the Venetians easily brideled. Expostulation 
For they beleeved not, that he was content with the auncient of the Floren- 
conditions of the state, but aspired further. The Venetians ti nes to ^ e 
not having yet the possession of Crema (which before they y^J*g 
chaunged countenance, they determined to have) answered 
publikely, that in respect of the contract made with the 
Earle, they might not helpe the Milanesi, yet privately they 
enterteined the Embassadors with hope, that a composition 
was likely to be made, and then, they should assure their 
Senate to trust unto them. The Earle with his men was 
alreadie so near Milan, as they assaulted the suburbes, and 
the Venetians having taken Crema, thought good no longer 
to deferre the aiding of the Milanesi with whom they com 
pounded. Among the first Articles, they promised by all 
meanes to defend their libertie. This new contract made, 
they commaunded that all their souldiers serving under the The Vene- 
Earle, should depart from him, and retire themselves to the tians desirous 
Venetians Campe. They also signified unto the Earle, the l ? a 
peace concluded with the Milanesi, to whom they had given 
twentie daies space to accept it. The Earle marvelled not 
at this resolution taken by the Venetians, because that long 
before he had foreseene it, and looked the same should 
everie day come to passe. Yet could he not but be sorie, 
and feele the same offence, which the Milanesi did, when he 
abandoned them. For answering of the Embassadors sent 
from Venice to declare the League, he tooke the leisure of 
two daies. During which time, he determined to enterteine 
the Venetians, and not abandon the enterprise. And there 
fore publikely said, he would allow the peace, and sent Em 
bassadors to Venice, with a large Commission to ratifie the 
same : yet secretly he commanded them, not to conclude, 
but with delaies and cavillations, to deferre the conclusion. 
And to make the Venetians the rather beleeve, that which 
hee spake, hee made truce with the Milanesi for one moneth : 
requiring his Campe farre from the Citie, and dividing his 
forces into other places neare hand, which he had lately 
wonne. This practise was occasion of his victorie, for the 

301 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE Venetians trusting to the peace, were more slow in prepara- 
SIXT tion to the warre, and the Milanesi seeing the truce made, 
BOOKE the enemie farre off, and the Venetians their friends, beleeved 
assuredly that the Earle would abandon the enterprise. 
Which determination, by two means hindred them. The 
first was, because they neglected to prepare for their own 
defence. The other, for that they laid the countrey open 
to the enemie. For the time then being fit to till the 
earth, they sowed great store of corne : by meane whereof, 
the Earle might the more easily famish them. To the 
Earle on the other side, all those thinges helped, which 
hindered the enemie : and besides the delaie gave him corn- 
modi tie to take breath, and provide for aide. 

In all this warre of Lombardy, the Florentines were not 
discovered to be of any side, nor to have favoured the Earle, 
either when he defended the Milanesi, nor after. For the 
Earle having had no need, did not with much earnestie seeke 
it. Onely after the overthrow of Carravaggio, by vertue of 
their Obligation in the Leage, they sent aide to the Vene 
tians. But the Earle Francesco being alone, and wanting 
other refuge, was enforced instantly to praie aide of the 
Florentines, both of the state publikely, and of his friends 
Cosimo de privately : chiefly of Cosimo de Medici, with whom he had 
Medici, friend ever bene in great familiaritie, and was by him in all his 
to the Earle actions faithfully counselled, and liberally supplied. Neither 
co * did Cosimo in this so great a necessitie forsake him : for as 
a private man he bountifully releeved him, and to follow the 
enterprise encouraged him. Hee also entreated the Cittie 
publikely to assist him where need required. At that time 
lived in Florence, Neri the sonne of Gino Capponi, a Citizen 
of great power, who thought it not good for the Citie, that 
the Earle should possesse Milan, supposing it more profitable 
for Italy, that hee should ratifie the peace, then prosecute 
Neri Capponi the warre. First he doubted least the Milanesi for the 
against the displeasure they bare to the Earle, would yeeld wholly to 
Earle. the Venetians, which would be the ruine of everie man. 

Then he judged if the Earle should happen to surprize 
Milan, that so great forces and countries joyned togither, 
were to be feared. And if he were insupportable, being an 
Earle, aspired to the title of Duke, no man should endure 
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NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

his pride. Wherefore, he thought better both for the 
Common-weale of Florence, and all Italy, that the Earle 
should continue with his reputation in Armes, and Lom- 
bardy to be divided into two common-weales, which would 
never joyne in the offence of an other, and one of them 
alone, could not offend : and for bringing this to passe, he 
saw no better meane, then not to aide the Earle, and maintain 
the old league with the Venetians. 

These reasons were not of the friends of Cosimo accepted: 
because they thought that Neri did make them, not be 
cause he thought them good for the common-weale, but 
for that he would not, that the Earle being friend to 
Cosimo, should aspire to be Duke. Fearing least by that 
means, Cosimo should become over mighty : and Cosimo 
contrariwise proved, that aiding of the Earle, was both for 
Italy and that common-weale most profitable. And that 
it was no wise conceit, to thinke that the Milanesi could 
continue free, because the qualitie of their citie, their maner 
of life, and the factions inveterated there, were contrary 
to the forme of all civil government : so as, it behoved that 
the Earle should become Duke, or els the Venetians wold 
possesse it. And in that choyse, there was no man so wit- 
lesse, that knew not whether it were better to have at hand 
a mightie neighbour, or a more mightie enemie. Neither 
could he thinke it to be doubted, that the Milanesi (for 
having warre with the Earle) would yeeld their obedience 
to the Venetians. For the Earle having a faction in Milan, 
and not they, whensoever they could not defend themselves 
as free, they wold rather yeeld to the Earle, then to the 
Venetians. These diversities of opinions held the citie 
doubtful what to determine. Neverthelesse in the end was 
concluded : that Embassadors should be sent to the Earle 
to entertein a peace, and if they found him strong or likely 
to have the victory, then to conclude : or not, to use cavil- 
lations and delaies. These Embassadours were at Reggio, 
before they understood that the Earle was become Lord of 
Milan. For the Earle so soone as the time of truce was 
ended, environed the citie with souldiers, hoping within 
short space, in despight of the Venetians, to surprize it : 
because they were not able to succour it, saving on that side 

303 



THE 

SIXT 

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THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE towards Adda : which passage, might easily be impeached, 
SIXT and it was not feared, (the winter being come) that the 
BOOKE Venetians would encamp there. Also the Earle hoped, 
before the winter should passe, to have the victory, and 
the rather by the death of Francesco Piccinino, who had 
only left Giacopo his brother to governe the Milanesi. The 
Venetians had sent an Embassador to Milan, to encourage 
those Citizens to stand to their own defence, promising 
them great and speedie supplie. During that winter, some 
light skirmishes happened betwixt the Venetians and the 
Earle. But so soone as the season suffered, the Venetians 
under the conduct of Pandolfo Malatesta, brought their 
The Vene- Army to Adda : where they consulted, whether it was best 
tians aide the to assault the Earle, and thereby trie their fortune. Pan- 
Milanesi dolfo their Capteine, thought not good to make that triall, 
m res P ect of tne Earles vertue, and the sufficiencie of his 
armie : but hoped it was possible without fighting more 
safely to oppresse him : because the Earle at that present, 
was with the lacke of corne greatly distressed. His advise 
therefore was, that the campe should not dislodge, wherby 
the Milanesi might stil hope of ayd, and not by dispair 
yeeld them to the Earle. This opinion was by the Venetians 
allowed, as wel in respect of securitie, as that they thought 
the Milanesi, being in so great necessitie, should be en 
forced to yeeld to their dominion, persuaded that they 
wold never give themselves to the Earle, by whom they 
had bin many waies injured. 

In this meane space the Milanesi were broght almost into 
extreme misery, and in that citie (naturally abounding with 
poore people) many died of famin, wherat the inhabitants 
murmured and complained, The magistrats therby grew 
afraid, and carefully provided that the people shuld not 
gather togither. For although the multitude doth not 
hastily dispose it self to mischief, yet when it happen to 
be fully bent, every litle accident doth move it. It hapned 
that & men of mean condition, were near to the new gate, 
talking of the calamities of the city, and their misery, 
devising what means might be wroght for redres therof. 
Others drew unto them, till they were a good number. 
Therby a brute was blowne through Milan, that the in- 
304 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

habitants neare to the new gate were alreadie in Armes. THE 

Then all the multitude (which aspected onely occasion) SIXT 

tooke Armes and created Gasparo da Vicomercato their BOOKE 

Captain, and went to the place where the magistrates were 

assembled : whom they so terrified, that so many as could, 

did flee, the rest were slain. Among whom Leonardo 

Veniero, the Venetian Embassador was murthered : who 

had before that time rejoyced at their miserie, and was 

thought to have bene the occasion of the mischiefe and 

famine. Thus the multitude (as Lords of the Citie) among 

themselves consulted, what was to be done, to deliver them 

from so manifold sorrowes, wherinto they were entred. 

And every man thought good to yeeld the citie (sith the 

libertie could not be preserved) to some Prince that were 

able to defend it. Some said to the king Alfonso, some to 

the Duke of Savoia, and some to the French king. Of the 

Earle no man made mention, so great was yet the offence 

of the people towards him. Notwithstanding seeing they 

could not resolve upon any, Gasparo Vicomercato was the Gasparo Vico- 

first that named the Earle : declaring at large, that if they mercato his 

would be discharged of the warre, there was no other way C0un8e "- 

but to chuse him; because the people of Milan had 

necessitie of certain and present peace, and could not 

tarry long in hope of future relief. Moreover he excused 

the actions of the Earle, accusing the Venetians, and all 

the other Princes of Italy, because they would not, some 

for ambition, and some for covetise, that Milan should 

continue free. And therfore being forced to depart with 

libertie, it was best to yeeld to such a one, as could and 

would defend it. So as by that servitude, they might at 

the least gain peace without further losse, or war more 

dangerous. 

This speech was with great attention hearkned unto, 
and every man with one voice consented that the Earle 
should be chosen, and Gasparo was made Embassador to 
call him : who by commandement of the people, went unto 
the Earle to present him this pleasant and happie newes. The Earle 
The Earle willingly accepted the same and entered into Francesco 
Milan as Prince, the 26 of February, in the yere 1450. become Duke 
And was there with exceeding gladnes received, even by ofMllanl 450. 

QQ 305 



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League be 
twixt King 
Alfonso and 
the Vene 
tians. 



Embassadors 
from Venice 
to Florence. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

those who not long before had hated and defamed him. 
The newes of this victory being brought to Florence, order 
was taken with the Embassadors sent from thence (and 
were already upon the way towards the Earle) that in stead 
of entreaty of peace with him as Earle, they shuld con 
gratulate the victory as Duke. These Embassadors were 
by the Duke honorably received, and bountifully enter- 
teined. For he knew wel that against the power of the 
Venetians, he could not find in all Italy, more faithful nor 
more mighty friends, then the Florentins. Who having 
removed feare of the Visconti, thought they should be 
forced to fight with Aragon and Venice. Because the 
house of Aragon then Kings of Naples, was their enemie 
in respect of the friendship by them borne to the house of 
France: and the Venetians knew that the auncient feare 
of the Visconti, was fresh, and that carefully they had 
persecuted them ; wherefore doubting the like persecution, 
sought their ruine. These matters were the occasion that 
the new Duke was easily induced to friend the Florentines, 
and that the Venetians and the King Alfonso, agreed to 
joyne against their common enemie: binding themselves 
at one selfe time, to take armes ; and that the King should 
assault the Florentines, and the Venetians set upon the 
Duke. Who being new in the state, was not (as they 
thought) neither able with his owne forces to withstand 
them, nor with the aide of others could be defended. Yet 
because the league betwixt the Florentines and Venetians 
continued, and that the King after the warres of Piombino 
had made peace with them, they thought not good to 
breake that peace, till such time as they had some colour to 
make warre. Wherefore both the one and the other, sent 
Embassadors to Florence, to signifie in the behalf of their 
Lords, that the league was made not to offend any man, 
but to defend their Countries. And moreover the Venetians 
complained, that the Florentines had given passage to 
Alisandro, brother to the Duke of Lunigiana, whereby he 
with his forces passed into Lombardy : and that they were 
also the Authors and Councellours, to make the agreement 
betwixt the Duke and the Marquesse of Mantova. All 
which things (they said) were prejudiciall to their state, and 
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NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

the friendship betwixt them. Wherefore friendly wished THE 
them to remember, that who so off endeth an other wrong- SIXT 
fully, doth give occasion to him that is offended, justly to BOOKE 
seek revenge : and he that breaketh the peace, must ever 
looke to find war. 

The answer of this Embassage was by the Senate com- The Em- 
mitted to Cosimo : who in a long and wise Oration, laid bassador 
before them all the benifits which his citie had bestowed answered - 
upon the Venetian common-weale. Declaring how great 
dominion they had wonne by means of the mony, the men, 
and counsel, of the Florentines. And assured them, that 
sith the Florentines did occasion the friendship, no cause 
of warre should ever proceed from them. For they having 
bene ever lovers of peace, commended greatly the agree 
ment betwixt them, so as for peace, and not for war the 
same were made. But he marvelled much of the Venetian 
complaints, and that of so small and vain matters, so great 
a common-weale wold make account. But if they had 
bene worthie consideration, yet was it knowne to the world, 
that the Florentine country was free, and open to all men, 
and the Duke was such a one as to win friendship with 
Mantova, had no need, either of counsel or favour. Wher- 
fore he doubted, that these complaints, had under them 
hidden, some secret poison not yet perceived. Which so 
being, every man should easily understand, that as the 
Florentines friendship did profit them, so their displeasure 
could hinder them. Thus for that time the matter was 
lightly passed over, and the Embassadors seemed to depart 
wel inough contented. Notwithstanding, the league being 
made, the maner of the Venetians and the Kings proceed 
ings, did occasion the Florentines and the Duke, rather to 
looke for some new war, then hope of firme peace. There- League be 
fore the Florentines joyned in league with the Duke, and tweene the 
in the mean while, the evil disposition of the Venetians 
was discovered : because they made league with the Sanesi, 
and banished all the Florentines, with every other person 
subject to the state of Florence. Shortly after, the king 
Alfonso did the like, without any respect to the peace 
made the yeare before, and without just cause or coloured 
occasion. The Venetians laboured to gain the possession 

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BOOKE 



Preparation 
for warre in 
Florence. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

of Bologna, and for that purpose aided the banished men 
of that Citie, who with many others, found means in the 
night to enter the towne. They were no sooner within the 
walles, but themselves made an Alarum. Whereat Santi 
Bentivogli suddeinly start up, and knowing that the Citie 
was surprized by Rebels : (although hee were by many 
friendes counselled, by fleeing to save his life) yet would he 
in any wise shew his face to Fortune, take armes, and 
encourage others to do the like. He therefore with some 
others, made head and assaulted part of the Rebels, and brake 
them, sleying many, and forcing the rest to flee the Citie. 
Whereuppon every man judged, that hee had made good 
proofe to be of the right race of Bentivogli. These actions, 
brought unto Florence a firme beliefe of the future warre. 
Therefore the Florentines resorting to their auncient orders, 
created the ten Magistrates for the war, entertained new 
Captaines, sent Embassadors to Rome, to Naples, to Venice, 
and to Siena, to procure aid of their friends, discover 
suspects, gaine the good will of those that were neutrall, 
and sounde the determination of enemies. Of the Pope 
they could get nothing but general words, curtesie, and 
perswasion to peace. Of the King they understood only 
his vaine excuses for discharging the Florentines, and 
offered to give safe conduct to everie man that desired it. 
And albeit he went about by all meanes, to conceale the 
intention of the new warre, yet the Embassadours knewe 
well his evill meaning, and detected manie dealinges of his, 
to the disadvauntage of their Common-weale. With the 
Duke they renewed the League, fortifying the same with 
sundrie Obligations : and by his meanes gained the good 
will of the Genovesi : cancelling all former quarrels. Not 
withstanding that the Venetians had laboured manie wayes, 
to impeach that composition, and intreated the Emperour 
of Constantinople to banish from his countries all the 
Florentine Nation. So greatly they grew into hate by this 
war, and so great force had their desire of government, as 
without respect, they sought to oppresse those who were 
the cause of their greatnesse. Neverthelesse by that Em 
perour they were not hearkened unto. The Embassadours 
for the Florentines, were by the Venetian Senate forbidden 
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NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

to enter into their Countrey : alleaging that they being in THE 
league with the King, might not (without his privitie) give SIXT 
them audience. The Sanesi enterteined the Embassadours BOOKE 
with curteous words, fearing to be surprized before the 
league could defende them : and therefore thought good 
not to stirre those Armes, which they were not able to 
resist. The Venetians and the King (as was then con 
jectured) would have sent Embassadors to Florence, to 
justifie the warre. But the Embassadour for the Venetians, 
would not enter into the Florentines dominion, and the 
Kings Embassador durst not alone execute that message. 
Whereby the Embassage was not performed. And the 
Venetians by meanes thereof, knew that they were litle 
esteemed of the Florentines, whom they (a few months past) 
esteemed not much. During the feare of these motions, The Empe- 
the Emperour Federigo the third, came into Italy to be rourFederigo 
crowned, the thirtie day of January, in the yeare 1451. in F l rence - 
And entring into Florence with a thousand five hundred 
horses, was by that Cittie, most honourably received and 
enterteined, till the sixt of February. At which time hee 
tooke his journey from thence towards his Coronation at 
Rome, where he was solemnely Crowned and married to the 
Empresse, being come thither by sea. These ceremonies 
performed, the Emperour returned towards Germany, and 
came againe to Florence in the moneth of May : where he 
was used with the same honours he had there before received. 
Also in his returne, having bene pleasured by the Mar- 
quesse of Farrara, for recompence the Emperour granted 
unto him the Cities of Medina and Reggio. During all 
these doings, the Florentines omitted not their preparation 
for the war, giving themselves reputation, and the enemie 
terror. They and the Duke joyned league with the French 
King, for defence of all their countries in generall. Which 
league with great magnificence and rejoycing, they published 
throughout all Italy. 

By this time was come the yere 1452, when in May, the 
Venetians thought good no longer to deferre the warre 
against the Duke. Wherefore with sixteene thousand The Duke 
horse, and sixe thousand footemen, they assaulted him of Milan 
towards Lodi : and at the same time the Marquesse of a ssau l ted * 

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THE 

SIXT 

BOOKE 



Fojano 
assaulted by 
Ferrando. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

Monferato, either provoked by his owne ambition, or by 
the Venetians request, assaulted him on the other side, 
towards Alessandria. The Duke on the contrary part, had 
assembled eighteene thousand horse, and three thousand 
footemen. And having furnished Alessandria and Lodi, he 
likewise fortified all those places which the enemie might 
offend. Then with his souldiers he assaulted the country 
of Brescia, where he greatly endammaged the Venetians, 
spoiling that country, and sacking those townes which were 
not strong. But the Marquesse of Monferato being broken 
by the Dukes forces at Alessandria, the Duke might with 
the more strength encounter the Venetians, and assault 
their country. Thus the war of Lombardy proceeding, and 
therin sundry accidents (not worthie memorie) hapning : 
it came to passe, that the like war begun in Toscana 
betwixt the King Alfonso, and the Florentines : which was 
performed with no more vertue, nor more peril, then that 
of Lombardy. Ferrando the bastard son of Alfonso, came 
into Italy, with 12,000 souldiers, conducted by Federigo 
Lord of Urbino. Their first enterprise was to assault 
Fojano in the vale of Chiana : for having frendship of the 
Sanesi, they might that way enter into the territorie of 
Florence. That Castle was weakly walled, and of smal 
receipt, therefore with no great number defended, yet those 
few in the Castle were accounted at that time valiant and 
loyall souldiers. The number sent by the Senate to 
guard that Castle, were 200. This Castle in that sort pre 
pared, was by Ferrando besieged : and the vertue of those 
within so great, and so litle the value of them without, 
that till the end of 36 dayes it was not wonne. The pro 
tract of which time, gave the Cittie commoditie to provide 
to defend other places of more moment, to assemble their 
forces, and put them in readinesse. 

The enemy having taken this Castle, passed into Chianti, 
where they set upon two small towns belonging to private 
men, and could not win them ; but marched from thence, 
and besieged Castellina, a fortresse seated upon the confines 
of Chianti, within ten myles of Siena ; which place both by 
Art and Nature is exceeding weake : notwithstanding (so 
base was the courage of this Campe) as it could not con- 

310 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

quere that Castle of no force at all. For after they had THE 
besieged it 44 dayes, they departed thence with shame. SIXT 
So smal terror was in those armies, and so litle peril in BOOKE 
those wars, as those townes which at this day are abandoned 
as impossible to be kept, at that time, as places impreg 
nable, were defended. During that Ferrando remained 
with his Camp in Chianti, he made many roades into the 
Florentines country, spoiling that Province within sixe 
miles of the Cittie, to the great losse and terror of the 
Florentine subjects. Who having by that time prepared 
forces to the number of eight thousand, under the conduct 
of Astore di Faenza, and Gismondo Malatesti, held the 
enemie aloofe towards the Castle of Colle, fearing alwaies 
they should be forced to fight, and thought, that if they 
lost not that day, they could not lose the warre. Because 
the small Castles being lost, might be recovered by peace, 
and the great townes were assured, by reason the enemie 
was not able to assaile them. The King had also upon the 
sea neare to Pisa, twentie saile of Gallies and Foysts. And 
while La Castellina was assaulted, that Navie battered the 
fortresse of Vade, which through the small diligence of the 
Captaine was taken. By meane whereof, the enemie after 
wards molested the country thereabouts. Which molesta 
tion was easilie removed of certaine souldiers, adventurers, 
sent by the Florentines : who constrained the enemie not 
to retire far from the sea side. The Pope during these 
warres, intermedled not, but where he hoped to make peace 
betweene the parties. For he refrained the warres abroad, 
fearing greater troubles at home. 

In those dayes lived Steffano Porcari, a Citizen of Rome, Steffano 
both for birth and learning (but much more for courage Porcari. 
and magnanimitie of minde) to be honoured. This Steffano 
(according to the custome of men, desirous of glorie) thought 
to do, or at the least to attempt some thing worthie memorie. 
Then imagining he could not take in hand any thing more 
worthie, then to deliver his country from the subjection of 
the priests, and reduce it to the ancient libertie, resolved 
to enterprise that action, hoping therby (if it were brought 
to passe) to be called a new founder and father of Rome. 
Those things which gave him hope of happie successe, were 

311 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE the wicked conversation of the Prelates, with the discon- 

SIXT tentment of the Barrens and people. But above all other, 

BOOKE he was most encouraged with certaine verses written by the 

Some do sup- Poet Francesco Petrarcha, in his song, which beginneth 

pose this thus. 

Canto to be Spirto gentil, che quelle membra reggi : etc. 

written, not 

unto S. Sopra il monte Tarpeo, Canzon Vedrai 

Porcan, but Un Cavallier, che Italia tutta honora 

to Nicnolo Pensoso piu d altrui, che di se stesso : etc. 
di Renzo, a 



This StefFano was perswaded, that Poettes many times were 
Petrarche, inspired with the divine spirite of prophesie : Whereof hee 
who therin conceived, that fortune would assuredly happen unto him, 
seryeth to which Petrarcha had in his verses prophecied, and that 
thaUn Rome himselfe was the man, that should be the executor of so 
shuld arise a glorious an enterprise : imagining that for eloquence, for 
Knight learning, for favour, and friends, there was no Romane to 

famous n i m comparable. This conceipt possessing him, he resolved 

aUItal OUt to execute tne same vet cou ld he not so secretly practise, 
but by words, by conversation, and his manner of life, 
somewhat was discovered, and by that mean became sus 
pected to the Pope : who (to remoove him from the com- 
moditie of doing harme) confined him to Bologna, and 
commaunded the Governor of that Citie everie day to see 
him. Notwithstanding, StefFano for this first disgrace, 
dismaied not ; but with the more endevour followed his 
enterprise : and by all secret and subtill meanes practised 
with his friends, going to Rome, and returning with such 
speed, as he might at times necessarie present himselfe to 
the Governour. And so soone as hee had drawne a suffi 
cient number of men to be of his minde, determined without 
further delaie to attempt the enterprise: giving order to 
his friends in Rome, that at a time prefixed, they should 
prepare a solemne supper, where all the conspirators should 
meete, and everie man bring with him his assured friends, 
and hee himselfe before the supper were ended, would be 
there also. All things were done according to appointment, 
and StefFano arrived at the feast. After supper, apparrelled 
himselfe in cloath of gold, and other ornaments, which gave 
him Majestic and reputation. In that sort, he came forth 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

to the conspirators, embracing them, and perswading them THE 
with long speech to be resolute, and readie to performe so SIXT 
glorious an attempt. Then he devised the order therof, BOOKE 
appointing part of them, the next morning to surprize the 
Popes Pallace, and the rest to call the people to armes. 
The same night (as some say) through infidelitie of the 
conspirators, the matter was revealed to the Pope. Others 
affirme, that it came to knowledge by those that sawe 
Steffano come into Rome. But howsoever it were, the 
same night after supper, the Pope caused Steffano, with the 
most part of his companions to be apprehended, and accord 
ing to their merits put to death. Such was the end of this Steffano put 
his enterprise. It may be, that some wil commend his to deatl1 - 
intention, yet wil his judgment of all men be reproved. 
Because this and such like enterprises, although they carry 
with them a shadow of glorie, yet in execution they bring 
(almost ever) assured misadventure. 

The war had now continued in Toscana almost one whole 
yeare, and the armies were returned to the field, in the 
yeare 1454. At which time, Alisandro Sforza was come to 
the Florentines, with supply of two thousand horse. Wher- 
by the Florentine army was wel encreased, and the Kings 
Camp diminished. The Florentines thought good to re 
cover some things by them lost, and so with small labor 
gained the possession of certaine Townes. Afterward es 
they incamped before Fojano, which through negligence of 
the Commissaries, was sacked : and the inhabitans being 
dispersed, wold not willingly return thither, til such time 
as by priviledges and rewards they were allured. The 
fortresse of Vada, was also recovered : For the enemies 
seeing they could not defend it, did presently abandon and 
burn it. During the time that these things were done by 
the Florentine army, the Kings souldiers fearing to come 
neare their enemies, retired themselves towards Siena, many 
times spoiling the Florentines country, committing robberies, 
tumults, and exceeding great displeasures. Neverthelesse 
that King omitted not to devise some other way to assault 
the enemies, to cut off their forces, or by new troubles and 
assaults to keep them occupied. Gherardo Gambacorti 
was Lord in the vale of Bagno. He and his auncestors 

RR 313 



THE 

SIXT 

BOOKE 



The Vale of 
Bagno re 
volted from 
the Floren 
tines. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

either by friendship or by obligation, had alwaies in times 
past, either as hired, or as recommended, served the Floren 
tines. With him the King Alfonso practised to have that 
countrey, and offred in recompence therof, an other in the 
kingdome. This practise was discovered at Florence, yet 
to sound the disposition of Gherardo, they sent an Em- 
bassador to remember him of the obligation of his ancestors, 
and his owne also, and therewith to persuade him to con 
tinue his fidelitie towards that Commonweale. Gherardo 
seemed to mervaile much at this message, and with great 
othes protested, that never any disloyall thought had entred 
his minde ; and that he would come unto Florence, and 
make his owne person a pledge of his fidelitie : neverthe- 
lesse, being at that present sick, he could not goe thither, 
but with the Embassador would needs send his sonne to 
remaine in Florence as an hostage. 

These words, and this demonstration brought the Floren 
tines to beleeve, that Gherardo had said troth, and his 
accuser being accounted a lier, was not regarded, nor the 
accusation any more thought upon. Notwithstanding, 
Gherardo being still sollicited by the King, at length con 
sented to the practise. And having concluded the same, 
the King sent to the Vale of Bagno a Knight of Jerusalem 
called Puccio, and with him diverse bands of souldiers, to take 
possession of the Castles and Townes belonging to Gherardo. 
But those people of Bagno being affectionate to the Floren 
tines, verie unwillinglie promised their obedience to the 
Kings Commissaries. Puccio having taken possession of all 
that state, wanted onely to possesse himselfe of the fortresse 
of Corzano. When Gherardo delivered this possession, 
there was present among many others, one called Antonio 
Gualandi of Pisa, a yong man verie valiant, and such a one, 
as was with the treason of Gherardo greatly discontented. 
He considering the scite of the fortresses, and finding by the 
countenance of those souldiers who guarded it, that they 
were likewise displeased. While Gherardo stood at the gate 
to let in the Kings souldiers, Antonio came betwixt him 
and the Castle, and with both his hands forcibly thrust him 
out : commaunding the Guard to shut the gates against so 
wicked a Traytor, and keepe the same to the use of the 

314 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

Florentines. This rumor being heard in the Vale of Bagno, THE 
and other places neare unto it, all the people tooke armes SIXT 
against the King, and followed the Florentines ensigne. BOOKE 
This matter advertised to Florence, the Florentines caused 
the sonne of Gherardo (remaining with them in hostage) to 
be put in prison : and sent souldiers to Bagno to defend the 
countrey for them, changing that government from a prin- 
cipalitie into a Vicariato. But Gherardo, having thus 
betraied both his Lords and his owne sonne, with great 
difficultie fled, leaving his wife, his daughter, and his sub 
stance, at the discretion of the enemy. This accident stood 
the Florentines greatly in stead : For if the King had pos 
sessed that Countrey, he might with small charge, and easily 
have gotten the Vale of Teveri, and spoiled Casentino, 
whereby he should have so much troubled the state, that 
the Florentines could not have bene able to encounter the 
forces of Arragon which remained at Siena. 

The Florentines besides their owne preparation in Italy, Rinato de 
the rather to oppresse their enemies, had sent Agnolo Angio called 
Acciaivoili Embassador to the French King, to perswade ^to Italy ^ 
him to licence Rinato de Angio, to come in the aide of the 
Duke and them. By which meanes he should defend his 
friends, and afterwards being in Italy, attend the surprizing 
of the Kingdome : whereunto they offered him aide both of 
men and money. During the warres in Lombardy and in 
Toscana (as is before said) the Embassador concluded with 
King Rinato of Angio, that before the end of June, he 
should come into Italy with two thousand and foure hun 
dred horse : and that at his arrivall in Alessandria, the 
League should give him thirtie thousand Florins readie 
paiment : and every moneth after, during the warres, tenne 
thousand. The King then by vertue of this league, com- 
ming into Italy, was by the Duke of Savoia, and the Mar- 
quesse of Monferato impeached : for they being friends to 
the Venetians, would not permit him to passe. Whereupon 
the King was perswaded by the Embassador of Florence, to 
returne to Provenza with certaine of his army, and from 
thence to passe into Italy by sea. And on the other side, 
to perswade with the French King to procure so much 
favour of that Duke, that the rest of his souldiers might 

315 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE come through Savoia. According to this counsell the matter 
SIXT was handled, and the King Rinato went by Sea into Italy, 
BOOKE conveying the rest of his Army through Savoia by the 
French Kings mediation. The King Rinato was by the 
Duke Francesco most honorably received, and having joyned 
the Italian forces with the Kings, they assaulted the Vene 
tians with so great furie, that within short space they 
recovered all those Townes in Cremonesi which they had 
before lost : and not so content, they surprized almost all 
the countrey of Brescia. The Venetian army fearing to 
tarry in the field, retired to the walles of Brescia. But the 
winter being come, the Duke thought good to withdraw his 
souldiers to their lodgings, appointing for the Kings abroad, 
the Cittie of Piacenza, where he remained all that winter, 
in the yeare 1453, without any other action performed. So 
soone as the time of yeare served, and that the Duke was 
going to the field, in hope to dispossesse the Venetians, of 
the rest of their Countries upon the firme land, the King 
Rinato signified unto him, that of necessitie he was to 
returne into Fraunce. This intention of the Kings, seemed 
to the Duke not onely strange, but also unlooked for, 
and therefore greatly offended him : and albeit he went in 
person presently to disswade him, yet neither his intreatie 
nor promises could take effect ; but onely promised to leave 
behinde him part of his forces, and to send his sonrie Gio 
vanni to supplie his place in service of the League. This 
resolution grieved not the Florentines, for they having 
recovered their Castles, feared not the King any longer. 
And on the other side, they desired that the Duke should 
not recover more, then the townes in Lombardy to him 
belonging. 

The King Rinato being gone, sent according to promise 
his sonne into Italy, who stayed not in Lombardy, but went 
presently unto Florence, where he was very honorably re 
ceived. The matter thus handled by the King, did occasion 
the Duke to be content with peace, and the Venetians, 
Alfonso, and the Florentines, being likewise wearied, desired 
the same. The Pope also by all meanes laboured to bring it 
to passe, bicause the same yeare Mahumetto the great Turk 
had taken Constantinople, and made himselfe Lord of all 
316 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

Greece: which victorie terrified greatly all Christians, but THE 
chiefely the Venetians and the Pope, who thought Italy was SIXT 
thereby in great danger. The Pope therefore desired the BOOKE 
Potentates of Italy to send Embassadors unto him, with 
authoritie to establish an universall peace ; which commis 
sion was performed : and notwithstanding that altogither 
they joyned, and seemed all to allow of the motion, they 
found neverthelesse therein great difficultie. The King 
required that the Florentines should pay his charges in the 
warre past, and the Florentines would be paid themselves. 
The Venetians demaunded Cremona of the Duke, and the 
Duke asked of them Bergamo, Brescia, and Crema ; so that 
these difficulties seemed impossible to be removed : notwith 
standing, that which at Rome seemed hard to be concluded, 
at Milan and Venice prooved easie. For when at Rome the 
peace universall was practised, the Duke and the Venetians 
betwixt themselves made an agreement on the ninth of Peace be- 
Aprill, in the yeare 1451. By vertue whereof, every of them tweene the 
should repossesse those townes which were theirs before the Venetians and 
warre. And it was graunted to the Duke, that he might 
recover his townes taken from him by the Lords of Mon- 
ferato and Savoia. And to the other Princes of Italy, one 
moneth was allowed to ratifie the same. The Pope, the 
Florentines, the Sanesi, and the lesser Potentates, within 
the time appointed, made their ratification. Moreover, 
betwixt the Florentines, the Duke, and the Venetians, a 
peace was concluded for fifteene yeares. Onely the King 
Alfonso among all the Italian Princes seemed therewith 
discontented, bicause he thought it was contrary to his 
reputation to be named in the contract of peace, not as a 
principall, but as an adherent. For which consideration, 
he pawsed long, before he would lay downe his resolution. 
But being sollicited by sundrie solemne Embassages of 
other Princes, he was at length content (and chiefely by 
the Pope) to be perswaded, and with his sonne entred this 
league for thirtie yeares : confirming the same with alliances 
and crosse marriages betwixt the Duke and the King, their 
sonnes marrying one the others daughter. Notwithstand 
ing, to the end that some seeds of the warre might remaine 
in Italy, he consented not to make the peace, before such 

317 



THE 

SIXT 

BOOKE 



Troubles 
moved by 
Giacopo Picci- 
ninOj and 
supported 
by King 
Alfonso. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

time as those of the League would give him leave without 
their injurie, to make warres upon the Genovesi, Gismondo, 
Malatesti, and Astor Prince of Faenza. This conclusion 
made, Ferrando his sonne then being at Siena, returned to 
the Kingdome, having sithence his arrivall in Toscana not 
gained any dominion, but lost great numbers of souldiers. 
This universall peace being concluded, it was onely feared, 
least King Alfonso for the displeasure he bare to the Geno 
vesi, would disturbe the common quiet: but the matter 
came otherwise to passe, for the King did not openly move 
any disturbance, but (as it hath alwaies happened by the 
ambition of mercinarie souldiers) the peace was by them 
interrupted. The Venetians had (as their manner is) the 
warres being ended, discharged their Generall Giacopo 
Piccinino, who taking unto him certaine other Captaines 
(likewise discharged) went into Romagna, and from thence 
to the co un trey of Siena : where Giacopo staying, begun 
the warre, and surprized certaine Townes belonging to the 
Sanesi. 

At the beginning of these troubles in the yeare 1455, 
died Pope Nicholo, and to him succeeded Calisto tertio. 
This Pope, to represse the new warre, assembled all the 
forces he was able, making Giovanni Ventimiglia his 
Generall ; who with certaine Florentines, and other souldiers 
sent from the Duke for that purpose, went against Giacopo, 
and fought with him neare unto Bolcena : where notwith 
standing that Ventimiglia was taken prisoner, yet Giacopo 
had the worst, and was forced to retire to Castalione della 
Piscaia, and had he not bene by Alfonso relieved with 
money, he should then utterly have bene overthrowne; 
which reliefe, discovered that Giacopo had taken that 
enterprise in hand, with the privitie and direction of that 
King. Alfonso finding himselfe discovered, to be reconciled 
to the other Princes consenting to the peace, (whose favour 
by meanes of this weake warre he had almost lost) procured 
that Giacopo should restore to the Sanesi all the townes he 
had taken from them, and they to give him t wen tie thousand 
Florins. And this agreement made, the King received 
Giacopo with his souldiers into the Kingdome. In those 
dayes, notwithstanding that the Pope intended to bridle 

318 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

Giacopo Piccinino, yet was he mind full also of the defence THE 
of Christendom e, likely to be oppressed by the Turks. For SIXT 
which purpose, he sent into all Christian Countries Em- BOOKE 
bassadors and Preachers, to perswade with Princes and Pope Calisto 
people, to arme themselves for the aide of Religion, and to perswadeth a 

give money and personall service to this enterprise, against g eneraii war 
P, J TT 111 against the 

the common enemy. He caused also solemne processions to x ur t s . 

be made, declaring both publiquely and privately, that he 
himselfe would be among the first of the Christians that 
should assist that action, with counsell, money, and men. 
But the heate of this Crociata was cooled, with advertise 
ments that the Turke and his army being at Belgrade (a 
Castle of Hungary upon the river of Danubio) was by the 
Hungarians hurt in his person, and his Camp broken, so 
that the Popes and Christians feare, conceived by the losse 
of Constantinople, was thereby ceased, and the preparation 
they made for the warre proceeded coldly. In Hungary 
likewise by the death of Giovanni Vaivoda, Captaine of that 
victorie, the warre was discontinued. But returning to the 
matters of Italy, I say, that in the yeare 1456, the tumults 
moved by Giacopo Piccinino were ended : so that every man 
having laid aside armes, it seemed as though God had 
taken them in hand. For there happened in Toscana most A mervailous 
tempestuous windes, such as never before had bene heard tempest in 
of, nor shall be, which wrought most mervailous and loscana - 
memorable effects. 

Upon the 24 of August, one houre before day, there 
arose from the Sea towards Ancona a great and darke 
clowd, crossing Italy, and entering the Sea towards Pisa, 
stretching two miles in compasse. This storme was furiously 
carried, (and whether by natural or supernaturall force) 
divided into many parts, as it were fighting amongst them 
selves. And of those broken clowds, some were hoised up 
towards heaven, some violently cast downe, and some with 
wonderfull speed were turned round; but alwaies before 
them came a winde, with lightnings and flashing of fire, 
so terrible, as cannot be expressed. Of these broken and 
confused clowds, and of those furious winds, and great 
flames, there grew so strange a noise, as moved the people 
to greater feare, then any Earthquake or thunder ever had 

319 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE done: in so much as every man thought the world was 

SIXT ended, and that the earth, the water, and the heaven, should 

BOOKE have returned to the old Chaos. This fearefull storme, 

wheresoever it passed, wrought mervailous and wonderful! 

effects. But the most notable of all, happened about the 

Castle of S. Cassiano. 

This Castle is builded upon the hill which parteth the 
Vales of Pisa and Grieve, eight miles distant from Florence,. 
Betwixt that said Castle, and the towne of S. Andrea, 
builded upon the same hill, this furious tempest passed, not 
comming to S. Andrea, but at S. Cassiano threw downe 
certaine turrets and chimneys : and neare thereunto sub 
verted whole houses even to the ground, and carried away 
whole roofes of the Churches of S. Martino a Bagnolo, and 
S. Maria della pace ; bearing them from thence unbroken, 
the space of more then one mile. One man also a Carrier, 
was taken up, and in the valley next unto the way, both he 
and his Moyles found dead. Moreover, all the greatest 
okes and strongest trees which would not bend at the furie 
of the tempest, were not onely broken, but also with violence 
borne farre from the place where they grew. Whereat, the 
next day, when the tempest was ceased, and men returned 
to those places, they were greatly astonied, for they found 
the Countrey desolate and spoiled, the houses and the 
temples overthrowne, the people lamenting and beholding 
their houses cast downe, and under them their goods, their 
cattle, and their parents slaine : Which thing, both in the 
beholders and hearers thereof, moved a marvellous com 
passion. By this meane, it pleased God rather to threaten, 
then punish Toscana. For if so great a tempest had fallen 
upon any Citie full of houses and inhabitants, as it fell 
upon these oakes, trees, and small houses, one farre from 
the other, without all doubt, the destruction would have 
bene greater, then the mind of man could have conceived. 
But it pleased God, by that small example to revive in 
mens mindes, the memory of his power. 

But now to returne to our matter. The King Alfonso 
(as is before said) discontented with the peace, and seeing 
that the warre which he caused Giacopo Piccinino to make 
upon the Sanesi without any reasonable occasion, had 

320 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

wrought no effect, he thought to move an other with the THE 
allowance of the league. And in the yeare 1456 he assaulted S1XT 
the Genovesi both by sea and land, as desirous to give BOOKE 
that state to the Adorni, and deprive the Frigosi who then The Genovesi 
governed. Besides that, he caused Giacopo Piccinino to assaulted by 
passe Tronto, and assault Gismondo Malatesti, who having King Alfonso, 
well manned his townes, regarded not much the assault of 
Giacopo, so as the enterprise of the King on this side tooke 
no effect at all. But that warre of Geneva occasioned more 
warre to him and his Kingdome, then himselfe looked for. 
At that time Pietro Fregoso was Duke of Geneva; he 
fearing himselfe to be of force unable to withstand the 
Kings assault, determined to give that to an other which 
himselfe could not hold : and yeeld it into the hands of 
such a one that would (at the least in that respect) defend 
him ; so might he also hope in time to come, to be re- 
acquited. Then sent he Embassadors to Carlo the seaventh, 
King of France, and offered him the dominion of Genova. 
Carlo accepted this offer, and to take possession of that 
Cittie, sent thither Giovanni de Angio sonne to King 
Rinato, who not long before was departed from Florence, 
and returned into Fraunce. For Carlo was pers waded, that 
Giovanni having bene before imployed in Italy, knew how 
to governe that Cittie better then any other : hoping also, 
that being there, he might devise upon the enterprise of 
Naples, of which Kingdome, Alfonso had dispossessed his 
father Rinato. Then went Giovanni to Genova, and being Genova in the 
there, was received as Prince. All the fortresses belonging possession of 
to the Cittie, with the whole government, were delivered !^. e Frencn 
to his hand. This accident displeased Alfonso, thinking 
he had drawne in an enemy over mightie : yet not dis 
mayed therewith, couragiously followed his enterprise, and 
sayled on with his Navie, till he came under Villa Marina, 
at Ponto Fino, where taken with a sodeine disease, he 
died. 

By death of this King, Giovanni and the Genovesi were The death of 
delivered of the warre, and Ferrando (who succeeded his King Alfonso, 
father Alfonso in the Kingdome) grew suspitious, least an 
enemy of so great reputation in Italy, might happily win 
the favour of many his Barons, whose fidelitie he doubted, 

SS 321 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE and whose mindes he knew desirous of Innovation: for 
SIXT which respects, they might percase be pers waded to joyne 
BOOKE with the French. He also instructed the Pope, whose 
ambitious mind (as he thought) aspired to take from him 
this new Kingdome. His onely trust was in the Duke of 
Milan, he being indeed no lesse carefull of the Kingdome, 
then was Ferrando : for he mistrusted, that if the French 
did prevaile, they would also labour to surprize his state, 
which they had some colour to claime, as to them apper- 
teining. That Duke therfore, presently upon the death 
of Alfonso, determined to give that Kingdome unto Pietro 
Lodovico Borgia his nephew. Also (to make that enter 
prise seeme more honest and acceptable to the rest of the 
Italian Princes) he published, that his intent was, to reduce 
that Kingdom under the Church of Rome : perswading the 
Duke in that respect, not to favour Ferrando, offering him 
those townes which of auncient time he possessed in the 
Kingdome. But in the middest of these imaginations and 
The death of new troubles, Pope Calisto died, and in his place was created 
Pope Calisto. Pio secundo, borne in Siena, and of the family of Piccolhuo- 
mini. This Pope minding onely to benefite the Christians, 
and honor the Church, setting aside all private passion, at 
the Duke of Milans request, crowned the King Ferrando : 
thinking he should better appease the warres by mainteining 
of him in possession, then by favouring the French, to give 
them the Kingdome ; or if he should (as Calisto did) 
challenge it for himselfe. For this benefite, Ferrando gave 
unto Antonio the Popes nephew, the principallitie of Malfi : 
and married him unto his owne base daughter. He restored 
also Benevento and Terracina to the Church. Then all 
men supposing that the armes of Italy were laid downe, 
the Pope tooke order to moove the Christians to make 
warre upon the Turks, as it was before devised by Pope 
Calisto. At which time, there rose great dissention betwixt 
the Fregosi and Giovanni de Angio Lord of Geneva : which 
dissention, revived a warre of more importance, then was 
the other alreadie passed. 

The Genovesi At that time, Pietrino Fregoso happened to be at a 
revolted from Castle of his in Riviera. He not holding himselfe according 
thefrench. to his merits rewarded, by Giovanni de Angio, (who by 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

help of him and others of his house was made Prince) THE 
became open enemy to Giovanni. This discord pleased SIXT 
Ferrando, as that, which might onely be the meanes of his BOOKE 
good speed. Then sent he men and money to Pietrino, 
hoping by his aide to drive Giovanni from that state. 
Which he knowing, sent into Fraunce to encounter Pietrino. 
There finding much favour, he received a great supply, and 
went against Pietrino, who was become strong also : so as 
Giovanni retired into the Cittie, where also in the night 
Pietrino entred, and possessed some places thereof : but the 
next morning was by the souldiers of Giovanni assaulted 
and slaine, and all his men likewise either slaine or taken. 
This victorie encouraged Giovanni to set upon the King- Thekingdome 
dome: and in October 1459 with a mightie navie he of Naples 
departed from Genova. And landing at Baia, marched assaulted by 
n i i i . i T^ i p LI j Giovanni de 

from thence to Sessa, where he was by the Duke of that Angio 

countrey received. Then came unto Giovanni the Prince of 
Tarranto, the Cittizens of Aquila, with many other townes 
and Princes, in so much as that Kingdome was almost 
ruined. Ferrando seeing that, desired aide of the Pope and 
the Duke. Also to have the fewer foes, made peace with 
Gismondo Malatesti, wherewith Giacopo Piccinino (being 
naturall enemy to Gismondo) became so much displeased, 
as he discharged himselfe from the service of Ferrando, 
and joyned with Giovanni. Ferrando also sent money to 
enterteine Federigo Lord of Urbino, and within short space 
he assembled (according unto that time) a great army. 
Then marched he to the river of Sarni, where he found the 
enemy, and fought with him : in which conflict, the forces 
of King Ferrando were overthrowne, and many of his King 
principall Captaines taken. But notwithstanding this over- Ferrando 
throw, the Cittie of Naples, with a fewe other townes, and defeated - 
some Princes, continued faithfull to Ferrando, though all 
the rest of the Realme, and Nobilitie, yeelded their obedi 
ence to Giovanni. Giacopo Piccinino pers waded Giovanni 
to follow the victorie, and presently to march e to Naples, 
thereby to possesse himselfe of the chiefe Cittie of the 
Kingdome; which Giovanni refused to do, saying he would 
first spoile all the countrey, and then it would be more 
easie to surprize the Cittie, which was the cause, he failed 

323 



THE 

SIXT 

BOOKE 



Giovanni 
de Angio 
vanquished 
in battell. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

to performe that enterprise : for he knew not, that the 
parts do more willingly follow the head, then the head doth 
follow them. After this overthrow, the King Ferrando 
being fled into Naples, thither resorted unto him diverse 
of his subjects, who were driven from their countreys : then 
by all curteous meanes he levied men and money to make a 
new Camp, sending againe for aide to the Pope and Duke. 
From the one and the other of whome he was aided more 
speedily and abundantly then before time he had bene, 
bicause they greatly feared, he should otherwise lose his 
Kingdome. King Ferrando in this sort growne strong, 
marched out of Naples, and having gotten some reputation, 
recovered also part of his lost townes. During these warres 
in the Kingdome, a chance happened, that utterly deprived 
Giovanni de Angio of reputation and meane to have victorie 
in tha,t enterprise. 

The Genovesi being wearie of the French insolent and 
covetous government, tooke armes against the Kings 
Governour there, and forced him to flee to the little 
Castle of Genova. The Fregosi and the Adorni were 
content to joyne in that action, and by the Duke of Milan 
they became furnished of money and men, both for the 
winning, and keeping the Cittie. So that the King Rinato 
with his navie came to the succour of his sonne, and 
hoping to recover Genova, by meane of the small Castle, 
in landing his souldiers, was overthrowne ; and forced with 
shame to returne unto Provenza. These newes being 
carried to the Kingdome of Naples, greatly dismaied 
Giovanni de Angio : notwithstanding, he still followed his 
enterprise, and continued the warre, being served by those 
Barons who were rebelled, and could not looke for favour 
of Ferrando. In the end, after many accidents, those two 
royall armies joyned battell, wherein, neare unto the Cittie 
of Troia, Giovanni was vanquished, the yeare 1463. This 
overthrow did not so much hinder the successe of the King 
Giovanni, as did the revolt of Giacopo Piccinino, who left 
him, and joyned with King Ferrando : whereby being 
spoiled of his forces, he retired into Histria, and from 
thence to Fraunce. This warre continued foure yeares, and 
was in the end lost by his owne negligence, for it was 

324 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

many times in good way of victorie by the vertue of his THE 
souldiers. Therein the Florentines intermedled not ap- SIXT 
parantly, yet were they desired by Embassadors of the BOOKE 
King Giovanni of Arragon (newly come to that Kingdome 
by the death of Alfonso) to assist the enterprise of Ferrando 
his nephew, as they had bound themselves by the league 
lately made with Alfonso his father. To whome by the 
Florentines it was answered, that they were not by any 
obligation bound to aide the sonne in that warre, which 
was begun by the father : for as the same had bene without 
their counsell or knowledge taken in hand, so without their 
assistance it should be performed and ended. The Em 
bassadors being thus to the request of their King 
answered, protested the execution of their band, and 
the Kings prejudice, so in great displeasure with that 
Cittie, departed. The Florentines during these warres, 
continued in peace abroad, but within they rested 
not, as in the next Booke shall be par- 
ticulerly declared. 



325 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 



THE SEVENTH BOOKE 




O those that have read the former Booke, 
it may seeme in writing of Florence, and 
the proceedings of the Florentines, we 
have overmuch spoken of such accidents 
as hapned in Lombardy and the King- 
dome. Neverthelesse, as heretofore I 
have, so am I hereafter to continue with 
the like discourses. For albeit I did not 
promise to write of matters concerning Italy, yet have I 
thought good to speake of those, that were in that countrey 
most notable. For if I should not make mention of them, 
our historic would be with more difficultie understood, and 
to the Readers lesse pleasing. Chiefely, bicause the actions 
of other people and Princes of Italy, did occasion the warres, 
wherein the Florentines were forced to intermeddle, as of 
the warre of Giovanni de Angio, and King Ferrando great 
enimitie grew, which was after betwixt Ferrando and the 
Florentines, and particulerly with the house of Medici 
continued. For the King complained, that the Florentines 
did not onely leave him in that warre unaided, but also 
that his enemies were by them favoured : which anger, was 
the occasion of exceeding many inconvenients, as shall be 
hereafter declared. And for as much as I have written at 
large those matters which happened without the Cittie, till 
the yeare 1463 it behoveth me for the declaration of such 
troubles as happened in those daies within, to looke back 
many yeares passed. Yet first by way of discourse (as is 
my custome) I say, that whosoever doth thinke, that any 
Common-weale can continue united, he greatlie deceiveth 
326 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

himselfe. But true it is, that some divisions be prejudicial! 
to Common-weales, and some others be profitable. Those 
be prejudicial!, which are with factions and followers 
accompanied. And those are profitable, which without 
factions and followers bee mainteined. Seeing then, it is a 
thing impossible, for that man who frameth a Common- 
weale, to provide that no enimitie shall therein arise, he 
ought (at the least) foresee, that no factions be permitted. 
It is then to be considered, that the Citizens in everie state 
do win reputation, either by publike or private meanes. 
Publike reputation is gotten by victorie in the field, by 
surprizing of townes, by wise and discreet performing of 
Embassages, or by counsailing the State gravely and for 
tunately. By private meanes men attain to reputation, by 
pleasuring particuler citizens, by saving them from punish 
ments, by relieving them with money, by advancing them 
unworthily to honors and offices, and by enterteining the 
common people with sports and publike gifts. From these 
causes, faction, following, and partaking do proceed. And 
as reputation thus gotten is hurtful, so the other not being 
intermedled with faction, is the occasion of great good, 
bicause it is grounded upon no private, but common com- 
moditie. And albeit among such Citizens, so great dis 
pleasures wil grow, as the wisdome of man is not able to 
prevent, yet wanting partakers to follow them for proper 
profit, they cannot by any way hinder the common-weale, 
but shal rather help it : for in aspiring to that they would 
come unto, it behoveth them to indevor the advancement of 
the state, and particularly one to respect the other, so 
much, as the lawes and civil orders be not infringed. The 
enimities of Florence were alwaies followed with factions, 
and therfore hurtfull to the state, neither was any victorious 
faction longer united, then the contrary part continued in 
force: for so soone as the enemies were extinguished, the 
faction remaining no more in awe of the enemy, nor having 
order to bridle it selfe, became divided. The faction of 
Cosimo de Medici in the yeare 1434 remained with victorie. 
Neverthelesse, bicause the partie oppressed was stil great, 
and full of mightie men, it continued united and tollerable, 
so long, as among those of the faction, no error was com- 

327 



THE 

SEVENTH 
BOOKE 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE mitted, and the people for no evill desert did hate them : 

SEVENTH and whensoever that government had need of the people to 

BOOKE reestablish their authoritie, they found them readie to give 

unto the chiefe of the faction the Balia, and whatsoever else 

they desired. Thus from the 1434 till the 55, being 21 

yeares, they were confirmed in office 6 times, ordinarily 

elected by the Councels. 

Cosimo de There were in Florence (as we have diverse times said) 

Medici. Neri two most mightie Citizens, Cosimo de Medici, and Neri 
Capponi. Capponi, of whome, Neri had gained his reputation by 
publike meanes : by reason whereof, he had many friends, 
but few followers. Cosimo on the other side being aspired 
both by publike and private waies, had not onely many 
friends, but also many followers. These two men continuing 
united, during their lives, easily obteined of the people 
whatsoever they desired, bicause they had love mixed with 
authoritie. But the yere 1455 being come, Neri dead, and 
the adverse part extinguished, Cosimo found no small diffi- 
cultie to be confirmed, and his own friends being most 
mightie in the state, were cause therof : bicause they feared 
no more the contrary faction put downe, and desired to 
decrease the power of Cosimo ; which was the beginning of 
those divisions which followed after in the yeare 1466. So 
as they unto whome the offices apperteined, in their councels, 
where the publike government of that state was debated, 
did alleage it was not convenient that the authoritie of 
Balia should be resumed, but that the order of election 
ought proceed, as it was wont, by lots, and not according 
to the former Squittini. Cosimo, to quallifie this humor, 
had to determine upon one of these two remedies, either by 
force with the aide of his friends and followers to possesse 
himselfe of the State, and therewith to compell the con- 
trarie faction, or else to suffer the matter proceed, and in 
time let his friends know, that not his honor, but their 
reputation was by the enemy taken away. Of these two 
remedies, he made choise of the last : for hee knew well, 
that the Squittini being fullest of his friends, himselfe 
could not incurre any perill, and might also at his pleasure 
resume the State. The Cittie then determined to create 
the Magistrates by lot : the greatest number thought the 
328 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

libertie recovered, and that the offices should not after be THE 

allotted, according to the will of the most mightie men, SEVENTH 

but as seemed best to themselves. Whereupon, the followers BOOKE 

of the great Cittizens began to be disesteemed, and by the 

people were in sundrie places beaten downe and oppressed. 

So as they who were wont to have their houses full of 

suters and presents, were now become emptie, and without 

any resort at all. They also sawe themselves made equall 

with those who were before time farre under them, and 

their equals were become their superiors. They were not 

regarded nor honored, but rather many times mocked and 

derided. Also in the streets, the people without respect, 

spake their pleasures both of them, and of the Common- 

weale. Whereof was conceived, that they, and not Cosimo, 

had lost the government. All which things Cosimo dis- 

simuled, and whensoever any thing plausible to the people 

was propounded, he was ever the first that allowed thereof. 

But that which most terrified the great men, and made 

Cosimo to looke about him, was the reviving of the Catasto 

the yeare 1427. Whereby was ordeined, the Imposition 

should proceed by the order of lawe, and not the pleasure 

of men. 

This lawe made, and Magistrates for execution thereof 
chosen, occasioned the great Citizens to assemble, goe unto 
- Cosimo, and desire him be pleased to concurre with them 
in their, and his owne delivery from the people : whereby 
he should recover reputation to the State, make himselfe 
mightie, and them honored. Thereunto Cosimo answered, 
he was content, so that the lawe were made orderly with 
consent of the people, and without force ; otherwise no 
speech to be thereof. Then went they about in the Coun- 
cels to make a new Balia, whereby they might create new 
Officers, but that intention prevailed not : then the great 
Cittizens returned to Cosimo, desiring him most humblie to 
consent to the Parliament, which Cosimo utterly refused to 
do : meaning thereby to bring to passe, that they should 
finde the error they committed. And bicause Donate 
Cochi, being Gonfaloniere di Giustitia, would in any wise 
without his consent call the Parliament, Cosimo procured 
him by the rest of the Senators, (who sate with him in 

TT 329 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE office) to be so mocked and disdeined, as thereby he became 
SEVENTH mad, and was as a man sencelesse, sent home to his house. 
BOOKE Notwithstanding, bicause he thought it not fit to suffer 
matters to runne further out of order, then that they might 
Lucca Pitti. be at his pleasure reformed : Lucca Pitti become Gon- 
faloniere di Giustitia (a stout and selfe-willed man) Cosimo 
thought good to leave the government to his discretion, to 
the end, that if any thing were misdone, the fault might be 
to Lucca and not to himselfe imputed. Lucca then in the 
beginning of his Magistracie, propounded many things to 
the people, touching restauration of the Balia, but not 
obteining his desire, with injurious words full of pride, he 
threatned those of the councels : Which threatnings, shortly 
after he performed in deed. For in August upon the eve 
of S. Lorenzo, the yeare 1458 he assembled secretly within 
the Pallace many armed men, called the people thither, 
and forced them to consent to that, which voluntarily they 
had before denied. By this means being again e in posses 
sion of the State, the Balia was created, and the chiefe 
Magistrates according to the pleasure of a fewe, were ap 
pointed. Then to begin that government with terror, 
Girolamo which was gotten by force, they confined Girolamo Machia- 
Machiavelli. velli, with some others, and deprived many from their offices, 
which Girolamo having afterwards passed the bounds of 
prescription, was proclaimed a Rebell. Then went he 
from place to place in Italy, to perswade the Princes against 
his count rey, till at length in Lunigiana, through the 
treason of one of that Senate, he was taken, brought to 
Florence, and there in prison died. This forme of govern 
ment continuing eight yeares, was violent and insupport 
able. For Cosimo being old, weake, unhealthie, and unable 
to be present as he was wont, at the affaires of the Common- 
weale, a fewe Cittizens at their pleasures did rob and spoyle 
the Cittie. Lucca Pitti for his good service was made 
Knight, and he to declare himselfe no lesse thankfull to 
the State, then the State had bene to him, caused that the 
Officers called Priori delli Arti, having passed their autho- 
ritie, should be called Priori della Liberta. He ordeined 
also, that whereas the Gonfaloniere was woont to sit on the 
right hand of the Rettori, that after he should be placed 
330 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

in the middest of them. Moreover, to the end that God THE 
might seeme partaker of this action, they made publique SEVENTH 
processions and prayers, thanking him for the restauration BOOKE 
of their honors. Lucca was by the Senate, and by Cosimo 
richly presented. To him also everie other Cittizen re 
sorted, and gave somewhat, so that it was supposed that 
the summe of his presents amounted unto twentie thousand 
duckets. In conclusion, he aspired to such greatnesse of 
reputation, as Lucca, and not Cosimo, seemed to governe Ordinances 
the Cittie. Thereupon he conceived so great confidence, V Lucca 
that he began to build two houses, the one in Florence, the lf 
other in Rucciano, a mile distant from the Cittie, both 
stately and kingly buildings. But that in Florence was 
much larger then by any private Cittizen had ever bene 
builded. For performance thereof, he spared not to use 
all extraordinarie meanes. For not onely private Cittizens 
and particuler men did present him, and help him with 
things necessarie for his building, but the whole com- 
minaltie and people did put their hands to his works. 
Moreover, all banished men, and everie other person having 
committed murther, theft, or other offence, whereof he 
feared publique punishment (if he were abled to his service 
any way) might without all danger resort thither. The 
other Cittizens, although they builded not like unto him, 
yet were they no lesse violent, and inclined to oppression : 
so as, albeit Florence had no warre abroad to hinder it, yet 
was it by the Cittizens within oppressed. 

In those dayes (as is before sayd) happened the warre in 
the Kingdome : and some warres were also made against 
the house of Malatesti, by the Pope, being desirous to take 
from them Rimino and Cesena : so that in this enterprise, 
and his studie to move the warre against the Turke, Pope 
Pio consumed his Papacie. But Florence continued still 
in divisions and troubles. For then began the faction of 
Cosimo to be divided within it selfe, the yeare 1455 which 
happened by the occasions before said. Yet were they (for 
that time) by his wisedome appeased. But the yeare 64 
being come, Cosimo fell againe sick, and dyed. At his The death of 
death, both friends and foes lamented : for they, who in 
respect of the State loved him not, seeing what extortion 

331 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE was used by the Cittizens in his life, doubted (least Cosimo 
SEVENTH being dead whome all men reverenced) they should be utterly 
BOOKE ruined, and of his sonne Piero they hoped not much. For 
albeit he were of disposition a good man, yet being sickly, 
and new in the government, they thought he should be 
forced to respect others, who without any bridle, would 
become strong and incorrigible. Everie man therefore 
feared to find great want of Cosimo. This Cosimo was the 
most esteemed, and most famous Cittizen (being no man of 
warre) that ever had bene in the memorie of man, either in 
Florence, or any other Cittie, bicause he did not onely 
excell all others (of his time) in authoritie and riches, 
but also in liberalise and wisedome. For amongst other 
qualities which advanced him to be chiefe of his Countrey, 
he was more then other men, liberall and magnificent. 
Which liberalise appeared much more after his death then 
before. For his sonne Piero found by his fathers Records, 
that there was not any Cittizen of estimation, to whome 
Cosimo had not lent great summes of money : and many 
times also unrequired he did lend to those Gentlemen, 
whome he knewe to have need. His magnificence likewise 
appeared by diverse his buildings. For within Florence, 
he builded the Abbaies and Temples of S. Marco, S. Lorenzo, 
and the Monasterie of S. Verdiana. And in the mountaines 
of Fiesole, S. Gerolano, with the Abbey thereunto belonging. 
Also in Mugello, he did not onely repaire the Church for the 
Friers, but tooke it downe, and builded it anew. Besides 
those magnificent buildings in S. Croce, in S. Agnoli, and 
S. Miniato, he made Altars, and sumptuous Chappels. All 
which Temples and Chappels, besides the buildings of them, 
were by him paved, and throughlie furnished with all 
things necessarie. With these publique buildings, we may 
number his private houses, whereof one within the Cittie 
meete for so great a personage, and foure other without at 
Carriaggi, at Fiesole, at Cafaggivolo, and at Trebio, all 
Pallaces fitter for Princes then private persons. And 
bicause his magnificent houses in Italy did not in his 
opinion make him famous ynough, he builded in Jerusalem 
an Hospitall to recive poore and diseased Pilgrims. In which 
worke, he consumed great summes of money. And albeit 
332 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

these buildings, and every other his actions were princely, THE 
and that in Florence he lived like a Prince, yet so governed SEVENTH 
by wisedome, as he never exceeded the bounds of civill BOOKE 
modestie. For in his conversation, in riding, in marrying 
his children and kinsfolks, he was like unto all other 
discreet and modest Citizens : bicause he well knew, that 
extraordinarie things which are of all men with admiration 
beholded, do win more envie, then those which without 
ostentation be honestlie covered. Whensoever therefore 
he married his sonnes, he never sought to match them with 
the daughters of Princes, but wedded his sonne Giovanni, 
to Cornelia Alessandri, and Piero, to Lucretia Tornabuoni. 
Also of his graund children begotten of Piero, he married 
Bianca to Guglielmo de Pazi, and Nannina to Barnardo 
Russellai. These his proceedings caused, that in so great 
change of fortune, and in so variable a Cittie, among so 
inconstant Cittizens, he continued a Magistrate 31 yeares. 
For being a wise man, he discovered all inconvenients a farre, 
and therefore might in time prevent them, or if they did 
grow, be so prepared, as they could not offend him. Where 
by he did not onely suppresse all domesticall and civill 
ambition, but also bridled the insolencie of many Princes 
with so great happinesse and wisedome, that whosoever 
joyned in league with him and his countrey, became either 
equall or superior to his enemies. And whosoever opposed 
themselves against them, either they lost time, money, or 
state. Whereof the Venetians can beare witnesse, who 
being joyned with him against the Duke Philippo, were 
alwayes victorious: and being disjoyned, were first by 
Philippo, and after by Francesco victored and oppressed. 
Also when they joyned with Alfonso against the state of 
Florence, Cosimo with his credit, made both Naples and 
Venice so scarce of money, as they were con stray ned to take 
what peace himselfe was pleased with. Whatsoever diffi- 
cultie or contradiction was moved against Cosimo, either 
within or without the Cittie, the end thereof was to his 
glorie, and the disadvantage of his enemies. Therefore all 
civill discords increased his authoritie in Florence, and 
forraine warres augmented his power abroad. He annexed 
to the dominion of his Countrey Borgo at S. Sepolcro, 

333 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE Montevoglio, Casentino, and the Vale of Bagno. Thus 
SEVENTH his vertue and fortune, oppressed all enemies, and advanced 
BOOKE his friends. 

He was borne in the yeare 1389 on the feast day of S. 
Cosimo and Damiano. The first part of his life was full of 
troubles, as appeareth by his exile, his imprisonment, and 
his dangers of death. Also at the Councell of Constanza 
(whither he went with the Pope Giovanni) after the Popes 
oppression, he was forced to disguise himselfe, and flee. 
But having passed the fortie yeare of his age, hee lived 
most happily: in so much, as not onely they which joyned 
with him in publique actions, but all other men also that 
maneged his treasure in everie place of Europe, did per- 
ticipate of his felicitie. Also many excessive rich houses 
in Florence had their beginning from him, as Tornabuoni, 
Benchi, Portinari, and Sassetti. Besides all these, everie 
man depending uppon his counsell, and fortune, became 
wealthie. And albeit that his building of Temples, and 
giving of almes, was knowne throughout the world, yet 
would he to his friends many times lament, that he had 
not spent and bestowed so much to the honor of God, but 
The descrip- that he found himselfe still in his booke a debtor. He was 
tion of Cosimo of meane stature, in complexion browne, and of presence 
and P his S wit v ^ nerable : unlearned, yet eloquent, and full of naturall 
wisedome; friendlie to his friends, and pittifull to the 
poore. In conversation he was frugall, in counsell advised, 
in execution speedie, in speech and answering, wittie, and 
grave. Rinaldo de li Albizi in the beginning of his exile 
sent him a message, saying that the hen did sit : whereunto 
Cosimo answered, that she could never hatch, being farre 
from her nest. To other Rebels who sent him word they 
slept not : he answered, that he beleeved the same, bicause 
there, sleepe was taken from them. Unto the Pope Pio, 
perswading Princes to take Armes against the Turke, 
Cosimo said, An old man taketh in hand a yong enterprise. 
To the Embassadors of Venice, who came with the mes 
sengers of Alfonso, to complaine of the Florentines, he 
shewed his head bare, and asked of what colour it was ? 
they answered white. Then he replying, said, that ere it 
be long, your Senators will also have white heads like unto 
334 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

mine. His wife, a few houres before his death, seeing him THE 

shut his eyes, asked him for what cause he so did ? He SEVENTH 

answered, to bring them in use. Some Citizens saying unto BOOKE 

him after his returne from exile, that he hindered the Cittie, 

and offended God, in banishing so many honest men ? To 

them hee answered, It was better to have a Cittie hindered, 

then lost ; and that the State was not defended with beades ( 

in mens hands. Which words, gave his enemyes matter to 

speake evill of him, as a man that loved himselfe more 

then his Countrey, and that esteemed more this world, 

then the world to come. Many other sayings, as things 

not necessarie, I omit. 

Cosimo was also a lover and preferrer of learned men, 
for he brought unto Florence Angiropolo, a Grecian borne, 
and in that time of singuler learning, to the end that the 
youth of Florence might be by him instructed in the Greeke 
toong, and other his good learnings. He enterteyned in 
his house Marsilio Ficino, a second father of the Philosophie 
of Plato, and him he entirely loved. Also, to the end he 
might with commoditie exercise the studie of learning, and 
more aptly use his help therein, he gave him certaine land 
neare unto his house of Careggi. This his wisedome, these 
his riches, this manner of life, and this fortune, were the 
causes, that in Florence he was both feared and loved, and 
of the Princes not onely of Italy, but also of all Europe 
esteemed : so as he left unto his posteritie such a founda 
tion, as they might with vertue equall him, and in fortune 
farre excell him. Whatsoever authoritie Cosimo had either 
in Florence, or elsewhere in Christendome, he deserved the 
same : notwithstanding, in the end of his life, he had great 
sorrowes. For of two onely sonnes, Pietro, and Giovanni, 
the one (of whome he most hoped) did dye: the other was 
continually sick, and therefore unable either for publique 
or private function. In so much as his sonne being dead, 
he caused him to be carried about the house, and he follow 
ing the Coarse, sighed, and saide, this house is over great 
for so small a familie. It also offended the greatnesse of 
his minde, that he had not (in his owne opinion) inlarged 
the Florentine dominion with some honorable conquest. 
And it grieved him the more, knowing that Francesco 

335 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE Sforza had deceived him, who being but Earle, promised, 
SEVENTH that so soone as hee was possessed of Milan, hee would 
BOOKE winne the Cittie of Lucca for the Florentines. Which was 
not performed, bicause the Earle with his fortune changed 
his minde, and being become Duke, determined to enjoy 
that state with peace, which he had gotten by warre. 
Therefore he would neither keepe touch with Cosimo nor 
any other, neither would he after he was Duke, make anie 
more warres then those that for his owne defence hee was 
enforced unto. Which grieved Cosimo greatly, finding 
that he had endured great paines, and spent much, to 
advance a man unthankfull and perfidious : Moreover by 
the weaknesse of his bodie, he found himselfe unfit to follow 
either private or publique affaires, whereby the one, and the 
other, miscarried. Because the Citie was destroyed by the 
Citizens, and his owne substance by his ministers and chil 
dren was consumed. All these things in the last end of his 
age, did greatly disquiet his minde: Notwithstanding he 
died with glorie. And all the principall Citizens, and all 
the Christian Princes did condole his death with Pietro 
his sonne, and accompanied his coarse to the Temple of 
S. Lorenzo, where with great pompe it was buried : and by 
publique consent was written upon his Tombe, Pater Patrise. 
If in this discourse of Cosimo, I have imitated those, which 
have written the lives of Princes, and not those which write 
universall histories : let no man marvell thereat. For hee 
being a rare man in our Citie, deserved I should affbord him 
extraordinary commendation. 

In those dayes, that Florence and Italy stood in the con 
ditions aforesaide, Luigi King of France, was with greevous 
warres assaulted. For the Lords of his owne Countrey, 
assisted by the Dukes of Bretagna and Burgogna, made the 
war so great upon the King, that he had no meane to aide 
the Duke Giovanni de Angio, in his enterprise of Geneva 
and the kingdome. But judging that he had neede of ayd 
whatsoever, he gave the Citie of Savona (then in his hand 
and kept by French men) to Francesco Duke of Milan : 
letting him understand, that (if he so pleased) he might 
also with his favour, assault Genova. Which offer was 
accepted by Francesco, and either through the reputation 
336 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

of the Kings friendship, or the favour of the Adorni, he THE 

became Lord of Genova. Then to declare himselfe thank- SEVENTH 

full for the benefit received of the King, he sent into BOOKE 

France to the Kings aide, a thousand five hundreth horse, The Duke of 

conducted by Galiazzo his eldest sonne. Thus Ferrando of Mi l an > Lord 

Aragon, and Francesco Sforza, were become, the one Duke lova 

of Lombardy and Prince of Genova: the other, King of 

all the kingdome of Naples. And having married their 

children, the one, to the other, they devised by what meanes 

they might, during their lives, maintaine their countries 

with securitie : and after their deaths, so leave the same to 

their heires. For which purpose, they thought it necessarie, 

that the King should assure himselfe of those Barons, which 

in the war of Giovanni de Angio, had disobeyed him : and 

that the Duke should endevour himselfe to extinguish those 

that had bene brought up in the warres by the Bracci, naturall 

enemies to his house, and growne up in great reputation under 

Giacopo Piccinino, who was the chiefest Captaine in all 

Italy ; and such a one as everie Prince ought to beware of : 

chiefly the Duke who could not account his dominion assured, 

nor leave the same to his sonnes, if Giacopo did still live. 

The King therfore by all meanes sought to make peace 
with his Barons, handling the matter cunningly to assure 
him selfe of them, which fell out very happily. Because 
the Barons did thinke, that in continuing the warre against 
their King, the same would be in the end their undoubted 
ruine : and yeelding to the peace, they should stand at the 
kings discretion. But because men do most willingly eschue 
that evill which is most certaine, it commeth to passe, that 
Princes may easily deceive others of lesse power: and so 
these Lords gave credit to the King. For they seeing the 
manifest danger of the warre, yeelded themselves into his 
hands, and were uppon sundrie occasions by him oppressed : 
which greatly dismaied Giacopo Piccinino, at that time 
remaining with his forces at Salmona. And to remove 
occasion whereby the King might oppresse him, he practised 
by his friends, to be reconciled to the Duke Francesco, who 
having made him great and honourable offers, Giacopo 
resolved to put himselfe into his hands : and being accom 
panied with one hundreth horse, went to Milan to present 

UU 337 



THE 

SEVENTH 
BOOKE 



Giacopo Picci 

nine, sus 
pected to 
the Duke. 



Giacopo 

Piccinino, 

murthered. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

himselfe unto the Duke. Giacopo had long served his 
father, and with his brother ; first for the Duke Philippo, 
and after for the people of Milan. Whereby he gained 
great acquaintance in that Citie, and the good will of the 
multitude, which was encreased by the present condition of 
the Citie. For the good fortune, and great power of the 
house of Sforza, had kindled great envie : And Giacopo for 
his adversitie and long absence, was greatly by the people 
pitied, who desired much to see him. All which things 
appeared at his comming. For welneare all the Nobilitie 
went to meet him, and the streets were full of those which 
desired to see him. Besides that, great honour was spoken 
of him and his souldiers. All which things, did hasten his 
destruction, because they encreased suspition, and the Dukes 
desire to oppresse him. For the more covert performance 
thereof, the Duke devised, that the marriage with his 
daughter Drusiana, who had bene long before contracted 
unto him, should now be solemnized. Then he practised 
with Ferrando, to entertaine him, for Generall of his Army, 
and promised him a hundreth thousand Florins in prest. 
After this conclusion, Giacopo, accompanied with the Dukes 
Embassador, and Drusiana his wife, went unto Naples, 
where he was joyfully and honourably received: and for 
diverse dayes enterteined with all sorts of triumph and 
feasting. But at length desiring to go unto his Campe 
(which he left at Salmona) he was by the King convited to 
dinner in the Castle. The dinner being ended, both he and 
his sonne were imprisoned, and shortly after put to death. 
Whereby may be perceived, that our Italian Princes have 
feared that vertue in others, which was not to be found in 
themselves : and did smother the same so long, as no vertue 
at all being left, our country became shortly after, afflicted 
and ruined. 

In these dayes the Pope Pio having setled all things in 
Romagna, thought the time served well, in respect of the 
universall peace, to move the Christians to make warre 
against the Turke : according to the plot set downe by his 
predecessors. To the performance of this exployt, all 
Princes did contribute mony or men. And in particuler 
Mathia King of Hungary, and Carlo Duke of Borgogna, 

338 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

promising to go in person, were by the Pope made Captaines THE 

generall of that journey. The Pope had so great hope of SEVENTH 

proceeding in this enterprise, that he went from Rome to BOOKE 

Ancona, where all the Armie were appointed to assemble : 

and the Venetians did promise to send vessels to passe the 

souldiers into Schiavonia. After the Popes arrival in that 

Citie, the concourse of people there was so great, that within 

fewe dayes all the victual 1 of that citie, and that could be 

brought thither from other places thereabouts, did not 

suffice. In so much as everie man began to taste of famine. 

Moreover, there wanted mony to furnish the souldiers of 

things needfull, and arme those that were disarmed. Mathia 

and Carlo appeared not, and the Venetians sent thither one 

onely Captaine with a fewe Gallies, rather to shewe their 

pompe, and seeme to have kept promise, then to passe the 

Armie. So as the Pope being old and sicke, in the middest 

of these businesses and disorders, died. After whose death, 

everie man returned home. This Pope being dead, the 

yeare 1465 Paulo secundo, borne in the Cittie of Venice, 

aspired to the Papacie. About that time, many other 

states of Italy chaunged their government. For the same 

yeare following, died Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan, The death of 

having usurped that Dukedome sixteene yeares. And the Duke 

Galiazzo his sonne, was proclaimed Duke. The death of Franc 

this Prince, was the occasion that the divisions of Florence, 

became of more force, and wrought their effects with the 

more speed. 

After the death of Cosimo di Medici, Piero his sonne Piero di 
being left in possession of the goods and lands of his father, Medici, 
called unto him, Diotisalvi Neroni, a man of great 
authoritie, among the other citizens of most reputation : 
and one in whom Cosimo reposed so great trust, as at his 
death he willed Piero both in his substance and state, to be 
by his counsel governed. Piero accordingly declared unto 
Diotisalvi the trust which Cosimo had in him : And because 
he would shewe himselfe as obedient to his father after 
death, as he was in his life : he desired Diotisalvi to assist 
him with his counsell, both for the order of his patrimonie, 
and the government of the Citie, and to begin with his own 
private businesse, he commaunded all his Officers to resort 

339 



THE 

SEVENTH 
BOOKE 



Dissimulation 
of Diotisalvi 
Neroni. 



A practise 
against Piero 
di Medici. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

unto him with their accounts, and leave the same with 
Diotisalvi, to the end that he might finde out the order and 
disorder of their doings, and so counsell him what was best 
afterwards to be done. Diotisalvi promised to use diligence, 
and performe the trust in him reposed. The Officers being 
come and examined, were found to have committed many 
disorders. And thereupon (as a man that more respected 
his owne ambition, then the love he bare to Piero, or the 
benefits he had received of Cosimo) imagined it was easie 
to deceive Piero of the reputation, and livings left him by 
his father. Diotisalvi came unto Piero offering him coun- 
saile, which seemed verie honest and reasonable, yet under 
the same laie hidden the destruction of Piero. Hee told 
him what disorder he found in his affaires, and how it 
behoved him to provide great summes of mony for the 
holding of his credit, and reputation in the state; and 
therfore said, he could not more honestly repaire his dis 
orders and losses, then by calling in those debtes which 
many straungers and Citizens did owe unto his father. For 
Cosimo to gaine himselfe followers in Florence, and friends 
abroad, was exceeding liberall of his substance ; and had for 
that occasion lent out summes of great importance. This 
counsaile to Piero seemed good, and honest, supposing he 
should by execution thereof, without perill, repaire himselfe 
with his owne. Notwithstanding so soone as hee called for 
these debts, the Citizens grew no lesse offended, then if hee 
should have desired their owne goods, and without respect 
they spake evill of him, slaundering him to be a man un- 
thankfull and covetous. 

Diotisalvi seeing this common and populer disgrace, 
which Piero had gotten by his counsaile, joyned himselfe 
with Lucca Pitti, Agnolo Acciaivoli, and Nicholo Soderini, 
determining to take from Piero, reputation and government. 
These men were moved thereunto for diverse respects. 
Lucca desired to succeed in the place of Cosimo, for hee was 
aspired to such greatnesse, as he disdained to await upon 
Piero. Diotisalvi, knowing that Lucca was not fit to be 
chiefe of the government, thought if Piero had lost his 
reputation, it would in short time fall upon himselfe. 
Nicholo Soderini, desired that the Cittie might live more 

340 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

at libertie, and that the Magistrates might governe at their THE 
discretion. Also betwixt Agnolo and the house of Medici, SEVENTH 
remained particuler displeasures. The occasion whereof BOOKE 
was this. Rafaello his sonne, had long before, taken to Offence be- 
wife Alessandra de Bardi, and received with her a great tween . the 

dowrie. She, either through her owne default, or the mallice ^ c ^- 

/, ., , , f, ,, & . , 1111 i -11 the Medici* 

of others, was by her father in lawe and her husband, evill 

handled. Whereupon Brenzo de Illarione her kinsman, 
being moved with compassion, went in the night accom 
panied with many armed men, and tooke her out of the 
house of Agnolo. Agnolo and the rest of the Acciaivoli, 
complained of this injurie done them, by the Bardi. The 
matter was committed to the hearing of Cosimo, who judged 
that the Acciaivoli should restore the marriage money 
received with Alessandra, and shee after to return to her 
husband, or not, as her selfe was disposed. Agnolo thought 
himselfe in this judgement not friendly handled by Cosimo, 
of whom, because hee could not be revenged, he thought to 
execute the revenge upon his sonne. These conspirators 
notwithstanding the diversitie of their humors, pretended 
all one occasion, saying they would have the Citie governed 
by the magistrates, and not by the counsaile of a fewe. 

The displeasure towards Piero, and the evill speech of 
him was encreased by many marchants, who at that time 
became banker out, and laide the fault thereof upon Piero, 
for that he calling home his money hastily, had hindered 
their credit, and forced them with the prejudice of the 
Citie to be undone. Besides that, they did surmise, that he 
practised to marry his sonne with Clarise Orsini. Whereof 
the Citizens conceived that he did disdaine to make alliance 
with any Citizen : therfore prepared to usurpe the state, 
and make himselfe Prince. For whosoever disdaineth his 
owne Citizens to be of his kindred, desireth to have them 
his subjects. In these respects they had no reason to be 
his friends. The leaders of this sedition, persuaded them 
selves to have the victorie in their own hands, because the 
greater number of the Citizens (deceived with the name of 
libertie, whereby they used to make their enterprises, seeme 
more honest) followed them. These humours then boyling 
in the breasts of the Cittizens, it was thought good to them, 

341 



THE 

SEVENTH 
BOOKE 



League 
betweene the 
Duke Galli- 
azzo and the 
Florentines. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

whome civill disorder displeased, to assaie, if by some new 
found mirth or feast, the mindes of men might be setled. 
For most commonly the idle people be instruments for those 
that desire alteration. Then to remove this idlenesse, and 
give some occasion to alienate the minds of men from con 
sideration of the state, the yeare of Cosimo his death being 
passed, they tooke occasion to make the Citie some mirth, 
ordeining two tryumphs more solemne then was the custome. 
The one made representation how the three Magi came 
from the East, following the starre that ledde them to the 
place where Christ was borne: which was performed with 
so great solemnitie, as enterteined the Citie diverse moneths. 
The other was a torniament, wherein the principall yoong 
Gentlemen of the Citie exercised Armes against all the 
chiefe men of Armes in Italy. And of the Florentine youth, 
Lorenzo the eldest sonne of Piero gained most honor : for 
not by favour, but in deed by his owne valour, he wanne 
the best prize. 

These triumphs being ended, the Citizens returned to 
thinke of the state, and everie man with more care then 
before, studied to maintaine his owne opinion, whereof great 
diversitie of conceits, and troubles ensued. The one was, 
that the authoritie of Balia tooke no effect. The other, 
by the death of Francesco Duke of Milan. Whereuppon 
the newe Duke Galiazzo sent Embassadors to Florence, to 
confirme the capitulations made by Francesco his father : 
wherein among other things it was concluded, that yearely 
the Duke should receive from them certaine summes of 
money. Upon this Article, the Governours of the state, 
tooke occasion to hold opinion contrarie to the House of 
Medici, publiquely in these Councels, inveying against that 
payment, alleaging that pencion to be promised, not to 
Galiazzo, but unto Francesco. For Francesco being dead, 
there was no cause to continue it. Because in Galiazzo 
there was not that vertue, which was in Francesco: and 
so consequently, that good was not, nor could not be 
looked for at his hand, which was found at his fathers. 
And although of Francesco they received not much, yet 
were they to looke for lesse of Galiazzo : and if any Cittizen 
would entertaine him, to mainteine his owne private power, 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

that were a thing contrarie to civill life, and the libertie THE 
of the Citie. Piero on the contrary, alleaged, that it were SEVENTH 
not well done, through covetousnesse, to lose a friendship BOOKE 
so necessarie: and that there was nothing so meete, for 
the Common-weale, and all Italy, as to continue in league 
with the Duke. To the ende that the Venetians seeing 
them united, might not hope either by fained friendship 
or by open warre, to oppresse the Dukedome. For if they 
should perceive, the Florentines to have forsaken the Duke, 
they would presently take Armes, and the rather, knowing 
he was yoong, newly come to the government, and without 
friends. Wherof they might hope either by fraud or force 
to win his countrey, which would be also the utter ruine 
of the Florentine Common-weale. These reasons were not 
allowed, and secret hatred began openly to shewe it selfe. 
For the same night, either partie, in diverse companies 
assembled. The friends of the Medici, met at Crocetta, 
and their adversaries in La Pieta, who studying to oppresse 
Piero, had gotten their enterprise subscribed with the 
hands of many Citizens. Also, being among many other Consultation 
times, one night assembled, they held a particuler Councell to oppresse 
for the maner of their proceeding ; when everie man con- Medici, 
sented to diminish the power of the Medici : yet in the 
order how to bring the matter to passe, they concurred 
not. Some, that were of most modest nature, thought that 
the authoritie of the Balia being ended, it were best to 
finde meanes, that the same might not be revived : for if 
the Councels and Magistrates did governe the Cittie, the 
authoritie of Piero would be in short space extinguished ; 
and with losse of his reputation in the state, he should 
also lose his credit in merchandize. For being no more 
in place, where he might imploy the publique treasure, he 
should of necessitie grow weake; which being brought to 
passe, there would not be after any cause to feare him : 
and all this practise might bee performed without banish 
ment of anie man, and the libertie without bloud recovered, 
which every good Cittizen ought to desire. But if they 
proceeded by force, many perils might be incurred : for 
whosoever is readie to fall alone, if he be forced by others, 
will labour to staie himself up. Moreover, when nothing 

343 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE is done extraordinarily against him, he shall not have any 
SEVENTH occasion to Arme himselfe, or seeke friends ; or if he should, 
BOOKE the same would turne to his great reproach, and breede 
suspition in everie man : so as his overthrow shall be the 
more easie, and others take occasion the rather to oppresse 
him. Many others of that assembly liked not this delaie : 
affirming the time favoured him, and not them. For if 
they were contented with ordinary proceedings, Piero was 
in no danger at all, and they in great perill : Because the 
Magistrates (notwithstanding they were his enemies), would 
suffer him in the Citie, and his friends, with their ruine 
(as it happened in the yeare 58) would make him Prince ; 
and as the former counsell proceeded from good men, so 
this was the opinion of wise men. It was therefore neces 
sary, that while men be displeased, to make him sure. The 
meane to bring the same to effect, was to be armed both 
within and without, and also to enterteine the Marquesse 
of Farrara, to be the better defended. Which done, when 
a Senate happened to be for the purpose, then to make 
all assured. In this resolution they staied till the next 
Senate, and proceeded according to the quallitie thereof. 

Among the conspirators, was Nicholo Fedini, whom they 
imployed as Chauncellor, he perswaded with a hope more 
certaine, revealed to Piero, all the practise agreed upon by 
his enemies, and delivered him a note of all their names ; 
which Piero perused, and seeing the number and quallitie of 
the Citizens who had conspired against him, tooke counsell 
of his friends, and made a note likewise of them. Then he 
committed this rolle of friends to be made by one whom he 
most trusted, who considering therof, found so great varietie, 
and instabilitie, in the mindes of the Citizens, that many 
who had bene written for his enemies, were also inrolled 
among the rest, who were accounted his friends. During 
the space that these matters, with these alterations were 
handled, the time was come to chuse two supreame Officers, 
and Nicholo Soderini was elected Gonfaloniere de Giustitia. 
It was a marvellous thing to see, with what concourse not 
onely of honourable Citizens, but of all sorts of people, he 
was accompanied to the Pallace, and passing uppon the 
waie, they set on his head a garland of OliflFe, to shewe that 
344 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

of him depended the welfare and libertie of the Countrey. THE 
By this and many like experiences, it is proved, that men SEVENTH 
should not take uppon them any Office or principallitie with BOOKE 
extraordinarie opinion. For not being able to performe 
such expectation (men desiring more then can be) doth in 
time breed his own dishonour and infamie. Thomaso and 
Nicholo Soderini were brethren : Nicholo was the bolder 
and more couragious, but Thomaso, the wiser, and friend to 
Piero. Who knowing his brothers humour, that he desired 
onely the libertie of the Cittie, and that the state might be 
setled without harme of any, perswaded Nicholo to make 
new Squittini, whereby the Borsi might be filled with such 
Cittizens as loved to live in libertie. By doing whereof, the 
state should be at his will setled without tumult or injury 
to anie. Nicholo gave credit to the counsell of his brother, 
and in these vaine imaginations consumed the time of his 
office, till by the chiefe of the conspirators his friends, he 
was suffered to sincke : as they that would not for en vie, 
that the government should be with the authoritie of 
Nicholo renued, and hoping ever they might in time, 
under some other Gonfaloniere worke the same effect. The 
end of the magistracie of Nicholo come, and many things 
by him begun, but nothing ended, he yeelded up his autho 
ritie with more dishonour, then with honour, he had entered 
the same. This matter made the faction of Piero glad, and 
confirmed his friendes in the hope they had of his good 
successe. And those that before stood neutrall, joyned with 
Piero, and matters being thus in a readinesse, for diverse 
months without other tumult, they temporized. Notwith 
standing the part of Piero stil encreased in strength, wherof 
the enemies tooke knowledge and joyned themselves togither, 
to performe that by force, which by meane of the Magis 
trates they might easily have done before ; and so concluded 
to kill Piero lying sicke at Careggi : for which purpose, they 
sent to the Marquesse of Farrara, to come unto the Citie 
with his forces, and Piero being slaine, they determined to 
march armed into the Market place, and cause the Senate 
to settle the government according to their will. For albeit 
all the Citizens were not their friends, yet they that were 
their enemies would for feare give place. Diotisalvi (the 
XX 345 



THE 

SEVENTH 
BOOKE 



Perswasions 
of Nicholo 
Soderini 
against the 
Medici. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

rather to cloake his intent) oftentimes visited Piero, and 
reasoned with him of the uniting of the Citie. All these 
practises had bene revealed to Piero, and Domenico Martegli 
also gave him intelligence, that Francesco Neroni, brother 
to Diotisalvi, had perswaded him, to be of his conspiracie : 
alleaging the victorie was certain, and assured. Thereupon 
Piero determined to be the first that should take armes,and 
fained an occasion uppon the practises of his enemies, with 
the Marquesse of Farrara. He pretended therefore to 
have received a Letter from Giovanni Bentivogli, Prince in 
Bologna, whereby he was advertised, that the Marquesse of 
Farrara was with his forces marched to the River of Albo, 
and (as was commonly thought) intended to come to 
Florence. Upon these advertisements Piero tooke armes, 
and with a great multitude of men armed, came to Florence, 
where all others that followed him armed themselves. The 
contrary partie did the like: but Piero his followers were 
the better prepared, because the others had not so great 
warning therof . 

Diotisalvi dwelling neare unto Piero, thought not him- 
selfe assured at home, but sometimes he went to the Pallace, 
to perswade the Senate to cause Piero to laie downe his 
armes, and sometimes he resorted to Lucca, to intreate him 
to stand firme to his faction. But of all others, Nicholo 
Soderini shewed himself of most courage ; for he presently 
tooke arms, and being followed of all the common people 
of his quarter, went unto the house of Lucca, desiring him 
to mount on horsebacke, and come to the Market place in 
favour of the Senate, which favoured them, and therefore 
might hope of victorie certaine. But if he remained in his 
house, hee should be either by the armed men oppressed, or 
by those that were disarmed shamefully deceived. Or if he 
should after repent that he did not take armes, that repen 
tance were too late. But if he wold with the warre oppresse 
Piero, he might easily do it : and after if he liked to make 
peace, it was better for him to give, then to receive the 
conditions therof. These words moved not Lucca, having 
alreadie setled his mind, and promised to Piero new alliances, 
and new conditions. For he had alreadie married unto 
Giovanni Tornabuoni, one of his neeces, and therefore 

346 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

perswaded Nicholo to laie downe armes, and returne to his THE 
house. For it ought to suffice him, that the Cittie should SEVENTH 
be governed by the Magistrates, and it would come to passe, BOOKE 
that everie man would laie downe armes : and the Senators 
being the stronger partie, should be Judge of the contro- 
versie. Nicholo then seeing he could not otherwise perswade 
him, returned home. But first said unto Lucca, I cannot 
alone worke the well doing of our Citie, but I alone can 
prognosticate the evil whereinto it is falling. This resolu 
tion you have made, will breed losse of libertie to our 
country, your deprivation of government and wealth, and 
my banishment. The Senate in this tumult shut up the 
Pallace, and the Magistrates kept themselves therin, not 
seeming to favour any part. The Citizens (and chiefly 
those who had followed Lucca) seeing Piero armed, and his 
adversaries disarmed, began to devise, not how to offend 
Piero, but how to become his frends. Wherupon the chief 
citizens and leaders of the factions, went to the Pallace, and 
in the presence of the Senate, debated many things touching 
the state of the Cittie, and pacification thereof. And for 
that, Piero by reason of his infirmitie could not come thither, 
they determined by consent to go all unto him, (Nicholo 
Soderini except) who having first recommended his children 
and familie to Tomaso, went to his owne house in the 
country, aspecting there the event of these matters, account 
ing himselfe unhappie, and for his countrey infortunate. 

The other Cittizens being come to the presence of Piero, The speech of 
one of them appointed to speake, complained of the tumults the Citizens 
in the Cittie, declaring that they, who first tooke armes were Jj e dici ^ 
most too blame : they not knowing what Piero, (who indeed 
did first take armes) would doo. They were come therefore 
to understand what was his intent, which (being for good of 
the Cittie) they would follow the same. Whereunto Piero The answere 
answered, that hee who taketh armes first, is not ever the f 
cause of disorder, but he that giveth first occasion : and if 
they would consider what their behaviours had bene towards 
him, they should marvaile lesse at that he had done for his 
own safetie. For therby they should see, that their assem 
blies in the night, their subscriptions, and their practises to 
take from him his government and life, were the occasions 

347 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE why he tooke armes : which not used but in the defence of 
SEVENTH his owne house, and not the offence of them, sufficiently 
BOOKE proved his intent was to defend himselfe, and not to harme 
others. Neither would he any thing, or desired more then 
his own securitie and quiet, nor had given cause, that they 
shuld think he sought for other. For the authoritie of 
Balia discontinued, he never laboured by extraordinarie 
meane to revive it ; and was well content that the Magis 
trates should govern the citie if they so pleased : assuring 
them, that Cosimo and his children could live in Florence 
honorably both with and without the Balia ; and that the 
yeare 58 the same had bene, not by his house, but by them 
renued ; and if now they wold not have it more, he should 
also be so contented. But this sufficed not for them : 
for he found that his adversaries beleeved, they could not 
dwell in Florence, if he also there dwelled. A thing which 
he never thought that the friends of his father and him 
wold feare to live in Florence with him, having ever born 
himselfe among them, as a quiet and peaceable man. Then 
(turning his speech to Diotisalvi and his brethren there 
present) he reproved them with words of much gravitie 
and offence : putting them in mind what benifits they had 
received of Cosimo, how much he had trusted them, and 
how unthankfully they had used him. Which words wrought 
such effect in some that were present, that if Piero had not 
staied them, they sodenly wold have striken Diotisalvi. 
In conclusion, Piero said he wold maintein every thing, that 
they and the Senat had determined. And that he desired 
nothing, but to live quiet and assured. After this speech 
was ended, many matters were commoned of, yet nothing 
don : but in general was concluded, that it was necessary to 
reunite the citie and reform the state. 

At that time Barnardo Lotti was Gonfaloniere d Giustitia, 
a man not trusted by Piero, wherefore thought not good to 
attempt any thing during his Magistracy : but the end of 
his authority drawing neare, election was made by the 
Senators of a Gonfaloniere to sit in September and October 
1466. And they elected Roberto Lioni : who was no sooner 
in office, (all other thinges beeing prepared) but hee assembled 
the people in the Market place, and made a new Balia, all 
348 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

of the faction of Piero ; which shortly created the Magis- THE 
trates, according to the will of the new government, which SEVENTH 
terrified the heads of the enemies, and Agnolo Acciaivoli BOOKE 
fled to Naples, Diotisalvi Neroni, and Nicholo Soderini to The enemies 
Venice, and Lucca Pitti remained in Florence : trusting to of the Medici 
the promises of Piero, and the newe alliance with his house. van( i ulsh ed. 
All the fugitives were proclaimed Rebels, and all the familie 
of Neroni dispersed. Also Giovanni Neroni then Bishop of 
Florence, to avoide a worse mischiefe, voluntarily confined 
himselfe to Rome. Many other likewise banished them 
selves to divers places, neither did this suffice : but a publike 
procession was ordeined to give God thanks for the preserva 
tion, and uniting the state. In the solemnization wherof, 
some citizens were apprehended and tormented. Afterwards 
part of them put to death, and the rest confined. 

In this variation of fortune, there was nothing so notable, The fall of 
as the example of Lucca Pitti : who sodeinly saw the differ- Lucca Pitti. 
ence of victorie, and losse of honor, and dishonor. For his 
house, whereunto was wont be great repaire, became un 
frequented ; himself that had bin accustomed to passe the 
streets folowed with many friends and kinsfolks, could 
neither be accompanied, nor scarcely saluted : because some 
of them had lost their offices, some their goods, and al the 
rest threatned. His stately houses in building, were by 
the workmen abandoned. Those that were wont to present 
him, did now offer him injury and despite. Some who had 
given him presents of great value, did now demand them 
again as things lent. Others that were wont with praises 
to extoll him to the skies, did as a person ungratefull and 
violent, blame him. So that overlate he repented his not 
giving credit to Nicholo Soderini, and that he did not with 
sword in hand rather die honourably, then among his vic 
torious enemies, live dishonored. These that were banished, 
sought by sundrie meanes to recover the Citie, they had 
lost. Yet Agnolo Acciaivoli being at Naples, before hee 
attempted any thing, thought good to feele the disposition 
of Piero, and what hope remained of reconciliation : writing The letter 
unto him, as followeth. I smile to see, what sports fortune of A .gnolo 
doth make her self, and how at her pleasure she frameth of ^pTero di 
foes friends, and of friends foes. You can remember that Medici 

349 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE at the banishment of your father (esteeming more his injury 
SEVENTH then mine own danger) I lost my country, and was like to 
BOOKE have also lost my life. Neither (in al his time) did I ever 
omit, to honor and favour your house, nor after his death 
have had any intent to offend you. True it is, that your 
own unhealthie disposition, and the tender yeares of your 
children, brought me into such feare, as I thought it behoved 
me to take order, that after your death, our countrey should 
not be ruined. For which consideration I have done divers 
things, not against you, but for the good of my country. 
Wherein, if I have committed error, the same ought be, for 
my good intent, and passed service, pardoned. Neither can 
I beleeve other, but that (in respect of ancient love to your 
house) I shal at this occasion find mercy, and my manifold 
merits, shal not be, by one onely fault cancelled. 

The answere Piero having perused this letter, aunswered thus. Your 
of Piero. laughing there you are, is the occasion that I weep not here 
where I am : for if you had laughed at Florence, I should 
have wept at Naples. I denie not your well deserving of 
my father, sith your self wil confesse to have tasted his 
liberalitie : and by how much that deedes be esteemed 
above words, by so much your obligation is more then ours. 
You then recompenced for your good, may not marvell, 
though for your evil, you receive deserved punishment. Let 
not the love of your country excuse you : sith there is no 
man beleeveth, that this citie hath bin lesse loved and 
pron tted by the Medici, then the Acciaivoli. I do therfore 
wish you with dishonor to remain there, sith here in honor 
you knew not how to lead your life. Agnolo thus dispair- 
ing of pardon, went to Rome, and there conferred with the 
Archbishop, and other banished men, of the mean wherby 
they might take reputation from the house of Medici : 
which Piero with difficultie (notwithstanding the aide of his 
friendes) could prevent. Diotisalvi and Nicholo Soderini, 
likewise practised to make the Senate of Venice enemie to 
their countrey : thinking thereby, that if with anie new warre 
the Florentines were assailed, the government being new 
and hated, they should not be able to defend themselves. 

In those daies Giovan Francesco the sonne of Palla Strozzi 
lived in Farrara, and had bene togither with his father, 
350 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

banished in the alteration of the state, the yeare 34. This THE 
Giovanni had great credit, and was holden amongst other SEVENTH 
merchants a man of great riches. The newe Rebelles de- BOOKE 
clared unto him, the great facilitie they found to recover 
their countrey, if the Venetians would take the enterprise 
in hand : which he thought they would be easily perswaded 
unto, if part of their charges might be borne. Giovan 
Francesco, who desired to revenge himselfe of the injuries 
received, easily gave credite to their counsaile: and pro 
mised with all his wealth, to furnish the enterprise. Then 
went they all togither unto the Duke, complaining of the Complaint of 
exile wherein to they saide themselves were fallen, not for *J| e bar " s hed 
anie other fault, but because they desired that their coun- to the Senate 
trey might be governed with the lawes thereof: and that O f Venice, 
the Magistrates and not a fewe others should be honoured. 
For Piero de Medici with others his followers, accustomed 
to live tyrannically, had by deceit taken armes, and by 
deceit caused them to disarme themselves, and afterwards 
by deceit expulsed them out of their Citie. Neither were 
they so content, but they would also therein pretend devo 
tion to God, and by that colour oppresse others. For at 
the assemblie of the Citizens, and at publike and sacred 
ceremonies (to the intent God should be partaker of their 
treasons) they apprehended, imprisoned, and slewe manie 
Cittizens : which was an example of great impietie and 
wickednesse. For revenge wherof, they knew not whither 
to resort with more hope, then to that Senate which having 
ever lived free, could not but take compassion of those, who 
had lost their liberties. Then they perswaded all men that 
loved libertie to detest tirants : and those that were godly, 
to abhorre impious people. Putting them in mind, that 
the house of Medici had taken from them, the dominion of 
Lombardy, at such time as Cosimo (without consent of the 
other citizens, and the Senate) favoured and aided Francesco. 
So that though they had no compassion of the Florentines, 
yet the revenge of the injuries done to the Venetians, ought 
to move them. 

These last words moved all the Senat to determine that 
Bartolomeo Coglione their General, shuld assault the do 
minion of Florence. He with all speed possible assembled 

351 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE the army, and with him joyned Hercole Este, sent by Borso 
SEVENTH Marquesse of Farrara. They at the first entrie (the Floren- 
BOOKE tines not being prepared) burnt the Towne of Davadola, 
The Floren- and spoyled some other places in the countrey thereabout, 
tines assaulted But the Florentines (having driven out all the enemies to 
by the Vene- pi ero ) made league with Galiazzo Duke of Milan, and with 
Marquesse the Kin S Ferra " do - Then the 7 enterteined Federigo Earle 
of Farrara. of Urbino, for their Generall; and founde themselves so 
friended, as they feared little the force of their enemies. 
For Ferrando sent thither Alfonso his eldest sonne, and 
Duke Galiazzo came in person : either of them leading a 
convenient number, and they altogither made head at Cast- 
racaro, a Castle belonging to the Florentines : builded at 
the foot of those Alpes, wherby men passe from Toscana to 
Romagna. In the meane time the enemies were retired 
towards Imola, and so between the one and the other army 
(according to the custome of those daies,) some light skir 
mishes happened, but no townes by either of them besieged, 
nor any disposition in either of them to fight with their 
cnemie, but everie man remaining within his Tent, con 
tinued the wars with great cowardice. This maner of pro 
ceedings, greatly offended the Governors in Florence, finding 
themselves charged by a warre, wherein they spent much, and 
could hope for litle. And the Magistrates complained of 
those Cittizens who were made Commissaries in that enter 
prise. They answered, that Duke Galiazzo was occasion 
thereof, for hee having most authoritie and least experience, 
knewe not what was profitable, nor would not beleeve others 
of more skill : and that it was impossible, so long as hee 
remained in the armie, that anie thing should be done with 
honour and commoditie. Wherefore the Florentines saide 
unto the Duke, albeit for their profit it was best he should 
be personally in their aide, because the reputation of his 
presence was the fittest meane to terrific the enemie ; not 
withstanding for that they esteemed more his safetie, then 
their state, or proper commoditie, they thought not fit he 
should remaine long from Milan, being newly come to his 
government, and having there diverse strong enemies to be 
suspected : so that, if any of them should practise against 
him, they might easily in his absence, do it. For which 
352 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

respects they perswaded him to returne home, and leave THE 
part of his forces for their defence. This counsell contented SEVENTH 
Galiazzo, and without further consideration, returned to BOOKE 
Milan. 

The Florentine Captaines disburthened of this let, to 
declare the same was the true occasion of their slow pro 
ceeding, drew so neare to the enemie, that they joyned 
battle : which continued one half day, neither partie yeeld- 
ing to other. Notwithstanding there was not anie man 
therein slaine, but some horses hurt, and a fewe prisoners 
on either part taken. The winter now being come, and the 
season of the yeare no longer serving for the fielde, they 
retired to their lodgings. Bartolomeo went to Ravenna, 
the Florentines into Toscana : the Kings souldiers and the 
Dukes, resorted home to their maisters Countries. But so 
soone as this assault beganne to be forgotten, and no dis 
order made in Florence, as the Florentine Rebels promised, 
and the other souldiers wanting paie, were content to en- 
treate of peace, which with small diflficultie was concluded. Peace be- 
The Rebels then dispairing of all hope, to diverse places tweene the 
dispersed themselves. Diotisalvi went to Farrara, where he a 
was by the Marquesse Borso, received, and relieved. Nicholo tians. 
Soderini fledde to Ravenna, where living long uppon a poore 
pencion given him by the Venetians, in the ende there died. 
This Nicholo was accounted a man just and couragious, 
yet uncertaine and slowe of his resolution : which was the 
cause that the Gonfaloniere lost that opportunitie, which 
being out of office, hee would have taken, but could not. 
The peace concluded, the Citizens who remained in Florence 
with victorie, thinking themselves not assured, unlesse they 
did as well oppresse those they suspected, as their apparant 
enemies, perswaded Bardo Altoviti, then Gonfaloniere 
d Giustitia, to remove more Cittizens from their offices, and 
to banish many others. Which thing greatly encreased the 
power of that faction, and terrified the contrarie part : which 
power they used without respect, and proceeded so much at 
their pleasure, as it seemed, that God and fortune had con 
sented to give that Cittie into their hands. Of which doings, 
Piero knew little, and that litle, he could not (being afflicted 
with sicknesse) remedie. For his diseases were so great, as 

YY 353 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE he could not use any member save only his tongue : wher- 
SEVENTH with he exhorted them, and praied them to live civilly, and 
BOOKE enjoy their native country, rather entire then broken. And 
for the comfort of the Citie, he determined with magnificence 
to celebrate the marriage of Lorenzo his sonne, who was 
alreadie contracted to Clarice, discended of the house of 
Orsini : which marriage was performed with great pompe, 
as to so magnificent a feast apperteined. For performance 
of these triumphs, divers daies were consumed in feasting, 
dancing, and publike shews. Wherunto was also joined 
(for more apparance of greatnes of the Medici) 2 marshal 
exercises ; the one represented a battle fought in the field ; 
the other, of a towne besieged : which things were devised 
in good order, and performed with so much vertue as 
might be. 

While these matters were doing in Florence, the rest of 
Italy lived quiet, but yet in great suspition of the Turke, 
who proceeded still in his enterprise against the Christians, 
and had wonne Negroponti, to the great infamie and dis 
honour of the Christian name. Then died Borso Marquesse 
of Farrara, to whom succeeded his brother Hercule. Even 
then died also Gismondo da Rimino, a perpetuall enemie to 
the Church: who left to inherit that state, Roberto his 
naturall sonne ; afterwards accounted the most excellent 
Captaine of Italy. Then likewise died the Pope Pagolo : 
Pope Sisto. in whose place was created Sisto quarto, called before his 
creation Francesco da Savona, a man of base and vile con 
dition : yet for his vertue made Generall of the order of 
S. Francesco, and afterwardes Cardinall. This Pope was the 
first that beganne to she we of what great force the Papacie 
was, and that manie things before time accounted faults, 
might be by Papall authoritie, covered. This Pope had 
amongst many others in his house, two men, the one called 
Piero, and the other Gerolamo: who (as everie man thought) 
were his unlawfull sonnes : notwithstanding men called them 
by other names more honest. Piero being made a Frier, 
was preferred to the dignitie of Cardinall, and called Car 
dinall of S. Sisto. To Gerolamo he gave the Cittie of Furli, 
and tooke it by force from Antonio Ordelaffi, whose aun- 
cestors had bene long time Princes there. This ambitious 
354 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

manner of proceeding, made him the more esteemed by the THE 
Princes of Italy, and every of them sought which way to be SEVENTH 
accounted his friend. The Duke of Milan gave his daughter BOOKE 
Catterina in marriage to Gerolamo, and with her the Citie 
of Imola, which by force he had taken from Taddeo Alidossi. 
Betwixt this Duke, and the King Ferrando, was also made 
new alliance. For Elizabella daughter to Alfonso, eldest 
sonne of the King, was married to Giovan Galiazzo, eldest 
sonne to the Duke. Thus Italy continued quiet, and the 
greatest care of the Princes was, one to honor the other : 
and with new alliances, friendships, and leagues, one to 
assure himselfe of the other. But notwithstanding so great 
a peace, Florence was by the Citizens thereof greatly afflicted. 
And Piero being troubled with ambition of the Citizens, 
and his own diseases, could not procure remedie : yet to 
discharge his conscience, and laie before them their mis 
demeanor, he called to his presence the chiefe Florentines, 
and said unto them as folio weth. 

I never thought that anie time could come, when the The Oration 
maner and behavior of friends would prove such, as to ofP.diMedici 
make me love and desire my enemies : or that I might wish J?^ e 
victory to be converted to losse. Because I thought my 
selfe accompanied with men, whose appetites were confined 
to measure; and that it sufficed them to live in their country 
assured and honoured, and (that which is more) upon their 
enemies revenged. But now I know my self far deceived, 
as he that knew little the ambition of men, and least of all 
yours. For it contenteth you not to be Princes of so great 
a Cittie, and among you a few to have the honors, offices, 
and commodities, wherewith many Citizens were wont to be 
honored. It contented you not to have the goods of your 
enemies among you divided. It contenteth you not, to 
burthen others with publike charges, and you free from all 
paiments, to take the publike profit : but you wil also with 
every kind of injury molest them. You cease not to rob 
your neighbors ; you feare not to sell justice ; you flie civill 
judgement ; you oppresse peaceable men, and advance those 
that be insolent. Neither do I beleeve that there is in all 
Italy, so many examples of violence and covetousnes, as be 
in this cittie. But sith it hath given you life, why do you 

355 



THE 

SEVENTH 
BOOKE 



Death of 
Piero di 
Medici. 



Tomaso 
Soderini. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

take life from it? If it hath made you victorious, why 
should we destroy it ? If it hath honored us, why have 
we disdained it ? I promise you by that faith, which ought 
to be given and received among good men, that if you 
behave your selves so, as I shal repent me of my victory, I 
wil so do, as you shal also repent that you have abused it. 
Those citizens according to the time answered resonably. 
Notwithstanding they continued still in their insolent doings. 
In so much as Piero sent secretly to Agnolo Acciaivoli (who 
came unto him at Cafaggivolo) and there they reasoned at 
length touching the estate of the Cittie. And surely had he 
not bene by death prevented, he would have called home all 
the banished men, to bridle the insolencie and oppression of 
those that lived in the Citie. But death suffered him not 
to performe so honest an intent : for diseases of bodie and 
trouble of minde, so greevously handled him, that hee died 
the fiftie and three yeare of his age. His vertue and 
bountie, could not be to his Countrey so well knowne, as 
they deserved : partly because his father lived (welneare as 
long) and partly, for that those fewe yeares hee overlived 
him, were in civill contentions and sicknesse consumed. 
This Piero was buried in the Church of S. Lorenzo, neare 
unto his father: and his funerall performed with honour 
and pompe, worthie so great a Cittizen. Of him there 
remained two sonnes, Lorenzo and Giuliano, of whome there 
was good hope, that they would proove men fit for the state : 
yet their youth was such as made all men doubt thereof. 

Amongst other chiefe Cittizens in the government of 
Florence, there was one farre excelling the rest, called 
Tomaso Soderini : whose wisedome and authoritie, not 
onely to Florence, but also to all the Princes in Italy was 
knowne. Hee, after the death of Piero, was of all the 
Cittie reverenced: and manie Cittizens did dailie visite 
him, as chiefe man of the state. Also diverse Princes did 
write unto him. Neverthelesse being wise, and knowing 
what fortune followed him and his house, hee would never 
answere the Princes Letters : and perswaded the Citizens they 
should not resort to his house, but to the houses of the 
Medici. Also to shewe in deedes, that which by words was 
by him perswaded, hee assembled all the chiefe Gentlemen 

356 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

of everie family, at the Monastery of S. Antonio ; whither THE 
hee procured that Lorenzo and Giuliano di Medici should SEVENTH 
come : and there after a long and grave Oration by him made, BOOKE 
they disputed the estate both of that Cittie, of all Italy, 
and of the humours of the Princes. Therein concluding, 
that to continue Florence united in peace, assured from 
division within, and from warre without, it behooved them 
to honor those two yoong men, and mainteine the reputa 
tion of their house : Because men do not repine to do such 
things as they have bene accustomed unto, but new houses, 
as they are easily honored, so are they quickly abandoned. 
For it hath bene ever more easie to maintaine that reputa 
tion, where length of time hath extinguished envy, then 
to raise a new estimation, which by many occasions may be 
oppressed. After him spake Lorenzo, who notwithstand 
ing his youth, uttered words with so great gravitie and 
modestie, as gave every man hope he would become such a 
one, as indeed afterwards he proved. And before they 
departed that place, the Citizens praied the brethren, to 
receive them as children, they offring to honor them as 
fathers. This conclusion set downe, Giuliano and Lorenzo Giuliano and 
were honoured as Princes of the Citie, and those that were Lorenzo di 
of counsell with Tomaso, did not intermeddle. Thus the Medici. 
Florentines lived both within and without so peaceably, as 
nothing disturbed the Common quiet, till a trouble not 
looked for arose, which did prognosticate future mischiefe. 

Among other families (which Lucca Pitti ruined) was 
that of Nardi. For Salvestro and his brethren being heads 
of that house, were first sent into exile, and after by the 
warre which Bartolomeo Coglione moved, made Rebels. Of 
these Barnardo brother of Salvestro, was a yoong man of 
great spirit and courage. Hee being poore could not endure 
banishment : and finding that the peace made had not pro- Conspiracy of 
vided for his returne, determined to make proofe of some- the Nardi. 
what, whereby might grow occasion of warre. For many 
times of a small beginning, great effects doe followe. Be 
cause men bee more willing to prosecute, then beginne anie 
enterprise. This Barnardo had much acquaintance in Prato, 
and muche more in the Countrey about Pistoia: chiefely 
with the house of Palandra : who albeit they were but 

357 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE countrey people, yet was their number great, and the men 
SEVENTH (according to the manner of that countrey) practised in 
BOOKE armes, and much used to bloud. He knew likewise they 
lived discontented, and by reason that some of their enemies 
were Magistrates in Florence, they had bene evill handled. 
He knew moreover the humor of the Pratesi, who accounted 
themselves proudly and hardly governed, and had particuler 
knowledge of the evill disposition of some towards the State. 
All which things brought him in hope to kindle fire in 
Toscana, by making Prato to rebell, whereto so many 
would put hands, as they that would quench it, should not 
be able. Then he imparted this matter to Diotisalvi Neroni, 
and asked of him, what aide might be by his meanes pro 
cured among the Princes, if he should happen to surprize 
Prato. Diotisalvi thought the enterprise dangerous, and as 
impossible to take effect : notwithstanding, considering he 
might thereby with the perill of others make new proofe of 
fortune, perswaded him to proceed, and promised to bring 
him assured aide from Bologna, and Farrara, so that he 
were able to defend Prato at the least fifteene dayes. Bar- 
nardo then incouraged with this promise, and conceiving 
great hope of happie proceeding, went to Prato, and there 
communicating the matter to diverse, found them verie 
willing. The like disposition he perceived in the familie 
of Palandra, and having agreed togithers of the time and 
manner of the enterprise, Barnardo imparted all to Diotisalvi. 
At that time, was Cesare Petrucci, Podesta of Prato, for 
the Florentines. The custome was, that the Podesta 
should have the keies of the towne brought unto him : 
And whensoever any of the towne (chiefely in times of no 
suspition) desired to goe out or come in by night, that 
favour was graunted. Barnardo knowing this custome, 
being accompanied with those of the house of Palandra, 
and 100 others armed men, in the morning when the gate 
towards Pistoia should open, presented himselfe : and those 
whome he had made privie within, did likewise arme. One 
of them went to the Podesta, saying, a friend of his desired 
to come into the towne. The Podesta not doubting any 
such accident, sent with him a servant of his to carrie the 
keies : from whome, (being a little on the way) the keies 
358 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

were taken, the gates opened, and Barnardo with his fol- THE 
lowers came in. Then they divided themselves in two SEVENTH 
parts. The one led by Salvestro of Prato, tooke posses- BOOKE 
sion of the Cittadell. The other following Barnardo, sur 
prized the Pallace, and committed the Podesta with all 
his familie, to the custodie of one of his companie. Which 
done, they walked the streets, proclaiming the name of 
libertie. By that time it was day, and many people by 
meane of the noise, came to the market place, where under 
standing that the Cittadell and Pallace were taken, the 
Governor also with his familie imprisoned, they mervailed 
much. The eight Cittizens (chiefe Officers of the towne) 
assembled in their Pallace, to consult what was to be done. 
But Barnardo and his men, having awhile walked the towne, 
and finding himselfe not well followed, hearing where the 
eight were, went unto them, declaring that the occasion of 
his enterprise was to deliver them and their countrey from 
bondage : and that they should gaine great glorie to take 
armes, and accompanie him in that glorious action, whereby 
they should win perpetuall quiet, and eternall fame. He 
also laid before them the memorie of their auncient libertie, 
comparing it with their present condition. He likewise 
told them what aide they should be assured to have of 
others, if they would but for a fewe daies defend themselves 
from the Florentine forces. He informed them moreover, 
that he had intelligence in Florence, whereby he was ad 
vertised that Cittie would wholie follow him. The eight 
not moved with these perswasions, answered, that they knew 
not whether Florence lived in libertie or bondage, as a 
thing they desired not to understand. But well they knew 
their owne desire was not to enjoy other libertie, then to 
obey those Magistrates that governed in Florence : of 
whome, they had not received any such injurie, as might 
move to take armes against them. Wherefore they 
perswaded him to restore the Podesta to his libertie, send 
his men out of the towne, and save himselfe speedily from 
that danger, whereinto he was unadvisedly fallen. 

These speeches dismaied not Barnardo, for he intended to 
see if feare might move the Pratesi, to that which with in- 
treaty could not. Therefore to terrific the Cittizens, and 

359 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE determining to put the Podesta to death, he tooke him out 
SEVENTH of prison, and commanded him to be hanged at the Pallace 
BOOKE window. The Podesta being brought to the window, the 
halter upon his neck, and seeing Barnardo to sollicit his 
death, turned himselfe towards him, and said. Barnardo, 
thou puttest me to death, hoping the rather to be fol 
lowed of the Pratesi, but the contrarie will come to passe. 
For the reverence which this people doth beare to the 
Governors sent by the Florentines is so great, that so soone 
as they shall see this injurie done to me, they will hate 
thee, so much, as the same will proove thy ruine : wherefore 
not my death, but my life, may be the occasion of thy 
victorie. For if I commaund them that which thou wouldst 
have done, they will more willinglie obey me, then thee. 
Thus I following thy direction, thou mayst become owner 
of thy desire. This counsell seemed to Barnardo (being a 
man irresolute) verie reasonable, and therefore willed him 
at a window to commaund the people to yeeld their obedi 
ence to Barnardo. Which being done, the Podesta was 
lead back to prison. By this time, the weakenesse of the 
conspirators was discovered, and many Florentines inhabit 
ing that towne, were assembled : among whome, was Georgio 
Ginori, a Knight of Jerusalem. He being the first that 
tooke armes against the Rebels, assaulted Barnardo in the 
streets, sometimes intreating, and sometimes threatning 
the people to follow him, till at length by Georgio, and 
many others (who tooke armes) Barnardo was hurt and 
taken. Which done, it was no hard matter to deliver the 
Podesta, and vanquish the rest. For they being fewe, and 
divided into sundrie parts of the towne, were welneare all 
taken or slaine. 

In the meane space, the fame of this accident was come 
to Florence, and reported to be much greater then it was. 
For the advertisements were, that Prato was surprized, the 
Podesta with his houshold put to death, Pistoia in armes, 
and many of the Cittizens of the conspiracie, in so much as 
many Cittizens sodeinly came to the Pallace to consult 
with the Senate. At that time, Roberto Sanseverino 
happened to be in Florence, who being a man of great 
experience in warre, was sent with certaine forces to Prato, 

360 



The enter 
prise of 
Barnardo 
defeated. 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

commaunded, that he should approach the towne, and send THE 
back particuler advertisements in what state the same SEVENTH 
stood ; and do there, what by his wisedome should be BOOKE 
thought good. Roberto marching on his way, and passing 
the Castle of Campi, a messenger came unto him from 
Cesare Petrucci, declaring, that Barnardo was taken, his 
companions fled, or slaine, and all the tumult pacified. 
Whereupon Roberto returned to Florence, and shortly 
after Barnardo being brought thither a prisoner, and de- 
maunded why he tooke that enterprise in hand, aunswered, 
bicause he determined rather to die in Florence, then live 
in exile : and thought good to accompanie his death with 
some memorable action. This tumult begun and ended 
(as it were in one instant) the Cittizens of Florence re 
turned to their wonted order of life, thinking to enjoy that 
state without suspition, which they had lately established, 
and setled : whereof insued those inconveniences, which 
many times be ingendred by peace, for the youth became 
more prodigall then they were wont, spending their money 
in apparrell, feasting, and other like vanities, and (being 
idle) consumed their substance in play, and women. Their 
whole studie was to be bravely apparrelled, and to seeme 
wittie, or subtile : for he that could most cunninglie mock 
and deride others, was holden the wisest and most esteemed. 
These and such like disorders, were by the Courtiers of 
Milan increased. For at that time, thither came the Duke, The Duke of 
with his wife, and Court, to performe (as he said) a certaine Milan in 
vowe, and was there received with pompe, meete for so Florence, 
great a Prince, and friend to the Florentines. In that time 
also, was scene a thing in Florence, never before used, 
which was, that the Courtiers of Milan, notwithstanding 
the time of Lent, did without respect of the Ecclesias- 
ticall order, eate almost none other meate, but flesh. 
Albeit the Duke found the Cittie of Florence full of 
courtlie delicacie, and customes contrarie to all well ordered 
civilitie, yet his comming increased the same. Wherefore 
the good Cittizens thought fit and necessarie to bridle 
the excesse with new lawes, for apparrell, for funerals, and 
feastings. 

In the midst of this great peace, there happened in 
ZZ 361 



THE 

SEVENTH 
BOOKE 

Tumults in 
Volterra. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

Toscana a new and unlocked for tumult. In the Province 
of Volterra, certaine Cittizens happened to finde a Mine of 
Allum, whereof, knowing the commoditie, to be helped with 
money, and defended with authoritie, they joyned with 
them some Cittizens of Florence, making them partakers 
of such profit as should thereof arise. This matter at the 
beginning (as it happeneth for the most part in all new 
actions) was by the people of Volterra little esteemed. But 
the commoditie thereof afterwards knowne, they desired too 
late, and without effect, that which at the first they might 
easilie have obteined. Then began they to propound the 
matter in their councels, saying, it was not convenient that 
a commoditie found in the common lands, should be con 
verted to a private use. Thereupon, they sent unto 
Florence certaine Embassadors. The cause was committed 
to a few Cittizens, who either bicause they were corrupted, 
or for that they so thought best, gave sentence, that the 
request of the people of Volterra was not reasonable, 
bicause they desired to deprive the Cittizens of their labour 
and industrie, and therefore judged, that those Alums ap- 
perteined to private men, and not to the Citie. Yet was 
it convenient, that those private persons should give yearly 
unto the people certaine money, in signe they acknowledged 
them for superiors. This answere did nothing diminish, 
but augment the tumults and displeasures in Volterra, so 
that nothing was spoken of so much in their councels, and 
in everie other place in the Cittie, as the request of the 
multitude, which was, to recover that which they thought 
lost. The private men on the other side, still laboured to 
continue that which they had gotten, and had bene con 
firmed by judgement of the Florentines. This matter 
remained so long in disputation, that one Cittizen, a man 
of estimation in that Cittie, called Pecorino, with diverse 
others that tooke part with him, was slaine, their houses 
spoiled and burnt. In that furie also, the Rettori for the 
Florentines with difficultie escaped. This first tumult 
being passed, they determined in all haste to send 
Embassadors to Florence, who informed the Senators, 
that if they would observe their auncient conditions, they 
would also continue in their auncient obedience. The 
362 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

answere of these messengers was long disputed. Tomaso THE 
Soderini was of opinion, that it behoved to receive the SEVENTH 
Volterani with what condition so ever, thinking the time BOOKE 
served not, to kindle a fire so neare hand, that might burne 
their owne house : for he feared the disposition of the Pope, 
the power of the King, and mistrusted the Venetians friend 
ship and the Dukes, not knowing what fidelitie was in the 
one, nor what vertue in the other, alleaging that proverb 
which faith, Better a leane peace, then a fat victorie. Of 
a contrarie minde was Lorenzo de Medici, thinking he had 
now occasion to make shew of his wisedome and counsell, 
and the rather being thereto perswaded by those that 
envied the authoritie of Tomaso. And therefore deter 
mined by armes to punish the insolencie of the Volterani, 
affirming, that if they were not corrected, as a memorable 
example, all others (upon everie light occasion) without 
reverence or respect, would dare to do the like. This 
resolution made, the Volterani were answered, that they 
could not require the keeping of those conditions, which 
they themselves had broken, and therefore either they should 
referre themselves to the discretion of the Senate, or pre 
sently looke for warre. The Volterani returned with this 
answere, prepared for the defence of their towne, and sent 
to all Princes of Italy for aide, but were aided by fewe : for 
onely the Sanesi, and the Lord of Piombino did promise to 
helpe them. 

The Florentines on the other side, judging that the 
victorie would be gotten by making of speed, assembled 
tenne thousand footemen, and two thousand horse, whome 
under the conduct of Federigo, Lord of Urbino, they sent 
into the countrey of Volterra : all which, they easily pos 
sessed. Then they brought their Camp before the Cittie, 
which being builded upon an hill, could not be assaulted, 
but on that side, where the Church of S. Alisandro standeth. 
The Volterani had for their defence enterteined a thousand 
souldiers, or thereabouts, who seeing how bravely the 
Florentines assailed them, fearing they could not defend 
the towne, were in the service slowe, but in doing injurie 
to the Volterani readie ynough : so that those poore 
Cittizens were by the enemies assaulted without, and by 



THE 

SEVENTH 
BOOKE 



Volterra 
sacked. 



Castello 
besieged by 
Pope Sisto. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

friends oppressed within. In so much as (dispairing to be 
saved) thought good to make peace, and for want of better 
meane, yeelded themselves to the Florentines Commissaries : 
who caused them to open the gates, and the greater part 
of the armie being entred, they went unto the Pallace 
where the Priori were, whome they commanded to returne 
to their houses, and by the way, one of them was by a 
souldier reviled and robbed. Of this beginning (for men 
be more readie to evill then good) grew the destruction 
and sack of this Cittie, which continued one whole day. 
The houses were robbed, and the people spoiled, neither did 
the women and Churches escape, but all souldiers, aswell 
they that had cowardlie defended the towne, as the others 
that fought, were partakers of the spoiles. The newes of 
this victorie, was with much rejoycing received at Florence, 
for the same was wholie the enterprise of Lorenzo, who 
thereby gained great reputation. And thereupon one of 
his dearest friends reproovedTomasoSoderini for hiscounsell, 
saying unto him, What say you now, that Volterra is taken ? 
To whome, Tomaso answered, me thinks it is lost : for if 
you had taken it by composition, you might have made 
profit and suretie thereof ; but having it by force, in time 
of warre it will weaken and trouble you, and in time of 
peace, charge and hinder you. 

In those dayes, the Pope desiring to hold in obedience 
the townes belonging to the Church, caused Spoleto to be 
sacked : which by meane of inward faction, had rebelled. 
After, for the like offence, he besieged the Cittie of Castello. 
In that towne, Nicholo Vitelli was Prince. He being in 
great friendship with Lorenzo de Medici, refused not in 
that necessitie to aide him : yet was that aide not sufficient 
to defend Nicholo, but ynough to sowe the first seeds 
of enimitie betwixt Sisto and the Medici, which afterwards 
brought forth fruite of much mischiefe: and the same 
should quickly have shewed it selfe, had not the death 
of Frier Piero, Cardinall of Sisto, happened. For this 
Cardinall, having travelled about all Italy, went also to 
Venice and Milan (pretending to honor the marriage of 
Hercole, Marquesse of Farrara) to practise with the Princes, 
and sound their disposition towards the Florentines. But 

364 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

being returned to Rome, he died : not without suspition to THE 

have bene poisoned by the Venetians, who feared the great- SEVENTH 

nesse of Sisto, so long as he might be counselled and in- BOOKE 

couraged by Frier Piero. For albeit nature had made this 

Frier of base bloud, and was also bred up basely in a 

Monasterie, yet so soone as he had aspired to be Cardinall, 

there appeared in him so great pride and ambition, as 

might not onely become a Cardinall, but also seeme fit 

ynough for any Pope. For he feared not to make a feast in 

Rome with so great charge, as seemed superfluous for any 

King: for therein he spent more then twentie thousand 

Florins. Pope Sisto bereft of this agent, prosecuted his 

enterprises more coldly. Notwithstanding, the league 

being renewed betweene the Florentines, the Duke, and 

Venetians, and place left for Pope Sisto, and the King, who 

made an other contract; therein also, leaving places for 

other Princes to enter, if they would. By this meane, Italy Italy divided 

became divided in two factions : for daily betwixt these into factions. 

two leagues, there grew displeasure, as it happened, 

touching the He of Cipres, which the King Ferrando 

challenged, and the Venetians usurped, whereupon, the 

Pope and the King became more willing one of the others 

friendship. 

In those daies, Federigo Prince of Urbino, was accounted 
the most excellent Captaine of Italy, and had long served 
for the Florentines. The King and the Pope (to the end 
our league should not have the service of such a leader) 
determined to win the good will of Federigo. To that end 
both the Pope and the King desired him to come unto 
Naples. Federigo performed their desire, to the great ad 
miration and displeasure of the Florentines, beleeving it 
would become of him, as it did to Giacopo Piccinino. Yet 
the contrarie came to passe : for Federigo returned from 
Naples and Romagna with great honor, and still Generall 
for their league. Neverthelesse, the King and Pope ceased 
not, to sound the disposition of the Lords in Romagna, 
and the Sanesi, hoping to make them his friends, and by 
their meanes, be able to offend the Florentines, whome they 
perceived by all convenient waies armed, to incounter their 
ambition : and having lost Federigo of Urbino, they enter- 

365 



THE 

SEVENTH 
BOOKE 



Troubles in 
Toscana. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

teined Roberto of Rimini. They also renewed the league 
with the Perugini, and drew thereunto the Lord of Faenza. 
The Pope and King alleaged, that their displeasure to the 
Florentines was, bicause they sought to drawe the Venetians 
from them : and the Pope thought that the Church could 
not mainteine the reputation thereof, nor the Earle 
Girolamo his state in Romagna, if the Florentines and 
Venetians were united. On the other side, the Floren 
tines feared they would be enemies to the Venetians, 
not to win their friendship, but the rather thereby to 
injurie them : so as Italy lived two yeares in these sus- 
pitions, and diversities of humors, before any tumults were 
moved. But the first (although but small) happened in 
Toscana. 

Braccio of Perugia, a man (as hath heretofore bene often 
said) of great reputation in the warre, had two sonnes, 
called Oddo, and Carlo. This Carlo was a child, and Oddo 
was by the inhabitants of the Vale of Lamona slaine, as 
hath bene declared. Carlo being atteined to age, and able 
for armes, was for the memorie of his father, and the good 
hope of himselfe enterteined by the Venetians, and made 
among others, a leader for that state. The time of his 
conduct ended, he refused to serve longer, determining to 
make proofe, if with his owne fame, and the reputation of 
his father, he could recover his owne countrey of Perugia. 
Whereto the Venetians easily consented, as they that were 
wont in alterations to increase their dominion. Carlo then 
came into Toscana, and found the enterprise of Perugia 
hard, by reason that the Perugini were in league with the 
Florentines, yet desirous that this motion might take some 
effect worthie memorie, he assaulted the Sanesi, alleaging 
they were debtors of money, due to his father, for service 
done to that state, whereof he required satisfaction : and 
upon that demaund, assaulted them with so great furie, as 
that dominion became disordered. The Cittizens of Siena, 
seeing themselves so furiously charged (being readie to 
suspect the worst of the Florentines) thought all was done 
by their consent. They also complained much to the Pope 
and the King; and sent Embassadors unto Florence, to 
expostulate the injurie, and covertlie alleaged, that without 

366 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

assistance, Carlo could not with so great securitie have THE 
offended them. The Florentines excused themselves, pro- SEVENTH 
mising in what sort the Embassadors thought good, they BOOKE 
would commaund Carlo, no more to offend the Sanesi. 
Whereof Carlo complained, that they by not aiding him, 
should lose a great conquest, and he misse the meane, to 
aspire to much glorie. For in short space he promised 
them possession of that Cittie, where he found so great 
cowardice and disorder, as with possibilitie it could not be 
defended. Then Carlo departed from thence, and returned 
to his old enterteinement of the Venetians. Albeit the 
Sanesi were by the Florentines delivered from so great 
danger, yet remained they towards them offended, and 
judged their obligacion not to be any thing, having saved 
them from an evill, whereof they had bene the occasion. 
During that these matters betwixt the King and Pope were 
handled in Toscana, there happened in Lombardy an acci 
dent of much more moment, and did prognosticate greater 
evils. 

There was in Milan a Scholemaister, called Cola of Conspiracie 
Mantova, a man well learned, but ambitious, and such a against the 
one, as instructed the chiefe children of the Cittie. This 
Cola, either bicause he hated the life and manners of the 
Duke, or for some other occasion, in all his speeches seemed 
to disdaine those men that lived under an evill prince, 
calling others glorious and happie, whome nature and 
fortune graunted to be borne, and live in common-weales. 
Declaring how all famous men had bene brought up in 
common-weales, and not under Princes. For the common- 
weales (said he) did nourish vertuous men, but Princes did 
oppresse them : for the one doth cherish vertue, the other 
doth feare it. The yong men with whome he had gained 
most familiaritie, were Giovandrea Lampugnano, Carlo 
Visconti, and Girolamo Olgeato, with them he oftentimes 
reasoned of the evill nature of the Duke, and their owne 
misfortune, being governed under such a one : and at length 
hee began to be in so great confidence of these yong men, 
that hee brought them to sweare, that so soone as they 
atteined to mans estate, they would deliver their countrey 
from the tirannie of that Prince. These youths perswaded 

367 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE to performe what they had promised, waying therewith all 
SEVENTH the Dukes behaviour, and the particuler injuries he had 
BOOKE done, did hasten their intent to put the matter in execu 
tion. The Duke Galiazzo was in his disposition lascivious 
and cruell, which two things had made him odious : for 
it sufficed him not to entice Ladies to dishonor, but he 
would also take pleasure in publishing the same. Neither 
was he content to put men to death, but he would also 
execute them with some cruell manner of torment. He 
was moreover slandered, or truely suspected, to have 
murthered his owne mother: for hee perswading himselfe 
not to be Prince (she being present) found meanes to re 
move her to Cremona, which was the place of her dowrie, 
and in that journey she became sodeinly sick, and died : 
and many men judged her sonne was cause of her death. 
This Duke, had in matter touching women, dishonored 
Carlo, and Gerolamo, and denied Giovandrea to have the 
possession of the Abbey of Miramondo, being graunted 
unto him of the Pope, upon resignation of a kinsman of 
his. These private injuries increased the desire of the yong 
men, by revenge to deliver their countrey of so great mis- 
chiefes : hoping, that if they might murther the Duke, they 
should be not onely esteemed of the nobilitie, but also of 
the people followed. Thus determined of the enterprise, 
they oftentimes met together, and by reason of their 
auncient familiaritie, no mervaile made of their meeting. 
Being togithers (to make their minds more prepared for 
that action) they alwaies talked thereof, and with the 
sheathes of daggers made for that purpose, one of them in 
the breast and belly strake the other. Then they devised 
of the time and place. In the Castle they thought it not 
fit to be performed. In hunting they feared it would prove 
incerteine and perilous. When the Duke walked in the 
streets for pleasure, they imagined it would be hard, and 
unlikely to be done. And at feasts, they doubted the 
places would not serve. Wherefore they resolved, at some 
publique pompe and triumph, where they were certaine of 
his being, to kill him, for thither they might under diverse 
coulours assemble their friends. They concluded also, that 
if any of them upon occasion were by the officers appre- 
368 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

hended, the rest should with their swords in the middest of 
his enemies sley him. This happened in the yeare 1476. 
The feast of Christmas then being at hand (at which time, 
on S. Stephen s day, the Duke was woont with great pomp 
to visit the Church of that holie Martir) they resolved 
that place and time would best serve for the execution of 
their intent. 

The morning of S. Stephens day being come, they caused 
certaine of their most assured friends and servants to arme 
themselves, saying, they would go to aide Giovandrea, who 
contrarie to the mind of some his evill willers, would make 
a conduct for water in a certaine ground of his. They 
being thus armed, went to the Church, pretending, that 
they would before their departure, take leave of the Prince. 
They procured also diverse other their friends and kinsfolks, 
for sundrie considerations to come thither, hoping, that the 
deed being done, every one would follow them to performe 
the rest of the enterprise. And their intent was, (the Duke 
being slaine) to joyne with those armed, and goe to that 
place of the Cittie, where they might more easily raise the 
people, and perswade them to arme themselves against the 
Duchesse, and Princes of the State ; supposing the people 
by meanes of the famine wherewith they were then grieved, 
would easily favour the enterprise : and unto the people 
they determined to give leave to spoile the houses of Ceco 
Simonetta, Giovanni Botti, and Francesco Lucani, all 
Magistrates of the government, whereby they should be 
assured of them, and give the people libertie. This resolu 
tion was set downe, and the execution thereof firmely agreed 
upon in their minds. Giovandrea with the rest met earely 
in the Church, and there altogithers heard Masse ; which 
being ended, Giovandrea turning towards the image of 
S. Ambrose, sayd, O Ambrose, Lord of our Cittie, thou 
knowest our intention, and the end wherefore we will 
adventure our selves to so many perils : Be favourable to 
this our enterprise, and by favouring of justice, shew how 
greatly injustice doth displease thee. To the Duke on the 
other side, before he came to the Church, many signes 
happened, to prognosticate his death at hand. For the day 
being come, he put on his privie armour (as everie other day 

AAA 369 



THE 

SEVENTH 
BOOKE 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE for the most part he did) yet sodeinly before he went from 
SEVENTH his house, either bicause he thought it not sightly, or that 
BOOKE it did hurt his bodie, he tooke it off. Then thought he to 
have heard Masse in the Castle, but his Chapleine was gone 
to S. Steffano. Then commaunded hee that the Bishop of 
Como should say the Masse, but he alleaged certaine 
reasonable lets, so the Duke was (as it were by neces- 
sitie) occasioned to goe to the Church. But first, he 
called for his two sonnes, Giovangaliazzo, and Hermes, 
whome he embraced, and kissed often, as though he had 
no power to depart from them : yet in the end, he deter 
mined to goe; and comming out of the Castle, betwixt 
the Embassadors of Farrara and Mantova, rode to the 
Temple. 

The conspirators in the meane while, to give the lesse 
suspition, and keepe them from the cold, were retired into 
a chamber belonging to the chiefe Priest of the Church, 
their friend, and understanding that the Duke did come, 
they came from the chamber into the Church. Giovandrea 
and Girolamo placed themselves on the right hand of the 
Church doore, and Carlo on the left hand. Then those 
that went before the Duke, entered the Churche doore, and 
after the Duke himselfe, invironed with a greate multitude 
of people, as it alwaies happeneth, in time of such a princelie 
pompe. The firste of the Conspirators that went towardes 
him, were Lampugnano, and Girolamo. They pretending 
to make place and roome for the Prince, came hard unto 
his person, and assaulted him with short and sharpe daggers, 
which they had hidden in their sleeves. Lampugnano gave 
him two woundes, the one in the bellie, the other in the 
throate. Girolamo likewise in the throate, and in the brest 
strake him. Carlo Visconti standing neare unto the doore, 
and the Duke past him, at such time as his companions 
gave the assault, could not hurt him before, but gave him 
two other wounds, one on the shoulder, the other in the 
back : and these sixe wounds were all so sodeinly and 
speedily given, that the Duke was fallen to the ground 
The Duke before any man knewe what the matter meaned. Neither 
murdered. could he do, or say any thing that was knowne, but in 
falling, one onely time he cried, O Ladie helpe me. The 
370 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

Duke thus laid on the ground, the rumor grew great, many THE 
swords were drawne out, and (as it hapned in like cases un- SEVENTH 
looked for) some fled out of the Church, and some ranne BOOKE 
thither, without any certaine knowledge, or occasion of the 
matter. But those who were next unto the Duke, seeing 
him slaine, and knowing the murtherers, pursued them. Of 
the conspirators, Giovandrea intending to get out of the 
Church, went amongst the women, who being many, and 
according to their custome set on the ground, was so 
troubled and staied with their garments, that he was by a 
Moore (one of the Dukes footmen) overtaken, and slaine. 
Carlo was likewise by those that were present, killed. But 
Girolamo Olgiato escaped out of the Church, seeing his 
companions slaine, and not knowing whither to flee, went 
home, where he could be neither by his father nor brothers 
received. But his mother onely, having compassion of her 
sonne, did recommend him to a Priest, an auncient friend 
of that house, who put him in Priestlike garments, and 
remooved him to his house, where he remained two daies, 
hoping that some tumult in Milan would arise, and thereby 
he might be saved. But that not comming to passe, and 
fearing to be found there, he assaied to flee disguised ; yet 
being knowne, was brought before the Magistrates, and 
there he confessed all the order of the conspiracie. This 
Girolamo was twentie three yeares of age, and died with no 
lesse courage, then he had executed the enterprise. For 
being brought to his death, stript naked, and prepared for 
the hangman, who with his knife in hand, stood readie to 
cut him in pieces, he spake these Laten words, Mors acerba, 
fama perpetua, stabit vet us memoria facti. This enterprise 
was by these unhappie yoong men secretly practised, and 
resolutely executed. The cause of their destruction was, 
that they were not followed and defended of them, to whome 
they trusted. Let Princes therefore learne to make them 
selves so much honored and loved, as no man can hope to 
hurt them, and save himselfe. And let all private persons 
know, how vaine it is to thinke, that the multitude (not 
withstanding it be discontented) will in their perils follow 
or accompanie them. This accident amazed all Italy, 
but much more trouble proceeded of other chances, that 

371 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE shortly after happened in Florence. For thereby the 
SEVENTH peace which had continued in Italy the space of twelve 
BOOKE yeares, was broken, as in the Booke following shall 
be declared. Which Booke, as it beginneth with 
bloud and terror, so doth it end with 
sorrow and miserie. 



372 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 



THE EIGHT BOOKE 




HE beginning of this Booke, placed amidst 
two conspiracies, the one in Milan alreadie 
declared, the other happened in Florence, 
and to be spoken of; it may be thought 
fit, that (according to my custome) I should 
somewhat saie, touching the quallitie of 
conspiracies, and of what importance they 
are. Which willingly I would do, had I 
not in other places discoursed thereof, or that such a matter 
might be briefelie passed over. But seeing it requireth great 
consideration, and is alreadie spoken of, we will proceed, 
and tell how the Medici, having overcome all enemies, that 
openly opposed themselves, being desirous their house alone 
might have authoritie in the Cittie, it behoved them to 
oppresse all others that secretly practised against them. 
For so long as they contended against other families but 
with equall authoritie, the Cittizens envying their great- 
nesse, might openly and without feare affront them. Bicause, 
the Magistrates being free, neither partie before losse of 
victorie, had any occasion to feare it selfe. But after the 
victorie, in the yeare 66 the State became so much in the 
hand and power of the Medici, as all men discontented, 
were inforced, either patiently to abide the condition 
wherein they lived, or else by way of conspiracie, and secret 
practise, to amend their fortune. But sith conspiracies are 
with difficultie performed, for the most part, they procure 
the ruine of the conspirators, and the greatnes of him 
against whome they be conspired. So that, a Prince by 
conspiracie assaulted, if he be not therein slaine, as was the 

373 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE Duke of Milan (which seldome hapneth) becommeth thereby 
EIGHT the stronger, and being before good, becommeth evill. 
BOOKE Bicause conspiracies do give him occasion to feare, feare 
counsaileth him to seeke assurance, and in seeking assur 
ance, he doth injure others, whereby he gaineth hatred, and 
many times procureth his own destruction. So as in con 
clusion, treasons do sodeinly overthrow those who attempt 
them, and trouble him many times against whome they be 
attempted. 

Italy was (as hath bene before declared) divided into two 
factions, the Pope and the King on the one side, and the 
Venetians, the Duke, and Florentines on the other side. 
And albeit there was not betwixt them any warre moved, 
yet was there dailie occasion given thereof, and the Pope 
chiefelie in all his actions studied to offend the state of 
Florence. Philippo de Medici Archbishop of Pisa, then 
dying, the Pope, (contrarie to the will of the Senate of 
Florence) gave that Bishopprick to Francesco Salviati, whome 
Displeasure nee knewe to bee enemie to the house of Medici. But the 
betweene the Senate denying to deliver possession thereof, there followed 
Pope and the g re at displeasure betwixt the Pope and the Medici. Besides 
that, the Pope did great favours in Rome to the familie of 
Pazzi, and in everie acte, disfavoured the house of Medici. 
In those daies, the house of Pazzi lived above other the 
Florentine families, in most riches and glorie. The chiefs 
of them was called Giacopo, who for his riches and Nobilitie, 
was made Knight. He having no children but one onely 
daughter, had for heires diverse nephews, sonnes of Piero 
and Antonio his brethren. The chiefe of whom were 
Guglielmo, Francesco, Rinato, and Giovanni. After them, 
Andrea, Nicholo, and Galeotto. Cosimo de Medici seeing 
their riches and nobilitie, gave his neece Biancha in marriage 
to Guglielmo, hoping that alliance would make those houses 
more united, and remove all occasion of displeasures and 
suspitions, which many times hapned betwixt them. Not 
withstanding (so incertaine and fallible are the expectations 
of men) the matter came otherwise to passe, for those that 
counselled Lorenzo, told him, it was perilous, and contrary 
to his authoritie, to suffer the Citizens to increase their 
riches and state : which was the cause that those degrees of 
374 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

honor were not graunted to Giacopo and his nephews, THE 
which (as other Citizens thought) they deserved. Hereof EIGHT 
grew the first displeasure of the Pazzi, and the first feare of BOOKE 
the Medici. The increasing of the one, was cause that the Enimitie 
other also increased : in so much as the Pazzi in all actions, betweene the 
whereat other Citizens did meete, were not to the Magis- j^ 2 ?. 1 . and 
trates welcome. Also the officers of eight men, upon a 1C1 " 
like occasion (without such respect, as was wont to be 
borne towards the great Citizens) constrained Francesco de 
Pazzi being at Rome, to returne to Florence. Whereupon 
the Pazzi in all places with injurious words, and full of 
offence complained : which doings, caused others to suspect, 
and think themselves to be injured. 

Giovanni de Pazzi, had married the daughter of Giovanni 
Barromei a man of great riches, which riches after his death 
for want of sonnes, should come unto her. Nevertheles, 
Carlo his nephew toke possession of part of those goods, and 
therby the matter being brought to triall and sute, an 
order was made, by vertue wherof, the wife of Giovanni de 
Pazzi was disinherited, and the possessions given to Carlo : 
which injurie, the Pazzi did altogither impute to the Medici. 
Of this matter, Giuliano de Medici did many times lament, 
and complaine to his brother Lorenzo, saying, he feared 
least they desiring too much, should lose all. But Lorenzo 
being full of youth and authoritie, would needs take all 
upon him, and make every man know, that all things were 
done by him. The Pazzi being noble and rich, could not 
indure so great injuries, but devised by what means they 
might procure revenge. The first that moved speech against 
the Medici, was Francesco. He being of more courage and 
life then the others, determined to get that which he wanted, 
or lose that which he had. And bicause the government of 
Florence was hatefull unto him, he lived for the most part 
in Rome, and there (according to the custome of Florentine 
Merchants) occupied great summes of money. Being also 
of familier acquaintance with the Earle Girolamo, one of 
them often complained to the other of the Medici. In so 
much as after many consultations, they concluded, that to 
make the one of them assured of his lands, and the other 
of his Cittie, it was necessarie to alter the government of 

375 



THE 
EIGHT 
BOOKE 

Conspiracie 
against Giu 
liano, and 
Lorenzo di 
Medici. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

Florence, which they thought could not be done, without 
the death of Giuliano, and Lorenzo. They also supposed, 
that the Pope and the King, would easily thereto consent, 
if the facilitie of the enterprise were laid before them. They 
then thus minded, imparted all their intent to Francesco 
Salviati, Archbishop of Pisa, who being ambitious, and 
lately injured by the Medici, willinglie condiscended. And 
examining among themselves what was to be done, they 
agreed (for the more speedie performing of the action) to 
drawe thereinto Giacopo de Pazzi, without whome, they 
thought nothing could be performed. It was then supposed 
good, that for this purpose Francesco Pazzi should goe to 
Florence, and the Archbishop and the Earle remaine at 
Rome, to sollicite the Pope when need required. Francesco 
being come to Giacopo, found him more respective, and 
hard to be perswaded, then they would have him, and ad 
vertising the same to Rome, it was thought fit to draw him 
with more authoritie. Whereupon the Archbishop and the 
Earle opened all the matter to Giovanbattista da Monte- 
secco, one of the Popes Captaines. He being a man of 
warre well esteemed, was also beholding to the Pope and 
the King. Neverthelesse, he judged the matter hard, full 
of danger and difficulties, which the Archbishop laboured 
to remove, by telling him what aide the Pope and King 
would give to the enterprise. Also he alleaged, that the 
Citizens of Florence did hate the Medici, and the Salviati 
and Pazzi would help to kill them, which was the more 
easie to do, by reason they walked in the Cittie unaccom 
panied, and without suspect. Therefore if Giuliano and 
Lorenzo were dead, the State might easily be changed. All 
which reasons, Giovanbattista beleeved not, hearing many 
Florentines affirme the contrarie. 

While these matters were in consideration, it happened 
Carlo of Faenza fell so sick, as everie man feared his death. 
It was then thought good to the Archbishop and the Earle, 
to take occasion to send Giovanbattista to Florence, and 
from thence to Romagna, under pretence to recover certaine 
Townes, which the Lord of Faenza had taken from them. 
The Earle therfore commaunded Giovanbattista to speake 
with Lorenzo, and in his name desire counsell how the 

376 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

matters of Romagna might be handled : after to deale with THE 
Francesco de Pazzi, and then they togither, to perswade EIGHT 
Giacopo di Pazzi to be of their mind. And bicause he BOOKE 
should carrie with him the authoritie of the Pope, they pro 
cured him to speake with his holinesse, who offered to further 
the enterprise with all his power. Giovanbattista arrived at 
Florence, went unto Lorenzo, of whome he was curteously re 
ceived, and in all his demaunds wisely and friendly counselled. 
Whereof Giovanbattista mervailed, finding him an other 
man, then he was reported to be : for he perceived him to 
be curteous, wise, and a friend to the Earle : notwithstand 
ing he thought fit to talke with Francesco, but (he being 
fone to Lucca) communed with Giacopo, whome at the first 
e found farre from the matter, yet before they parted, with 
the authoritie of the Pope somewhat moved ; and said to 
Giovanbattista, that he should goe into Romagna, and in 
the meane space Francesco would be come home : and 
then more particulerly they would reason how all things 
should be handled. Giovanbattista went and returned, and 
still continued to enterteine Lorenzo with his dissimuled 
busines for the Earle : and after conferred with Giacopo 
and Francesco de Pazzi, with whom he perswaded so farre, 
that they consented to the enterprise. Then they reasoned 
of the manner how to performe it, and Giacopo thought it 
unpossible, both the brethren being in Florence, and therfore 
thought best to tarry til Lorenzo went to Rome, which was 
thought he would, and then to execute the matter. Francesco 
liked well that Lorenzo should goe to Rome, but if he did 
not go thither, yet either at some wedding in the Church, 
or at the time of some sport, they might be both slaine. 
And touching forreine aide, he thought the Pope might 
assemble forces, pretending the enterprise of the Castle of 
Montone, having just occasion to take it from Carlo, bicause 
he had moved rebellion in the countries belonging to Siena 
and Perugia. Yet was nothing fully concluded, but that 
Francesco de Pazzi, and Giovanbattista should go to Rome, 
and therewith the Earle and the Pope determine all things. 
This matter was againe practised in Rome, and in the end 
a resolution set downe (the enterprise of Montone being 
determined) that Giovan Francesco da Tolentino the Popes 
BBB 8 1 ; 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE souldier, should goe to Romagna, and Lorenzo di Castello 
EIGHT to his countrey, and either of them with their men be readie 
BOOKE to do, whatsoever by the Archbishop Salviati, and Francesco 
de Pazzi should be commaunded : who, with Giovanbattista de 
Montesecco should go to Florence, and make provision of 
all things for the execution of the enterprise; whereunto 
the king Ferrando by his Embassador promised some aide. 
The Archbishop, and Francesco de Pazzi arrived at Florence, 
perswaded unto the conspiracie Giacopo di Poggio, a yong 
man well learned, but ambitious, and delighting in change. 
They perswaded also the two Giacopi Salviati, one was 
brother, the other nephew to the Archbishop. They per 
swaded likewise Barnardo Bandini, and Napolione (two 
valiant yong men borne in Fraunce) yet affectionat to the 
family of Pazzi. Of strangers (besides those we have named) 
they perswaded Antonio di Volterra, and one other called 
Steffano, a Priest, who taught the latin toong to the 
daughter of Giacopo. Rinato de Pazzi, being a wise and 
grave man (and such a one as knew the inconvenients that 
followed like enterprises) would not consent to the con 
spiracie, but by all honest meanes he could, impeached the 
same. 

The Pope had in the Universitie of Pisa, mainteined 
Raffaello de Riario (nephew to the Earle Girolamo) to 
learne the Cannon lawes, where he continued till the Pope 
advanced him to the dignitie of Cardinall. The conspirators 
thought fit to bring this Cardinall to Florence, whose com- 
ming, should cover the conspiracie, hoping to harbour in 
his house those conspirators, whom they had need of, and 
thereby take occasion to performe their intent. The Car 
dinall being desired, came, and was by Giacopo de Pazzi 
received at Montughi his towne, neare unto Florence. The 
conspirators desired by his occasion to assemble Lorenzo 
and Giuliano, and so to kill them. They found meanes 
then that they should feast the Cardinall at their towne of 
Fiesole, whither Giuliano either by hap or purpose came 
not, so as that appointment failed. Then determined they 
to convite them in Florence, whither of necessitie they must 
come, and so they tooke order to make the feast on Sunday 
the 26 of Aprill 1478. The conspirators thus determined 
378 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

to murther them at the feast, on Saterday night they met THE 
togither, to take order for the execution of the murther the EIGHT 
next day. The day being come, Francesco was advertised, BOOKE 
that Giuliano would not be there. For which consideration, 
the conspirators met againe, and concluded, that it stood 
them upon to bring the matter to execution, bicause it was 
impossible (being knowne to so many) but it would be 
revealed, wherefore they determined to kill him in the 
Cathedrall Church of S. Reparata, where the Cardinall 
being, both the bretheren (according to their custome) 
would not faile to be. They ordered, that Giovanbattista 
should take in hand to kill Lorenzo, and Francesco de 
Pazzi, with Barnardo Bandini, should sley Giuliano. Giovan 
battista, refused to performe his charge, either bicause 
the curteous usage of Lorenzo had mollified his mind, or 
else for some other occasion which moved him, said, he 
durst not commit so great a sinne in the Church, as to 
execute treason with sacrilege. Which conceit of Giovan 
battista, was the first ruine of their enterprise ; for the time 
drawing on, they were forced to commit that charge to 
Antonio of Volterra, and Steffano the Priest : two men, 
both for experience and nature, farre unfit for that purpose, 
bicause there is no action which requireth more resolution 
and constancie of mind, then this. And it behoveth him 
that should take such a matter in hand, to be a man 
accustomed to be present at the death of others. For it 
hath oft bene scene, that some men, used to armes and 
bloud, have notwithstanding in like cases, let fall their 
courage. This determination set downe, they agreed that 
the time of the execution should be at the sacring time of 
Masse, and in the same instant, the Archbishop Salviati, 
with Giacopo, should take possession of the publique Pal- 
lace, to the end that the Senators either by consent or force 
(so soone as the yong men were slaine) should favour the 
conspirators. This course being agreed of, they went to 
the Temple, where they found the Cardinall, and Lorenzo 
de Medici. The Church was full of people, and the service 
begun, but Giuliano not come. Wherfore Francesco de 
Pazzi, with Barnardo (who had the charge of his death) 
went unto his house, and there by intreatie and cunning, 

379 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE perswaded him to come to the Church. And truly it is a 
EIGHT thing worthy memorie, to know how so great hatred would 
BOOKE be so covertly kept secret in the minds of Francesco and 
Barnardo. For both by the way going to the Church, and 
in the church, they enterteined Giuliano with pleasant 
speech and youthful daliance. Also Francesco under colour 
of familier and friendly curtesie, tooke Giuliano in his 
armes, to feele whether he had on anie armour or garment 
of defence. Giuliano and Lorenzo knew well inough they 
were not beloved of the Pazzi, and that they desired to 
remove them from their authoritie in the state : yet feared 
they not their own lives, supposing that whensoever the 
Pazzi would attempt anie enterprise against them, they 
would do it civilly and not by violence. Therefore not 
mistrusting anie such measure, they likewise feined them 
selves to be their friends. The murtherers thus prepared, 
those that were appointed for slaughter of Lorenzo, thrust 
in among the multitude : where they might stand without 
suspition. The others, togithers with Giuliano, being come 
to the Church, at the time appointed, Barnardo Bandini 
with a short dagger made for the purpose, stabbed Giuliano 
to the heart, who mooving a step or two, fell to the ground : 
and upon him went Francesco de Pazzi wounding his bodie 
in many places so furiously, that he strake himselfe also a 
great wound in one of his owne legs. Antonio and Steffano 
assaulted Lorenzo, at whom they strake diverse times, but 
hurt him onely a litle in the throate. For either their 
negligence, his resistance, or the helpe of those that stood 
by, saved him from further harme. So that the conspirators 
fled, and hid themselves. But being afterwards founde, they 
were shamefully put to death, and their bodies drawne 
through all the streetes of the Citie. Lorenzo joyning with 
those friends he had about him, retired himselfe into the 
vesterie of the Temple, and there shut up the doores. 
Barnardo Bandini seeing Giuliano dead, slew also Francesco 
Nori a great friend to the Medici, either because hee hated 
him before, or because Francesco had gone about to save 
Giuliano. Also not content with these two murthers, he 
went towards Lorenzo, hoping by his courage and quick- 
nesse to supplie that, which others for their sloth and 
380 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

cowardice had left undone. But Lorenzo being in the THE 
vestry, he could not performe his intent. In the midst of EIGHT 
this great and terrible accident (which was such as made all BOOKE 
men to feare, that the Church would have fallen downe) the 
Cardinall retired to the altar, where he was with great diffi- 
cultie by the Priests saved, till such time (as the tumult 
ceased) the Senate could convey him to his Pallace, and 
there till his deliverie, with great feare he remained. 

At that time there were in Florence, certaine Citizens of 
Perugia, who by the factions, (enemies to their houses,) had 
bene banished. These Perugini being promised by the Pazzi 
to be restored to their country, were also of this conspiracie. 
Whereupon the Archbishop Salviati, (who was gone to sur 
prise the Pallace accompanied with Giacopo, the two other 
Salviati, and other his friends and followers) being come 
thither, left certaine of them below, charging them, that so 
soone as they should heare anie noyse, to take possession of 
the gate, and he with the greater part of the Perugini went 
up, where he found the Senate at dinner, and was presently 
let in by Cesare Petrucci Gonfaloniere di Giustitia. The 
Archbishop thus entred with a fewe, leaving the rest with 
out, they of their owne accord went into the Chancery, 
where they shut themselves in. For the locke of that doore 
was by such devise made, as neither within, nor without, 
could be but with the key opened. The Archbishop in the 
meane space being with the Gonfaloniere, pretending to 
speake with him of matters by the Popes commandement, 
began to utter some speech fearefully, and as though he 
were amazed. In so much as the alteration of his coun 
tenance and words, wrought so great suspition in the 
Gonfaloniere, that sodeinly he thrust him out of the 
chamber: and seeing Giacopo there also, tooke him by 
the haire of the head, and delivered him to the hands of 
the Serjeants. The rest of the Senators perceiving these 
tumults : with those weapons which were next hand, as 
saulted the others which were come up with the Archbishop. 
Part of them being shut up, the rest were dismaid, all whom 
they sodeinly slew, or caused alive to be cast out of the 
Pallace window. Of this number, the Archbishop with the 
other two, Salviati and Giacopo de Poggio were hanged. 

381 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE The other conspirators which were left below, had wonne 

EIGHT the gate from the guard, and gotten possession of all the 

BOOKE lower roomes, so that the Citizens who resorted unto the 

Pallace upon this rumor, could neither with their counsell 

nor their force assist the Senators. 

In the meane space, Francesco de Pazzi, and Barnardo 
Bandini seeing Lorenzo escaped, and one of them in whom 
the chiefe hope of the enterprise depended, to be sore hurt, 
were therewith dismaied. Wherupon Barnardo hoping with 
that courage to escape, wherewith he had injured the Medici, 
seeing the enterprise failed, fled away and saved himselfe. 
Francesco being come home to his house hurt, offered to 
mount on horsebacke (for the order was, that certaine armed 
men should be placed about the towne, and the people called 
to libertie and armes) but he could not : So deep was the 
wound, and so much bloud had he lost. Wherefore he 
put off all his cloathes, and laide himselfe naked in bed ; 
desiring Giacopo that he would performe that which him 
selfe could not : albeit Giacopo were old, and unpractised 
in such tumults, yet to make the last proofe of fortune, 
mounted on horsebacke, followed with a hundreth horsemen 
or thereabouts (who were laid readie for the like enterprise) 
and with those he went to the Market place of the Pallace, 
calling the people to aide him, and recover their libertie. 
But the people by the fortune and liberallitie of the Medici 
made deaffe, gave no eare to helpe him, and the Florentines 
had so much forgotten their libertie, as he received no 
aunswere at all. Onely the Senators (who commaunded the 
highest place in the Pallace) saluted them with throwing 
downe of stones, and with threatenings by all wayes they 
could devise, terrified them. Giacopo standing then doubt- 
full what to doo, was met by Giovanni Saristori his brother 
in lawe, who first reprooved him and the rest, for the troubles 
they had begun, and then perswaded him to returne to his 
house, saying that the welfare of the people, and the libertie, 
touched other Citizens aswel as him. Thus Giacopo voyd 
of all hope, seeing the Senators his enemies, Lorenzo alive, 
Francesco hurt, and himselfe not followed of anie, deter 
mined to flee and save his life, if possibly he could. For 
which purpose, with that companie which was with him 
382 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

in the Market place, he went out of Florence towards THE 
Romagna. EIGHT 

In the meane time all the Citie were in armes, and BOOKE 
Lorenzo di Medici accompanied with many armed men, The event 
returned home to his house. The Pallace was recovered by of this con- 
the people, and all the conspirators taken and slaine. Also 8 P iracie - 
throughout the Citie, the name of Medici was proclaimed, 
and the members of the dead men, either carried uppon the 
pointes of swordes and launces, or drawne through the 
streets : moreover everie man, both by wordes and deedes, 
irefully and cruelly persecuted the Pazzi. Their houses 
were by the people taken, and Francesco (naked as he laie 
in bed) drawne out and brought to the Pallace, where he 
was hanged fast by the Archbishop and others his com 
panions. But he would not in any wise, for any injurie 
done unto him by the way, or after, speak any word at all : 
but looked every man earnestly in the face, and so without 
other lamentation tooke leave of life. Guglielmo di Pazzi, 
(brother in la we to Lorenzo) by his owne innocencie and the 
help of his wife Bianca, saved himselfe in his house. There 
was no Citizen either armed or disarmed, but in that neces- 
sitie went unto Lorenzo, offering him their service and 
substance. So great was the fortune and favour, which 
that house, by his wisedom and liberallitie had gained. 
Rinato de Pazzi, when this chaunce happened, retired to 
his house in the countrey : where understanding therof, he 
disguised himselfe and fled. Notwithstanding, being knowne 
by the way, hee was taken and brought to Florence. Giacopo 
in passing the Alpes was also taken. For those mountaine 
people hearing what had happened in Florence, and seeing 
him fleeing, staied him, and brought him back to Florence. 
Neither could he intreat them to kill him by the way, 
although he earnestly desired them so to do. Giacopo and 
Rinato were brought to their death, foure daies after this 
accident happened: and among so many murthers and 
executions done all those foure daies, by meanes whereof 
the streets were filled with dead men ; yet was there no 
compassion taken of any, but onely of this Rinato ; because 
he was accounted a wise man, honest, and free from that 
pride, whereof the rest of that house were noted. And to 

383 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE the end that this action might proceed for an extraordinarie 
EIGHT example, Giacopo being buried among his auncestors, was 
BOOKE (as a man excommunicate) taken up, and by the haulter 
wherewith he was hanged, drawne naked throughout the 
Citie : and those that drew him, not voucthsaving him a 
grave, threw his bodie into the river of Arno. A rare 
example of fortune, to see a man of so great riches, and 
happie estate, to fall into so great infelicitie, and be ruined 
with so much crueltie. Some have reported him, to be 
delighted in vices, and that he tooke great pleasure in 
gaiming and swearing, as one that was carelesse and des 
perate. These vices he covered with liberallitie and almes : 
for he largely releeved many poore men, and gave mony to 
places of devotion. This good also may be said of him, 
that the night before the Sunday appointed for the murther 
(to the end no friend should be partaker of his misfortune) 
hee paide all his debts, and delivered all the merchandise he 
had of other mens to the propper owners, with marveilous 
care and diligence. Giovanbattista de Montesecco, after 
many examinations, was beheaded. Nappolione the French 
man, scaped away, and by that meanes saved himselfe. 
Guglielmo de Pazzi, was banished, and his brother in lawes 
left alive, were put in prison in the bottome of the Castle at 
Volterra. The tumults thus pacified, and the conspirators 
punished, the funerall of Giuliano was celebrated with much 
lamentation of all Citizens : because there was in him so 
great liberallitie and curtesie, as might be wished in any 
man borne to like fortune. Of Giuliano there remained one 
sonne, who was borne a fewe moneths after his death, and 
was called Giulio : who became of that vertue and fortune, 
which at this present all the world knoweth, and I will 
(when occasion shall be offered if God graunt me life) 
speake of him at large. Those souldiers which were con 
ducted by Lorenzo da Castella in the vale of Tevere, and 
those which served under Giovanfrancesco da Tolentino in 
Romagna, were joy ned togither to aide the Pazzi : and were 
comming towards Florence. But hearing the enterprise was 
miscarried, they returned backe. And the alteration of the 
state not being brought to passe (as the Pope and King 
desired) they determined to do that by open warre, which 
384 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

by secret conspiracie they could not. Then both the one THE 
and the other of them, with all possible speede, assembled EIGHT 
their forces to assault the state of Florence: publishing BOOKE 
that they required nothing of that Citie, but that it would The Pope 
remove Lorenzo de Medici, whom among all the Florentines, and Kin 
they accounted their onely enemie. The King his souldiers, Y J^f 
were alreadie passed Tronto, and the Popes forces, arrived Florentines, 
in the countrey of Perugia. The Pope also intending to 
make the Florentines to taste of spirituall affliction, did 
excommunicate and curse them. 

The Florentines seeing so great forces comming against 
them, with great care prepared for defence. And Lorenzo 
de Medici (because the warre was said to be made onely 
against him) desired before all other things, to assemble in 
the Pallace with the Senate all the principall Cittizens, to 
the number of three hundreth or more: unto whom he 
spake as followeth. I know not (right noble Lords and Tne speech of 
magnificent Cittizens) whether I ought lament or rejoyce ^? r % di i 
with you, for these matters lately happened. For when I Florentines. 
consider with what fraud and despight I was assaulted, and 
my brother slaine ; I cannot but bee sorrie, and with all my 
heart and soule lament. Yet when I remember with what 
readinesse, what love and universall consent of all this Citie, 
my brothers death was revenged and I defended, I must of 
force be glad, and greatly esteeme my selfe. For as experi 
ence hath now taught me to know, that I have more enemies 
in the Cittie then I thought, so hath it enformed mee, that 
I had also more earnest and affectionate friends then I looked 
for. I am then to condole with you for the inj urie of others, 
and rejoyce with you, for your owne merits : yet must my 
sorrow be the more, because the injuries were rare, never 
scene, and not of us deserved. Consider (right noble Cit 
tizens) to what point frowarde fortune had brought our 
house, that among our friends, our kinsfolks, and in the 
Church, it was not assured. Such as stand in feare of their 
lives, were wont to resort to their friends for aide, and flee 
to their kinsfolk for succour : both whom we found readie 
armed to our destruction. Such as either mistrusted private 
or publique persecution, have found refuge in Churches : 
but the same having saved others, hath bin made a place 

CCC 385 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE for our murder. For where murderers and theeves have 
EIGHT found refuge, the Medici have met with ministers of their 
BOOKE death. But God (who hitherto did never abandon our 
house) hath saved us, and taken upon him the defence of 
our just cause. For what injurie have we done, that might 
of any man merit so great desire of revenge ? Truly we 
never offended privately any of these, who have prooved 
themselves so much our enemies. For if we had offended 
them, they should not have had so great meane to offend 
us. Or if they attribute to us the publique injuries (whereof 
I am not privie) they offend rather you then us ; rather this 
Pallace, and majestic of government then our house : seem 
ing that for our cause you do undeservedly injure them, and 
the rest of your Citizens, which is farre from all troth. For 
we, though we could, and you (though we would) did never 
consent they should be done. Whosoever doth looke well 
into the truth, shall finde, that our house hath bene by you, 
with so universall consent, advaunced for nothing more, 
then for that it hath studied to excell others in curtesie, 
liberallitie, and well dooing. If then we have honoured 
straungers, how have we injured our kinsfolke? If this 
motion proceeded of desire to governe (as it seemeth to do, 
by taking the Pallace and leading armed men to the Market 
place) thereby appeareth, how evill, ambitious, and reproove- 
able it is. If it be done, for the mallice and envie they 
beare to our authoritie, therein they offend you, not us 
to whom you have given it. For surely those authorities 
deserve hate, which men usurpe, not those which with cur 
tesie, liberallitie, and magnificence be gained. You know 
also that our house never ascended to any degree of great- 
nesse, but by order of this Pallace, and your universall 
graunt. Cosimo my graundfather, returned not from exile 
by force of armes or violence, but by your allowance and 
consent. My father being aged and sicke, could not defend 
his authoritie against so many enemies, but you with your 
authoritie did it. I my selfe after my fathers death (being 
as it were a childe) have not mainteined the estimation of 
my house, but by your counsels and favour. Neither could 
our house have governed this common-weale, had you not 
joyned, and doo joyne in the government thereof. I cannot 
386 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

therefore imagine, what cause of mallice they have against THE 
us, or what just occasion to envie us. For sith their owne EIGHT 
auncestors with their pride and covetise, have lost those BOOKE 
honours, why should they envie us, if by contrarie desert we 
have gained them? But admit the injuries done them by 
us be great, and that they j ustly desired our ruine, yet why 
should they offend this Pallace? Why make they league 
with the Pope and King against the libertie of this state ? 
Or why do they disturbe the long peace of Italy ? Hereof 
they have no excuse at all, for they ought to offend those, 
who offended them ; and not mixe private displeasures, with 
publique injuries: which is the reason that they being 
extirped, our miserie is the more. For by their meanes the 
Pope and King are comming towardes us in armes : and 
that warre (they say) to be made onely against me and my 
house. Which would God were true, because then the 
remedie is readie and certain. For I am not so bad a 
Citizen, as to preferre my private welfare, before your 
publique weldooing : but would willingly quench your fire, 
with my own destruction. Yet sith the injuries which great 
men do, be alwaies covered with some pretence lesse dis 
honest, they have chosen this quarell, to cloake their 
shamefull enterprise. But if it so be, that you beleeve the 
contrarie, I am in your hands to be holden, or let loose, as 
your selves shall thinke best. You are my fathers, you are 
my defenders, whatsoever you commaund, I obey and will 
performe. Neither will I ever refuse (if it shall please you) 
to end this warre with my bloud, which by the bloud of my 
brother hath bene begun. 

While Lorenzo thus spake, the Cittizens could not re- 
fraine weeping: and with such compassion as they heard 
him, he was by one of them, answered, saying ; The Cittie 
did acknowledge to have received so much good of him and 
his, as hee might assure himselfe they would be no lesse 
readie to preserve his reputation and authoritie, then they 
had bene willing to revenge his brothers death, and save his 
life. And before he should lose either the one or the other, 
they would hazard the losse of their countrey. And to the 
end their deeds might be answerable to those words, they 
appointed a certain number of men to guard his person 

387 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE from domesticall treasons : and after tooke order for the 
EIGHT warre, levying both men and money by all meanes convenient. 
BOOKE Then by vertue of the league, they sent for aide to the 
Duke of Milan and the Venetians. And sith the Pope had 
shewed himselfe a wolfe and no shepheard, fearing to be 
devoured, by all possible meanes they justified their cause, 
letting all Italy know the treason practised against their 
state : declaring the wickednesse of the Pope, and his in- 
j ustice ; who being by indirect meanes aspired to the Papacie, 
would also with mallice exercise the same. For he had not 
onely first sent a Prelate of his to accompanie traytors, and 
cut-throates to commit murther in the Temple, even in the 
time of divine service, and at the instant of celebration of 
the Sacrament, (and so by the death of the Citizens to 
chaunge the government, and sacke the Cittie at his pleasure) 
but had also excommunicated them, and with his papall 
curses threatned and offended them. Notwithstanding if 
God were just, and that the injuries of men were to him 
offensive, it could not be, but that the actions of this Pope 
were to him displeasing, and would be content that men 
injured (not having any other refuge) might resort unto 
The Floren- him. Wherefore the Florentines did not onely refuse to 
tines carelesse obey this excommunication, but also the same notwith- 
of the Popes standing, inforce their Priests to celebrate divine service. 
They also assembled a Councell in Florence, wherunto all 
the Prelates of Toscana repaired, and appealed from the 
Pope to the next Councell. On the other side, the Pope 
wanted not reasons to justifie his cause : and therefore 
alleaged it was the office of a chief Bishop, to remove tyrants, 
oppresse the wicked, and advaunce the good. All which 
things, it behoved him by all waies to procure. For it was 
not the office of seculer Princes to imprison Cardinals, hang 
up Bishops, to kill, cut in peeces, and drawe the Priests 
through the streets, murthering both guiltie and unguiltie 
people, without respect. Notwithstanding all these quarrels 
and accusations, the Cardinall (whom the Florentines kept 
prisoner) was released, and sent home to the Pope : which 
The Pope and was the cause that the Pope without respect, with all his 
King assault and the Kings forces, assailed them. And those two armies 

the Floren- con ducted by Alfonso, eldest sonne of Ferrando Duke of 

tines. 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

Calauria, and by Federigo Earle of Urbino entred Chianti, THE 
by leave of the Sanesi (who favoured the enemie) and sur- EIGHT 
prized Radda with diverse other Castles, and spoyled the BOOKE 
countrey : which done, they encamped at Castellina. The 
Florentines seeing these assaults, were much afraid, being 
without men, and slowly aided by friends. For albeit the 
Duke had sent a supplie, yet the Venetians denied they were 
bound to helpe them in private causes. And the warre 
being against private men they were not to aide them; 
because private quarrels are not publiquely to be defended. 
Wherefore the Florentines thought good by Embassadors 
to perswade the Venetians to a better opinion : and sent 
Tomaso Soderini unto the Senate. In the meane space 
souldiers were enterteined, and Hercole Marquesse of Farrara 
appointed Generall. While this preparation was in making, 
the enemy distressed Castellina, and the people there dis- 
pairing of rescue, after fortie daies defence, yeelded. From 
thence the enemie marched towards Arezzo, and laid siege 
to Monte S. Sovino. By this time the Florentine armie 
was readie, and being come within three miles, the enemie 
seemed therewith perplexed. For Federigo de Urbino desired 
truce for a fewe daies : which was graunted with so great 
disadvauntage to the Florentines, that they who desired it, 
did much mervaile. For if that request had not bene 
obteined, they had bene forced to depart with shame. But 
having those daies to repaire them, in the ende of the truce, 
they tooke that Castle, before the faces of our men. Yet the 
winter at hand, the enemy to lodge himselfe with more 
commoditie, retired into the countrey of Siena. The 
Florentines likewise bestowed themselves, where with most 
commoditie they could. And the Marquesse of Farrara 
having litle profitted himselfe, and done lesse good to others, 
returned to his owne. 

In those daies Genova rebelled from the Duke uppon Genova re- 
these considerations. After the death Galeazzo (having belled from 
left his sonne yoong and unfit to governe) there grew the Duke of 
discention betwixt Lodovico, Octaviano, and Ascanio his Milan - 
uncles, and the Ladie Bona his mother : for everie of them, 
desired the tuition of the yong Duke. In which contentions 
the Ladie Bona Duchesse, by counsell of Tomaso Soderini 

389 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE Embassador there for the Florentines, and Cecco Simonetti 
EIGHT (who had bene Secretarie to Galeazzo) gat the upper hand. 
BOOKE Whereupon the Sforzi fled from Milan. Octaviano flying, 
was drowned in the River Adda : and the others, togither 
with Roberto of Sanseverino, were to sundrie places con 
fined; for Roberto in those troubles had abandoned the 
Duches, and joyned with them. After happened some 
tumults in Toscana, by which new accidents, those Princes 
hoping of new fortune, everie of them attempted somewhat, 
whereby to returne to his country. The King Ferrando, 
who saw that the Florentines were in their necessitie, 
succoured onely by the state of Milan, to take also from 
them that aide, found meanes that the Duchesse should so 
be set a worke in her country, as of her, they could not be 
aided. And by Prospero Adorno, and the Lord Roberto 
(who were rebelled) found meanes to make Geneva revolt 
from the Duke. Neverthelesse the small Castle stood firme ; 
wherunto the Duchesse sent great forces to recover the 
Citie : but they were overthrowne. Then she seeing the 
daunger of her sonne and her selfe, by the continuance of 
that warre, Toscana disordered, and the Florentines (in 
whom she onely hoped) afflicted, determined that sith she 
could not hold Genova as subject, she would recover it as a 
friend. And agreed with Battistino Fregoso (enemie to 
Prospero Adorno,) to give him the little Castle, and make 
him Prince of Genova, upon condition, that he would drive 
out Prospero, and disfavour the Sforza. According to 
this agreement, Battistino with the helpe of the Castle, 
and his faction, surprized Genova, and according to the 
custome made himselfe Doge. The Sforzi then, and 
the Lord Roberto, being driven out of Genova, went 
with their followers to Lunigiana. Thereupon the Pope 
and King seeing the troubles of Lombardy pacified, tooke 
occasion by those that were driven from Genova, to dis- 
turbe that part of Toscana which is towards Pisa. To 
the ende that the Florentines dividing their forces should 
become weake : and tooke order that the winter now 
past, Roberto should goe with his forces from Lunigiana 
to assault the countrey of Pisa. This Roberto then 
moved exceeding great tumult surprizing and sacking many 
390 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

castles in that country, and spoiling hard to the wals THE 
of Pisa. EIGHT 

At that time arrived in Florence Embassadors from the BOOKE 
Emperor, the French King, and the King of Hungary : sent 
by those Princes to the Pope. They perswaded the Floren 
tines also to send unto him, promising to make some end of 
the war, and procure a good peace. The Florentines 
refused not to make this trial, and the rather that therby 
they should let the world know, they were desirous of peace. 
These Embassadors dispatched, returned again without any 
thing done. Wherupon the Florentines, to honor themselves 
by the reputation of the French King (being by the Italians 
partly offended, and partly abandoned) sent unto him Donate 
Acciaivoli, a man well learned in the Greek and Latin 
toongs, and one whose ancestors had alwaies born office in 
the citie : but being on his way, at Milan he died. Then The Floren- 
the state to reward his heires, and honor the memory of tines grate- 
him being dead, with publike expence honorably buried his ful1 to their 
bodie, advancing his sons, and giving portions of mony to s< 
his daughters marriages. In his place, they sent Embas- 
sador to the King, Guidantonio Vespucci, a man also learned 
in the Emperial and Papall lawes. The assault of Roberto 
upon the country of Pisa, troubled much the Florentines, 
for being alreadie occupied in a great war towards Siena, 
they saw not how to make provision for Pisa. But to hold 
the Lucchesi faithfull, and that they should not releeve the 
enemie with mony or victual, sent Embassador unto them 
Piero Capponi : who was (by reason of the auncient hate 
which that citie beareth to the Florentines) received with 
so great suspition, as hee feared many times to have bene 
populerly slaine. Insomuch as this journey did rather 
breede occasion of new displeasure, then new friendship. 
The Florentines then revoked the Marquesse of Farrara, 
enterteined the Marquesse of Mantova, and with great sute, 
required of the Venetians to have the Earle Carlo, sonne of 
Braccio, and Deifebo, sonne of the Earle Giacopo. Which 
request, after many cavillations, was by the Venetians 
graunted. For they having made truce with the Turke, 
had no colour to deny them, and were ashamed to break 
their promise made to the League. The Earles Carlo and 

391 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE Deifebo, came with a good number of men at armes, and 
EIGHT joying to them all other the men of armes they could 
BOOKE spare, from the army which served under the Marques of 
Farrara, against the Duke of Calauria, went towards Pisa to 
encounter Roberto : who with his men was neare to the 
river of Serchio. And albeit he made shew to tarry for 
our men, yet did he not, but retired into Lunigiana, to those 
lodgings from whence he came, when he entred into the 
country of Pisa. After his departure, all those towns were 
recovered by the Earle Carlo, which the enimies had before 
taken in the country of Pisa. The Florentines delivered of 
the enemy towards Pisa, caused all their forces to be 
brought betwixt Colle and S. Gimiano. But by reason of 
the Earle Carlo his comming, there were in that camp both 
the folowers, Sforza and Braccio : which was the occasion 
that (moved with old envy) they began to mutiny : and was 
feared, that if they had bin longtogither they would have 
come to blows. It was therfore thought fit for eschuing a 
worse mischief, to divide the soldiers, and send one part 
of them into the country of Perugia, under the Earle Carlo : 
the other to stay at Piggibonzi, there to entrench them 
selves strong, and procure that the enimy shuld not enter 
the Florentines land. By this action they also hoped to 
constrain the enimies to divide their forces : for they thought 
either that the Earle Carlo shuld surprize Perugia, where they 
supposed he had many partakers, or that the Pope shuld be 
inforced to send great forces to defend it. They practised 
moreover (to bring the pope in more necessity) that Nicolo 
Vitelli (being come from the city of Castello, where Lorenzo 
his enimy was chief) shuld with his men approch the town, 
remove his adversary, and take it from the pope. At 
the beginning it seemed as thogh fortune wold have favored 
the Florentine attempts : bicause Earle Carlo preceded wel 
in the country of Perugia. Nicholo Vitelli also, although 
he entred into Castello, yet he and his were strongest in the 
field, and without any resistance, spoiled about the Citie at 
his pleasure. Likewise the forces left at Poggibonzi, went 
every day to the walles of Siena. Notwithstanding all these 
hopes became vaine. First died the Earle Carlo in the 
chiefe hope of his victorie : whose death had bettered the 
392 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

estate of the Florentines, if the victorie which grew thereof, THE 
had bene well used. For so soone as the Earles death was EIGHT 
knowne, sodeinly the Popes souldiers (who were altogither BOOKE 
at Perugia) hoped to overthrow the Florentines : and 
comming forth into the field, lodged themselves upon the 
lage, distant three miles from the enemie. 

On the other side, Giacopo Guicciardini (who was Com 
missary of that camp) with the counsel of Roberto da Rimino 
(Chieftain after the death of the Earle Carlo) knowing the 
occasion of the enemies pride, determined to staie for them. 
So as, joyning battle uppon that lage (where in old time 
Anniball gave that memorable overthrow to the Romanes) 
the Popes forces were broken. Which victory was in The Popes 
Florence received with commendation of the captaines, and forces discom- 
comfort of all others. And the same had proved the honor ^!j ed b y. the 
and profit of the enterprise, if the disorders which grew in 
the army at Poggibonzi had not undone all. And thus the 
good successe of the one camp was utterly marred by the 
other. For the souldiers of that army having gotten a 
bootie in the country of Siena, in the division therof, the 
Marques of Farrara and Mantova fell in debate. Insomuch 
as they came to armes, either injuring the other by all 
meanes they could. Whereby the Florentines finding they 
could no more imploy them togither, were pleased that the 
Marques of Farrara with his men should be discharged. 
That army thus weakned and left without a governor, pro 
ceeding in every thing disorderly : the Duke of Calauria 
(who was with his camp near to Siena) tooke courage to 
approach, and so did. The Florentins seeing themselves 
likely to be assailed, neither trusted to their force, nor 
their number, which was greater then the enemies, nor in 
their place where they were, being of great force : but 
without respect, even at sight of the enemy, and the dust, 
fled ; leaving the munition, the cariages and artillary. So 
beastly and cowardly were those camps, when the charge or 
retire of one horse, might make the losse, or winning of an 
enterprise. This discomfit filled the kings souldiers with 
spoile, and the Florentines with feare. For their citie was 
not onely afflicted with war, but also with pestilence : which 
was so great, that all the Cittizens to shun death, were 

DDD 393 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE retired to their country houses. This overthrow was the 
EIGHT more terrible, because those Cittizens who had land in the 
BOOKE vales of Pisa and Delsa, being come thither, (the overthrow 
performed) with all possible speed returned to Florence, 
leading with them not only their children and goods, but 
also their labourers. For everie houre it was feared, the 
enemy would present himself before the citie. The officers 
for the war, seeing this disorder, commanded those forces 
which were victorious in the country of Perugia, to surcease 
their enterprise against the Perugini, and come to the vale 
of Delsa, to encounter the enemy there: who after the 
victory, did without resistance spoile the country. And 
albeit they had so greatly distressed the citie of Perugia, as 
they might everie houre looke for victorie, yet the Floren 
tines resolved rather to defend their own, then take from 
others. Thus that army removed from the place of happy 
successe, was brought to S. Cassiano, a Castle distant from 
Florence 8 miles : thinking they could not staie in any other 
place, till such time as the broken Camp were supplied. 
The enemies on the other side at Perugia being free by the 
departure of the Florentine souldiers, become audacious, did 
daily take great booties in the countries of Arezzo and 
Cortona : and the others who had victory under Alfonso 
Duke of Calauria at Poggibonzi, got the possession first of 
Poggibonzi, and then of Vico, and sacked Certaldo. Having 
won these towns, and committed these spoils, they incamped 
before the castle of Colle, which in those daies was accounted 
a place of great strength, and the people of that country, 
being faithfull to the Florentines, were of force sufficient to 
hold the enemie off, till the armie was assembled. The 
Florentines then having gathered all their forces at S. 
Cassiano, and the enemies furiously besieging Colle, deter 
mined to draw neare unto them, to encourage their friendes 
to defend themselves : supposing also that the enimy wold 
offend with more respect, for having his adversary at hand. 
This resolution set downe, they removed the Campe from 
S. Casciano, and brought it to S. Giminiano, within five 
myles of Colle : from whence with light horses and other 
suddeine meanes, they daily molested the Dukes Camp. 
Notwithstanding, this supplie sufficed not those of Colle: 
394 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

for wanting necessarie provision, on the thirteenth day of THE 
November they yeelded, to the great griefe of the Floren- EIGHT 
tines, and the joy of the enemies : and chiefly of the Sanesi, BOOKE 
who besides their hate to the Florentines, beare also private 
grudge to the Collegiani. 

By this time the winter was great, and the season unfit 
for warre, so that the Pope and King (either because they 
would give hope of peace, or that they desired to enjoy the 
passed victorie quietly) offered to the Florentines truce for 
three moneths, and gave them ten dayes respite to make 
answere : which was presently accepted. But as a wounde 
when the bloud therein groweth colde, grieveth the bodie 
more, then when it was received, so this small rest, caused 
the Florentines to knowe the travailes they had endured : 
and the Cittizens without respect accused one an other, of 
the errors committed in the last warre, for the charges in 
vaine spent, and the Impositions unjustly put uppon them. 
Which matters were not only spoken of among private men, 
but the same was also boldly propounded in the Councels. 
And one of them tooke courage, turning his face towards 
Lorenzo de Medici, sayd unto him. This Citie is wearied, 
and refuseth to have longer warre. It behoveth therefore 
that we devise which way to make peace. Then Lorenzo 
knowing the necessitie, consulted with those friends whom 
he knew most faithfull and wise, and concluded (first per 
ceiving the Venetians coldnesse and inconstancie, the Dukes 
infancy and trouble of civill warres) that it was necessarie 
with new friends to seeke new fortune. Yet stood they 
doubtfull whether they were best trust unto the Pope, or 
the King. The matter being well examined, they preferred 
the Kings friendship as most stable and sure. Because the 
shortnesse of the Popes lives, the chaunge of their succession, 
the small feare which the Church hath of Princes, and the 
fewe respects which it useth in resolution, are the causes 
why a seculer Prince cannot assuredly trust unto a Pope, 
nor safely passe one fortune with him. For whosoever is 
friend unto the Pope in warres and daungers, shall be by 
him accompanied in the victorie, but in adversities left 
alone : because the Pope is by spirituall power and reputa 
tion, supported and defended. This resolution made, that 

395 



THE 
EIGHT 
BOOKE 

The Floren 
tines seeke 
the King 
Ferrando 
his favour. 



Lorenzo 
de Medici, 
Embassador 
for the 
Florentines. 



Antonio 
Tassino. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

to gaine the Kings friendship was best : they thought the 
same by no meane better procured, nor with more assur 
ance, then by the presence of Lorenzo. For the more 
liberallitie were used to him, the more they thought he 
would forget former displeasures. Lorenzo determined 
uppon this journey, reaccommended the Citie and state 
unto Tomaso Soderini, then Gonfaloniere di Giustitia, and 
in the beginning of December he departed from Florence : 
and being arrived at Pisa, wrote unto the Senate the 
occasion of his departure; and the Senate to honor him, 
and that he might with more reputation conclude the 
peace with the King, made him Embassador for the people 
of Florence, with full authoritie to proceed, as by his dis 
cretion should be thought good. 

In the meane time Roberto da San Severino, togither 
with Lodovico and Ascanio (for their third brother Octaviano 
Sforza was dead) assaulted againe the State of Milan, de 
sirous to winne the government thereof. And having sur 
prized Tortona, Milan also with the whole countrey was in 
armes. Then the Duchesse Bona was counselled to admit 
the Sforzi into the State, and by that meane appease the 
civill discention. The chief of those Counsellors, was 
Antonio Tassino of Farrara : who being bacely born, came 
to Milan, and was by the Duke Galeazzo and the Duchesse 
received to serve in their chamber. He either for the 
bewtie of his person, or for some other secret vertue, after 
the death of the Duke, aspired to so great favour with the 
Duchesse, as almost alone hee governed the state: which 
greatly displeased Cecco, being a man both for learning 
and long experience excellent. So as he both to the 
Duchesse and others, laboured to decrease the credit of 
Tassino. Wherof Tassino being aware, to be revenged, 
and have ayd at hand to defend him from Cecco, perswaded 
the Duchesse to receive home the Sforzi: which she did 
without making Cecco privie. But Cecco after knowing 
thereof, saide unto her ; Madame, you have made a resolu 
tion which will take my life from mee, and the state from 
you : As shortly after came to passe. For Cecco was by 
the Lodovico put to death : and Tassino, within a short 
space (being driven out of the Duchie) the Duchesse tooke 

396 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

therat so great offence, that she went from Milan, and THE 
renounced the government of her sonne unto Lodovico. EIGHT 
Thus Lodovico become onely governour of Milan, was (as BOOKE 
shall be declared) the occasion of the ruine of Italy. Lodovico 

Lorenzo de Medici was now on his way towardes Naples, Sforza, 
and the peace betwixt the enemies in communication : when Governor 
beyond all expectation Lodovico Fregoso having practised 1 

with some Serezanasi, by stealth entered with armed men 
into Serezana, taking possession of that Towne, and im 
prisoned those that governed then for the Florentines. 
This accident greatly offended the princes of the Florentine 
state, who thought the matter was brought to passe by 
direction of the king Ferrando. And complained to the 
Duke of Calauria (who was at the Campe before Siena) 
saying they were notwithstanding the truce, assaulted with 
newe warre. He both by Letters, Embassages, and everie 
other way, declared the same was done without the consent 
of his father. The Florentines neverthelesse thought them 
selves in hard estate, wanting money ; the chiefe of their 
Common- weale in the Kings hand : A new warre mooved 
by the Genovesi, and without friendes. For in the 
Venetians they trusted not : and feared leaste the governe- 
ment of Milan was unassured. Their onely hope was uppon 
that which Lorenzo de Medici was to conclude with the Lorenzo 
King. Lorenzo arrived at Naples by sea, was there both de Medici, 
by the King and all that Cittie, honourablie and with great arri ^ed at 
expectation received. Because so great a warre being made Na P les - 
onely to oppresse him, his enemies thereby did make him 
more great. For being come to the Kings presence, hee 
debated with him the estate of Italy, the humors of princes 
and people thereof, and what might be hoped of the peace, 
and feared by the warre. Which the King hearing, grew 
into more admiration, to finde in him so noble a minde, so 
readie a wit, and so great a judgement, then that he could 
endure so long a warre. In so much as the King doubled 
the honours before done unto him, and beganne to devise 
rather how hee might winne him for a friend, then continue 
him an enemie. Notwithstanding for diverse causes hee 
enterteined him from December till Marche, not onelie to 
make the more triall of him, but also of his Cittie. For 

397 



THE 
EIGHT 
BOOKE 



Peace and 
league be- 
tweene the 
King and the 
Florentines. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

Lorenzo wanted not enemies in Florence, who desired that 
the King would have holden him, and enterteined Giacopo 
Piccinino : and under colour of lamenting, they speake their 
mindes. Also in publique Councelles, they opposed their 
opinions against Lorenzo. By these devises ; It was bruted, 
that if the King woulde keepe Lorenzo long at Naples, the 
government in Florence should be chaunged. Whiche was 
the onely cause that the King deferred his dispatch so long, 
hoping there might some tumult arise in Florence. But 
seeing that all thinges passed quietly, on the sixt day of 
March, in the yeare 1479 he had leave to depart, and 
before his departure was by the King so bountifully pre 
sented, and lovingly used, that betwixt Lorenzo and the 
King their grew a perpetual amity, and preservation of 
both their states. Thus Lorenzo returned to Florence with 
greater reputation and honor then he went thence, and was 
with so great joy of the citie received, as his great vertues 
and new merits deserved : having put his own life in hazard 
to recover peace to his country. For within two daies 
after his arrivall, the treaty betwixt the common weale of 
Florence and the King was proclaimed, wherby they were 
both bound to defend one the others countrey : and that 
the townes taken from the Florentines in the war, shuld be 
by the King restored. And that the Pazzi imprisoned in the 
town of Volterra, shuld be delivered. And that mony should 
be for a certaine time paide unto the Duke of Calauria. 

This peace being published, did much offend the Pope 
and the Venetians, because the Pope thought he was litle 
esteemed of the King, and the Venetians as litle regarded 
of the Florentines : who being their companions in the war, 
thought themselves il used, not to be partakers of the 
peace. This indignation understood and beleeved at 
Florence, did sodeinly breed suspition in everie man, that 
of the peace wold arise a greater war. Wherupon the 
Magistrates of the state, determined to restraine the govern 
ment, and that the affaires of most importance should be 
reduced into the hands of a lesse number : and so ordeined 
a Councell of 70 Citizens, with authoritie that they might 
proceed in matters of most importance. This new ordinance 
staied the minds of those that desired innovation, and to 

398 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

give thereto countenance, first of all they accepted the THE 
peace, which Lorenzo had made with the King, and sent EIGHT 
unto the Pope Antonio Ridolphi, and Piero Nasi. Never- BOOKE 
theles Alfonso Duke of Calauria, did not remove his army 
from Siena, saying he was staied by the discord of the 
citizens there, which was so great, that he being lodged 
without the citie was called in and made judge of their 
differents. The Duke taking these occasions, punished 
many of those citizens in mony, imprisoning and banishing 
others, and some also were judged to death. In so much 
as by this meanes he became suspected not only to the 
Sanesi, but the Florentines also mistrusted he would make 
himself Prince of that citie. Wherof they knew no remedy, 
considering the new friendship of Florence with the King, 
and the enmitie of the Pope and King. Which suspition, 
not only in the people of Florence generally (who mistrust 
fully consider of all things) but in the chief governors of 
the state, appeared : every man imagining, that our citie 
had never bin in so great danger to lose the liberty therof. 
But God who had ever a particuler care of it, caused an 
accident to happen unlooked for, which made the King, 
the Pope, and the Venetians, to think of greater matters 
then these of Toscana. 

Mahumetto great Turk, was with a mighty army gone to The Isle 
the He of Rodes, and had many months assaulted it. But of Rodes 
notwithstanding his forces were great, and his resolution to assau l ted by 
win the town greater, yet was the vertue of those that Turkes - 
defended the same, greatest of all. For Mahumetto not 
withstanding his furious assaults, was forced to depart with 
shame. Thus the Turk being departed from Rodes, part 
of his army conducted by Saccometto Bascia, went towards 
Velona, and by the way, either for that he saw the enter 
prise easie, or because the Turk had so commanded, passed 
by the coast of Italy, and sodeinly set 4000 men on land, 
who assaulted the citie of Ottranto, tooke it, sacked it, and The Turks 
slew all the inhabitants therof: which done, by all the landedin 
best means he could; fortified both the citie, and the 
haven. Then sent he for horsmen, and with them he 
forraged, and spoiled the country round about. The king 
seeing this assault, and knowing how great a prince had 

399 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE taken that enterprise in hand, sent unto al places to signify 
EIGHT the same, and desired aid of them al, against the common 
BOOKE enimy. Also speedily revoked the Duke of Calauria with 
his forces from Siena. This assault, thogh it grieved the 
duke and the rest of Italy, yet did the same comfort 
Florence and Siena. One hoping therby to recover liberty, 
th 1 other trusting the rather to shun those perils, which 
made them to feare the losse of their libertie. Which 
opinion was encreased by the unwilling departure, and 
lamentation of the Duke, at his going from Siena, accusing 
fortune, that she by an unlooked for and unreasonable acci 
dent, had taken from him the dominion of Toscana. The 
selfsame chance did alter the Popes mind : for where before, 
he refused to give audience to all Florentines, he was now 
become so curteous, as he refused not to hear any that wold 
speak unto him of the universal peace. Whereupon the 
Florentines were advertised, that if they would desire 
pardon of the Pope, they might obteine it. It was then 
thought good, not to omit this occasion : and 12 Embassa- 
dors were sent to the Pope, who being arrived at Rome, 
were by his holinesse before they had audience, enterteined 
with divers practises. In the end it was betweene the 
parties concluded, how either of them should afterwards 
live, and in what sort either of them both in peace and war, 
were to make contribution. After this conclusion, the Em- 
bassadors were admitted to present themselves at the Popes 
feete : and he sitting in the midst of his Cardinals, with 
The speech of exceeding great pomp, received them. These Embassadors 
the Floren- excused all matters passed, sometimes blaming necessitie, 
sado^T^th some times the evil disposition of others, sometimes the 
Pope. populer furie, and the just offence thereof, saying they were 

most unhappie, being forced either to fight, or die. And 
because all things are endured to eschue death, they had 
suffred war, excommunications, and all other troubles, 
which the matters passed had brought with them. And 
all to the end, that their common weale might avoyd 
bondage, which is the death of all free Cities. Nevertheles 
if any error or enforced fault were committed, they were 
ready to make satisfaction : ever hoping in his goodnes, 
(who following the examples of the almightie Redeemer) he 
400 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

would receive them, rather for his mercie, then their merits. THE 
To which excuses, the Pope answered with great pride and EIGHT 
anger; reproving them of all things done against the BOOKE 
church ; notwithstanding for Gods sake, he was pleased to The Popes 
grant them the pardon they desired : yet therwith affirming answere. 
they were to obey him, and if they shal faile of obedience, 
their libertie which now should have bin lost, shall then 
be justly taken from them. For they deserve libertie, who 
take in hand good actions, and not they that in evil enter 
prises employ themselves. Because libertie abused, offendeth 
it self and others. Also to esteem God litle, and the church 
lesse, is not the office of good men, but of vain persons, 
enclined to evil. The correction of whom apperteineth not 
onely to Princes, but to every Christian : so as they were 
for matters passed to blame their own evil doings, which 
was the first occasion of war, and by their worse doings it 
was norished. But all anger was now extinguished, rather 
by the goodnes of others, then their own deserts. After 
publication of the peace, the Popes blessing was read. 
Whereunto his holinesse by word of mouth added, that if 
they would enjoy the benifit of his benediction, they should 
during the Turks war in the kingdom, maintein at their 
charge 15 gallies wel paid. The Embassadors complained 
much of this burden imposed over and above the contract. 
Yet by no meanes they could make, or by any lamentation 
they used, the Pope would diminish any part of that 
penance. But the Embassadors being returned to Florence, 
the Senate for confirmation of this peace, sent Embassador 
to the Pope, Guidantonio Vespucci, who was lately arived 
from France. He by his wisdom brought all matters unto 
reasonable termes, and obteined many favours of the Pope, 
which was a token of greater reconciliation. 

The Florentines having ended their busines with the 
Pope, and Siena with themselves being delivered from feare 
of the King by the departure of the Duke of Calauria, and 
the Turkes warre continuing, constrained the King to 
restore all the Castles which the Duke of Calauria at his 
departure left in the handes of the Sanesi. Wherby that 
King hoped, that the Florentines in so great necessitie 
would not shrincke from him, or by mooving of warre 

EEE 401 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE against the Sanesi, impeach the aide which hee hoped of 
EIGHT from the Pope and other Italian Princes. And therefore 
BOOKE was content that the Castles should bee restored, and bound 
the Florentines by a new obligation. So as thereby we see, 
that force and necessitie, but not writings or obligations, do 
make Princes to observe their faith. The Castles thus 
received, and the new confederacie made, Lorenzo di 
Medici recovered that reputation, which the warre first and 
after the peace (when the King was feared) had taken from 
him. For there wanted not those that openly slaundered 
him, and said, that for saving himselfe, he had sould his 
countrey, and that by the warre they lost their townes, and 
by the peace they should lose their libertie. But the 
townes recovered an honorable peace made with the King, 
and the Cittie returned to the auncient reputation. For in 
Florence (a Cittie free of speech, and therein matters judged 
by their successe, and not by counsell) the case was altered, 
and Lorenzo commended to the skies, everie man saying, 
that he with his wisedome had found meanes to recover 
that by peace, which evill fortune had taken from them in 
warre : and that his counsell and judgement, had prevailed 
more then the enemies armes, or their money. The assault 
of the Turks had deferred that warre, which by offence of 
the Pope and Venetians would have bene moved. But as the 
beginning of that assault was unlocked for, and occasion 
of much good, so was the end thereof unlocked for, and the 
cause of much evill : for Mahumetto great Turke, beyond 
all expectation died, and discord growing betwixt his 
sonnes, those Turks that were in Puglia, being abandoned 
of their Lord, by composition yeelded Ottranto to the 
King. This feare removed, which held the Pope and 
Venetians firme, every man doubted new tumults. On the 
New leagues one side, the Pope and the Venetians were in league, and 
in Italy. with them the Genovesi, Sanesi, and other lesse Potentates. 

On the other, were the Florentines, the King, and the 
Duke, with whome, the Bolognesi, and many other Lords 
joyned. The Venetians desired to become Lords of Farrara, 
supposing they had reasonable occasion to begin that 
enterprise, and certaine hope to performe it. The occasion 
was, bicause the Marquesse affirmed, he was no longer 
402 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

bound to receive the Visdomine and their salte, bicause THE 

the contract was, that after seaventie yeares, the Cittie EIGHT 

should be disburthened of those charges. The Venetians BOOKE 

to the contrarie answered, that so long as he did hold the 

Polesine, so long he ought to receive the Visdomine and 

the salte. But the Marquesse not consenting thereto, the 

Venetians thought they had just occasion to take armes, 

and time fit for the same, seeing the Pope much offended 

with the Florentines and the King, whose favour they 

hoped the rather to have, bicause the Earle Girolamo being 

at Venice, was there received most honorablie : and the 

Venetians bestowed on him the title of a Gentleman of that 

state, which is the greatest token of honor, which they will, 

or can give. They had also for preparation of the warres, 

imposed a new Subsidie, and chosen Roberto de Sanseverino 

for their Generall : who being offended with Lodovico, Gover- 

nour of Milan, was fled to Tortona, and there having made 

some tumults, went to Geneva ; from thence he was called 

by the Venetians, and made Chiefetaine of their armie. 

These preparations and new motions being knowne to 
those of the contrarie league, was the cause that they also 
prepared for the warre. The Duke of Milan made Federigo 
Lord of Urbino, his Generall, and the Florentines Costanzo 
de Pesaro. Also, to sound the disposition of the Pope, and 
to discover whether the Venetians with his consent did 
make the warre against Farrara, the King Ferrando sent 
Alfonso Duke of Calauria, with his armie to the river of 
Tronto, and there desired leave of the Pope to passe into 
Lombardy to aide the Marquesse, which was by the Pope 
utterly denied. Whereupon, the King, and the Florentines, 
being resolved, thought to constraine him by force, so as 
thereby he should either become their friend, or at the 
least, they would so trouble him, as he could not be able 
to aide the Venetians : for they were in the field, and had 
alreadie begun the warre with the Marquesse, spoyled his 
countreys, and besieged Figarolo, a Castle of much import 
ance, for the countrey of that Prince. Thus the King and 
the Florentines determined to assaile the Pope. Alfonso 
Duke of Calauria spoiled the countrey towards Rome, and 
with aide of the Colonni, who were on his side (bicause 

403 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE the Orsini were joyned with the Pope) did great dammage 
EIGHT to that countrey on the other side of Rome. The Floren- 
BOOKE tines on the other side under Nicholo Vitelli, assaulted the 
Cittie of Castello, surprized it, and drave out Lorenzo, who 
kept that Castle for the Pope, and Nicholo remained a 
Prince thereof. By these actions, the Pope was greatlie 
distressed, bicause Rome within the Cittie was troubled 
with factions, and the countrey without spoiled by enemies. 
Notwithstanding, as a man of courage, he would not give 
place to the enemie, but enterteined Roberto da Rimino, 
and calling him to Rome, where all his men of warre were 
assembled, told him, how great honor he might win, if he 
could against the force of a King, deliver the Church from 
those troubles wherewith it was occupied: and how great 
obligation he should thereby have not onely of him, but 
also of all other Popes his successors, and that both God 
and men would reacquite the same. Roberto first viewing 
the Popes men of armes, and other his preparations, per- 
swaded him to make all the footmen he was able, which 
with all speed and diligence was performed. 

By this time the Duke of Calauria was neare unto Rome, 
and spoiled the countrey even to the walls of the Cittie, 
which offended the people so much, as many of them volun 
tarily offered themselves to serve with Roberto, and recover 
the libertie of Rome : who were all by that Lord thanked 
and received. The Duke hearing of these preparations, 
retired a little from the Cittie, thinking, that if he were 
further off, Roberto would not seeke him : and he also 
looked, that Federigo his brother, should come with fresh 
men, sent from the King their father. Roberto seeing 
himselfe equall with the Duke for men of armes, and in 
footmen above him, marched out of Rome without order, 
and lodged his Camp within two miles of the enemie. The 
Duke seeing his enemies at hand, not looking for them, 
thought it stood him upon, either to fight or flee. Where 
fore as constrained, and for not doing a thing unworthie 
the sonne of a King, determined to fight, and turning his 
face to the enemy, either camp put their men in order, 
and brought them to battell, which continued from the 
morning till noone : and the same was performed with more 
404 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

vertue, then any had bene in Italy fiftie yeares before ; for THE 
therein were slaine on both sides more then a thousand EIGHT 
men, and the end was glorious to the Church. For the BOOKE 
great multitude of the Popes footmen, so much offended The Duke of 
the Dukes horsemen, as they were forced to turne their Calauria dis- 
backs : and the Dukes person had bene taken prisoner, had comfited by 
he not bene saved by many Turks, who were left at Ottranto, pe> 

and served under him. Roberto having this victorie, re 
turned to Rome with triumph : which he enjoyed not long, 
for that by drinking of much water at the day of battell, 
he fell into a flixe, which within fewe dayes brought him 
to death. His bodie was by the Pope, with great honor 
buried. The Pope having this victorie, sent the Earle 
presently towards the Cittie of Castello, to see that towne 
restored unto Lorenzo ; and besides to proove, how the 
Cittie of Rimino was enclined. For after the death of 
Roberto, (who had onely one yong sonne, and the Cittie 
left to the government of his mother) the Pope imagined it 
was easie for him to surprize it. And in deed it would have so 
come to passe, had not that woman bene by the Florentines 
defended, who tooke her part with such forces, as the enemie 
could not worke his will, either against Castello, or Rimino. 
While these matters were a doing in Romagna and 
Rome, the Venetians had surprized Figarolo, and with their 
men had passed the River of Po, and in the Duke of 
Milan his campe, and the Marquesse also, there was disorder, 
bicause Federigo, Earle of Urbino, being sick, caused him- 
selfe to be carried to take phisick at Bologna, and there 
died: whereby the affaires of the Marquesse proceeded 
slowlie, and the Venetians hoped dailie more and more to 
surprize Farrara. On the other side, the King and the 
Florentines laboured to make the Pope of their side, which 
not brought to passe by armes, they threatned by a 
Generall Councell to make him yeeld, which Councell, was 
by the Emperours commaundement, appointed at Baselia : 
whereupon, by perswasion of the Emperours Embassador 
at Rome, and the chiefe Cardinals, who desired peace, the 
Pope was perswaded and constrained to allow of peace, and 
the uniting of Italy. Then the Pope for feare, and also 
for that he found the greatnesse of the Venetians to be 

405 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

THE the ruine of the Church and all Italy, resolved to come 
EIGHT into the league, and sent his Nuncio to Naples, where a 
BOOKE league was concluded for five yeares, betwixt the Pope, 
New leagues the King, the Duke of Milan, and the Florentines, reserving 
in Italy. a place for the Venetians, if they were pleased to enter. 
This done, the Pope commaunded the Venetians to sur 
cease the warre of Farrara, which they not onely refused 
to do, but also made the preparation greater : and having 
alreadie broken the Dukes and Marquesse forces at Argenta, 
they at Farrara were so neare distressed, as the Dukes 
forces were lodged in the Marquesse Park. Then the 
League thought good no longer to deferre the aiding of 
that Prince, and caused the Duke of Calauria with his and 
the Popes men to goe to Farrara. The Florentines like 
wise sent all their forces thither, and for the better order 
ing of the warre, the League appointed a Councell to be 
holden at Cremona, where the Popes Legat, the Earle 
Girolamo, the Duke of Calauria, the Lord Lodovico, Lorenzo 
de Medici, with many other Princes of Italy met. In this 
Councell, the Princes devised the order of the future warre. 
And bicause they j udged that Farrara could not be better 
relieved any way, then by some brave assault, they ordered 
that Lodovico should begin a warre upon the Venetians, 
for the countreys belonging to the Duke of Milan. But 
thereunto that Lord would not consent, fearing to begin 
a warre which he could not end at his pleasure. Where 
fore it was determined they should go with all their foot 
men to Farrara, and with foure thousand men of armes, 
and eight thousand footmen, assault the Venetians, who 
had two thousand and two hundred men of armes, and sixe 
thousand footmen. And the League thought good first to 
assaile the navie which the Venetians had lying upon the 
river of Po, and the same being assaulted, was broken at 
Bondeno, with the losse of two hundred vessels, and Antonio 
Justiniano, the Proveditor of the navie was taken. Then 
the Venetians, seeing all Italy united against them, to win 
some reputation, enterteined the Duke of the Rhene with 
two thousand men of armes. But having received this 
overthrow of their navie, they sent this Duke with part of 
their armie to frunt the enemie, and commaunded Roberto 
406 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

de Sanseverino, with the rest of their camp, to passe the THE 
river of Adda, and approching to Milan, to proclaime the EIGHT 
name of the Duke, and of the Ladie Bona his mother : for BOOKE 
by that meanes, they hoped to make some Innovation in the 
Cittie, supposing that the Lord Lodovico and his govern 
ment was hated. This assault at the beginning brought 
therewith some terror, and moved all the Cittie to take 
armes : but in the end, it wrought an effect contrarie to the 
Venetians expectation. Bicause Lodovico in respect of this 
injurie, was content to allow of that which before he would 
not. And therefore, leaving the Marquesse of Farrara to 
the defence of his owne countrey, he with foure thousand 
horse, and two thousand footmen, and the Duke of Calauria 
with twelve thousand horse, and five thousand footmen, 
entred the countrey of Pergamo, Brescia, and Verona, 
spoiling almost all the countrey belonging to those three 
Citties, before the Venetians knew thereof, for the Lord 
Roberto with his souldiers, could scarcely defend that Cittie. 
On the other side, the Marquesse of Farrara had recovered 
a great part of his possessions, by meane whereof, the Duke 
of the Rhene who came against him, was not able to make 
head, having onely two thousand horse, and one thousand 
footemen. Thus all that summer, in the yeare 1483 the 
League proceeded in their warres most prosperouslie. 

The next Spring being come (for in all the winter was 
nothing done) the armies were againe brought to the field, 
and the League, (to the end it might the more speedily 
oppresse the Venetians) had joined all the whole army 
togither : but if they had proceeded as they did the yeare 
before, they should assuredly have taken from the Venetians, 
all the lands in Lombardy to them belonging : for they had 
not left unto them, more then sixe thousand horse, and five 
thousand footmen. And on the other side, were twelve 
thousand horse, and sixe thousand footmen. Also the 
Duke of the Rhene having ended the yeare of his enterteine- 
ment, was returned home. Notwithstanding (as it often 
happeneth) where diverse Governours be of equall authoritie, 
there groweth division, and the enemie winneth victorie, so 
Federigo Gonzaga, Marquesse of Mantova, being dead (who 
with his authoritie continued the Duke of Calauria, and the 

407 



THE 
EIGHT 
BOOKE 



Castello be 
sieged by 
the Pope. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

Lord Lodovico united) betwixt them grew diversitie of 
opinions, and jelousie. For Giovangaliazzo Duke of Milan 
being atteined to age, and abilitie to governe his owne state, 
and having also married the daughter of the Duke of 
Calauria, the Duke desired, that his sonne in lawe, and not 
Lodovico, might governe the state. This suspition of 
Lodovico being knowne to the Venetians, was made by 
them an occasion, supposing they might as they had ever 
done, recover by peace, that which they had lost by warre : 
and secretly they practised a pacification betwixt them and 
Lodovico, which was concluded in August, the yeare 1484. 
That being knowne to the other confederates, displeased 
them much, chiefely when they knew, that all the townes 
taken from the Venetians should be restored, and they still 
to injoy also Rovigo, and Policene, which townes they had 
taken from the Marquesse of Farrara. And moreover, that 
they should have againe all those prerogatives which in 
times passed they had. Everie man then thought, they 
had made a warre with great charge, and as therein they 
had gained small honor, so in the end it was compounded 
with shame : bicause the townes taken, were restored, and 
the townes lost, were not recovered. Yet were the con 
federates forced to accept the peace, being wearie of 
charges, and fearing the ambition and defects of others, 
would make no more triall of their fortune. 

While in Lombardy matters were in this manner handled, 
the Pope by meane of Lorenzo besieged the Cittie of 
Castello, to drive from thence Nicholo Vitelli, (who, to 
drawe the Pope into the league) had forsaken him. In this 
siege, those that within the towne were partakers with 
Nicholo, came forth to fight with the enemies, and did 
vanquish them ; whereupon, the Pope revoked the Earle 
Girolamo from Lombardy, to repaire his force at Rome : 
that done, to returne to his enterprise. But afterwards, 
thinking it better to gaine the good will of Nicholo by 
peace, then to assaile him with a new warre, grew to agree 
ment with him, and by all meanes reconciled him to Lorenzo 
his adversarie : whereupon, he was allured rather by sus 
pition of new tumults, then by the love he bare his 
countrey. For betwixt the Colonnesi and Orsini, there 

408 " 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

appeared much displeasure : bicause the King of Naples in THE 
the warre betwixt him and the Pope, had taken from Orsini EIGHT 
the Earledome of Tagliacozzo, and given it to the Colonnesi BOOKE 
his followers. Afterwards, the peace being made betwixt the 
King and the Pope, the Orsini by vertue thereof demaunded 
restitution. The Pope often signified to the Colonnesi, 
that they ought to make restitution, but they, neither at the 
intreatie of the Orsini, nor for the threatning of the Pope, 
would agree thereunto, but still with injuries, and spoiling of 
the Orsini, did displeasure them, which the Pope could not 
indure : and therefore assembled all his forces, and joyning 
with them the Orsini, sacked all the houses of the Colonni 
in Rome, slaying and taking all those that made resistance, The Colonnesi 
and razing the most part of all their Castles : so that those oppressed by 
tumults were ended not by peace, but by oppressing one the p P e - 
of the parties. Also Genova and Toscana were somewhat 
disquieted, for the Florentines did keepe the Earle Antonio 
de Marciano with his souldiers, upon the confines of Sere- 
zana, who during the warre of Lombardy, with foraging, 
and small skirmishes, molested the Serezanesi. And in 
Genova, Battistino Fregoso Duke of that Cittie, trusting 
unto Pagolo Frigoso Archbishop, was by him taken, with 
his wife and children, and the Archbishop made Duke. 
Likewise, the Venetian navie had assaulted the Kingdome, 
surprized Galipoli, and molested other places thereabouts. 
But the peace of Lombardy concluded, all tumults did 
cease, save onely in Toscana and Rome : for the Pope 
within five daies after the peace was proclaimed, died: 
either bicause the end of his life was come, or for sorrow 
that a peace was made to his disadvantage. This Pope 
at his death left Italy in peace, though during his life he 
had alwaies therein made warre : and the Romanes presentlie 
after his departure tooke armes. The Earle Girolamo with 
his souldiers retired under the Castle, and the Orsini did 
feare, least the Colonnesi would be revenged of the fresh 
injuries done them. Then the Colonnesi demaunded againe 
their houses and Castles. Upon these occasions, within 
few daies there followed many murthers, robberies, and 
burnings in diverse parts of the Cittie. But the Cardinals 
having perswaded the Earle to yeeld that Castle unto the 
FFF 409 



THE 
EIGHT 
BOOKE 



The first 
erection of 
S. George 
in Genova. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

College, and returne home to his owne land, and also remove 
his souldiers out of Rome, he being desirous to gratifie the 
next Pope, gave up the Castle to the College, and went 
himselfe unto Imola. Whereupon the Cardinals delivered 
of this feare, and the Barons out of hope to be aided by 
the Earle in their quarrels, went to the creation of a new 
Pope. After some disputation, and diversitie of opinions, 
Giovanbattista Cibo, borne in Genova, and Cardinall of 
Malfetta, was chosen Pope, by the name of Innocentio 
octavo. He through the curtesie of his nature (being a 
quiet and peaceable man) procured all armes to be laid 
downe, and for the present, pacified Rome. The Floren 
tines after the peace, could not content themselves with 
rest, being perswaded it was shame, and dishonor, that a 
private Gentleman had taken from them the Castle of 
Serezana. And bicause the capitulations were, that it was 
lawfull to demaund all things taken, and if they were not 
restored, to make warre against the withholder, they re 
solved speedily to prepare money and men to performe 
that enterprise. Then Agostino Fregoso, who had surprized 
Serezana, being perswaded that at his private charge he 
could not mainteine so great a warre, gave that towne to 
S. George. And sithens we are to make mention diverse 
times of S. George, and the Genovesi, it seemeth not 
amisse to declare the orders and customes of that Cittie, 
being one of the principall states of Italy. 

The peace made betwixt the Genovesi and Venetians 
(after the greatest warre, that was scene in many yeares 
past) the State not being able to pay those Cittizens who 
had lent great summes of money, appointed their revenues 
of the Dogana, to be paid unto them, till such time as the 
principall debts were discharged. And for their meeting 
togithers, they appointed the Pallace over the Dogana. 
These creditors among themselves ordeined a forme of 
government, appointing a Councell of a hundred, and a 
Senate of eight Citizens, which officers as heads of the 
Cittie, might dispatch all affaires. The debts were divided 
into parts, which they called Luoghi, and intituled the 
whole corporation of S. Georgeo. This government thus 
established, ever hapned new necessities, whereupon they 

410 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

resorted to S. George for new aide ; who being riche and THE 
well ordered, could easily serve their turnes. And the com- EIGHT 
munaltie on the other side, having graunted the Dogana, BOOKE 
began for pawne of the moneys, to give their lands : yea, 
the matter went so farre (by reason of the common neces 
sities and services of S. George) that under government 
thereof, the greater part of the Townes, Citties, and Lands 
of Geneva, doe now belong to S. George, who doth governe 
and defend them. Also every yeare by publique suffrage, 
officers be appointed without any intermedling of the Com- 
munaltie. Hereof it proceedeth, that those Citizens have 
no regard of the common profit, as a thing tirannized, and 
set their whole care upon S. George, as well and equally 
governed : whereof do arise the easie and often alterations 
of the State, and that the people do otherwhiles yeeld their 
obedience to some of their owne Citizens, and sometimes to 
a Stranger : for not S. George, but the Communaltie doth 
alter in government : which was the cause that when the 
Adorni and Fregosi contending for the principallitie did 
fight, the communaltie only, and the greater part of the 
citizens stood neutrall, and yeelded to the victorious. 
Neither doth the office of S. George other, then whensoever 
any man hath taken the government, it sweareth him to 
observe the lawes thereof, which to this day are not changed. 
For S. George having in possession the armes, the money, 
and the government, cannot without the danger of a certaine 
rebellion, be altered. A rare order surely, and not found 
by the Philosophers among their imagined or visible Com- 
monweales, to see within one circle, and among one number 
of Citizens, libertie, and tirannie, civill life, and corruption, 
justice and licentiousnes : which order onely mainteineth 
that towne full of auncient and venerable customes. And 
if it should happen (which in time will assuredly come to 
passe) that S. George shall be owner of all the Citie, that 
State will be more notable, then the Venetian Common- 
weale. To this S. George, Agostino Fregoso gave Serezana, 
who received it willingly, and taking in hand the defence 
thereof, presently prepared a navie by sea, and sent certaine 
forces to Pietrasanta, to impeach all those that resorted to 
the Florentine Camp, then neare unto Serezana. 

411 



THE 
EIGHT 
BOOKE 



Warre 

betweene the 
Genovesi and 
the Floren 
tines. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

On the other side, the Florentines desired to take Pietra- 
santa, as a towne needfull to be had for the winning of 
Serezana: for being betwixt it and Pisa, they could not 
besiege it so long as by the Pietrasantesi, or others therein, 
they were impeached in the siege of Serezana. To bring 
this enterprise to passe, they sent from Pisa to the Camp, 
a great quantitie of munition and victuall, slenderly garded: 
to the end that they of Pietrasanta should feare the lesse, 
and in hope of a good bootie, to assault them. The matter 
was then followed according to expectation : For the soul- 
diers in Pietrasanta, seeing before their eyes so great a 
bootie, tooke it, which gave the Florentines just occasion to 
execute the enterprise : wherefore leaving Serezana, they 
besieged Pietrasanta, which was well manned, and bravely 
defended. The Florentines having their artillerie in the 
plaine, made a bulwarke upon the mountaine, hoping from 
thence to batter it. Giacopo Guicciardino was Commissarie 
of the Florentine forces. And while they besieged Pietra 
santa, the navie of Genova tooke and burnt the fortresse of 
Vada : and setting some of their souldiers a land, spoiled 
the countrey thereabout. Against whome, Buongianni Gian- 
filiazzi, was sent with certaine footmen, who partly stayed 
their pride, so as they durst no longer spoile at their 
pleasures. Yet the navie continuing to molest the Floren 
tines, went unto Livorno, and with certaine instruments, 
approched Torre Nuova, battering it diverse dayes with artil 
lerie, but seeing nothing done to their advantage, returned 
back with shame. In the meane space, Pietrasanta was coldly 
assaulted : whereupon, the enemies tooke hart, assaulted 
the Bulwarke, and tooke it : which was so greatly to their 
reputation, and the Florentines feare, as they were readie to 
breake up the Campe. In so much as they retired foure 
miles from the towne, and the officers of the Camp thought 
good, that the moneth of October being come, it was time 
to lodge the army, and deferre that siege till the next 
Spring. This disorder being knowne in Florence, made the 
Magistrates much offended, and therefore to repaire the 
Camp in force and reputation, made choise of new Commis 
saries, Antonio Pucci, and Bernardo del Nero, who with 
great summes of money went unto the Camp, and declared 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

to the Captaines the indignation of the Senate and the THE 
people, and how great a shame it should be, unlesse the EIGHT 
army did againe returne to the siege : for it were an infamie, BOOKE 
so great a Camp, to be repulsed by so small a guard, and so 
weake a towne. They also shewed the present and future 
commoditie that would insue of that victorie. Which per- 
swasion, moved the souldiers to returne to the walls, and 
first of all to recover the Bulwarke. For the performance 
whereof, they knowing how much curtesie, affabilitie, and 
good usage might do to incourage the minds of men, 
Antonio Pucci, by comforting, promising, and imbracing 
the souldiers, procured the Bulwarke to be assaulted so 
furiously, as even in a sodeine it was taken, yet not without Pietrasanta 
losse : for in that assault, the Earle Antonio de Marciano with tj 
a peece of artillerie, was slaine. This victorie terrified those 
of the towne so much, as they began to offer composition : 
whereupon, to the end the conclusion might be made with 
the more reputation, Lorenzo di Medici thought good to 
come to the Camp, and within a few daies after his arrivall, 
the Castle was yeelded. The winter now come, the Cap 
taines liked not to proceed further in the warre, but attend 
the Spring : and the rather, bicause the Autumne past, by 
meanes of evill aires, sicknes was brought into the Camp, 
wherewith many of the Captaines and leaders were diseased. 
Among whome, Antonio Pucci, and Bongianni Gianfigliazzi, 
were not onely sick, but also dead, to the great griefe of all 
the army : so great was the honor and love that Pucci had 
wonne in the exploite of Pietrasanta. After the taking of 
Pietrasanta, the Lucchesi sent Embassadors to Florence, to 
demaund that towne, as a thing belonging to their common- 
weale. For they alleaged, that among other things it was 
contracted betwixt them, that the towne first wonne by any 
of them, should be restored to the auncient owner. The 
Florentines directlie denied not that covenant, but answered, 
that they doubted whether in the peace made betwixt them 
and the Genovesi, it was meant the towne to be delivered, 
and therefore they could not till then determine : and if it 
were restored, then the Lucchesi ought of necessitie to pay 
the charge, and make satisfaction, for the losse of so many 
great Citizens : which if they would do, they might hope to 

413 



THE 
EIGHT 
BOOKE 



Aquila re 
belled from 
the K. of 
Naples. 



The Pope 

defendeth 
the rebels of 
Aquila. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

have it againe. All that winter was spent, in the communica 
tion of this peace betwixt the Genovesi, and the Florentines. 
And by reason the Pope was a doer therein, the matter was 
handled at Rome : but not being concluded, the Florentines 
would the next Spring have assaulted Serezana, had they 
not bene by the sicknesse of Lorenzo di Medici, and the 
warre which grew betwixt the Pope, and the King Ferrando, 
impeached. For Lorenzo was not onely diseased of the gowt, 
which infirmitie, seemed to discend from his father, but was 
also so grievouslie tormented with griefe of the stomack, that 
he went unto the Bathes to be cured : but the warre was the 
chiefe occasion of his sicknesse, and the originall thereof. 

The Citie of Aquila was subject to the King of Naples, 
yet the people therein lived as free. In this Citie, the 
Earle Montorio had great reputation. The Duke of 
Calauria with his men of armes being neare unto Tronto, 
pretending to pacific certaine tumults among the people of 
that countrey, and intending to reduce Aquila wholie under 
the Kings obedience, sent for the Earle Montorio, as though 
he would imploy him in those matters he made shew of. 
The Earle without suspition came, and was presently by the 
Duke sent to Naples prisoner. These newes being advertised 
to Aquila, altered the minde of the Cittie, and the people 
populerly tooke armes, and slewe Antonio Concinello, Com- 
missarie for the King, and with him certaine other Citizens, 
who were knowne affectionate to the King. Also, to the 
end the Aquilani might have some friend to defend them in 
their rebellion, they displaied the Ensigne of the Church, 
and sent Embassadors to give the Cittie to the Pope : 
desiring him, as his owne subjects, to defend them from the 
tyrannic of the King. The Pope manfully tooke in hand 
their defence, as one that both for private and publique 
occasion hated the King. And Roberto da Sanseverino, 
enemy to the State of Milan, hapning to be out of pay, the 
Pope enterteined him for Generall, and caused him with 
great expedition to come unto Rome : and besides that, 
sollicited all the friends and kinsmen of the Earle Montorio, 
to become Rebels to the King ; in so much as the Princes 
of Altemura, Salerno, and Bisignano, tooke armes against 
him. The King seeing himselfe by so sodeine a warre 
414 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

assaulted, prayed aide of the Florentines, and the Duke of THE 
Milan. The Florentines stood doubtfull what to do, bicause EIGHT 
it seemed hard to leave their owne enterprise for others : BOOKE 
and to take armes against the Church, was perilous. Not 
withstanding, being in league, they preferred fidelitie, before 
commoditie or perill, and enterteined the Orsini, and sent 
all their owne men towards Rome to the aide of the King, 
under conduct of the Earle of Pitigliano. Then the King 
made two camps, and sent the one towards Rome, under the 
Duke of Calauria, who with the Florentines should incounter 
the Popes army. The other camp himselfe did leade, and 
marched toward the Barons that rebelled. This warre with 
variable fortune was mannaged, and at the end, the King 
in all places having advantage, by mediation of the Embas- Peace be- 
sadors of Spayne, a peace was concluded in the moneth of tweene the 
August 1486, whereunto the Pope (being beaten with evill & of Naples, 
fortune, and loth to adventure more) consented. Also, all e 

the Potentates of Italy were included (onely the Genovesi, 
as rebels to the State of Milan, and usurpers of the Floren 
tines lands) were left out. Roberto da Sanseverino, the 
peace made, having bene in this warre no faithfull friend to 
the Pope, and nothing terrible to the enemy, departed from 
Rome, as driven out by the Pope : and being followed by 
the Dukes and Florentine souldiers, so soone as he had 
passed Cesena, seeing himselfe not followed, fled away, and 
with lesse then one hundred horse, came to Ravenna. Of 
the rest of his men, some were received by the Duke, and 
some by the countrey people, were cut in pieces. The King 
having made peace, and reconciled his Barons, put to death 
Giovanni Coppola, and Antonello de Anversa, with his 
sonnes, and those which had in the warre revealed his secrets 
unto the Pope. 

By meanes of this warre, the Pope knew what readinesse 
and care the Florentines had to keepe friendship : and 
therefore, albeit that for the love of the Genovesi, and the 
aiding of the King, he before hated them, yet now he began 
to love them, and shew more favour unto their Embassadors 
then he was wont. Which disposition knowne to Lorenzo 
de Medici, was by all honorable meanes increased : for he 
thought it much for his reputation, if to the favour which 

415 



THE 
EIGHT 
BOOKE 



Lorenzo di 
Medici his 
daughter, 



sonne. 



The Genovesi 
assaulted by 
Floren- 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

the King bare him, he might also joyne the Popes friend- 
ship. This Pope had one sonne called Francesco, and being 
desirous to honor him with lands and friends, wherewith he 
might after his death, mainteine himselfe, he knewe not any 
in Italy with whome he could more safely be matched, then 
with Lorenzo : and therefore so handled the matter, that 
Lorenzo married a daughter of his unto Francesco. This 
marriage being made, the Pope desired that the Genovesi 
mi S ht b ? com P osition deliver Serezana to the Florentines : 
perswading them, that they should not hold that which 
Agostino had sold, nor Agostino could give unto S. George 
that, which was not his. Notwithstanding, this perswasion 
tooke no effect. But the Genovesi while these matters were 
practising at Rome, armed certaine of their Ships, and 
before the Florentines knew any thing thereof, set three 
thousand footmen a land, and assaulted the Castle of Sere- 
zanello, neare unto Serezana, belonging to the Florentines, 
spoyling and burning the Towne : which done, they planted 
their Artillarie against the Castle, and with all diligence 
battered the same. This new assault was unlocked for of 
the Florentines, neverthelesse presently they assaulted their 
forces at Pisa, under Virginio Orsino. They also complained 
unto the Pope, that whilest he practised the peace, the 
Genovesi had begunne this warre. They sent likewise Piero 
Corcini to Lucca, to continue the amitie with that Citie : 
and Pagolantonio Soderini, was sent unto Venice, to feele 
the disposition of that state. They praied aide also of the 
King, and of the Lord Lodovico Sforza : but failed thereof 
at both their handes. For the King saide hee feared the 
Turkes Navie, and Lodovico under other cavillations deferred 
to send anie. Thus the Florentines (being for the most 
part left alone in their warres) did not finde anie so readie 
to helpe them, as they were readie to aide others. Neither 
were they dismaied being now abandoned by their con 
federates (which was no new thing) but assembling a great 
armie under Giacopo Guicciardini, and Piero Vittori, sent 
them against the enemie, who lodged one night uppon the 
River Magra. 

In the meane time, Serezanello was straightly distressed 
by the enemie, who by undermining and everie other 

416 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

meanes, besieged it. In so much as our Commissaries THE 
marched towardes the reliefe thereof. Yet the enemie EIGHT 
refused not to fight, but joyning battle with the Commis- BOOKE 
saries, the Genovesi were overthrowne : and Lodovico 
Fiesco, with many other Captaines of the enemies were 
taken prisoners. This victory discouraged not so much the The Genovesi 
Serezanesi, that they would therefore yeeld, but with more discomfited, 
obstinacie they prepared for defence : and the Florentine 
Commissaries still continued to offend them. In so much 
as that towne was both manfully assaulted, and stoutly 
defended. This siege continuing long, caused Lorenzo di 
Medici to go himselfe into the field. He being come 
thither, greatly encouraged our souldiers, and discouraged 
the Serezanesi. For they seeing the resolution of the 
Florentines to distresse them, and the coldnesse of the 
Genovesi to relieve them, freely, and without conditions, 
yeeld ed themselves to the Florentines hands. And were 
all received to mercie, excepting a fewe who had bin the 
authors of the rebellion. Lodovico during this siege, had 
sent his men of armes to Pontremoli, seeming to have 
aided us. But having intelligence with some in Genova, 
that faction tooke armes against those that governed, and 
with the a de of these forces, delivered that Cittie to the 
Duke of Milan. At that time the Almanes had mooved 
a war against the Venetians, and Boccolino de Osimo in 
La Marca, caused the towne of Osimo to rebell against 
the Pope, and made himselfe Prince thereof. He, after 
many accidents, at the perswasion of Lorenzo di Medici, 
was contented to deliver that Citie againe unto the Pope, 
and went himselfe to Florence, where under the protection 
of Lorenzo, he lived long in great honour. After he went 
from thence to Milan, where not finding the like fidelitie, 
was by Lodovico put to death. The Venetians assaulted The Vene- 
by the Almanes, were neare unto the Citie of Trento tians broken, 
broken, and Roberto da Sanseverino their Generall, slaine. p nd ilae 
After which losse, the Venetians (according to the order of slakfe 
their fortune) made peace with the Almanes, (not as victored, 
but as victorious) so honourable was the conclusion for 
their state. In those dayes also there happened in Tumults in 
Romagna, tumults of great importance. Francesco de Romagna. 
GGG 417 



THE 
EIGHT 
BOOKE 



The Earle 

Girolamo 

murdered. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

Orso of Furli, was a man of great authoritie in that Citie. 
He being suspected to the Earle Girolamo, was many times 
by the Earle threatned. Whereupon Francesco living in 
great feare, was pers waded by his friends and kinsmen, to 
prevent the mischief. And sith he feared to be slaine by 
the Earle, was advised to sley him first : and so by the 
death of an other, escape his owne daunger. This resolu 
tion made, hee appointed the time for performing the enter 
prise, the Market day at Furli : for many of his country 
friends comming then thither, he thought to have their 
aide without sending for them. This conspiracie hapned 
in the moneth of May, in which time (and all the sommer) 
the Italians do use to sup by day-light. The conspirators 
thought the fittest instant to commit this murther, should 
be immediatly after supper, when all his familie were at 
meate, and he left almost alone in his chamber. Thus 
determined, and that houre appointed, Francesco went unto 
the Earles house, and leaving his companions in the Hall, 
himselfe went up to the Chamber, where the Earle was, and 
said to one of his men, that he desired to speake with the 
Earle. Francesco being called in, enterteined the Earle awhile 
with some feined speech, and so sodeinly slew him. Then 
he called unto him his companions, and slew also the Earles 
man. By chance the Captaine of the towne also came in 
the meane time to speake with the Earle, and being arrived 
in the Hall, followed with a fewe, was likewise slaine by 
those that came to murther the Earle. These murthers 
executed, the Earles bodie was cast out of the window : and 
the murtherers proclayming the Church and libertie, caused 
all the people to arme, who hated greatly the covetise and 
crueltie of the Earle. The conspirators having sacked the 
Earles houses, tooke the Countesse Caterina his wife, with 
all her children. Then remained onely the Castle (which 
being surprized) should happilie finish the enterprise. But 
thereunto the Captaine would not consent : Neverthelesse, 
this Countesse promised to deliver it, if she were let loose 
to goe into the Castle, and for hostages of her promise, she 
left with the enemyes her children. The conspirators 
believed her words, and gave her leave to depart. But so 
soone as she was within the Castle, she looked over the 
418 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

walls, and threatned the enemyes to be revenged of her THE 
husbands death. Then they threatning to sley all her EIGHT 
children, answered, that she had meane to beget others. BOOKE 
The conspirators dismaied, seeing they were not aided by 
the Pope, and hearing that the Lord Lodovico, Unkle to 
the Countesse, did send men in her aide, taking up all the 
goods they could carrie awaie, went unto the Cittie of 
Castello, whereby the Countesse recovered her state, and 
revenged her husbands death by all manner of cruelties. 
The Florentines understanding the Earles death, tooke The Earles 
occasion to repossesse the fortresse of Piancaldoli, which Wlfe r ^~ 
the Earle had before taken from them : for sending thither v 
their forces, they surprized it, and slew therein Ciecco, the 
famous Architetture. To this tumult of Romagna, followed 
one other of no lesse moment. 

Galeotto Lord of Faenza, tooke to wife the daughter of 
Giovan Bentivogli, Prince of Bologna. She either for 
jelousie, or bicause her husband used her not well, either 
else through her owne evil nature, hated him so much, as 
she determined to take from him his principallitie and life. 
Then dissembling a sicknesse, laid her selfe in bed, and 
when Galeotto should come to visit her, she determined he 
should be by certaine men hidden in the Chamber, slaine. 
Of this intent, she had made her father privie, who hoped 
by the death of his sonne in lawe, to become Lord of 
Faenza. The time destined for this murther being come, 
Galeotto repaired to his wives Chamber, as he was woont, 
and having a little talked with her, the murtherers came 
foorth, and without anie mercie, there presentlie slew him. 
So soone as the murther was knowne, great tumults arose. Galeotto, 
His wife, with one little sonne, called Astore, fled to the Lord of 
Castle. The people tooke armes, and Giovan Bentivogli, 
togither with a Captaine of Milan, called Bergamino, 
prepared for the purpose, with many armed men entred 
into Faenza, where was also Antonio Bascoli, a Florentine 
Commissarie. All these leaders assembled, and reasoning 
of the government of that towne. The men of the Vale of 
Lamona (who were come populerly to the rumor) assaulted 
Giovanni, and Bergamino, sleying the one, and taking the 
other prisoner. Then they proclaymed the name of Astore, 



mur- 



THE 
EIGHT 
BOOKE 



Lorenzo de 
Medici. 



Lorenzo in 

marchandize 

infortunate, 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

and the Florentines, reacommending the Cittie to the 
Florentine Commisaries. This chance knowne at Florence, 
grieved every man much: notwithstanding they caused 
Giovanni and his daughter to be set at libertie, and the 
tuition of Astore, by consent of the people was given unto 
them. Besides these, diverse other tumults happened in 
Romagna, la Marca, and Siena : after the warres were com 
pounded betwixt the greater Princes ; which being of lesse 
importance, I judge superfluous to report. True it is, that 
the troubles of Siena (after the departure of the Duke of 
Calauria in the yeare 88) were more in number : and after 
many alterations, sometimes the people governed, and some 
times the nobilitie, but in the end, the nobilitie was 
victorious. Among whom, Pandolfo and Giacopo Petruccio, 
were of most authoritie. The one for his wisedom, the 
other for courage, became as Lords of that Citie. But the 
Florentines after the warre of Serezana, till the yeare 1492 
(at which time Lorenzo de Medici died) did live in great 
felicitie. For Lorenzo having by his wisdome appeased the 
armes of Italy, endevoured to make himselfe and his Citie 
great ; and married his eldest sonne Piero to Alfonsina, the 
daughter of Cavallier Orsino : and Giovanni his second 
sonne, was advanced to the dignitie of Cardinall. Which 
honor was the more notable, because at the time of his 
calling to that honour, he passed not the age of foureteene 
yeares : which was the way to make his house (as after it 
came to passe) to be exalted to the skies. For Giuliano his 
third sonne, by reason of his yong age, and the small time 
Lorenzo lived, he could not provide anie extraordinarie 
fortune. Of his daughters he married one to Giacopo 
Salviati, an other to Francesco Cibo ; the third, to Piero 
Ridolfi : the fourth (whom he bestowed to hold his house 
united) was wedded to Giovan di Medici, but she died. In 
his other private affaires, and chiefly in marchandize he was 
verie infortunate. For by the disorder of his ministers 
(who lived liker Princes, then private men) a great part of 
his substance in sundrie places was consumed: enforced 
thereby to borrow great summes of his countrey. After 
wards, not to runne in daunger of like fortune, leaving 
marchandize, he employed himselfe in the purchase of 
420 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

lands : as riches of more assurance. In the countries of THE 
Pisa, Prato, and in the vale of Pesa, he compassed posses- EIGHT 
sions both for profit and magnificence of houses, more fit BOOKE 
for a King then a private person. 

After that time, he enlarged and bewtified his owne 
Cittie, to the end he might live therein with the more 
quiet, and securitie. And therefore in many voide places 
hee built newe houses and streetes : whereby the Citie 
became more bewtifull and large. Also to the end hee 
might rest the more assured at home, and encounter his 
enemies farre of: towards Bologna in the midsts of the 
Alpes, he fortified the Castle of Firenzuola. Towards Lorenzo 
Siena, he began to reedifie Poggio Imperiale, and make it magnificent, 
exceeding strong. Towardes Geneva by winning of Pietra- 
santa and Serezana, hee shut that passage up against the 
enemies. Moreover, by giving pentions, and provisions, he 
made friends, the Baglioni in Perugia, the Vitelli in the 
Citie of Castello, and in Faenza, he had particuler govern 
ment. All which things were as Bulwarkes to defend 
Florence. In times of peace, he feasted the Citie, making 
many times triumphs, Justs, and publike shewes. For his 
intent was to keepe the Citie plentifull, the people united, 
and the nobilitie in honour. He greatly esteemed men that Lorenzo a 
excelled in any Art. He also favoured learned men, as lover of 
Agnolo da Montepulciano, Christofero Landini, and learning. 
Demetrio Greco, can beare witnesse. Insomuch as the 
Earle Giovanni di Mirandola (a man accounted almost 
divine) forsaking all other parts of Europe, which hee had 
traveiled, moved by the magnificence of Lorenzo, setled his 
habitation in Florence. He marvellously delighted in 
Musick, Architecture and Poetry, as many of his owne 
verses, and Commentaries yet extant do testifie. Also to 
the end that the Florentine youth might be exercised in 
learning, he erected an Universitie in Pisa, whither he 
brought the most excellent men of all Italy. He likewise 
builded a Monastery neare unto Florence, chiefly for Friar 
Mariano da Chinazano, of the order of S. Austen, being 
accounted an excellent Preacher. He was greatly loved Lorenzo 
both of God and fortune. All his enterprises had good universally 
successe, and his enemies misadventure : for besides the loved - 



THE 
EIGHT 
BOOKE 



Lorenzo 
honored of 
princes. 



The death of 
Lorenzo di 
Medici. 



THE FLORENTINE HISTORIE 

Pazzi, Battista Frescobaldi, and Baldinotto practized to 
sley him : but either of them with others guiltie of the 
treason, were rewarded with the paines of their merit. This 
his manner of life, this his wisedome and fortune, caused 
the Princes not onely of Italy, but others further of to 
know him : and with admiration to esteeme him. Mathia 
King of Hungary made, many testimonies of the love he 
bare him. The Soldan by his Embassadors and presents, 
did visit him. The great Turke delivered to his hand 
Barnardo Bandini, that murthered his brother. Which 
things made him highly honoured in Italy. And that 
reputation was daily by his owne wisedome encreased. For 
in discourse, he was eloquent, in councell wise, in execution 
quicke and couragious : neither was there in him any vices 
to blemish those vertues, although he were greatly delighted 
with love of women, and tooke pleasure in jesting and 
taunting : and would also plaie at childrens games, unseemly 
in so great a personage. For so much he pleasured in 
children, that he was often scene to plaie with his sonnes, 
and litle daughters. But whosoever would consider his 
lightnesse with his gravitie, should thinke there were in him 
two persons of diverse composition, (as it were) by impos 
sible conjunction coupled. In the last end of his life, he 
lived ful of sorrow, caused by extreme sicknes : for he was 
troubled with intolerable paines of the stomacke, and died 
in Aprill the yeare 1492 and the three and fortie yeare of 
his age : neither was there anie man that died either in 
Florence, or elsewhere in Italy, so famous for his wisedome, 
or so much lamented of his countrey. In so much as the 
heavens made evident signes of great misadventures that 
should follow. Amongst others, the Temple of Santa 
Reparata, was with so much furie striken by thunder, that 
the greater part of the steeple was throwne downe, to the 
admiration and terrour of all men. All the inhabitants of 
Florence, and all the Princes of Italy lamented his death, 
and made manifest she we thereof. For there was not any 
of them, that sent not Embassadors to condole the death 
of Lorenzo. And for triall that they had just cause to 
lament, the effect following prooved. For Italy being de 
prived of his counsell, had not any man left therein, whose 
422 



NICHOLO MACCHIAVELLI 

wisedome could prevent or bridle the ambition of Lodovico THE 
Sforza, Governour of the yoong Duke of Milan. Where- EIGHT 
fore, Lorenzo being dead, those evill seedes beganne to BOOKE 
grow, which shortly after (wanting such a one to 
roote them out) did ruine, and yet doth 
ruine all Italy. 



FINIS 




EDINBURGH 

T. &> A. CONSTABLE 

Printers to His Majesty 

1905 



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