History of the navy of the United States of America. By J. Fenimore Cooper. Continued to 1853. From the author's manuscripts, and other authentic sources ... / Cooper, James Fenimore, 1789-1851

HISTORY 



or 



THE N AVT 



OF THE 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, 



BY J. FENIMORE COOPER. 



CONTINUED TO 1856. 



FROM TUB AUTHOR S MANUSCRIPTS, AND OTHER AUTHENTIC SOURCES 



THREE VOLUMES IX 




G. P. PUTNAM & CO., 321 BROADWAY. 

185G. 



Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1853, by 

CAROLINE M. PHINNEY 

In the Clerk s office of the District Court for th.o Northern District 
of New York. 




i 

:^; ; 



i 



a/ 



/ 



&O ct 



THIS WORK, 

AN IMPERFECT RECORD OF THE 

SERVICES, PRIVATIONS, HAZARDS, AND SUFFERINGS OF THEMSELVES 
AND THEIR PREDECESSORS, 

18 OFFERED AS A TRIBUTE OF PROFOUND RESPECT 

TO 

THE OFFICERS OF THE NAVY 

INCLUDING THOSE OF 

THE MARINE CORPS, 

BY ONE 

WHJ IS FULLY SENSIBLE OF ALL THEIR CLAIMS ON THE REPUBLIC 
TOR GRATITUDE AND PROTFCTIOH. 



CONTENTS TO VOL. I. 



CHAPTER I. 

Expedition to Plymouth in the May Flower St. Sauveur reduced First deck vessel 

constructed First vessel built in Massachusetts..... Hugh Peters executed for high 

treason First sea fight of the American colonies....First regular cruisers First reg 
ular naval combat Capture of New Netherlands First vessels on Lakes Onta 
rio and Erie First depredations of the Buccaniersin American seas First attempt 

to suppress piracy....Diving bell used Expedition against Port Itoyal against Q,ue- 

bec....Sir William Phipps Launch of the Falkland. Page 13. 

CHAPTER II. 

Captain Kidd... J^ojjkJ | ifm B yfColomc! Attack on Charleston by the Spaniards they 

are repulsed ^Tn^reatloss..!:^rRoyal reduced its name changed to Anapolis 

New Providence captured Pirates expelled First negro slaves brought into the 

country F irst American vessel engaged in the slave trade. . . . The Whale fisheries. . . . 
Shipping of Massachusetts and Pennsylvania.... Small armed vessels employed.... 
Wars between England and Spain and France effects on the American colonies.... 
Expedition against Louisbourg.... Vessels captured.... Acadie (now Nova Scotia) 
ceded to England. 23 

CHAPTER III. 

Shipping of different ports, in 1750 Practice respecting Midshipmen Old French Wai 
Sharp conflict between the Thurloe and Les Deux Amis Duty on stamps and tea 
Burning of the Gaspe Destruction of the tea Battle of Lexington. - 33 

CHAPTER IV. 

Privateers- First naval action of the Revolution Schooner Lee, Capt. Manly, captures 
the English brig Nancy Congress orders the construction of vessels of war Appor 
tionment of the first officers of the navy Its management Esek Hopkins, Esq. ap 
pointed " Commander in Chief First regular cruisers Expedition of Commodore 
Hopkins Contest with the Glasgow The Edward captm-ed by the Lexington. 42 

CHAPTER V. 

Paul Jones His first cruise as a Commander Additional vessels ordered by Congress 
Law regulating the rank of officers The Andrea Doria, Capt^Biddle, takes sev- 
eral prizes The Defence, Capt. Harding, after a sharp action, captures two English 
schooners- Cruise of the Providence and Alfred Cruise of the Reprisal in Europe 
Of the Lexington do. Cruises of Capt. Wickes Lexington taken Loss of the 
Reprisal Cruises of Capt. Conyngham. 55 

CHAPTER VI. 

Commodore Sir Peter Parker attacks Charleston Is repulsed by the Americans Capt. 
Mngford captures the Hope The Sachem, Capt. Robinson, captures an English let 
ter of marque Capt. R. put in command of the Doria Captures the Racehorse, after 
a shapp-contest Conflict of- A mn^i galleys with the enemy Capt. Hudson of the 
Ranger captures a British brig, after an action of .two hours Battle on Lake Cham- 
plain General Arnold American privateers. 67 

CHAPTER VII. 

Successful cruise of the Randolph British account of the action, in which she blew up 

Loss of the Cabot... The Trumbull captures two English transports The Han 
cock, Capt. Manly, captures the Fox, which is afterwards recaptured off Halifax 

Capt. M. surrenders his ship to the British Capt. McNiel censured and dismissed the 

service Vessels destroyed in the Delaware by the English The Augusta blown 

up Cruise of the Raleigh, and her action with the Druid. 76 



VI CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER VIII. 

Alliance with France New frigates Seizure of New Providence by Capt. Rath- 

bunie Capture of the Alfred Loss of the Virginia, Capt. Nicholson, on a bar in 

the Delaware....American vessels destroyed on the Delaware.....! ohn Paul Jones com 
mands the Ranger. ....attempt to capture the Drake to burn the colliers at White- 
haven to seize the Earl of Selkirk his conduct to Lady Selkirk action with, 

and capture of the Drake The Pigot cut out by Major Talbot The private armed 

ship Thorn, Capt. Waters, engages the Governor Tryon and the Sir "William Erskine, 

and captures the latter Capture of the Sparlin Capt. John Barry, captures a British 

schooner and four transports.. ..his appointment to the Raleigh and action with the 
Experiment and Unicom Loss of the Raleigh. ...... Page 84. 

CHAPTER IX. 

The Alliance sails with Lafayette for France....conspiracy on board....Action of the 
Hampden with an Indiaman....Nine British vessels captured, and twenty-four British 
officers made prisoners, by Capt. Hopkins... .Valuable prizes sent into Boston by Capt. 
Whipple....The Cumberland, Capt. Manly, is captured by the Pomona frigate. ...Capt. 
Manly in the private armed ship Jason, engages \vith, and captures two British priva- 
teers....Description of the Bon Homme Richard.. ..Capture of a letter of marque, by Paul 
Jones....Disobedience of orders, by Capt. Landais of the Alliance.... Capt Lawrence 
takes command of the Chesapeake.. ..Action of the Bon Homme Richard with, and 
capture of the Serapis....Capt. Landais fires into the Richard....she sinks- - - 94. 

ta~ "^^P 
CHAPTER X. 

Arrival of the Serapis in Holland Paul Jones takes command of the Alliance, and is 
forced to put to^sea Capt. Landais is discharged the navy Commodore Jones in 
the Ariel returns to America Sketch of his life Vote of thanks by Congress Re 
ceives command of the America Several captures by the Deane, Capt. Samuel 
Nicholson Captui-e of the Active Action with the Duft : Expedition against the 
British post on the Penobscot- Loss of all the vessels engaged therein. - - 115. 

CHAPTER XL 

Attack on and reduction of Charleston Capture of the Boston the Providence the 
the Queen of France and the Ranger Action between the Trumbull and the letter 
of marque Watt The Saratoga, Capt. Young, captures the Charming Molly and two 
brigs they are retaken by the Intrepid the Saratoga founders at sea The Alliance, 
Capt. John Barry, captures the Alert, Mars, and Minerva her action with and capture 
of the Atalanta and Trepassy action off Havanna The Confederacy captured by 
the British Action with the Iris and loss of the Trumbull Sketch of Capt. Jarnes 
Nicholson Capture of the Savage by the Congress, Capt. Geddes Three sloops of 
war and several cruisers, captured by the Deane, Capt. Nicholson. - - - 121. 

CHAPTER XII. 

The Hyder Ally, Capt. Joshua Barney, sails with convoy down the Delaware action 
with, and capture of the General Monk he commands the Washington Commodore 
Gillon goes to Europe to purchase vessels agrees for the Indien makes a cruise and 
captures ten sail Capture of the Indien One of the most desperate defences on 
record, by Capt. Murray Close of naval events connected with the Revolution: -130. 

CHAPTER XIII. 

Brief review List of vessels in the navy between 1775 and 83, and the fate of each 
Description of the America 74 she is presented to the king of France Capt. Manly, 
anecdote of his first captureCapture and imprisonment of Capt. Conyngham -Most 
distinguished naval officers of the Revolution---jTht^rnericiLo ( ^aiJj^^ 
Crew of a vessel of war its composition- Coi^frcfS establishesa^narTf^cor^ Uist 
of officers first appointed- value of the corps What vessel first carried the Ameri 
can flag. rf - lim- m 137. 

CHAPTER XIV. 

First vessel to China Adoption of the Union its effect on the navy -Difficulties with 
the Dey of Algiers John Paul Jones appointed consul -His death at Paris- Capture 
of American vessels by an Algerine squadron Warlike preparations Mr. Hum 
phrey s models for six new frigates acceptedthe improvements described- Notice 
of the commanders selectedTreaty with Algiers The Crescent made a present to 



CONTENTS. Vll 



the Dey Singular extract from a journal respecting her freight- French aggres 
sions- Launch of the United States, the Constitution, and the Constellation- Navy 
department createdThe capture of French cruisers authorised by law New marine 
corps established -Whole authorised force of the navy. 146. 

CHAPTER XV. 

The Ganges, Capt. Richard Dale, is brought into the service with orders to capture all 

French cruisers &c Capture of Le Croyable, by the Delaware, Capt. Decatur....Na- 

val force at sea.... Affair of the Baltimore and the British ship Carnatick....Fivc of the 
Baltimore s crew are impressed and three of her convoy captured... .Capt. Phillips of 
the Baltimore, dismissed from the navy.. ..Different opinions respecting his conduct.... 
Capture of the Retaliation, Lieut. Bainbridge, by the Volontaire and Insurgente....Es- 
capeof the Montezuma and Norfolk.. ..Return and promotion of Lieut. Bainbridge.... 
Captures of the Sans Pareil and Jaloux. 154 

CHAPTER XVI. 

Naval force Chara/yj 1 pJ^Jigydif^^ distribution in the service Cap 
tures made fiy^ffl^espectivesquaarons The Constitution, Com. Truxtun, captures 
I lnsurgente Critical situation of the prize crew Action of the Constitution with 
La Vengeance Loss of midshipman Jarvis .Com. Traxtun receives a gold medal 
Exploit of Lieut. Hull Loss of I lnsurgente and the Pickering with all their crews 
Captures bvthe Enterprise, Lieut. Comdt. Shaw by the Boston, Capt. Little Brief 
catalogue o"rp"rizes taken on the West India station Spirited engagement of the Ex 
periment, Lieut. Comdt. Maley, with the picaroons Lieut. Comdt. Stewart captures the 
Deux Amis and la Diane his unfortrnate engagement with the (British privateer) 
Louisa Bridger Capt. Bainbridge, in the George Washington, goes to Algiers with 
tribute The demands of the Dey Capt. B. s decision he forces through the Darda 
nelleshis reception at Constantinople return to Algiers handsome conduct to the 
French he returns home and is transferred to the Essex Peace concluded with 
France. - 165. 

CHAPTER XVII. , . 

Reduction of the navy The navy as reduced Vessels sold Of the war with France 
as it affected the navy Gallant defence of the Louisa. ...... 190. 

CHAPTER XVIII. 

Assumptions of the Bashaw of Tripoli The American flag-staff is cut down A squad 
ron is fitted out under Com. Dale His instructions Action with, and capture of the 
ship Tripoli, by Lieut. Comdt. Sterrett Com. Dale overhauls a Greek vessel takes 
out an office* a nd*FR*nty Tripolitan soldiers attempts an exchange of prisoners 
The President is near being lost Leaving the Philadelphia and the Essex, Com. Dale 
proceeds home. 197. 

CHAPTER XIX. 

Mediterranean squadron, under Com. Morris Resignation of Com. Truxtun Sketch 
of his life The Boston, Capt. M Niell, carries out Mr. Livingston minister to France 
joins the Mediterranean squadron Notice of Capt. M Niell Attack on gun-boats off 
Tripoli Explosion on board the New York Intrepid conduct of Capt. Chauncey 
The John Adams, Capt. Rodgers, blockades Tripoli detains the Meshouda Bravery 
of Capt. Porter at Old Tripoli description of the town and port Unsuccessful attempt 
to negotiate a peace Attack on a Tripolitan corsair, by Capt. Rodgers After a smart 
cannonade she blows up Recall of Com. Morris He is dismissed from the navy 
Remarks Sketch of his life Notice of Com. Barry of Com. Dale. - - - 204. 

CHAPTER XX. 

Four small cruisers built Mediterranean, squadron, under Com. Preble Capt. Bain 
bridge takes the Barbary cruiser, Meshboha afterwards re-takes her prize the Celia 
of Boston Difficulties with Morocco settled Remarks on the appointment of Com. 
Preble Anecdote respecting him. - 218. 

CHAPTER XXI. 

Blockade of Tripoli resumed Loss of the Philadelphia on a reef Captain Bainbridge 
and all his crew made prisoners List of the officers names Humane conduct of Mr. 
Nissen, the Danish consul The Philadelphia is got off by the enemy her guns and 
anchors weighed Capture of the ketch Mastico, by Lieut. Comdt. Decatur His 



Vlll CONTENTS. 



unsuccessful attempt to destroy the Philadelphia His second attempt Mr. Charles 
Morris is the first on her deck She is recaptured t and burnt Lieut. Comdt. Decatur 
is raised to the rank of Captain. 221 

CHAPTER XXII. 

The Mediterranean squadron is re-inforced Capture of the Transfer, hy the Siren 
Lieut. Comdt. Stewart Assistance obtained from the Two Sicilies First bombard 
ment of Tripoli Attack on the enemy s gun-boats Fierce combat and capture of 
two boats, by Lieut. Comdt. Decatur Lieut. James Decatur, of the Nautilus, killed 
Gallant conduct of Lieut. Trippe he captures one of the largest gun-boats llally of 
the enemy they are driven back. 235. 

CHAPTER XXIII. 

Capt. Morris boards and carries a French privateer by surprise Three captured gun 
boats brought into service Second bombardment Gun-boat, No. 8, blown up Lieut. 
C aid well and Mr. Kennedy among the killed Notice of Mr. Kennedy Arrival of the 
John Adams, Capt. Chauucey The Ba.sb.aw~ is-^flwposrft to trnatnilir propositions 
rejected Third bombardment, without effect Fourth bombardment does much 
injury to the town Capt. Bainbridge (a prisoner in the castle] ia wounded in his bed 
by the rebound of a shot Fifth bombardment New disposition of the forces The 
enemy s batteries silenced by the brisk fire of the Constitution. . . . 245. 

CHAPTER XXIV. 

New species of annoyance to the enemy The " Infernal" Equipment of the ketch 
Intrepid she is sent into the harbour of Tripoli she blows up with all her crew Prob 
able causes of the disaster Private journal of Capt. Bainbridge The President, Com. 
Barren, rejoins the squadron The command is transferred to Com. B. Capture 
of two sail loaded with wheat Com. Prcble returns to the United States Capt. 
Richard Somers sketch of his life. 252. 

CHAPTER XXV. 

Force of the American squadron under Com. Barron Avigoui ous blockade kept up 
Movement by land Hamet Caramalli, brother of the Bashaw, unites with the Ameri 
cans under General Eaton Attack on Derne Its submission The authority of 
Caramalli partially acknowledged General Eaton presses Com. Barron for rein 
forcements to -march on Tripoli he is denied The decision of Com. Barron con 
sidered He formally transfers the command to Capt. John Rodgers The entire force 
under this new disposition Peace concluded with Tripoli. Influence of the war on 
the fortunes and character of the navy. .... 




PREFACE. 



THE author of this History of the Navy of the United States, in 
submitting a new edition to the decision of the public, has endeav 
oured to make it as accurate, as further investigation, and increased 
means of acquiring information will allow. The writer of a work 
of this particular character has two great sources of facts to distrust, 
and in some measure to resist: the partialities of personal friends 
and connections, who so often regard merit with the exaggerations 
of private feeling, and the strong disposition there is in all communi 
ties, to countenance self-esteem, even at the expense of truth. These 
difficulties have been kept in view, and it is hoped that this book is 
as free from errours derived from such weaknesses as can well be ex 
pected, under the ordinary failings of humanity. 

It would be much easier to write a book on the subject of the navy, 
that should meet the longings of national vanity, than to write one 
which shall meet the requirements of truth. The country is filled 
with false and exaggerated statements concerning the exploits of 
both its army and its navy, and the author who should choose to 
accept them for facts, would have no difficulty in referring to his au 
thorities, though they would be authorities entitled to little respect. 
The author has preferred to make an effort to obtain the truth, and, 
while he still admits his liability to fall into errour, he hopes that a 
nearer approach to that desirable quality has been made in this, than 
in either of the previous editions. 

The new matter introduced into this edition, has been obtained 
from sources that are believed to be authentic. It is considerable in 
amount, and in several instances of importance; though so much 
dispersed through the two volumes, as probably to escape the atten 
tion of cursory examination. As instances of its value, we refer to 
the capture of the Hancock, 32, during the war of the revolution ; to 
the loss of the two sloops on Lake Champlain, in 1812; to that ot 
the two schooners on Lake Ontario, in 1813, and to several other 
similar events. The corrections in dates and minor incidents, will 
not be apt to strike the eye at first, but the importance of accuracy in 
such matters will be readily admitted. 

It is repeated, that exaggerations, whether of fact or manner, have 
been regarded as out of place in history. The navy of this country 
does not stand in need of such assistants, to command the esteem, or 
the admiration of the world. From the hour when it was first called 



PREFACE. 



into existence, during the arduous struggles.of a most important revo 
lution, down to the present moment, its services have been material and 
brilliant, and he is but an equivocal friend who shall attemptto con 
ceal its real exploits iMtlind the veil of flattery. Such expedients may 
serve a purpose, and answer for a time ; but, in the end, the truth 
will be certain to assert, and to recover, its ascendency. 

As an instance of what is meant, the reader is referred to the ac 
count of the loss of the Intrepid, before Tripoli, in the year 1804. 
Popular delusion, in this instance, has been supported by evidence 
better than common, in supposing that Somers, and his gallant com 
panions, blew themselves up. We think this an errour, though it is 
an errour into which Preble, himself, would seem to have fallen. 
That which we have believed we have not hesitated to record, and 
our statements must stand, or fall, by the evidence and reasoning that 
have been adduced in their support. Without entering into the dis 
cussion of the question of how far any man would be justified in de 
stroying himself, and those under his orders, to avoid capture, we 
have given what we regard as unanswerable proof that the ketch 
was in no immediate danger of falling into the hands of the enemy, 
when she blew up, and that the contingency which has been popu 
larly urged as the justification of Sorners supposed self-destruction, 
had not even occurred. 

In the instances of the victories of the Constellation, United States, 
Constitution, Lake Erie, &c., we have not hesitated to resist errour 
on the subject of superiority of force, believing it to be a far higher 
duty to record that which we feel certain to be true, than to record 
that which may be momentarily agreeable. Conscious of having 
maintained a scrupulous impartiality on this subject, we wish to 
be judged by our whole work, and not by isolated instances, dragged 
from out the mass, by the desire of individuals to monopolise the 
renown of the entire service. We believe that the navy, itself, ap 
preciates the justice of our course, while it both sees and feels the 
designs of those who have opposed it. 

The country appears to be touching on great events. A war has 
commenced among us, which, though scarcely of a maritime char 
acter, in itself, must give extensive employment to the national 
marine, and may indeed demand, in the end, the exercise of all its 
energies. The Navy of the United States presents a very different 
aspect, in 1846, from that which it offered in 1815. Its existence 
has been trebled as to time, within the last thirty years, and its force 
increased fifty fold. Though far from being yet, what prudence 
would have dictated, and the wants of the republic actually de 
mand, it can now bring its fleet into line, and exercise a most essen 
tial influence on the result of any conflict. As respects the navies 



PREFACE. XI 



of this hemisphere, it is supreme; the united marines of all the rest 
of this continent being unable to contend against it, for an hour. As 
respects the three great maritime States of Europe, though inferior 
to each in vessels, it can scarcely be called inferior to more than one 
of them in resources; while in character, skill and hopes, it is second 
to no other service on earth. These are great changes, and all has 
been effected within the limits of a single life. What is to succeed in 
the last half of this century, may be dimly shadowed forth, by the aid 
of the images of the past. Divine Providence controuls all for its own 
great ends ; but, should its laws work as they have done for the last 
half century, the historian of the American Navy, who shall sit down 
to his labours in the year 1900, will have a task before him very 
different from that which has fallen to our share. 

Cooperstcnvn, 1846. 



PKEFACE TO THE CONTINUATION. 



THE continuation of this work has been prepared from unfinished manuscripts, 
documents, etc., left by Mr. Cooper, and from other most reliable and authentic 
sources, published, documentary and personal Free access has been had to the 
archives of the Navy Department, and to the papers of actors in some of the 
scenes recorded: in addition to which, the whole has been carefully revised, 
especially in the portions within their personal knowledge, by several officers of 
the Navy, whose familiarity with its history, as well as their age, rank and position, 
rendered their aid of the highest value. 

Although the writer has aimed only at a plain narrative of facts, he has felt, 
with the members of Mr. Cooper s family who in the discharge of their responsi 
bility have devolved the preparation of this edition upon him, that it was due to 
the subject and the author that no time nor pains should be spared to complete 
his design of making it a correct history of the navy to the present day.* "With 
this view, and after careful research, it is hoped that no error or omission of con 
sequence has occurred. 

The first edition of the Naval History appeared in 1839, in two octavo volumes, 
which were immediately republished in London, Paris, and Brussels. Besides the 
subsequent reprints here of this edition, an abridgment was prepared by the au 
thor in 1841, omitting the documents and more elaborate reasoning. In 1846 he 
revised the unabridged work, correcting, condensing, rewriting in part, and adding 
considerable new matter. This copy, embracing the history to 1815, with his latest 
emendations, is followed in the present edition. 

In 1851, having for some time accumulated materials, he commenced the con 
tinuation of the history ; but, after preparing only the portion upon the Mexican 
war, which is designated in its place, he was interrupted by the illness which re 
sulted in his death, Sept. 14, 1851. 

Cooper stown, Sept, 1853. 

* In addition to this work, Mr. Cooper is the author of two volumes of LIVES OF DISTINGUISH 
ED NAVAL OFFICERS, to -which, since his death, is added his history of the old ship CONSTITUTION, 
more familiarly known as OLD IRONSIDES. 



Note to Edition of 185C. On the re publication of this work with the Con 
tinuation, in 1853, a careful examination of the whole, and a comparison of the 
different editions, led to the discovery of various typographical errors, some of 
which materially affected the sense. They were corrected in that and all sub- 
ecu cent editions. 



NAVAL HISTORY 



OF THE 



UNITED STATES. 



CHAPTER I. 

Expedition to Plymouth in the May Flower St. Sauveur reduced First deck vessel 

constructed First vessel built in Massachusetts Hugh Peters executed for high 

treason First sea fight of the American colonies....First regular cruisers.... .First reg 
ular naval combat Capture of New Netherlands First vessels on Lakes Onta 
rio and Erie First depredations of the Buccaniers in American seas First attempt 

to suppress piracy ::::Diving bell used::::: Expedition against Port Royal against Que 
bec...^ William Phipps Launch of the Falkland. Page 13. 

THE empire of Great Britain, much the most powerful state of 
modern times, has been gradually and progressively advancing to its 
present high degree of maritime prosperity, and its actual condition 
ought to be considered the result of moral instead of physical causes, 
though the latter is probably the more prevalent opinion. Notwith 
standing the insular position of its seat of authority, the naval as 
cendency of England is of comparatively recent date ; Spain, and 
even the diminutive communities of Portugal and Holland, mani 
festing as great, if not a greater spirit of lofty nautical enterprise 
than the islanders themselves, during the century and a half that 
succeeded the important discovery of the western hemisphere, and 
that of a passage by sea to India. While these three nations were 
colonising extensively, and laying the foundations of future states, 
the seamen of England expended their energies in predatory ex 
peditions that were rapacious in their object and piratical in spirit. 
Familiar political causes, beyond a question, had an influence in 
bringing about these results; for, while the accession of the House 
of Hapsbourg to the throne of Spain and the Indies, created a power 
able to cope with Europe, as it then existed, England, driven entirely 
from her continental possessions, had Scotland for a troublesome 
neighbour, and Ireland for a discontented and turbulent subject, to 
check her efforts abroad. It is probable, too, that the civil contests, 
in which England was so long engaged, had a serious effect on her 
naval advancement, and the struggle that succeeded the dethronement 
of the family of Stuart, could not fail to lessen exertions that were 
directed to interests without the territory more immediately in dispute. 
As a consequence of all these causes, or of that portion of them which 
was in existence at the commencement of the seventeenth century, 
when England seriously commenced the business of colonisation, 



14 " NA VA L IIISTOK/ . [1607-20. 

Spain, Franco and Portugal were already in possession of what were 
then considered the most favorable regions on the American conti 
nent. When, indeed, the experiment was finally and successfully 
made, individual enterprise, rather than that of the government, 
achieved the object; and for many years the power of the crown was 
exercised with no other aim than to afford an ill-regulated, and fre 
quently an insufficient protection. It was Englishmen, and not 
England, that founded the country Avhich is now known as the 
United States of America. 

It would exceed the proper bounds of a work of this nature, were 
we to enter into a detailed account of the events connected with the 
settlements in Virginia and Massachusetts. The first permanent 
establishment was made in the former colony, during the year 1607, 
and that at Plymouth followed in 1620. Nothing could be less alike 
than the motives which influenced the adventurers in these two 
enterprises, out of which has virtually arisen, within the short space 
of little more than two centuries, a Republic that has already taken 
its place among the great powers of Christendom, and which has 
only to be true to itself and to its predominant principles, to stand 
foremost in the ranks of nations. Those who cast their fortunes on 
the fertile shores of the waters of the Chesapeake sought worldly ad 
vancement for themselves, an affluence for their posterity, while the 
Pilgrims, as it has become usual to term them the parent stock of 
New England, landed in quest of an asylum, where they might erect 
their altars, undisturbed by the temporal power that profaned the 
rites of the church in the old world. Natural affinities attracted like 
to like, and for quite a century the emigrants from Europe partook 
of the distinctive traits of the original colonists ; the one portion of 
the country being distinguished for the gay and reckless usages of 
successful pecuniary adventure, and the other for the more sobered 
and reflecting habits of severe moral training, and an industry that 
was stimulated by necessity and tempered by prudence. The dis 
tinction did not end here. If the one carried liberality and thought 
lessness to the verge of indiscretion, the other substituted fanaticism 
and bigotry for the mild and affectionate tenets of Christianity. It 
is not easy to say what might have been the consequence of the prox 
imity of two establishments influenced by characters and modes of 
thinking so antagonist, had not the conquest of the Dutch territories 
of New York bound them together, by the means of a people who 
came from England at a later day, and who brought with them most 
of the national traits, less influenced by exaggerations and accidents. 
The result has been an amalgamation that is fast wearing off asperi 
ties, and which promises, at no distant period, to produce a homo 
geneity of character that it is not usual to find in any great and 
numerous people. 

The vessels employed in the earliest communications between the 
colonies and the mother country, were small, varying from fifty to 
two hundred tons in burthen. The expedition to Plymouth was first 
attempted in the May Flower, a bark of one hundred and eighty 
ions and the Speedwell of sixty tons; but the latter proving leaky, 



1613-14.] NAVAL HISTORY. 15 

after twice returning to port to refit, was abandoned, and the voyage 
was made in the former vessel alone. That to Virginia under New 
port, consumed four months, a delay that was owing to its steering 
south until the trades were struck, a practice which prevailed among 
most of the navigators to the new world, for a longtime subsequently 
to the discoveries of Columbus, who had himself been favoured by 
those constant winds. The May Flower sailed from Plymouth, in* 
England, on the 6th of September, and, after a stormy passage, 
made Cape Cod on the 9th of November. As it had been the 
intention of those on board to go further south, it is probable that 
they met with southwest winds and currents, with a northeasterly 
set, in the American seas. 

The first conflict that took place between the colonists and any 
of their civilised neighbours, occurred in 1613, when an expedition 
from Virginia, under the orders of Captain Samuel Argal, arriving 
on the coast of Nova Scotia, made an attack on the new French 
post of St. Sauveur, which was reduced without difficulty. Argal 
had eleven vessels with him, most of which, however, were quite 
small, and his armaments amounted in the whole to fourteen light 
guns. The French were entirely without artillery. The avowed 
object of this enterprise was fishing, but the armament has induced 
a suspicion that the end actually effected was also kept in view. 
Whatever might have been t he intention in fitting out the first force 
under Captain Argal, it is quite certain, that, on his return to Virginia, 
he was formally sent against the French in Acadie, with three vessels, 
better prepared, and that he laid waste the whole of their posses 
sions. Both of these occurrences took place in a time of profound 
peace, and grew out of a pretension on the part of the English, to 
the possession of the whole coast, as far north as the 46th degree 
of latitude. 

On his return to Virginia, Captain Argal entered the bay of New 
York, and demanded possession of that territory also, under the plea 
that it had been discovered by an Englishman. Hendrick Christaens, 
whom Argal styled "a pretended Dutch Governor," had no force to 
resist such a claim, and was compelled to submit. On the return to 
Virginia, one of the three vessels employed in this expedition was 
lost, and another having been driven as far east as the Azores, pro 
ceeded to England, while Captain Argal alone got into the Chesa 
peake. The prisoners taken on this occasion narrowly escaped 
being executed as pirates! 

This was the first warlike maritime expedition attempted by the 
American colonists, if a few parties sent in boats against the savages 
be excepted. The Dutch were not dispossessed by the useless attempt 
on their settlement, which appears to have been viewed more as a 
protest than a conquest, for they continued to increase and to govern 
themselves for near half a century longer. The first decked vessel 
built within the old United States, of which we have any account, 
was constructed by Schipper Adrian Block, on the banks of the 
Hudson, and probably within the present limits of New York, during 
the summer of 1614. This vessel De Laet terms a " yacht," and 



16 NAVAL HISTORY. [1614 

describes as having been of the dimensions of thirty-eight feet keel, 
forty-four and a half feet on deck, and eleven feet beam. In this 
"yacht" Block passed through Hell Gate, into the Sound, and 
steering eastward, he discovered a small island, which he named 
after himself; going as far as Cape Cod, by the way of the Vineyard 
passage. 

According to the same authority, the Dutch at New Amsterdam, 
who had constructed a fort, and reinforced their colony, soon after 
built many more small vessels, sloops and periaguas, opening a trade 
with the savages, by means of the numerous bays, sounds, and rivers 
of their territory. 

It was also in 1614, that the celebrated Capt. John Smith arrived 
from England, and sailed on a coasting voyage, with the double 
purpose of trade and discovery. He went himself in a boat, having 
a crew of only eight men, and the profits, as well as the discoveries, 
abundantly rewarded the risks. 

It may serve to give the reader a more accurate idea of the condition 
of trade in this part of the world, if we state that in 1615 the English 
alone had one hundred and seventy vessels engaged in the New 
foundland fisheries, while the French, Portuguese, and Spaniards 
had altogether about three hundred. 

Many attempts were made about this time to discover a northwest 
passage to China ; the well known expedition in which Baffin was 
employed occurring in 1616. 

After the settlement at Plymouth, the English colonies began to 
increase regularly in population and resources, while the Dutch at 
New York became firmly established. The Swedes also commenced 
a settlement in the Delaware, and the entire coast, from Acadie to 
North Carolina, was more or less occupied from point to point. 
There was a good deal of trade with the Indians, with whom wam 
pum was exchanged against peltries. As early as in 1629 the New 
England Company employed five ships of respectable size, in the 
trade with the colony. Most of these vessels were armed, and all 
took colonists in their outward passages. The May Flower appears 
to have been retained in this business for many years after her first 
voyage. A small ship was built at or near Boston, in 1633, which 
(was one of the first vessels, if not the first vessel of any size con 
structed in New England. But the progress of the colony of Mas 
sachusetts Bay, in navigation, was so rapid, that in 1639, laws were 
passed to encourage the fisheries, which may be considered as the 
elementary school of American nautical enterprise. The fishermen 
during the season, and the shipwrights at all times, were exempted 
from military duty, a great privilege in an infant community that was 
surrounded by savages. Among those who gave an impulse to trade 
and navigation in this colony, was the celebrated Hugh Peters, sub 
sequently executed for treason in England, who actually caused a 
vessel of three hundred tons burthen to be constructed at Salem, 
in 1641. 

Within twenty years after the settlement of Plymouth, ship-build 
ing and navigation began to occupy much of the attention of New 



1633-36.] NAVAL HISTORY. 17 

England, and as every vessel of any size carried many light guns, 
the navigation of the period had most of the characteristics of an 
armed trade. In addition to the ships and barks that crossed the 
ocean, many decked boats, or small sloops, were used on the coast, 
especially by those who dealt with the Indians for skins. The first 
engagement that probably ever occurred between inhabitants of the 
American colonies, and enemies afloat, was a conflict between John 
Gallop, who was engaged in a trade of this nature, in a sloop of twenty 
tons, and some Narragansett Indians, who had seized upon a small 
vessel belonging to a person of the name of Oldham, known to have 
been similarly occupied. As this, in a certain sense, may be deemed 
the earliest sea-fight of the nation, we consider it worthy to be 
related. 

Some time in May, 1636, Gallop, in his little sloop, manned by 
two men and two boys, himself included, was standing along the 
Sound, near Plum Island, when he was compelled by stress of weath 
er to bear up, for a refuge, among the islands that form a chain be 
tween Long Island and Connecticut. On nearing the land, he 
discovered a vessel very similar to his own, in size and equipments, 
which was immediately recognised as the pinnace of Mr. Oldham, 
who had sailed with a crew of two white boys and two Narragansett 
Indians. Gallop hailed on approaching the other craft, but got no 
answer, and, running still nearer, no less than fourteen Indians were 
discovered lying on her deck. A canoe, conveying goods, and 
manned by Indians, had al>o just started for the shore. Gallop now 
began to suspect that Oldham had been overpowered by the savages; 
a suspicion that was confirmed by the Indians slipping their cable, 
and standing off before the wind, or in the direction of Narragansett 
Bay. Satisfied that a robbery had been committed, Gallop made 
sail in chase, and running alongside of the pinnace, in a spirited 
manner, he fired a volley of duck-shot at the savages. The latter 
had swords, spears, and some fire-arms, and they attempted a re 
sistance, but Gallop soon drove them below to a man. Afraid to 
board in the face of such odds, Gallop now had recourse to a novel 
expedient :o dislodge his enemies. As the pinnace was drifting with 
no one to manage her, she soon fell to leeward, while the sloop 
hauled by the wind. As soon as the two vessels were far enough 
asunder, Gallop put his helm up and ran directly down on the 
weather quarter of the pinnace, striking her with so much violence 
as to come near forcing her over on her side. The shock so much 
alarmed the Indians, who were on an element and in a craft they did 
not understand, that six of them rushed frantically on deck, and 
leaped into the sea, where they were all drowned. The sloop again 
hauled off, when Gallop lashed an anchor to her bows in such a 
manner, that by running down on the pinnace a second time, he 
forced the flukes through the sides of the latter, which are represented 
as having been made of boards. The two vessels were now fast to 
each other, and the crew of the sloop began to fire through the sides 
of the pinnace, into her hold. Finding it impossible, however, to 
drive his enemies up, Gallop loosened his fasts, and hauled up to 

VOL. I. 2 



]_} NAVAL HISTORY. [1636. 



windward a third time, when four or five more of the Indians jumped 
overboard and shared the fate of those who had preceded them. 
One Indian now appeared on deck and offered to submit. Gallop 
ran alongside, and received this man in the sloop, when he was bound 
hands and feet, and put into the hold. Another soon followed this 
example, and lie was also received on board the sloop and bound, 
but, fearful if two of his wily foes were permitted to commune to 
gether, that they would liberate themselves, the second prisoner was 
thrown into the sea. Only two Indians now remained in the pinnace. 
They had got into a small apartment below, and being armed, they 
showed a disposition to defend themselves, when Gallop removed 
all the goods that remained, into his own sloop, stripped the pinnace 
of her sails, took her in tow, and hauled up for the islands again. 
But the wind increasing, the pinnace was cut adrift, and she disap 
peared in the direction of Narragansett Bay, where it is probable she 
was stranded in the course of a few hours. 

On board the pinnace, Gallop found the body of Mr. Oldham. 
The head had been cleft, the hands and legs were much mangled, 
and the flesh was still warm. The corpse was thrown into the 
sea. 

Thus terminated this extraordinary conflict, in which Gallop ap 
pears to have shown as much conduct as courage, and which in itself 
illustrates the vast superiority that professional skill gives on an 
element like the sea. As it was of the last importance to create a 
respect for the English name, with a view to protect small parties 
while trading with the savages, the report of the conqueror on this 
occasion induced the government of Massachusetts to send an ex 
pedition against the offenders, under Mr. Endecott, one of the as 
sistants, which did the Indians much injury in the destruction of 
their dwellings and crops, though the savages themselves took to 
flight. This expedition, however, was followed up by others that 
met with greater success. 

The French in Acadie, also, gave rise to two or three unimportant 
armaments, which led to no results worthy of being recorded. 

Notwithstanding the frequency of the Indian conflicts, find the 
repeated visits to the settlements of the French, the first regular 
cruisers employed by the American colonists appear to have owed 
their existence to misunderstandings with the Dutch of the New 
Netherlands. The colony of New Haven had so far increased as to 
cause a vessel of one hundred and fifty tons to be built in Rhode 
Island, as early as the year 1646, but the ship was lost at sea on her 
first passage. Shortly after, a small cruiser, carrying ten guns, and 
forty men, was employed by the united colonies of Hartford and 
New Haven, to cruise in Long Island Sound, with a view to prevent 
the enchroachments of the Dutch, and to keep open the communi 
cation with the settlements they had made on the opposite shore. In 
1654, orders were received from Parliament to treat the Dutch as 
enemies, but both communities were still too young and feeble to 
engage in a warfare that was not considered of paramount necessity. 



1678.] NAVAL HISTORY. 19 

Nothing effective appears to have been done under these instruc 
tions. 

At a later day, or in 1665-6, Connecticut kept another small 
vessel cruising off Watch Hill, in order to prevent the Narragansett 
Indians from crossing to attack the Montauk tribe, which had been 
taken under the protection of the colony. 

In 1645, a ship of some size was built at Cambridge, Massachu 
setts, and receiving an armament of fourteen guns, and a crew of 
thirty men, she sailed for the Canary Isles. This vessel fell in with 
a rover, supposed to belong to Barbary, of twenty guns, and seventy 
men, when an action took place that continued the entire day. The 
rover receiving some serious injury to her rudder, the New England 
ship was enabled to escape. Although the conflict between Gallop 
and the Narragansetts is, in one sense, entitled to the precedency, 
this action may be set down as the first regular naval combat in which 
any American vessel is known to have been engaged. 

An important change occurred, in 1664, in the situation of the 
American colonies, by the capture of New Netherlands from the 
Dutch. The vessels employed on this service were under the orders 
of Sir Robert Carr, while Colonel Richard Nicoll commanded the 
troops. No resistance was made. In consequence of this accession 
of territory, and the submission of the Swedish settlements on the 
Delaware, the English Colonies now had entire possession of the 
coast, between the Bay of Fundy and the Floridas. It had been 
computed, in 1660, that the English settlements contained about 
eighty thousand souls, and this increase of numbers made a total of 
more than one hundred thousand inhabitants of European extrac 
tion. New England paid the most attention to navigation, however; 
and it appears by Hutchinson, that in 1676, or just a century before 
the declaration of Independence, the following vessels had been 
constructed in Boston, or its vicinity, and then belonged to the ports 
of that neighbourhood, viz: 

30 vessels between 100 and 250 tons. 
200 vessels between 50 and 100 tons. 
200 vessels between 30 and 50 tons. 
300 vessels between 6 and 10 tons. 

Most of the small vessels were employed in the fisheries, and the 
ordinary communications between the settlements on the coast were 
kept up by water. The principal building stations were Boston, 
Charlestown, Salem, Ipswich, Salisbury, and Portsmouth, and there 
were even at that early day, thirty master shipwrights. 

While the English were thus occupying the coast, the French 
were gradually extending themselves along the chain of Great Lakes 
in the interior, drawing a belt around the territories of their rivals. 
In the course of events of this nature, de la Salle launched a vessel 
often tons on Lake Ontario, in 1678, which was the first decked 
boat that ever sailed on those waters. The following year, he caused 
a vessel of sixty tons to be launched on Lake Erie.* 

* The second vessel is differently stated to have been of ten and of sixty tons. "We 
have chosen what has appeared to be the best authority. 



20 NAVAL HISTORY. 1678.] 

In 1680, according- to Trumbull, Connecticut possessed twenty -fou_ 
vessels, with a total of 1050 tons, trading between that colony and 
Boston, Newfoundland, the West Indies, &c. &c. The succeeding 
year, forty-nine vessels entered the harbour of Portsmouth alone. 
The well known navigation act, a law to confine the carrying trade 
to English ships, had been passed as early as 1651, but it had been 
little regarded by the colonists; and this year Edmund Randolph 
came a second time to Boston, where he made a vigorous but un 
successful effort to enforce the obnoxious statute. In Massachusetts, 
in particular, this law had been almost a dead letter from the first, 
though the Dutch in New Netherlands had thought it necessary to 
insert a clause iii their articles of capitulation, to permit them to 
trade with Holland for six months after the surrender. 

The buccaneers began to commit depredations in the American 
seas, about the year 1666; and piracies on a smaller scale, were 
not infrequent at a much earlier clay. These buccaneers were orig 
inally, mere outlaws in the West India Islands. Compelled at length 
to unite, they assembled at the Tortugas, and began to plunder such 
vessels as approached the shore; most of their robberies being com 
mitted by means of open boats. The Spanish vessels, in particular, 
became the objects of their assaults; and encouraged by success, 
they began to venture farther from the land. Their numbers rapidly 
increased, and ere long they ventured to make descents on the coasts, 
more especially on those of the Spanish settlement, in quest of plun 
der. It is a mark of the peculiar character of the age, that these 
freebooters often commenced their enterprises with prayer! They 
spent their ill-gotten wealth as profligately as it had been obtained, 
and like more powerful bodies of men, were finally destroyed by the 
excesses engendered by their own prosperity. 

We do not know that there is authority for believing these free 
booters ever had any material connexion with the English continental 
possessions, though Jamaica, at one period, was thronged by them. 
There are, however, too many traditions on the coast, not to suspect 
that some of the excesses, to which the loose condition of the western 
world gave rise, were less ostentatiously committed by those who 
frequented the country. The same odium was not then attached to 
piratical acts, as in our own times; and that which even we ourselves 
have seen done on the land, by men styled heroes, was then com 
mitted on the water, almost without comment. 

The first authentic account we possess of a regular attempt to 
suppress piracy on the American coast, is found in Winthrop s 
Journal, and it occurred as early as in the year 1632. A bark of 
thirty tons burthen had been launched the previous year, at Mistick, 
which was called the Blessing of the Bay, and which was converted 
into a cruiser for the occasion to which we allude. Information had 
reached the government of the colony that one David Bull, who had 
fifteen more Englishmen with him, had committed divers acts of 
piracy among the fishermen at the eastward, and that he also had 
plundered a settlement on shore. This expedition, however, was 
suspended in consequence of intelligence having been received that 



1633-42.] NAVAL HISTORY. 21 

the people of the coast had manned several pinnaces and shallops 
and gone in quest of the marauders themselves. Several months 
elapsed before any thing conclusive could be ascertained concerning 
Bull and his party, and in January, 1633, another fruitless expedition, 
that had been sent after them, returned, as did a third in May. One 
of the proofs of a lawless disposition adduced against Bull, is to be 
found in a report of his conduct, wherein it is stated that, at the hour 
when the people of other ships were accustomed to assemble for 
prayer, his followers would meet on deck, to sing songs and utter 
senseless phrases. It is probable that this party was composed of 
fur-traders from Virginia, and that their conduct appeared to the 
puritans of the east so light, in general, that some trifling excesses 
were misconstrued into piracy. 

Another insignificant affair that occurred at the New Netherlands 
was turned into piracy; a Captain Stone having been seized, and 
bound over to appear at the Admiralty Court in England; but the 
proceedings were dropped in consequence of the belief that the whole 
transaction would turn out to be little more than a mere assault. 
This occurred also in 1633; and there is some reason to believe 
that the exaggerations of the puritans had misled them, from the 
fact that this Captain Stone was arrested for adultery before he 
left the colony, and that the grand jury returned the bill igno 
ramus. 

It appears by the Journal of Governor Winthrop, that in 1642, 
one Edward Bedall, of Boston, used tho Diving Bell to weigh a 
vessel called the Mary Rose, which had sunk the previous year. 
Bedall made use of two tubs, " upon which were hanged so many 
weights (600 Ibs.) as would sink them to the ground." The experi 
ment succeeded perfectly, and the guns, ballast, goods, hull, &c., 
were all transported into shoal water, and recovered. The first 
instance of a diving bell s being used, was at Cadiz, we believe, 
in the presence of Charles V.; the notion, so prevalent in this 
country, that it was an invention of Sir William Phipps, being an 
error. 

Towards the close of the seventeenth century, the shipping of 
the American colonies had so far increased, as to supply the 
mother country with many transports, and to conduct no small 
part of the trade between the two great divisions of the empire. 
The Whale Fishery at Nantucket, appears to have been established 
in 1690; and in 1696, it is said that the shipping of New York 
amounted to forty square-rigged vessels, sixty -two sloops, and sixty 
boats. 

In consequence of the great number of privateers that sailed out 
of Acadie, the general court of Massachusetts sent an expedition 
against Port Royal, in 1690. The forces were commanded by Sir 
William Phipps, and amounted to between 700 and 800 men, who 
were embarked in eight small vessels. This expedition sailed on 
the 28th of April, and returned on the 30th of May, having been 
successful. The good fortune that attended this enterprise, induced 
the government of Massachusetts to attempt another against a 



22 NAVAL HISTORY. [1690 



place as important, as Quebec. Sir William Phipps* 
maiuled, having 1 between thirty and forty vessels, the largest of which 
was of 44 guns, and 200 men, and the whole number of the troops 
and seamen employed was about 2000. These forces reached 
Quebec, October the 5th, 1690, and landed, October the 8th. The 
force disembarked was about 12 or 1300 men, but it was repulsed 
without much fighting. On their return to Boston, the ships were 
dispersed by a gale, and little credit was gained by the undertaking. 

The Falkland, a fourth rate, was launched in the Piscataqua, in 
1G90, and was the first ship of the line ever built in America. 

Much alarm existed along the coast, about this time, from an 
apprehension of the French, who were understood to be cruising in 
the American seas. We learn, indeed, from the whole history of that 
period, how nearly balanced were the naval powers of Europe; 
England, France, Spain, and Holland, standing in mutual awe of 
each other, on the high seas. 

* Sir William Phipps was born at Pemaquid, in 1650. Until eighteen years of age, 
he was principally employed in agricultural pursuits, and subsequently he was appren 
ticed to a shipwright. When of age, he built, a ship at Sheepscote ; he afterwards 
followed the sea, and hearing of a Spanish -wreck near the Bahamas, he gave such 
accounts of it in England, that he was sent out -with a frigate, to obtain its treasure. In 
this affair he was unsuccessful. The Duke of Albemarle, however, sent him out a 
second time, (1687.) when he brought home near .300,000, of which his own share 
amounted to 16,000. This transaction brought him into notice, and he was knighted by 
James II. He had been made High Sheriff of New England previously, and he was 
made Governor of his native colony in 1691 ; but having had a quarrel, in 1(193, with a 
Captain Short, of the Nonsuch frigate, about the extent of his Vice-Admiralty jurisdiction, 
he had that officer arrested and sent to England. On the representation of Captain 
Short, the Governor was summoned to England in person to answer for his conduct in 
this affair, and having justified himself, he was about to return to his government, when 
he was seized with a malignant fever, and died in London. Some accounts place his 
death in 1694. and others in 1695 ; we believe the latter to be the most correct. He is 
said to have been honest, well-meaning and religious, though passionate and imperious. 
He was uneducated of course, not knowing how to read and write, until he had become 
a man ; but acquaintance with the world, considerable native abilities, and a restless 
enterprise had early brought him into conspicuous stations, where he usually acquitted 
himself with credit. The popular American opinion, that the Mulgrave family, of which 
the present head is the Marquess of Normanby, is descended from Sir William Phipps. 
it a mistake 



1700.] NAVAL HISTORY. 23 



CHAPTER II. 

Captain Kidd Population of Colonies Attack on Charleston by the Spaniards they 

are repulsed with great loss Port Royal reduced its name changed to Anapolis 

New Providence captured Pirates expelled First negro slaves brought into the 

couutrv F irst American vessel engaged in the slave trade The Whale fisheries 

Shipping of Massachusetts and Pennsylvania Small armed vessels employed 

Wars between England and Spain and" France.... effects on the American colonies.... 
Expedition against Louisbourg.... Vessels captured.... Acadie (now Nova Scotia) 
ceded to England. 

THE close of the seventeenth century found the American coast, 
in a reat measure, occupied from the Bay of Fundy to the Sa 
vannah river. The war, which terminated with the peace of Rys- 
wick, had greatly alarmed the colonists, and many small cruisers 
and galleys had been built and armed, at different ports, principally 
with a view to cruise against the privateers that sailed out of Acadie 
and the West Indies ; but no action appears to have occurred at sea. 
The two expeditions of Sir William Phipps were the most important 
military operations that had then taken place in the colonies, if the 
Indian wars be excepted; and they led to nothing worthy of com 
memoration, in a naval point of view. The royal cruisers that oc- 
casionally appeared in the American seas, at that remote period, 
were usually light frigates, of a class between the present sloops and 
two-and-thirties, and in point of armament, and even of size, were 
probably unequal to contending with the largest of the former. We 
have seen that one of Sir William Phipps s ships, in the expedition 
against Quebec, carried 44 guns and 200 men, a disproportion be 
tween tho crew and the armament, that proves the latter to have 
been exceedingly light. In that age, the importance of metal was 
not appreciated; and the decks of vessels were crowded with guns, 
which did so little execution, that great naval battles frequently con 
tinued days without producing decisive results. 

The close of the seventeenth century was also the period when 
the piracies had got to be the most serious, and when Kidd was guilty 
of those acts that have since given him a notoriety that would seem 
to be altogether disproportioned to his deeds. During the wars of 
that day, the seas had been much infested with a species of privateers, 
that often committed aggressions, and even piracies on neutral ves 
sels. Most of these rovers were English; and it is said that they 
sometimes plundered their own countrymen. New York was not 
entirely exempt from the suspicion of having equipped several 
vessels of this description, and very unpleasant surmises affected the 
characters of some distinguished men of the colony, the governor, 
Fletcher, among others. In appreciating such charges, it is neces 
sary to remember the character of the age, there being no disgrace 
attached to adventures in private armed ships, and the transition from 
fighting for plunder, and plundering unlawfully, is very trifling, in 



24 NAVAL HISTORY. 1700.] 

remote seas, where testimony is not easily obtained, and the law is 
impotent. That which men can practise with impunity, they are 
apt to undertake, when tempted by cupidity; and that which is 
frequent, ceases to shock the sense of right. It is by no means 
probable that either Governor Fletcher, or any distinguished colonist, 
deliberately engaged in piratical adventures, but it is quite possible 
that such men may have been concerned in the equipment of private 
cruisers, that subsequently committed acts which the laws condemned. 
It is possible, that when such vessels have returned, a rigid inquiry 
into the origin of the plunder they brought with them, was not al 
ways made. Such, in some measure, was the case with Kidd, whose 
subsequent notoriety appears to have been as much owing to the 
eclat with which he sailed, sanctioned by government, and supported 
by men of character, and to some striking incidents that accompanied 
his return, as to any extraordinary excesses as a pirate. The facts 
of his case appear to have been as follows: 

Much odium having been cast on the colony of New York, in 
consequence of the number of piracies that had been committed by 
rovers sailing from the port of that name, the government in England 
deemed it necessary to take serious measures to repress the evil. 
This duty was in particular confided to the Earl of Bellamont, who 
had been appointed the governor of several of the colonies. Mr. 
Robert Livingston happening to be in England at the time when the 
subject was under discussion, and being a man of influence in the 
colony of New York, he was conferred with, as to the most advisable 
means of putting an end to the practice. Mr. Livingston advised that 
a cruiser of force should be sent out expressly to seize all lawless 
rovers, and he introduced to Lord Bellamont, Captain Wm. Kidd, 
whom he recommended as a seaman qualified to be put at the head 
of such an adventure. Captain Kidd was said to have a knowledge 
of the pirates, and of their places of resort; and at the same time, to 
be a man on whose integrity and services full reliance might be placed 
The first proposition was to employ a king s ship of 30 guns and 150 
men on this service ; but the war requiring all the regular cruisers, it 
is a proof of the spirit of the times, that the matter was referred to 
private enterprise, although the sanction of government was not only 
promised, but obtained. Mr. Livingston took one-fifth of the shares, 
and became the usual security for the lawfulness of Kidd s proceed 
ings. The Lord Chancellor, and several other distinguished noble 
men, took shares in the adventure also, and the crown reserved to 
itself a tenth of the proceeds, as a proof that it approved of the en 
terprise. Kidd received his commission and his orders from the 
Earl of Bellamont, whom he followed to America for that purpose, 
sailing from Plymouth in England, April 1696, for New York. 
There is much. reason for thinking that Captain Kidd was not guilty 
of any illegal act himself, until he found that his more legitimate en 
terprise was not likely to be successful. In the end, however, he 
went to the eastward of the Cape of Good Hope, where he certainly 
committed piracies, though to what extent is now questionable. He 
accused of ravaging the sea between Madagascar and the coast, 



1701.] NAVAL HISTORY. 25 

from Babelmandel to Malabar, and of committing the usual excesses, 
though it is probable that there was much exaggeration mixed up 
with the histories and rumors of the day. Some accounts confine 
his piracies to a single ship, though it is more than probable that he 
had a disposition to the vocation, and that he was easily diverted 
from the object with which he had sailed, even if he did not con 
template piracy on quitting port. After an absence of about three 
years, Kidd returned to the American coast, first appearing off the 
east end of Long Island. About thirty miles to the westward of 
Montauk, protected from the ocean by the southern branch of the 
island just mentioned, is a capacious hay that obtains its name from 
another small island, which is so placed as to defend it against the 
northeast gales. The latter island contains about three thousand 
acres of land, and ever since the country has been settled, or for two 
centuries, it has been the property of an honourable family of the 
name of Gardiner, which has given its name to both the island and 
the bay. The latter has an anchorage that has long been known to 
seamen, and into Gardiner s Bay Kidd sailed on this occasion. 
Anchoring near the island, he landed, and buried some treasures; 
entrusting Mr. Gardiner with his secret, and making the life of the 
latter the pledge of his fidelity. This effected, the pirate again sailed, 
and made similar deposits on other parts of the coast. 

After a short interval, Kidd paid and discharged his crew, and it 
is said burned his ship. He appeared in Boston in 1699, and was 
immediately seized by the order of Governor Bellamont. Among 
his papers was found a record, containing lists of his several deposits, 
which it is probable he held in reserve for his own share of the 
booty, when he should have made his peace with those in power with 
the remainder. The authorities, however, were inflexible, and com 
missioners were immediately sent in quest of the buried booty. When 
these persons presented themselves to Mr. Gardiner, and- assured him 
that Kidd was in confinement, that gentleman led them to the spot 
where the box was concealed, and it was recovered. The papers 
of the Gardiner family show that the contents of the box were bags 
of gold dust, bags of gold bars, the latter to a considerable amount, 
coined gold and silver, silver bars, precious stones, silver lamps, &c., 
&c., in all to the amount of near twenty thousand dollars. Most, 
if not all, of the other deposits were also obtained. Kidd was sent 
to England, tried and condemned. He was not executed, however, 
until May the 9th, 1701. Notwithstanding the acts just related, it 
would seem that his conviction was, in reality, for murdering one 
of his own crew. 

It followed, almost as a matter of course, that suspicion rested on 
those who were concerned in sending Captain Kidd to sea. The 
usual profligacy of party was exhibited in an attempt to impeach 
several noblemen concerned in the affair ; and one or two men of 
note in the colony of New York were also involved in legal proceed 
ings, in consequence of these piracies ; but nothing was ever estab 
lished against any of the accused, though Governor Fletcher fell into 
disgrace at home. The known fact that Kidd buried treasure, gave 



26 NAVAL HISTORY. [1702-12. 

rise to rumours that he had buried much that was never discovered. 
With the blindness usual in matters of this sort, it was believed that 
he had secreted his gold in spots that he never visited, and to this day 
it is not unfrequent for digging s to be made on the coast, under the 
influence of dreams that have been occasioned by meditating on the 
subject, and in the hope of finding some of the long lost riches. 

The year that Kidd was sent to England, seven pirates were exe 
cuted in Charleston, South Carolina, that coast having been much 
infested with these robbers. 

In 1701, the population of the American colonies was estimated 
at 262,000, while the Newfoundland fisheries were said to employ 
121 vessels, 2,700 men, and nearly 8,000 tons. 

Another war soon occurring, the troubles on the coast were re 
vived, and as the colonies grew in importance, the mother country 
not only extended her care towards them in a greater degree, but the 
people of the provinces themselves, felt a disposition to participate 
more largely in the struggles. Still, so little heed was taken against 
the ordinary dangers, that the port of New York, in 1705, was to 
tally without defence ; or so nearly so, that a solitary French priva 
teer entered it, and caused the greatest consternation. 

The Spaniards, with whom England was at war, conceiving that 
South Carolina properly belonged to the Floridas, undertook an ex 
pedition against Charleston, in 1706, with four ships of war and a 
galley, commanded by a French admiral. A commission of vice- 
admiral was immediately given to Lieut. Col. Rhett, a gentleman 
who possessed the public confidence. Mr. Rhett hoisted his Hag in 
the Crown, galley, and several ships that happened to be in port, 
were hastily manned and armed. In the mean time the enemy had 
arrived and surrounded the place, but meeting with some repulses 
on shore, Mr. Rhett got under way to engage the hostile squadron, 
when the latter retired with precipitation. The Spaniards are said 
to have lost near half their men in this unsuccesful undertaking. 

Hearing of a large enemy s ship on the coast, a few days after the 
fleet had disappeared, Mr. Rhett went in quest of her with two small 
vessels, and succeeded in capturing her, and in bringing in ninety 
prisoners. 

From an early day the possession of Port Royal in Acadie, ap 
pears to have been a favorite object with the colonists, most probably 
from the great interest they felt in the fisheries. We have already 
seen that expeditions were sent against this place, in the earlier 
wars, while we now find no less than three undertaken, with the 
same object, in the war of 1702 12. The first of these expeditions 
was set on foot in 1707, being almost purely of colonial origin. It 
sailed in May, in twenty-three transports and whale-boats, under the 
convoy of the Deptford man-of-war, Captain Stuckley, accompanied 
by the Province, galley, Captain Southack. This expedition ef 
fected nothing. The second attempt was not made until the year 
1709, when an enterprise on a larger scale was planned. Accord 
ing to Trumbull, the colonies east of Connecticut were ordered to 
raise 1,200 men for this undertaking, and to provide transports, pi- 



1711.] NAVAL HISTORY. 




lots, and provisions for three months, while Connecticut itself and 
the more southern provinces, were to send a force of 1,500 men, by 
land, against Montreal. The maritime part of the expedition was 
abandoned, after waiting three months in the port of Boston for the 
British ships that were to convoy it, and to aid in subduing the place. 
The attack on Montreal was also given up, for the want of the ex 
pected co-operation. The third attempt was made in 1710, when 
a Colonel Nicholson, of the English service, was entrusted with the 
command. On this occasion the preparations were made conjointly 
by the crown and the provinces, the latter furnishing the transports 
and several cruisers. The fleet consisted in all, of 36 sail : viz. 
three fourth-rates, two fifth-rates, five frigates, a bomb ketch, the 
Province, galley, and twenty-four transports. In these vessels were 
embarked a regiment of marines, and five regiments of provincials. 
The expedition sailed from Boston on the 18th of September, ar 
rived off Port Royal on the 24th, and on the 1st of October the place 
submitted. Its name was changed to Annapolis, by which appella 
tion it is yet known. Stimulated by this success, a still more impor 
tant attempt was got up in 1711, against the French possessions on 
the banks of the St. Lawrence. England now appeared disposed to 
put forth her power in earnest, and a fleet of fifteen sail, twelve of 
which were sent directly from England, and three of which had been 
stationed on the coast, were put under the orders of Vice-admiral Sir 
Hovenden Walker, for that purpose. In this fleet were several 
ships of the line, and it was accompanied by forty transports and six 
store vessels. Five of the veteran regiments that had served under 
Marlborough, were sent out with the fleet, and two regiments raised 
in New England being added to them, the land forces amounted to 
between 6,000 and 7,000 men. 

After considerable delay, the fleet sailed on the 30th of July, 1711, 
when the Governor of Massachusetts ordered a fast to be observed 
every Thursday, until the result should be known. On the 14th of 
August the ships entered the St. Lawrence, and on the 18th the admi 
ral, in order to collect his transports, put into the bay of Gaspe. Here 
he remained until the 20th, when the fleet proceeded. On the 20th 
the ships were off soundings, out of sight of land, and enveloped in 
a fog, with a gale at E. S. E. The fleet now brought-to with the 
ships heads to the southward. Notwithstanding this precaution, it 
was soon discovered that the whole of them were in imminent jeop 
ardy among the rocks, islands, and currents of the north-shore, which 
was, moreover, a lee shore. Some of the vessels saved themselves 
by anchoring, among which was the Edgar, 70, the admiral s own 
ship : but eight transports were lost, together with a thousand people, 
and the expedition was abandoned. The admiral now dismissed the 
provincial troops and vessels, and sailed for England with the re 
mainder of the fleet. These signal disasters led to loud complaints 
and to bitter recriminations between the English and American offi 
cers. To the latter Avas attributed a fatal loss of time, in raising their 
levies and making other preparations, which brought the expedition 
too late in the season, and they were also accused of furnishing in- 



28 NAVAL HISTORY. [1717. 

competent pilots. It is probable that the first accusation was not 
without foundation, since it has been a known national failing to de 
fer all military preparations to the latest possible moment, from the 
day the country has been peopled ; though the last was no doubt un 
merited, as there could be no motive for furnishing any other pilots 
than the best that the colonies possessed. On the part of the Ameri 
cans, the admiral, and the English commanders in general, were 
said to be opinionated and indisposed to take advice ; a charge 
quite as likely to be true, as it also accords with national character, 
and more especially with the superciliousness with which the English 
were known to regard the provincials. The admiral threw the re 
sponsibility of having hove-to the fleet on the pilots, who, in their 
turn, declared that it was done contrary to their advice. Some 
French pilots are said, by Charlevoix, to have warned the admiral 
of his danger also, but he equally disregarded their information. It 
is in favour of the provincials, that, one small victualler excepted, 
none of their own vessels were lost, and that the crew of this vic 
tualler was saved. Many of the pilots were sent to England to be 
examined before the Privy Council, but no investigation into the af 
fair took place. The loss of the admiral s papers is thought to have 
put an end to the contemplated inquiry, the Edgar having been 
blown up, by accident, at Plymouth, shortly after her return, by 
which event 400 men lost their lives ; thus terminating a most dis 
astrous expedition by a dire calamity. It ought to be mentioned, 
that the colonies met the charge of delay, by showing that the orders 
to raise troops, and to make the other requisite preparations, were 
received only sixteen days before Sir Hovenden Walker arrived in 
port with his fleet. 

As late as the year 1713, Trumbull enumerates the shipping of 
Connecticut at only 2 brigs, 20 sloops, and a number of smaller craft. 
The seamen he estimates at 120 ! On the other hand, the com 
merce of Massachusetts, as appears by the custom-house returns, 
taken between the years 1714 and 1717, employed 25,406 tons of 
shipping, 492 vessels, and 3493 sea-faring persons. The first 
schooner, a description of vessel now so much in use in America as 
almost to be deemed national, is said to have been built at Cape Ann, 
by Captain Henry Robinson, in 1714. Her name has been unfor 
tunately lost. 

The pirates rather increased than diminished after the peace of 
1713, frequenting the American coast much more than had been 
their practice in the preceding century. They had reached to New 
Providence, whence they proceeded both north and south, in their 
predatory excursions. Samuel Bellamy, in the ship Whidah, of 23 
guns and 130 men, was one of the most formidable of these free 
booters, and he even had the audacity to come off the coast of New 
England, in 1717, where he made several prizes. At length he was 
wrecked, with his captured vessels, on Cape Cod, and most of the 
gang were lost. More than a hundred bodies washed ashore, and 
six of those who escaped were seized, tried at Boston and executed. 
The following year, the celebrated Captain Woods Rogers, so well 



1678.] NAVAL HISTORY. 29 

known for his exploits on the Spanish Main, was sent against New 
Providence, with a small squadron of King s ships, carrying a pro 
clamation of pardon to all those who would abandon their lawless 
practices, and return to honest industry. The island was captured 
without resistance, and possession taken for the English crown. 
Most of the freebooters accepted of the amnesty, though a party of 
ninety, under the command of one Vane, seized a sloop, and made 
their escape. One gang, about thirty in number, repaired to the 
coast of the Carolinas, where they established themselves near the 
mouth of Cape Fear River, and continued their depredations. Mr. 
William Rhett, whose gallantry and enterprise have already been 
mentioned, was sent out against them by Governor Johnson of North 
Carolina, in a vessel of some force. This officer captured a sloop 
commanded by Steed Bonnet, and manned by thirty of the free 
booters. Shortly after, the Governor himself went in person against 
the remainder, and falling in with another sloop, a desperate en 
gagement took place, in which, it would seem, it was the intention 
not to give quarter, as nearly all in the sloop were slain. Those 
who escaped death in the action, were immediately tried, and, with 
the exception of one man, hanged. These severe blows did much 
towards clearing the coast of freebooters, though we find that a gang 
of twenty-five more were taken into Rhode Island, in 1723, by a 
British sloop of war, and sentenced to be hanged. How many were 
executed, is not known. 

The peculiar condition of America, where land of the greatest 
fertility abounded, while manual labour was difficult to be obtained, 
early introduced into the colonies the traffic in slaves, though it 
speaks favourably for the people of the country, that they generally 
received this species of succour with reluctance; and a long period 
elapsed before the trade became important. It would exceed our 
proper office were we to enter into a continuous history of this branch 
of American commerce, and we shall confine our remarks, therefore, 
to the few facts that were connected with its navigation. 

The first negro slaves brought into the country, were landed from 
a Dutch man-of-war, at James Town, in 1620.* Where these poor 
Africans were obtained is not now known, but they were most prob 
ably the victims of perfidy. The increase among the blacks was 
very slow, however; for thirty years later the whites of Virginia were 
said to outnumber the negroes, in the proportion of fifty to one; and 
even when the colony had been settled seventy years, the slaves 
were not at all numerous.f 

The first American vessel engaged in the slave trade, of which we 
have arty account, sailed from Boston, for the coast of Guinea, in 
1645, having been fitted out by Thomas Keyser and James Smith.! 
The last of these worthies was a member of the church. To the 
credit of the people of Boston, their sense of right revolted at the act, 
the parties concerned were arraigned, and the slaves were ordered to 
be restored to their native country at the public expense. 

* Beverly. t Bancroft t Bancroft. 



80 NAVAL HISTORY. 1739.] 

Reclemptioners were also early introduced into the country as ser 
vants, as well as the prisoners taken in the battles of the civil wars. 
Thus the John and Sarah, which arrived at Boston in 1652, brought 
with her freight for the Scotch prisoners taken at Dunbar.* Many 
of the Royalists taken at the battle of Worcester were also trans 
ported and sold into servitude. The leaders of the insurrection of 
Penruddock shared the same fate. Many of the prisoners taken in 
Monmouth s rebellion were sentenced to transportation in turn. In 
deed, at this period, England appeared to think America the best 
receptacle of her discontented, whether in religion or politics. 

As recently as 1724, the importation of slaves into the Carolines 
amounted to but 439 souls. -The trade was entirely in British ships. 
At a later day, however, Rhode Island, and some of the other colo 
nies, engaged extensively in their traffic. 

We turn with satisfaction to the whale fisheries. The commence 
ment of this manly, lucrative, and hardy pursuit dates from an early 
period in the history of the country. The whale frequenting the 
American seas, at that time, the people of the coasts kept boats, 
organised themselves into gansjs, and whenever a spout was seen, 
they would launch in pursuit. This irregular system prevailed many 
years, until sloops, and other small craft, began to be employed in 
the offing. These vessels would range the coast, as far south as the 
West Indies, and north to Davis s Straits. They occasionally cross 
ed to the Azores, where a rich booty was sometimes obtained in the 
spermaceti. 

The whale fishery on a larger scale, dates from about the middle 
of the eighteenth century, when Massachusetts in particular, engaged 
extensively in the enterprise. This colony alone is said to have had 
no less than three hundred vessels employed in the northern and 
southern whale fisheries previously to the war of the Revolution. 
Her vessels led the way to the South Atlantic, to the African coast, 
and to the Pacific Ocean. 

In 1731, Pennsylvania owned 6000 tons of shipping, and Massa 
chusetts near 38,000, of which about one half were in the European 
trade; while the entrances into New York in 1737 reached to 211 
sail, and the clearances to 220. About the same time Philadelphia 
had 211 of the former, and 215 of the latter. At this period in the 
history of the country (1739,) Newport had a hundred sail of ship 
ping of different sizes. 

After the war which was terminated by the peace of Utrecht, most 
of the maritime colonies employed a species of guarda-costas, small 
armed vessels, that were maintained for the suppression of piracies, 
and for the general protection of the coasts. Some of these vessels 
were commanded by voting officers, who afterwards rose to more or 
less distinction, cither at home, or in the British service. Among 
others was Lieutenant Wooster, afterwards Captain Wooster, who 
commanded the armed vessel employed by Massachusetts. This 
gentleman was subsequently killed at Danbury, during the Revolu- 

* Suffolk County Records, as given by Bancroft. 



1745.] NAVAL HISTORY. 31 

tion, holding the rank of a Brigadier General in the militia of his 
native state. 

England declared war in 1739 against Spain, and the American 
Colonies became the seat of many of her preparations and levies. 
Natives of this country were much employed in the different expe 
ditions, and it is well known that the estate which has since acquired 
so much celebrity on account of its having been the property of 
Washington, obtained the appellation of Mount Vernon from the 
circumstance that an elder brother, from whom that great man in 
herited it, had served in the celebrated attack against Carthagena, 
under the admiral of that name. In 1741, the colonies supplied 
many of the transports sent against Cuba. 

The year 1744 became memorable in the history of the colonies, 
by another declaration of war against France. By this time the im 
portance of all the American provinces, whether English, French, or 
Spanish, wa^ certain to render them, more or less, seats of the con 
tests; and the great European states interested, were now found 
seriously exhibiting their power in the Western hemisphere. The 
short duration of the war, probably, alone prevented America from 
being the scene of those severe struggles that were deferred a few 
years by the peace of Aix la Chapelle. Short as was the contest, 
however, it afforded the colonists an opportunity of manifesting both 
their spirit and their resources, by an expedition against Louisbourg. 

The French had long been aware of the importance of a port that 
commanded the entrance of the St. Lawrence, as Gibraltar com 
mands the approach to the Mediterranean, and vast sums of money 
had been expended on the fortifications of Louisbourg. It is said 
that no less than $6,000,000 were appropriated to this object, and a 
quarter of a century had been consumed in the preparations. The 
place was so formidable as to have been termed a second Dunkirk. 
So conscious had Massachusetts become of her strength, however, 
that no sooner was the declaration of war known, than Governor 
Shirley laid propositions before the English ministry and the colonial 
legislature, for the reduction of this great naval and military station. 
The General Court of Massachusetts, at first, was afraid to embark 
in so serious an enterprise without assurances of support from home, 
as England was then affectionately termed, but the people of the 
colony getting a knowledge of the Governor s wishes, seconded him 
so strongly with petitions, that the measure was finally carried by a 
majority of one. Connecticut, Rhode Island and New Hampshire 
lent their aid, and by the 25th of March, 1745, the expedition was 
ready to sail. Not a British soldier was employed, and when the 
fleet left Boston, it was with very uncertain hopes of being supported 
by any of the king s ships. 

The land forces, all levies of New England, no other colony join 
ing in the enterprise, were led by Colonel William Pepperel, of Kit- 
tery, in Maine, and the fleet was commanded by Captain Edward 
Tyng, of the Massachusetts colonial marine. The naval part of 
these forces consisted principally of vessels equipped, or hired, for 
this cs;)c. ril service. There appear to have been twelve in all, 



32 NAVAL HISTORY. [1745. 



besides the transports, the largest carrying but 20 guns. The land 
forces amounted to 4070 men. From the various and contradictory 
accounts of this armament, we gather the following list of the colonial 
cruisers engaged in the expedition, viz: Ships, Massachusetts, 20, 
Commodore Tyng; Cresar, 20, Captain Snelling; Snows, Shirley, 
20, Captain Rouse; Prince of Orange, 16, Captain Smethurst; 

Brig Boston Packet, 16, Captain Fletcher; and Sloops, 12, 

Donahue; 8, Saunders; Bosch; a ship hired by Rhode 

Island, 20, Captain Griifen, and two vessels of 16 guns each, belong 
ing to Connecticut. 

It is a circumstance worthy of being mentioned, as characteristic 
of the manners of the day, and of the habitual thrift ot the New 
England colonists, that Governor Shirley, in his written instructions, 
lays great stress on an order for the ships to go well provided with 
cod-lines, in order to subsist the troops and seamen, as much as pos 
sible, on the products of the sea. 

The fleet reached Canseau on the 4th of April, where it remained 
some weeks, to be joined by the levies of New Hampshire and Con 
necticut, as well as to allow time for the ice to dissolve in the neigh 
bourhood of Cape Breton. For the first time, probably, in the history 
of the colonies, large military preparations had been made in season, 
and the result triumphantly showed the benefit of the unwonted 
alacrity. Here Commodore Warren, of the British navy, joined the 
expedition, with a part of the West India squadron, in which seas, 
and on the American coast, he had long commanded. This excellent 
and efficient officer, than whom there was not a braver in the British 
marine, brought with him the Superb, 60, and three ships of forty 
guns; his broad pennant flying in the former. Of course, he as 
sumed the command of the naval operations, though great distrust 
appears to have existed between him and Colonel Pepperel to the 
last. Alter a conference with the latter, he went off Louisbourg, 
which he blockaded. 

Louisbourg was invested by land on the 30th of April, and after a 
vigorous siege of forty-seven days, during which time a severe can 
nonade was carried on, the place submitted. The French flags were 
kept flying for some time after the surrender, by which rust two East 
Indiamen and a South Sea ship, all richly laden, were decoyed into 
the mouth of the harbour and captured. The value of these three 
vessels has been estimated as high as $3,000,000. 

While cruising off the port, Commodore Warren captured the 
French man-of-war Vigilant, 60, with troops and supplies for the 
garrison. This important event, no doubt, was of great moment to 
the result of the siege. 

Although the naval part of the colonial expedition could have been 
of no great account after the arrival of Commodore Warren,* it took 
the sea with creditable vigour, as soon as Louisbourg had submitted. 
The Shirley, Galley, 20, Captain Rouse, or as the vessel is some- 

* It has been pretended that the Vigilant CO, was captured by the colonial ship Massa 
chusetts 20, Commodore Tyng; but this statement, besides being highly improbable in 
itself, is not properly sustained by the histories of the day. 



1747.] NAVAL HISTORY. 33 



times called, the Snow, Shirley, captured eight French vessels, and, 
in one instance, she brought in two, taken after an obstinate and 
gallant resistance. For this exploit, that officer received the com 
mission of a captain in the King s service. 

No less than 400 privateers are said to have been out from the 
colonies in this war, but the number is so incredible as to give rise to 
the conjectures that the estimate includes letters of marque and boats 
on the coast. Nothing worthy of much notice occurred in America, 
during this short war, besides the capture of Louisbourg, and this 
place was restored to the French at the peace. 

Previously, however, to this event, the French menaced the whole 
of the American coast, from Cape Breton to the Delaware, with two 
serious invasions, both of which were fortunately defeated; the first 
by the elements, and the second by the victory obtained by Admirals 
Anson and Warren, in 1747. The peace did not take place until the 
following year, when Acadie was finally ceded to the British crown 
and took the name of Nova Scotia. 

The general interest felt in the fisheries, and the desire to extend 
the commerce of the country, caused a company in Philadelphia to 
undertake the discovery of a Northwest passage. With this object 
the schooner Argo, Captain Swaine, sailed for Hudson s Bay, March 
4th, 1753. After an absence of several months the Argo returned to 
Philadelphia, having effected little more than obtaining a better 
knowledge of the coast, and of the inlets of the great bays. The 
following year the attempt was repeated with still less success, the 
vessel having lost three of her people in an encounter with the Indians. 



CHAPTER III. 

Shipping of different ports, in 1750 Practice respecting Midshipmen Old French "War 
Sharp conflict between the Thurloe and Les Deux Amis Duty on stamps and tea 
Burning of the Gasp6 Destruction of the tea Battle of Lexington. 

THE peace of Aix la Chapelle found the navigation of the Ameri 
can colonies in a very flourishing condition. More than a century 
had elapsed since the settlements had passed the ordeal of their infant 
truggles, and although distant from each other, and labouring under 
,he disadvantages of a scattered population, they were fast rising to 
the dignity and power of states. The necessity of maintaining all 
their more important communications by water, had a direct ten 
dency to encourage a disposition to the sea, and, although without a 
regular warlike marine, their marcantile tonnage probably equalled 
that of the mother country, when considered in reference to popu 
lation. The number of souls in all the provinces, at that period, did 
not much exceed a million, if the Indians be excluded from the 
computation. Of the tonnage it is not easy to speak with accuracy, 
though v e possess sufficient authority by which to form some gene 
ral estir .ates. The year of the peace, 500 vessels sre said to have 
vo" . i. 3 



34 NAVAL HISTORY. [1750. 

cleared from the single port of Boston, and 430 to have entered ; this 
was exclusively of coasters and fishing vessels. At Portsmouth, 
New Hampshire, there were 121 clearances and 73 entries, besides 
200 coasting vessels in regular employment. The trade of New 
York and Philadelphia was less than that of Boston, but still re 
spectable. Thus in 1749, or the year succeeding that of the peace, 
the clearances at Philadelphia were 291, and the entries 303; while 
Boston, during the same period, had 504 clearances and 489 entries 
In 1750, a year in which the navigation had sensibly diminished, the 
clearances of the former port were 286, and the entries 232. Many 
ports, which have since lost most of their navigation, then enjoyed a 
respectable trade, among which maj be mentioned Newport, Rhode 
Island, and Perth Amboy, New Jersey. 

The settlements extended no where to any great distance from the 
ocean, the entire population being virtually ranged along the coast, 
of which the American colonies then possessed rather more in extent 
than that of the entire coast of the Island of Great Britain. Some 
of the writers of the day boast that the tonnage and guns employed 
in privateers out of the colonies, during the late war, had exceeded 
the tonnage and guns of the royal navy of England, in the reign of 
Queen Elizabeth. Although many of the clearances and entries 
just enumerated, were, unquestionably, those of vessels owned by the 
mother country, there is no doubt that a very fair proportion belong 
ed to the provinces. The number of coasting and fishing vessels, in 
particular, was already great, Massachusetts alone owning nearly one 
vessel, of some description or other, for each hundred inhabitants. 

Up to this period, the common white oak of the forest was the wood 
principally used in naval constructions, though the chestnut was also 
found serviceable in particular parts of the frames. The white oak 
of North America varies very much in quality, according to the lati 
tude, and other circumstances ; that which grows in the southern dis 
trict, as well as that which grows near the sea, being generally more 
esteemed than that which is found further north, or remote from the 
coast. The trees, moreover, which have been left in the open lands, 
possess a value that does not belong to those which have acquired 
all their properties in the shades of the forest. But a new era in ship 
building was at hand, through the introduction of a wood that greatly 
abounded in the more southern maritime regions of British America. 
In 1750, a vessel called the Live Oak arrived in Charleston, South 
Carolina, having been built of the invaluable timber after which she 
was named, which was now discovered to be one of the best materials 
for naval architecture known. The Live Oak is said to have been 
the first vessel in which this wood was ever used. 

About this time, it also became a practice among the gentry of 
the American provinces, to cause their sons to be entered as midship 
men in the royal navy. Occasionally an American had been trans 
ferred from the colonial marine to that of the king, but, hitherto, very 
few boys had been regularly entered, or rated, in the service, with & 
view to adopting it as a profession.- The circumstance that Wash 
ington was intended for such a life is generally Known, and we now 



1754.] NAVAL HISTORY. 35 

look back to the tender affection of his mother, which alone prevent 
ed it, as to a Providential interference in behalf of the nation. Many 
of those who were thus placed in the English marine rose to high 
stations, and several have been, or still are, classed among the ablest 
and most useful officers in the employment of the British crown. 
We might even point to a painful notoriety that a few obtained, by 
their activity against the land of their birth, during the war of the 
Revolution. 

The tranquility established by the treaty of Aix la Chapelle, like 
that produced by the peace of Utrecht, was of short continuance. 
Disputes early commenced between the English and French provin 
ces, in relation to their boundaries ; and an inland war actually broke 
out between them in 1754, though the peace of Europe was not 
immediately disturbed by this remote and local contest. This singu 
lar state of things continued throughout 1755, and the campaign of 
that year was one of the most important that had then occurred on 
the American continent. Both nations reinforced their troops from 
Europe, and strong squadrons were employed to protect the convoys; 
but there being no technical hostilities, commissions were not issued 
to letters of marque and privateers. After many ineffectual attempts 
at an accommodation, however, the King of Great Britain made a 
formal declaration of war on the 17th of May, 1756. 

Such was the commencement of the struggle that in America is 
familiarly called " the old French war." Although this contest was 
of the last importance to the colonies, by driving the French from 
their part of the continent, and by leaving the savages without an 
ally, its events were more properly connected with the movements of 
armies, than with any naval operations of magnitude, so far as the 
latter belongs to the subject of this work. The beginning of the 
war was disastrous, but in the end, the celebrated Earl of Chatham 
succeeded in infusing a portion of his own energy into the councils 
of the King, and from that moment the most brilliant success re 
warded his efforts. 

An expedition against Louisbourg was attempted in 1757, under 
Admiral Holbourn, but it was abandoned on ascertaining that, 
besides its regular garrison and important works, the place was de 
fended by a fleet of 17 sail of the line, which was moored in the 
harbour. We learn the growing importance of the colonies in the 
forces employed on this occasion ; Louisbourg having a garrison of 
6000 regulars, while the army destined to attack it, mustered aboul 
11,000 English troops, besides provincials. The failure appears to 
have arisen out of the superiority of the French in ships. 

It is worthy of being mentioned, that, while the English fleet was 
cruising off Louisbourg it met with a heavy gale, in which one of 
its ships, the Tilbury, was wrecked, and more than two hundred of 
her crew were drowned. The remainder fell into the hands of the 
French, who with the humanity and courtesy of a great and polished 
nation, sent the sufferers to Halifax, under the protection of a flag 
of truce. 

Although Spain became a party in the war in 1762, on the side of 



36 NAVAL HISTORY. [1756-62. 

France, the circumstance did not materially vary the nature of the 
exertions of the colonies, which were mainly directed to the reduc 
tion of the Canadas. Martinique and the Havanna were both 
captured, but the fleets employed by the English were on a scale too 
large to require the aid of the light vessels of the provinces. Many 
Americans served in these enterprises, both by land and by water, 
but, as is always the case, when there is metropolitan power to claim 
the glory, the credit due their exertions was absorbed in the renown 
of the mother country. 

Peace was signed on the 10th of February, 1763, and from that 
day France ceased to claim any portion of the American Continent 
north of Louisiana, with the exception of two insignificant fishing 
stations, near the outlet of the St. Lawrence. The conquests of 
this war were an incipient step towards the eventual independence 
of the colonies, since the latter found themselves without any enemy 
in their vicinity, to cause them to lean on England for succour, or to 
divert their policy from those domestic measures which were more 
immediately connected with their internal prosperity. 

The northern colonies gained much credit by their exertions in the 
late war, having raised a respectable army ; but less mention is made 
of their privateers than might have been supposed ; from which we 
are led to infer, that the enterprises of this nature did not attract as 
much attention as those which had characterised the earlier struggles 
of the country. 

At the close of this great contest, the original American colonies, 
or those which have since constituted the United States, without 
including the Floridas and Louisiana, are supposed to have con 
tained more than 1,200,000 souls, exclusively of Indians. Censuses 
were actually taken in one or two of the provinces. That of Massa 
chusetts gave a return a little exceeding 245,000, including 5000 
people of colour. That of Maryland, taken in 1755, gave a total 
of 107,208 whites, a number considerably exceeding the estimates 
after the peace. 

This w r ar, while, on the part of the colonists, it was so much con 
fined to expeditions by land, afforded, notwithstanding, some instan 
ces of hardihood and gallantry on the part of the privateers, of which, 
as usual, more or less were at sea. One of these actions deserves to 
be noticed, as it was among the most obstinate of which we possess 
any authentic accounts. It was in January, 1758, that the privateer 
Thurloe, 14, Captain Mantle, fell in with the French privateer Les 
Deux Amis, 10, Captain Felix. The Thurloe had a crew of 84 
men, and Les Deux Amis a crew of 98. Perceiving the superiority 
of his antagonist in guns, the Frenchman endeavored to escape, but 
finding this impossible, he ran him athwart hawse, and made a noble 
effort to carry him by boarding. He was met by a resolution equal 
to his own, and for more than two hours these small vessels are said 
to have remained foul of each other, their crews contending for vic 
tory, with all the implements of destruction known to the warfare of 
the day. The Thurloe alone, is said to have thrown no fewer than 
300 powder flasks and 72 stinkpots, on board her enemy, besides 



1763.] NAVAL HISTORY. 37 

making a liberal use of her guns and small arms. The Deux Amis 
struck, probably subdued by the metal of her adversary, but not 
until she had rendered the combat one of the bloodiest in naval 
annals, by the obstinacy of her resistance. The Thurloe had 12 
men killed, and 25 wounded ; Les Deux Amis had more than 80 
of her people included in the casualties. 

Although the history of this action is liable to the distrust that ac 
companies all accounts that are not subjected to the investigation of 
official forms and official scrutiny, it appears to be given, in the 
accounts of the day, with a particularity that renders it worthy of 
credit. 

Immediately after the peace of 1763, commenced that legislative 
usurpation on the part of the mother country, which twenty years 
later terminated in the independence of the colonies. It \vould ex 
ceed the proper limits of a work of this character, to enter into the 
details of that eventful period, or minutely to trace the progress of a 
system of encroachments that gradually undermined the allegiance 
of a people, whose confiding affection still resists the animosities of 
two wars, and the jealousies and competition of commerce. 

America, at the period of which we write, had that mental depend 
ence on the mother country, which the province is known to feel for 
the metropolis ; exaggerating its virtues, palliating its defects, and 
substituting its own images for reason and truth. The temporary 
alienation that succeeded was the work of time, and it required more 
than ten years of progressive innovations, on the part of the parlia 
ment of Great Britain, before the more daring and far-sighted of the 
American leaders could bring the body of the people up to the point 
of open resistance. All this time, however, the provinces were 
rapidly increasing in numbers, in resources, and in a spirit of na 
tionality, as opposed to the ancient sentiment, which identified the 
children of the colonists with a land that they still loved to term 
** home." As the causes which led to the great results that followed 
lay deeper than it was usual for the writers of the day to consider, 
a passing word on so grave a subject may not be thrown away. 

In the age when the American colonies were founded, and re 
ceived their different charters from the crown, the prerogative of the 
King of England was active, the monarch effectually ruling the em 
pire, checked by the other branches of the government. The rela 
tion between a prince and his subjects is simple, and, when not 
diverted from its legitimate direction, it is fostering and paternal. 
Under such circumstances, and especially when there exists no un 
usual sources of irritation, the several parts of an extended empire 
may be governed equitably and on a common principle of justice. 
The monarch of one portion of the territories is the monarch of 
another, and he is supposed equally to respect the rights and inter 
ests of all. But, when the revolution of 1688 put the House of 
Hanover on the throne, a system of ministerial responsibility was 
established, that gradually reduced the power of the crown, until the 
ministers, who, in effect, form the executive of Great- Britain, got to 
be the creatures of parliament, instead of remaining the real servants 



38 NAVAL HISTORY. [1773. 

of the prince. It is true, that the King named his cabinet, or rather 
its head ; but he was compelled to name those that parliament se 
lected, or the latter stopped the supplies. This was effectually sub 
stituting the power of parliament, in all the more important relations 
of the empire, for that of the king; and, as parliament was com 
posed of a representation, direct and indirect, of a small part of the 
territory nominally subject to the British Crown, it followed as a 
consequence, that this portion of the empire, by extending its legis- 
tion unduly over the others, was substituting a new and dangerous 
master, for a prince who might be supposed to know no difference 
in his affection for his subjects. 

While, however, this was probably the principle that lay at the 
root of the difficulties with America, few saw it in theory ; facts in 
variably preceding opinion in a country as purely practical as this. 
Legislative usurpation, in the abstract, was resisted ; while few per 
ceived the difference between a legislation that was effectually 
checked by the veto of an independent monarch, bearing an equal 
relation to all the parts of a vast empire, and a legislation that not 
only held this, but all the other material powers of the crown, directly 
or indirectly, in subjection. 

Empires may be held together when the several parts are ruled 
by a central power that has a common, just, and obvious interest in 
all ; but nothing short of force can compel the possessors of one de 
tached territory to be subservient to the interests of the possessors of 
another. This great obstacle, then, lay at the root of the difficulties, 
and, keeping out of view the questions of the day, which arose as 
consequences rather than as causes, it is now clear that the connex 
ion could not have been perpetuated, while a mall fragment of the 
empire so absolutely controlled the great and moving power of the 
state. 

Among the offensive measures adopted by parliament was a duty 
on stamps, and another on tea. By the first, vessels could not regu 
larly proceed to sea, unless furnished with the required stamps ; yet 
so strong was the opposition, that ships actually ventured on the 
ocean without the necessary papers ; nor is it known that any seri 
ous consequences resulted from so bold a step. In the end, the 
stamp-officers having resigned, and no one being willing to incur the 
odium of filling their places, the courts of justice themselves, trans 
acted business without regard to those forms that the acts of parlia 
ment had rendered necessary. This tax was finally abandoned, and 
substitutes were sought, that were believed to be more manageable. 
Fresh attempts to enforce the navigation act, which had virtually 
become a dead letter, were made in 1768, and a sloop from Madeira, 
loaded with wine, was actually seized in Boston, and placed under 
the guns of the Romney man-of-war. A mob followed, and the 
public officers were compelled to seek protection in the castle. 

Great Britain had never maintained a body of troops in her colo 
nies, except to protect them against the French and Indians. These 
soldiers had hitherto been principally kept on remote frontiers ; but 
regiments were now sent to Boston, evidently with a view to enforce 



1772.] NAVAL HISTORY. 39 

the assumed ascendency of the British Parliament. This step added 
greatly to the discontent, and eventually was the direct cause of the 
commencement of hostilities. 

One of the first overt acts of resistance that took place in this cel 
ebrated struggle, occurred in 1772, in the waters of Rhode Island. 
A vessel of war had been stationed on the coast to enforce the laws, 
and a small schooner, with a light armament and twenty-seven men, 
called the Gaspe", was employed as a tender, to run into the shallow 
waters of that coast. On the 17th of June, 1772, a Providence 
packet, that plied between New York and Rhode Island, named the 
Hannah, and commanded by a Captain Linzee, hove in sight of the 
man-of-war, on her passage up the bay. The Hannah was ordered 
to heave-to, in order to be examined ; but her master refused to com 
ply ; and being favoured by a fresh southerly breeze, that was fast 
sweeping him out of gunshot, the Gasp6 was signalled to follow. 
The chase continued for five-and-twenty miles, under a press of sail, 
when the Hannah coming up with a bar, with which her master was 
familiar, and drawing less water than the schooner, Captain Linzee 
led the latter on a shoal, where she struck. The tide falling, the 
Gaspe sewed, and was not in a condition to be removed for several 
hours. 

The news of the chase was circulated on the arrival of the Hannah 
at Providence. A strong feeling was excited among the population, 
and towards evening the town drummer appeared in the streets, as 
sembling the people in the ordinary manner. As soon as a crowd 
was collected, the drummer led his followers in front of a shed tha 
stood near one of the stores, when a man disguised as an Indian sud 
denly appeared on the roof, and proclaimed a secret expedition for 
that night, inviting all of" stout hearts" to assemble on the wharf, 
precisely at nine, disguised like himself. At the appointed hour, 
most of the men in the place collected at the spot designated, when 
sixty-four were selected for the undertaking that was in view. 

This party embarked in eight of the launches of the different ves 
sels lying at the wharves, and taking with them a quantity of paving 
stones, they pulled down the river in a body. The commander is 
supposed to have been a Captain Whipple, who afterwards held a 
commission in the service of Congress, but none of the names were 
publicly mentioned at the time. On nearing the Gaspe", about two 
in the morning, the boats were hailed by a sentinel on deck. This 
man was driven below by a volley of stones. The commander of 
the Gaspe now appeared, and ordering the boats off, he fired a pistol 
at them. This discharge was returned from a musket, and the offi 
cer was shot through the thigh. By this time, the crew of the Gaspe" 
had assembled, and the party from Providence boarded. The con 
flict was short, the schooner s people being knocked down and se 
cured. All on board were put into the boats, and the Gaspe was set 
on fire. Towards morning she blew up. 

This bold step naturally excited great indignation in the British 
officers, and all possible means were taken to discover the offenders. 
The Government at home offered a reward of 1000 sterling for the 



40 NAVAL HISTORY. [1773. 



leader, and 500 to any person who would discover the other par 
ties, with the promise of a pardon should the informer be an accom 
plice. But the feeling of the times was too high for the ordinary 
means of detection, no evidence having ever been obtained sufficient 
even to arraign a solitary individual, notwithstanding a Commission 
of Inquiry, under the Great Seal of England, sat with that object, 
from January to June, during the year 1773. 

Although this affair led to no immediate results, it doubtless had 
its influence in widening the breach between the opposing parties, 
and it is worthy of remark, that in it was shed the first blood that 
flowed in the struggle for American Independence ; the whole trans 
action being as direct a resistance to oppression, as the subsequent, 
and better known fight at Lexington. 

The year 1773 is memorable in American history, for the resist 
ance made by the colonists to tiie duty on tea. By means of some 
management on the part of the British ministry, in permitting the 
East India Company to export their teas free of charges, it was pos 
sible to sell the article at a lower rate in America, subject to the duty, 
than it could be sold previously to the imposition of the tax. Fan 
cying that this circumstance would favour the views of all the par 
ties in Europe, for the warehouses of the company were glutted in 
consequence of the system of non-importation adopted by the colo 
nists, several cargoes were sent to different ports, including New 
York, Philadelphia, Charleston and Boston. The inhabitants of 
the two former places compelled the ships to return to London, 
without unloading, while the people of Charleston caused their vessel 
to be discharged, and the tea to be stored in damp cellars, where it 
finally spoiled. 

Three ships loaded with the offensive article had been sent to 
Boston, and the inhabitants succeeded in persuading their masters 
to consent to return to London, without discharging, but the con 
signees refused to release them from their charter-parties, while the 
authorities denied the necessary clearances. The Governor even 
withheld the permit necessary to pass the fort. This conduct pro 
duced great excitement, and preparations were made to destroy the 
tea, under an apprehension that it might be gradually and clandes 
tinely landed. Suddenly, in the dusk of the evening, a party dis 
guised as Indians, and which has been differently represented as 
composed of twenty men up to eighty, appeared in the streets, 
marching swiftly in the direction of the wharves. It was followed 
by a mob, and proceeded to one of the tea-ships, which it boarded, 
and of which it took possession without resistance. The hatches 
were broken open, and the chests of tea were struck on deck, stared, 
and their contents were thrown into the water. The whole pro 
ceedings were conducted in the most orderly manner, and with little 
or no noise, the labourers seldom speaking. So much mystery 
attended this affair, that it is not easy, even at this remote day, to 
ascertain all the particulars ; and, although the names of the actors 
have been mentioned openly of late, for a long period apprehensions 
are said to have been entertained, by some engaged men of wealth 



1773.] NAVAL HISTORY. 41 

that they might yet be made the subjects of a prosecution for dam 
ages, by the East India Company. Three hundred and forty-two 
chests of tea were destroyed, which was probably the cargo of a 
single ship, the two others quitting the port soon after. 

This daring act was followed by the Boston Port Bill, a political 
measure that was equally high-handed, since it denied the people of 
the town all direct participation in commerce. This sudden check, 
at twenty days notice, to the trade of a place that, the previous year, 
had seen 411 clearances, and 587 entries, to and from foreign ports, 
produced much distress in the town itself, and greater indignation 
throughout the country. It had been the misfortune of England, 
never to understand the character of the people of the American 
colonies ; for, accustomed to dependencies that had been humbled 
by conquest, she had not yet learned to appreciate the spirit of those 
who were rapidly shooting up into political manhood by their own 
efforts, and who had only placed themselves in the situation they oc 
cupied, because they had found the liberty of England herself, in 
sufficient for their opinions and wants. 

The people now began seriously to prepare for an appeal to force, 
and they profited by the liberty that was still left them, to organise 
military corps, with a view to recover that which they had lost. A 
Congress of representatives from the different colonies convened, 
and a system of organisation and concert was adopted, that served 
to unite as many as possible in the struggle that was fast approaching. 

Towards the close of the year 1774, various steps were taken in 
different parts of the country, that had a direct bearing on the civil 
war that was known to be at hand. Laws had been passed in Eng 
land, prohibiting the exportation of arms and military supplies to 
America, and the cannon and powder of the Crown were seized at 
various points, either by the local governments, or by private indi 
viduals. Twenty-six guns, of different calibers, were found on Fort 
Island and carried to Providence, and the people of Rhode Island 
are said to have got possession, in the w r hole, of quite forty guns, by 
these bold measures. At Portsmouth, New Hampshire, a body of 
400 men proceeded to the castle, at the harbour s mouth, kept the 
garrison in check, and breaking open the magazine, they carried off 
one hundred barrels of powder. 

While means like these were used to collect the necessary mili 
tary equipments, provisions, as well as arms, were collected in dif 
ferent parts of the country, in readiness for a campaign. Among 
other dp6ts of this nature one had been made at Concord, a small 
town at the distance of eighteen miles from Boston, and General 
Gage, who commanded the British forces in America, deemed it es 
sential that it should be destroyed. A strong detatchment was sent 
on this service, and it fell in with a small body of American minute- 
men at Lexington. These militia were dispersed by a volley, in 
which "a few men were killed. This affair has always been consid 
ered the commencement of the W&r of the Revolution ; and justly, 
as the hostilities which were then commenced did not cease, until the 
Independence of the Colonies was acknowledged by Treaty. The 



42 NAVAL HISTORY. [1774. 

British proceeded to Concord, where they effected their object 
though not without resistance. The people now began to collect in 
force, and as soon as the British resumed their march, on their re 
turn to Boston, they were assailed by the former from behind the 
walls and fences. So vigorously were the troops pressed on this oc 
casion, that it is thought they must have surrendered, had they not 
been met by a strong reinforcement, commanded by Lord Percy, 
which enabled them to halt and recover their breath. As soon as 
the march was resumed, however, the provincials renewed the attack, 
and the British did not succeed in gaining a place of security, until 
they reached Charlestown neck. In this affair the loss of the Amer 
icans has been ascertained to have amounted to 50 killed, 34 
wounded, and 4 missing ; that of the British to 73 killed, 174 wound 
ed, and 26 prisoners. 

The intelligence of this important event circulated like a raging 
fire throughout the country, and it was received every where as a call 
to battle. Reserve was thrown aside ; the population flew to arms, 
and the military stores of the Crown were seized wherever they could 
be found. An irregular body of 20,000 men appeared before Bos 
ton, with incredible rapidity, and formed a line confining the royal 
army to the occupation of the town. With a view to reduce their 
enemies to still narrower limits, Breed s Hill, a height that com 
mands the inner harbor of Boston, was seized, and a redoubt com 
menced. This step brought on the combat that has since been 
termed the Battle of Bunker s Hill, one of the most extraordinary 
conflicts of modern times, and which may be said to have given birth 
to American Independence. Washington was appointed Com 
mander in Chief by the Congress of the United Colonies, and the 
war commenced under the usual laws of civilised nations, with the 
exception of the formality of a declaration. 



CHAPTER IV. 

Privateers First naval action of the Revolution Schooner Lee, Capt. Manly, captures 
the English brig Nancy Congress orders the construction of vessels of war Appor 
tionment of the first officers of the navy Its management Esek Hopkins, Esq. ap 
pointed " Commander in Chief First regular cruisers Expedition of Commodore 
Hopkins Contest with the Glasgow The Edward captured by the Lexington 

THE thirteen United Colonies that now commenced a struggle 
with the mother country, not to obtain a political independence, lor 
few thought of so great a change when blood was first shed, but to 
regain rights that were inherent in the governing principles of the 
institutions under which they had long lived, and which were assured 
to them formally in a variety of ways, possessed but scanty means 
to contend with a power like that of Britain. Their population was 
less than three millions, their pecuniary resources were of no great 



1775.] NAVAL HISTORY. 43 

amount, and their military preparation* insignificant. But the fire 
of true patriotism had been kindled, and that which in other nations 
is effected by means of laboured combinations and political manage 
ment, the people of America were bent on doing of their own vol 
untary motion and united efforts. The colonies of New England, in 
particular, which possessed a population trained to liberty; hardy, 
simple, ingenious and brave; rose as it might be to a man, and as 
this was the part of the country in which the flame broke out, thither 
we must first direct our attention in order to find the earliest evi 
dences of its intensity. 

On the ocean, the preparations for the struggle were even smaller 
than those which had been made on the land. Congress had done 
nothing, and the provisions for naval defence which, from time to 
time, had existed among the different colonies, had never amounted 
to more than maintaining the few guarda-costas already mentioned, 
or to the temporary exertions of an expedition. As soon as the 
struggle commenced in earnest, however, the habits of the people, 
their aptitude for sea service, and the advantages of both a public and 
a private nature, that were to be obtained from successful cruising, 
induced thousands to turn longing eyes to an element that promised 
so many flattering results. Nothing but the caution of Congress, 
which body was indisposed at first to act as if general warfare, 
instead of a redress of grievances, was its object, prevented a rushing 
towards the private cruisers, that would probably have given the 
commerce of England a heavier and a more sudden blow, than it 
had ever yet received. But a different policy was pursued, and the 
orders to capture, first issued, were confined to vessels bringing stores 
and supplies to the British forces in America. It was as late as the 
lOih of Nov. 1775, before Massachusetts, the colony which was the 
seat of war, and which may be said to have taken the lead in the 
revolt, established courts of admiralty, and enacted laws for the 
encouragement of nautical enterprise. Washington followed this 
example by granting commissions to vessels to cruise in the vicinity 
of Boston, with the object already stated. But a due examination 
of the practical measures of that day, will render it necessary to 
separate the subject into three branches ; viz. one that refers solely to 
the exertions of private, and frequently of unauthorised adventures; 
another that shall speak of the proceedings of the different colonies; 
and a last, which more properly comprises the theme of this work, 
that shall refer to the policy pursued by Congress, in behalf of the 
entire nation. In making these distinctions, we shall be compelled 
to use brevity, as but few authentic authorities now exist, and because 
the sameness and unimportance of many of the details deprive the 
subject of any interest beyond that which is connected with a proper 
understanding of the true condition of the country. 

The first nautical enterprise that succeeded the battle of Lexing 
ton, was one purely of private adventure. The intelligence of this 
conflict was brought to Machias in Maine, on Saturday, the 9th of 
May, 1775. An armed schooner in the service of the crown, called 
the Margaretta, was lying in port, with two sloops under her convoy, 



44 NAVAL HISTORY. [1775. 

that were loading with lumber on behalf of the King s government. 

The bearers of the news were enjoined to be silent, a plan to cap 
ture the Margaretta having been immediately projected among some 
of the more spirited of the inhabitants. The next day being Sunday, 
it was hoped that the officers of the schooner might be seized while 
in church, but the scheme failed in consequence of the precipitation 
of some engaged. Captain Moore, who commanded the Margaretta, 
saw the assailants, and, with his officers, escaped through the win 
dows of the church to the shore, where they were protected by the 
guns of their vessel. The alarm was now taken, springs were got 
on the Margaretta s cables, and a few harmless shot were fired over 
the town, by way of intimidation. After a little delay, however, the 
schooner dropped down below the town, to a distance exceeding a 
league. Here she was followed, summoned to surrender, and fired 
on from a high bank, which her own shot could not reach. The 
Margaretta again weighed, and running into the bay, at the con 
fluence of the two rivers, anchored. 

The following morning, which was Monday, the llth of May, 
four young men took possession of one of the lumber sloops, and 
bringing her alongside of a wharf, they gave three cheers as a signal 
for volunteers. On explaining that their intentions were to make an 
attack on the Margaretta, a party of about thirty-five athletic men 
was soon collected. Arming themselves with fire-arms, pitchforks, 
and axes, and throwing a small stock of provisions into the sloop, 
these spirited freemen made sail on their craft, with a light breeze at 
northwest. When the Margaretta observed the approach of the 
sloop she weighed and crowded sail to avoid a conflict that was every 
way undesirable, her commander not yet being apprised of all the 
facts that had occurred near Boston. In jibing, the schooner 
carried away her main-boom, but continuing to stand on, she ran 
into Holmes s Bay, and took a spar out of a vessel that was lying 
there. While these repairs were making, the sloop hove in sight 
again, and the Margaretta stood out to sea, in the hope of avoiding 
her. The breeze freshened, and, with the wind on the quarter, the 
sloop proved to be the better sailer. So anxious was the Margaretta 
to avoid a collision, that Captain Moore now cut away his boats; but 
finding this ineffectual, and that his assailants were fast closing with 
him, he opened a fire, the schooner having an armament of four light 
guns, and fourteen swivels. A man was^ killed onboard the sloop, 
which immediately returned the fire with a wall piece. This dis 
charge killed the man at the Margaretta s helm, and cleared her 
quarter-deck. The schooner broached to, when the sloop gave a 
general discharge. Almost at the same instant the two vessels came 
foul of each other. A short conflict now took place with musketry, 
Captain Moore throwing hand grenades, with considerable effect, in 
person. This officer was immediately afterwards shot down, how 
ever, when the people of the sloop boarded and took possession of 
their prize. 

The loss of life in this affair was not very great, though twenty 
men, on both sides, are said to have been killed and wounded. The 



1775.] NAVAL HISTORY. 45 

force of the Margaretta, even in men, was much the most consider 
able, though the crew of no regular cruiser can ever equal in spirit 
and energy a body of volunteers assembled on an occasion like this. 
There was originally no commander in the sloop, but previously to 
engaging the schooner, Jeremiah O Brien was selected for that 
station. This affair was the Lexington of the sea, for like that cele 
brated land conflict, it was a rising of the people against a regular 
force, was characterised by a long chase, a bloody struggle, and a 
triumph. It was also the first blow struck on the water, after the 
war of the American Revolution had actually commenced. 

The armament of the Margaretta was transferred to a sloop, and 
Mr. O Brien made an attack on two small English cruisers that were 
said to have been sent out from Halifax, expressly to capture him. 
By separating these vessels, he took them both, with little resistance, 
and the prisoners were all carried to Watertown, where the provin 
cial legislature of Massachusetts was then assembled. The gallantry 
and good conduct of Mr. O Brien was so generally admired, that he 
was immediately appointed a captain in the marine of the colony, 
and sent on the coast with his two last prizes, with orders to intercept 
vessels bringing supplies to the royal forces. 

Many adventures or enterprises, more or less resembling these of 
Captain O Brien, took place on different parts of the coast, though 
none of so brilliant and successful a character. By way of retalia 
tion, and with a view to intimidate, the English commander-in-chief, 
Admiral Graves, sent a force under the orders of Captain Mowat, to 
destroy the town of Falmouth, and four hundred buildings were 
burned. An attempt to land, however, was repulsed, when the ships 
retired. This and similar steps, produced the law of Massachusetts, 
already mentioned as having been passed in Nov. 1775, granting 
commissions and directing the seizure of British vessels under certain 
circumstances, and which consequently put an end to the expeditions 
we have classed among the unauthorised. 

The colony of Massachusetts had recourse to energetic measures 
for annoying the enemy on the coast, and for procuring military 
supplies. Many small vessels were fitted out by that as well as by 
other colonies, and ships were sent in different directions with a view 
to purchase the stores that could not be seized. 

The want of powder, in particular, was so severely felt, that all 
practicable means were adopted with a desire to obtain it. Among 
others, General Washington borrowed two schooners of Massachu 
setts and sent them into the Gulf of St. Lawrence, under the orders 
of Captain Broughton,to intercept two brigs, that were known to be 
bound to Quebec, with military stores. The brigs were not seen, but 
ten other English vessels were captured by Captain Broughton, all 
of which were released as not coming within the hostilities meditated 
by Congress. 

That body, however, was by no means blind to the importance 
of naval means of defence, without which no war can ever be con 
ducted with credit and success by a country situated like America; 
and we now have properly arrived at the period when it is necessary 



46 NAVAL HISTORY. [1775. 

to advert to the acts and legislation of the General Government on 
this interesting subject. 

Soon after he assumed the command of the troops before Boston, 
General Washington, who so deeply felt the want of munitions of 
war of nearly every description, issued several commissions to dif 
ferent small vessels, giving their commanders instructions to cruise 
in or near Massachusetts Bay, in order to intercept the British 
store ships. 

The first vessel that got to sea under this arrangement, was the 
schooner Lee, Captain John Manly, which sailed from Marblehead 
near the close of November. On the 29th, Captain Manly fell in 
with and captured the English brig Nancy, having on board ordnance 
stores, several brass guns, a considerable stock of fire-arms, and 
various military supplies. Among other things of this nature, was 
a large mortar, which was justly deemed an important addition to 
the means of a besieging army; for, up to this time, the Americans 
before Boston were particularly in want of artillery of every sort. On 
the 8th of December, Captain Manly captured three more store-ships, 
and succeeded in getting all his prizes safely into port. 

Although it may not be strictly true to term the Lee, and the other 
small cruisers similarly employed, the first vessels that ever belonged 
to the General Government of this country, they may be deemed the 
first that ever actually sailed with authority to cruise in behalf of the 
entire republic. But, while we accord this precedency to Captain 
Manly and his associates, who acted under the orders of Washing 
ton, Congress itself had not been altogether idle, and it is probable 
that the Commander-in-Chief took the step just mentioned in ac 
cordance with the expressed views of that body. 

The first legislation of Congress on the subject of a navy, preceded 
the law of Massachusetts, in point of time, though the act was word 
ed with greater reserve. On the 13th of October, 1775, a law passed 
ordering one vessel of 10 guns, and another of 14 guns to be equipped 
as national cruisers, and to be sent to the eastward on a cruise of 
three months, to intercept supplies for the royal troops. On the 
29th of the same month a resolution passed denying to private ships 
of war and merchant vessels the right to wear pennants in the pres 
ence of " continental ships, or vessels of war," without the permission 
of the commanding officers of the latter. This law was framed in 
a proper spirit, and manifested an intention to cause the authorised 
agents of the public on the high sea, to be properly respected ; it 
excites a smile, however, when we remember that the whole marine 
of the country consisted, at the time, of two small vessels that were 
not yet equipped. The next day another law passed, authorising 
the fitting out of two more cruisers, one to carry 20, and the other 
36 guns. 

A change in this cautious policy was produced by the depreda 
tions committed by the vessels under the command of Captain 
Mowat. When the intelligence of that ruthless proceeding reached 
Philadelphia, it produced a general prize law, with authority to 
capture all British vessels that were in any manner connected virh 



1775.] NAVAL HISTORY. 47 

the pending struggle. As the country still acknowledged its con 
nexion with the crown, perhaps this reserve in conducting the war, 
was, in a measure, due to sound policy. This law was followed by 
another, passed December 13th, ordering 13 sail of cruisers, to be 
constructed. Of the latter vessels, three were to be of "24 guns, five 
of 28, and five of 32. Thus Congress, previously to the end of the 
year 1775, had authorised a regular marine, to consist of seventeen 
cruisers, varying in force from 10 to 32 guns. The keels of the 
ships alluded to in the last law, were ordered to be laid, in the four 
colonies of New England, in New York, Pennsylvania and Mary 
land. The following is a list of their mames and respective rates, as 
well as of the colony where each was built, viz: 

Washington, 32 Pennsylvania.* 

Raleigh, 32 New Hampshire. V 

Hancock, 32 Massachusetts, t/ 

Randolph, 32 Pennsylvania. J^" 

Warren, 32 Rhode Island. ^ 

Virginia, 28 Maryland. / 

Trumbull, 28 Connecticut. * 

Effing-ham, 28 Pennsylvania. *.- 

Congress, 28 New York. 

Providence, 28 Rhode Island. *- 

Boston, 24 Massachusetts. * 

Delaware, 24 Pennsylvania. * 

Montgomery, 24 New York. ^ 

These vessels appear to have been judiciously appointed in order 
to effect the object in view. The resources of America did not ad 
mit of the construction of ships of a si/e fit to contend with the fleets 
of England, and had the colonies been in a condition even to make 
such an exhibition of their power, the time necessary to organise a 
proper marine, the want of navy yards, and the impossibility of pro 
curing, in season, naval stores of the required quality, would have 
prevented them from attempting it. The ships ordered were large 
enough to resist the small cruisers of the crown, and were well 
adapted to destroy convoys, and to capture transports and store-ships. 
We are not, however, to estimate their force by the manner of rating, 
as compared with similar rates in our own time, the art of ship-build 
ing and the mode of equipping vessels of war, having undergone 
great changes since the commencement of the American Revolution. 
Frigates, at that day, were usually vessels varying from six hundred 
to a thousand tons, and rarely carried in their main deck batteries, 
guns of a metal heavier than eighteen pounders. There was usually 
no spar-deck, but the forecastle and quarter-deck were connected by 
gangways, with gratings to cover a part, or even all of the inter 
mediate space. The armaments above were light sixes, nines, or 
twelves, according to the respective rates, but were commonly of 
trifling account. Carronades had not then been invented, though 
they first came into use during this war. This gun obtains its name 



48 NAVAL HISTORY. [1115. 

from the circumstance of its having been first made at the village of 
Carron, in Scotland, a place celebrated for its foundries, as the bayo 
net derives its appellation from Bayonne in France. It is believed 
it was first used with effect, in the battle between Lord Rodney and 
the Comte de Grasse, when it was found to be an arm of more effi 
ciency than had been generally anticipated. For some time its use 
was confined to the English, nor did it make its way into the Ameri 
can marine, until the commencement of the present century, or the 
very close of the last. Most of the ships mentioned in the list jus* 
given, were armed with nines and twelves, having sixes, and even 
fours, on their quarter-decks and forecastles. -It is thought that there 
was no regular eighteen pounder frigate constructed under the 
laws of 1775. 

Bad as was the*condition of the Colonies, as respects naval stores, 
and the munitions of war, the country might be said to.be even worse 
off for persons suited to form a navy list. There was no lack of 
competent navigators, or of brave seamen, but the high moral quali 
ties which are indispensable to the accomplished officer, were hardly 
to be expected among those who had received all their training in 
the rude and imperfect schools of the merchant service. Still, as a 
whole, the merchant seamen of America were of a class superior to 
those of most oth^r nations; the very absence of a regular marine, 
which induced young men of enterprise to incur the dangers of the 
seas in this mode-in preference to remaining on shore, and the moral 
superiority of the level of the population, producing such a result. It 
has been said that the gentry of the country had begun to place their 
wons in the British marine, previously to the commencement of this 
war; but, while many instances occurred in which Americans threw 
up their commissions in the British army, in preference to serving 
against their native land, very few of those who had taken service in 
the navy, followed their example. The second nature that tire sea 
man acquires in time, appears to have drawn the cord too tight to 
suffer it to be snapped even by the violent struggles of a civil war, 
and most of the young men who were born in the colonies, and who 
found themselves arrayed against their proper country, on board the 
ships of the king, continued to serve with the undiminished zeal and 
singleness of purpose, that is apt to distinguish the fidelity of a sea 
man to his flag.* The Committee of Congress, to which the duties 
of a Navy Department were assigned, was compelled, in consequence 
of these difficulties, to select the new corps of officers, principally, from 
such conspicuous persons among the masters and mates of merchant 
ships as the country afforded; a few of those who had been trained 
in the English marine, but who had left it previously to the struggle, 
excepted. The result was such as might have been anticipated. 
While many gallant and suitable men were chosen, some of the 
corps had little to recommend them besides their practical knowledge 
of seamanship. These were valuable qualities, certainly, but the 
habits of subordination, the high feelings of personal pride and sel 

* We can discover but a single instance of an American s quitting the English navy 
on account of the war, though it is probable more occurred. 



1775.] NAVAL HISTORY. 49 

respect that create an esprit de corps, and the moral courage and lofty 
sentiments that come in time, to teach the trained officer to believe 
any misfortune preferable to professional disgrace, were not always 
to be expected under such circumstances. In short, a service created 
in this informal manner, must necessarily depend more on accidental 
and natural qualities for its success, than on that acquired character 
which has been found to be so competent a substitute, and which is 
altogether indispensable when there is a demand for the complicated 
and combined movements that can alone render any arm^efficient 
throughout a series of years. It is true, that the colonies had pos 
sessed an irregular school for the training of officers, in their provin 
cial cruisers, or guarda-costas ; but it was neither sufficiently ex 
tended, not sufficiently disciplined, to afford the supply that was now 
demanded by the extraordinary exigencies of the times. 

The documents connected with the early history of the navy of the 
country, were never kept with sufficient method, and the few that did 
exist have become much scattered and lost, in consequence of there 
having been no regular navy department; the authority of this branch 
of the government having been exercised throughout the whole war, 
by Committees and Boards, the members of which have probably 
retained many documents of interest, as vouchers to authenticate 
their own proceedings. , 

Among other defects it has become impossible to establish, in all 
cases, who did and who did not actually serve in the marine of the 
United States, officers so frequently passing from the privateers into 
the public vessels, and from the public vessels to the privateers, as to 
leave this important branch of our subject involved in much obscurity. 
Before we enter more fully into the details on which reliance can be 
placed, it may be well, also, to explain that the officers in the navy 
of the Confederation derived their authority from different sources, 
a circumstance that adds to the difficulties just mentioned. In a- 
good many instances Congress made the appointments by direct 
resolutions of its own, as will appear in the case of the officers first 
named. S ubsequently , the Marine Committee possessed this power ; 
and, in the end, not only did the diplomatic agents of the Government 
abroad exercise this high trust, but even the commanders of squadrons 
and of ships were put in possession of blank commissions to be filled 
at their particular discretion. It will easily be understood, hpw 
much this looseness in managing an interest of so much moment, 
increases the difficulty of obtaining the truth. 

That the brave men who acted under the authority of Washington, 
at the commencement of the contest, were not in the navy, is evident 
from the circumstance that several of them obtained rank in the ser 
vice, as the reward of their conduct while cruising in the sort of semi 
official vessels that have already been mentioned. It has been said, 
that the first regular legislation of Congress, in reference to a marine, 
with a view to resist the aggressions of the British Parliament, dates 
from a resolution of that body, passed the 13th of October, 1775. 
This resolution directed a committee of three, Messrs. Deane, Lang- 
don and Gadsden, to fit out two swift-sailing vessels,, the one of ten, 
VOL. i. 4 



50 NAVAL HISTORY. [1781. 

and the other of fourteen guns, to cruise to the eastward, to intercept 
the supplies and transports intended for the British army at Boston. 
Under this law it is believed that a brig called the Lexington, and a 
sloop named the Providence were equipped; though it does not ap 
pear that either went on the particular duty named in the resolution. 
On the 30th of the same month, the committee was increased to 
seven, and a ship of 36 guns, and another of 20, were ordered to be 
provided. Under this law the Alfred and Columbus were purchased, 
though neither was of the force implied by the highest rate named. 
The first of these ships is said to have had a main-deck battery of 20 
nines, while her armament on the quarter-deck and forecastle, varied 
in the course of her service, from ten guns to two. At the end of her 
career she carried no guns above. Less is known of the Columbus, 
but she is believed to have had a gun-deck battery of 18 nines. 
Both were clumsy and crank ships, and neither proved to be a very 
good sailer. 

On the 13th of December, of the same year, Congress directed the 
thirteen ships of war to be built, and the next day the Marine Com 
mittee was so far increased as to contain one member from each 
colony ; all the proceedings that have yet been mentioned, having 
been directed rather to a redress of grievances, than to independence. 

It will aid in understanding how complicated the business of the 
navy became, if we here give a brief outline of the various modes 
that were adopted in managing its affairs. To the committee last 
named, very extensive powers were given ; but in November, 1776, 
a " Continental Navy Board," of three competent persons, was estab 
lished as subordinate to this committee ; one being termed the 
" Eastern Board," and the other the " Board of the Middle Dis 
trict." A large portion of the executive functions of the " Marine 
Committee" devolved on these two " Boards." In October, 1779, 
this mode of proceeding was changed, and a " Board of Admiralty" 
was established, consisting of three commissioners who were not in 
Congress, and two that were. Of this Board an} - three were com 
petent to act. In January, 1781, James Reed was appointed, by 
special resolution, to manage the affairs of the " Navy Board" in 
the " Middle Department ;" and in February of the same year, 
Alexander McDougall, a Major General in the army, who had been 
a seaman in his youth, was chosen " Secretary of the Marine." In 
August of the same year, the entire system was changed, by the 
appointment of an " Agent of the Marine," who had full control of 
the service, subject to the resolutions of Congress, and who super 
seded all the committees, boards, and agents, that hud been pre 
viously established by law. Here closed the legislation of Congress 
on this branch of the subject, though we shall add that the duties of 
" Agent of Marine," subsequently devolved on the " Superintendent 
of Finances," the celebrated Robert Morris, a gentleman, who ap 
pears, throughout the war, to have had more control over the affairs 
of the navy, than any other civilian in the country. To return to the 
order of time. 



1775.] NAVAL HISTORY. 51 

On the 22d of December, 1775, Congress passed the following 
resolutions, viz : 

" Resolved, that the following naval officers be appointed : 
Esek Hopkins, Esquire, Commander-in-Chief. 
Dudley Saltonstall, Captain of the Alfred. 
Abraham Whipple, do. do. Columbus. 
Nicholas Biddle, do. do. Andrea Doria. 
John B. Hopkins, do. do. Cabot. 

First Lieutenants, John Paul Jones, Rhodes Arnold, 

Starisbury, Hoysted Hacker, Jonathan Pitcher. 

Second Lieutenants, Benjamin Seabury, Joseph Olney, Elisha 
Warner, Thomas Weaver, McDougal. 

Third Lieutenants, John Fanning, Ezekiel Burroughs, Daniel 
Vaughan. 

" Resolved, that the pay of the Commander-in-Chief of the fleet, 
be one hundred and twenty-five dollars a month." 

By this law it \vill be seen that Mr. Hopkins was not made a cap 
tain, but the " Commander-in-Chief," a rank that was intended to 
correspond in the navy, to that held by Washington in the army. 
His official appellation, among seamen, appears to have been that 
of " Commodore," though he was frequently styled " Admiral," in 
the papers of that period. The captains were particularly named 
to the respective ships, and the law was so construed, that the lieu 
tenants were attached to the different vessels in the order in which 
they were respectively named. 

By this resolution, or law, it would appear that two brigs, the 
Andrea Doria, and the Cabot, had been purchased, most probably 
by the Marine Committee, previously to its passage. Of the precise 
force of the latter vessel no authentic account can be found, but it is 
thought to have been 16 sixes. It appears by a letter of Paul Jones, 
however, that the armament of the Doria was 14 fours, and the Cabot 
may have been of the same force. 

The equipment of all the vessels mentioned, as well as of two or 
three more of less size, was going on in the autumn of 1775, the 
appointment of their officers was made at the close of the year, and 
the first ensign ever shown by a regular American man-of-war, was 
hoisted in the Delaware, on board the Alfred, by the hands of Paul 
Jones, some time about the last of December. This event could 
not have occurred previously to the vote appointing a commander- 
in-chief, as we are expressly told that the flag was shown when that 
officer first repaired on board his ship. What that ensign was, is hot 
now certainly known, but it is thought to have been a device repre 
senting a pine tree, with a rattlesnake about to-strike, coiled at its 
root, and bearing the motto " don t tread on me." It is certain that 
such a flag was used, at the commencement of the Revolution, and 
on board of some of the vessels of war, though whether this was the 
flag worn by the Alfred is not quite so clear. Most of the privateers 
of the period either wore the arms of the colony from which they 
sailed, and by whi3h they were authorised to cruise, or they also 
showed devices of their own, according to the conceits of the differ- 



52 NAVAL HISTORY. [1777. 

ent captains and owners. It was not until 1777, that Congress 
formally adopted the present national colours. 

The first regular cruisers that ever got to sea under the new gov 
ernment were the Hornet 10, and Wasp 8, a sloop and a schooner 
that had been equipped at Baltimore by the Marine Committee, and 
which sailed in November, to join the squadron under Commodore 
Hopkins, in the Delaware. This passage, however, cannot properly 
be called a cruise. For the first of these we must refer to the 
squadron itself. This distinction has been claimed for the Lexing 
ton, Capt. Barry, and we have so stated the fact, in the earlier edi 
tions of this book ; but an examination of the private papers of that 
officer, has shown us that he was actually employed on shore, or in 
the Delaware, for a short time after Com. Hopkins got to sea. The 
first regular cruise, therefore, ever made in a vessel of the United 
States, was that made by the squadron, of which we are about to 
relate the movements. 

The plans of Congress had changed between the time when the 
vessels were first ordered and that on which they were ready for 
service. Commodore Hopkins was accordingly directed to proceed 
to the southward, with a view to act against the naval force, which 
was then ravaging the coast of Virginia, under Lord Dunmore. The 
squadron got into the Bay, and rendezvoused under Cape Henlopen, 
early in February. It consisted of the Alfred 24, Columbus 20, 
Doria 14, Cabot 14, Providence 12, Hornet 10, Wasp 8, and Fly 
despatch vessel. With this force Commodore Hopkins went to sea 
on the 17th of February. On the night of the 19th, as the squadron 
was steering south with a fresh breeze, the Hornet and Fly parted 
company, and did not join again during the cruise. No vessel of 
any importance was met until the ships reached Abaco, in the Ba 
hamas, where the squadron had been ordered to rendezvous. Here 
Commodore Hopkins determined to make a descent on New Provi 
dence, where it was understood a considerable amount of military 
stores was collected. For this purpose, a body of 300 men, marines 
and landsmen, under the command of Captain Nichols, the senior 
marine officer of the service, was put into two sloops, with the hope 
of surprising the place. As the squadron approached the town, 
however, an alarm was given, when the sloops were sent in, with the 
Providence 12, and Wasp 8, to cover the landing. This duty was 
handsomely performed, and Captain Nichols got complete possession 
of the forts, and entire command of the place, in the course of the 
afternoon, and of the following morning, after a very insignificant 
resistance. Unfortunately, the governor, aware of the motive of the 
descent, found means to send away a considerable quantity of pow 
der during the night. Near a hundred cannon, and a large quantity 
of other stores, however, fell into the hands of the Americans. On 
this occasion, the first that ever occurred in the regular American 
Navy, the marines under Captain Nichols, appear to have behaved 
with the spirit and steadiness that have distinguished the corps, from 
that hour down to the present moment. 

After retaining possession a few days, Commodore Hopkins left 



1776.] NAVAL HISTORY. 53 

New Providence on the 17th of March, bringing away with him the 
governor and one or two men of note, and shaping his course to the 
northward. Some of the smaller vessels appear to have left him, as 
he proceeded along the coast, but, with the most of his force in com 
pany, he arrived off the east end of Long Island, early in April. 
On the 4th, he captured a tender of six guns, commanded by a son 
of Commodore Wallace, and on the 5th he fell in with and* took a 
British Bomb Brig Bolton 8, Lieutenant Snead. 

About one o clock in the morning of the 6th of April, the squadron 
being a little scattered, a large ship was discovered steering towards 
the Alfred. The wind was light, and the sea quite smooth, and 
about two, the stranger having gone about, the Cabot closed with 
him, and hailed. Soon after the latter fired a broadside. The first 
discharge of this little vessel appears to have been well directed, but 
her metal was altogether too light to contend with an enemy like the 
one she had assailed. In a few minutes she was compelled to haul 
aboard her tacks, to get from under the guns of her antagonist, hav 
ing had her captain severely wounded, her master killed, and a good 
many of her people injured. 

The Alfred now took the place of the Cabot, ranging handsomely 
alongside of the enemy and delivering her fire. Soon after, the 
Providence got under the stern of the English ship, and the Andrea 
Doria was enabled to come near enough to do some service. The 
Columbus was kept at a distance for want of wind. After a smart 
cannonade of near an hour, the block and wheel-rope of the Alfred 
were shot away, and the ship broached to ; by which accident the 
enemy was enabled to rake her with effect. Being satisfied, how 
ever, that the victory was impossible, the English commander 
profited by this accident, to put his helm up, and brought all the 
American vessels astern. Sailing better than any of the squadron, 
most of which were deep, as well as dull, in consequence of the can 
non and stores they had taken on board, the enemy slowly but 
steadily gained on his pursuers, though a warm cannonade was kept 
up by both parties until past daylight. By six o clock the ships had 
got so far to the eastward, that Commodore Hopkins felt apprehen 
sive the firing would bring out the Newport squadron, and seeing 
little chance of overtaking the chase, he made a signal for his ves 
sels to haul by the wind. Capturing a tender that was in company 
with the ship that had escaped, the squadron now went into New 
London, the port to which it was bound. 

The vessel that engaged the American ships, on this occasion, was 
the Glasgow 20, Captain Tyringham Howe, with a crew of about 
one hundred and fifty souls. In every thing but the number of her 
men the Glasgow was probably superior to any one ship in the 
American squadron, but her close encounter with, and eventual es 
cape from so many vessels, reflected great credit on her commander. 
She was a good deal cut up, notwithstanding, and had four men 
killed and wounded. On the other hand, both the Alfred and the 
Cabot suffered materially, the former from having been raked, and 
the latter from lying alongside a vessel so much her superior in force. 



54 NAVAL HISTORY. [1776. 

The Alfred and Cabot had twenty-three men killed and wounded, 
and one man on board the Columbus lost an arm while in the chase. 
The result of this first essay of the American navy, when an 
nounced, caused much exultation in the country. The affair was 
represented as a sort of victory, in which three light vessels of war 
had been taken, and one of force compelled to run. A short time, 
however, served to correct these errors, and public opinion probably 
went as far in the opposite extreme, where it would seem to have 
been permanently fixed, by subsequent historians. The great error 
of Commodore Hopkins was in suffering so small a vessel as the Ca 
bot to run close alongside of a ship of the Glasgow s force, when the 
first attack should have been made by the Alfred. Had the Cabot 
delivered two or three as effectual broadsides from a favourable po 
sition, as the first she fired, while the Glasgow was occupied by a 
heavier ship, it is highly probable the enemy would have been cap 
tured. Commodore Hopkins betrayed no want of spirit, but his 
crew and vessel were much inferior to the regularly and long trained 
people of a cruiser, and to a ship properly constructed for war. The 
lightness of the wind, and the obscurity of a night action, contributed 
to the disasters, as, in such circumstances, when the ship broaohed 
to, it required time to get her again under the command of her helm. 
The reason for not continuing the chase was sufficient, and it is 
now known that the English squadron did come out of Newport as 
soon as the Glasgow appeared, and there can be little doubt that 
Commodore Hopkins would have lost all his dull sailing vessels, 
had he gone much farther in pursuit. It ought to be added,that the 
small-pox, then a malady of fatal effect, had broken out in the ships 
while they were at New Providence, and it probably had an influ 
ence on their efficiency. The Doria, in particular, was known to 
be nearly useless from the number of cases on board. 

This was hardly the feeling of the country, notwithstanding, for 
nations are seldom just under disgrace, imaginary or real. Commo 
dore Hopkins was left in command some time longer, it is true, and 
he carried the squadron to Rhode Island, a few weeks after his arri 
val, but he never made another cruise in the navy. On the 16th of 
October, Congress passed a vote of censure on him, for not perform 
ing the duties on which lie had been sent to the southward, and on 
the 2d of January, 1777, by a vote of that body, he was formally 
dismissed from the service. No commander-in-chief was subse 
quently appointed, though such a measure was recommended to the 
national legislature by a committee of its own body, August 24th, 
1781. 

As an offset to the escape of the Glasgow, the Lexington, Captain 
Barry, which had sailed from the Delaware some weeks after the 
squadron got to seu, fell in with the Edward, an armed tender of 
the Liverpool, on the 17th of April, off the Capes of Virginia, and 
after a close and spirited action of near an hour, captured her. The 
Lexington had four of her crew killed and wounded, while the Ed 
ward was nearly cut to pieces, and met with a very heavy compara 
tive loss in men. 



1776.] NAVAL HISTORY. 55 

It may better connect the "history of this little brig, if we add here, 
that .she went to the West Indies the following October, under the 
command of Captain Hallock, and on her return was captured near 
the spot where she had taken the Liverpool s tender, by the Pearl 
frigate. It was blowing fresh at the time, and, after taking out of 
his prize a few officers, and putting a crew on board of her, the com 
mander of the Pearl ordered her crew to follow his own ship. That 
night the Americans rose, and overpowering the prize crew, they 
carried the brig into Baltimore. The Lexington was immediately 
recommissioned, under the orders of Captain Johnston, and in 
March of the succeeding year she sailed for Europe, where there 
will soon be occasion to note her movements. This little vessel 
mounted 16 4 Ib guns, and, under Barry, had a crew of 70 souls, 
all told. 



CHAPTER V. 

Paul Jones His first cruise as a Commander Additional vessels ordered by Congress 
Law regulating the rank of officers The Andrea Doria, Capt. Biddle, takes sev 
eral prizes The Defence, Capt. Harding, after a sharp action, captures two English 
schooners Cruise of the Providence and Alfred Cruise of the Reprisal in Europe 
Of the Lexington do. Cruises of Capt. Wickes Lexington taken Loss of the 
Reprisal Cruises of Capt. Conyngham. 

WHEN the American squadron had got into Newport it became 
useless, through want of men. Many of the seamen having entered 
for the cruise only, and Congress having authorised the capture of 
all British vessels in March, so many persons were now induced to 
go on board the privateers, that crews were not easily obtained for the 
vessels of war. It is a singular feature of the times, too, that the 
sudden check to navigation, and the delay in authorising general 
captures, had driven a great many of the seamen into the army. It 
is also easy to imagine that the service was out of favour, after the 
affair with the Glasgow, for by events as trifling as this, are the 
opinions of ordinary men usually influenced. 

It has been said that the vessels were carried to Providence, Rhode 
Island, and soldiers were borrowed from the army, in order to effect 
even this. At Providence, courts martial, the usual attendants of 
military misfortunes, were assembled to judge the delinquents. Cap 
tain Whipple, of the Columbus, was tried for not aiding the Alfred 
in the action with the Glasgow, and seems to have been acquitted. 
Captain Hazard of the Providence, was cashiered, though it does 
not appear on what charge. 

The day after the dismissal of her former commander, or May 
the 10th, 1776, Paul Jones was directed by Commodore Hopkins 
to take charge of the Providence, and to carry the borrowed soldiers 
to New York, there to enlist a regular crew, and return to the sta- 



56 NAVAL UISTO.ilV* [1776. 

lion. This duty having been successfully performed, the sloop was 
hove out, cleaned, refitted, armed and manned for a cruise. On the 
13th of June, Captain Jones sailed from IVewport with a convoy 
loaded with military stores, which he saw into Long Island Sound, 
a service attended with risk on account of the numerous cruisers of 
the enemy. While thus employed, Captain Jones covered the es 
cape of a brig from St. Domingo, laden also with military stores, 
and bound to New York. This brig was soon after brought into the 
service, and became the Hamden, 14. After performing this duty, 
the Providence was employed in cruising between Boston and the 
Delaware, and she even ran as far south as Bermuda. On the 1st 
of September, while on the latter service, this little sloop made five 
sail, one of which was mistaken for a large merchantman. On get 
ting near the latter vessel, she proved to be a light English frigate, 
and a fast sailer. After a chase of four hours by the wind, and in 
a cross sea, the enemy had so far gained on the Providence as to be 
within musket-shot, on her lee-quarter. The stranger had early 
opened with his chase guns, and the Providence now returned the 
fire with her light four pounders, showing her colours. Perceiving 
that capture, or some bold expedient must soon determine his fate, 
Captain Jones kept edging away, until he had got rather on the lee 
bow of the enemy, when the Providence suddenly went off dead be 
fore the wind, setting every thing that would draw. This unexpected 
manoeuvre brought the two vessels within pistol-shot, but the English 
ship having been taken completely by surprise, before she could get 
her light sails set, the sloop was nearly out of reach of grape. The 
Providence sailed the best before the wind, and in less than an hour 
she had drawn quite beyond the reach of shot, and finally escaped. 
This affair has been represented as an engagement of several hours 
with the Solebay, 28, but, as has been said, it was little more than a 
clever artifice, in which Captain Jones discovered much steadiness 
and address. Not a shot touched the Providence, though the Sole- 
bay fired a hundred. 

Captain Jones now went to the eastward, where he made several 
prizes. Here he was chased by the Milford 32, and finding he could 
easily outsail her, he kept just out of gun-shot for several hours, the 
enemy, who measured his distance badly, firing most of the time. 
This affair has also been exaggerated into a running fight. 

After this chase the Providence went upon the coast, off Canseau, 
and did much damage to the enemy s fishermen, taking no less than 
twelve sail. Having made sixteen prizes, in all, some of which were 
valuable, Captain Jones returned to Newport. 

Ere the return of the Providence, independence was declared, and 
Congress had set about a more regular organisation of the navy. 
October the 3d, it ordered another frigate and two cutters to be built ; 
and November the 9th, a law was passed, authorising the construc 
tion of three seventy-fours, five more frigates, a sloop of war and a 
packet. In January of the succeeding year, another frigate and 
another sloop of war, were commanded. Eight of the prizes were 
also directed to be taken into the service, in the course of the years 



1776.] NAVAL HISTORY. 57 

1776 and 1777, while, as the war proceeded, divers small vessels 
were directed to be built, or purchased. 

But the most important step taken by Congress, at this time, was 
a law regulating the rank of the different officers, which had hith 
erto been very uncertain, and had led to many disputes. By a reso 
lution passed, April the 17th, 1776, Congress had declared that rank 
should not be regulated by the dates of the original appointments, 
reserving to itself the power to say who should command, when it 
had ascertained who were disposed to serve. But it had now de 
clared the nation independent of the King of Great Britain, and 
there was a long and bloody war in perspective, before that inde 
pendence could be recognised. It was time to reduce the confused 
elements of the service to order, and to quiet the disputes and claims 
of individuals, by an exercise of sovereign power. A resolution was 
accordingly passed on the 10th of October, 1776, directing that the 
captains in the navy should take rank in the following order, viz : 

1. James Nicholson, 13. John B. Hopkins, 

2. John Manly, 14. John Hodge, 

3. Hector McNiel, 15. William Hallock, 

4. Dudley Saltonstall, 16. Hoysted Hacker, 
* 5. Nicholas Biddle, /I 7. Isaiah Robinson, 

6. Thomas Thompson, &/18. John Paul Jones^ 
v 7. John Barry, 19. James Josiah, 

8. Thomas Read, 20. Elisha Hinman, 

9. Thomas Grennall, 21. Joseph Olney, 

10. Charles Alexander, 22. James Robinson, 

11. Lambert Wickes, 23. John Young, 

\ 12. Abraham Whipple, 24. Elisha Warner. 

The Marine Committee was empowered to arrange the rank of the 
inferior officers. At this time Commodore Hopkins was command- 
er-in-Chicf, and he continued to serve in tfiat capacity until the com 
mencement of the following January, when Captain Nicholson be 
came the senior officer of the navy, with the rank of captain only. 
When the law regulating rank was passed, the vessels of the navy, 
in service, or in the course of construction, were as follows ; the 
word building, which is put after most of them, referring as well to 
those which had just been launched as to those that were still on the 
stocks ; a few of the former, however, were nearly ready for sea. 
List of vessels in the United States Navy, October, 1776. 

Hancock, 32, building at Boston. 

Randolph, 32, do. Philadelphia. 

Raleigh, 32, do. Portsmouth, N. H. 

Washington, 32, do. Philadelphia. 

Warren, 32, do. Rhode Island. 

Trumbull, 28, do. Connecticut. 

Effingham, 28, do. Philadelphia. 

Congress, 28, do. Poughkeepsie, N. Y 

Virginia, 28 do. Maryland. 



58 NAVAL HISTORY. [1776. 

Providence, 28, building at Rhode Island. 

Boston, 24, do. Boston. 

Delaware, 24, do. Philadelphia. 

Montgomery, 24, do. Poughkeepsie, N. Y. 

Alfred, 24, in service. 

Columbus, 20, do. 

Reprisal, 16, do. 

Cabot, 16, do. 

Hamden 14, do. 

Lexington; 14, do. 

Andrea Doria, 1 4, do. 

Providence, 12, do. 

Sachem, H), do. 

Independence, 10, do. 

Wasp, 8, do. 

Musquito, 4, do. 

Fly, do. 

To these vessels, many of which never got to sea, must be added 
several small cruisers, that were employed by the American Com 
missioners in Europe ; the histories of which will be given in their 
proper places ; and the vessel that parted company from Commodore 
Hopkins squadron, on its way to New Providence. This vessel, the 
Hornet, suffered much before s*he got in, and it is believed she was 
employed very little afterwards. 

When the squadron, under Commodore Hopkins, broke up, all 
the ships did not remain idle, but the Columbus 20, made a cruise, 
under Captain Whipple, to the eastward, and took a few prizes. 
The Andrea Doria 14, Captain Biddle, went in the same direction, 
also, and was even more successful than the Providence in annoying 
the enemy. This vessel, a little brig, carrying 14 fours, actually 
took two armed transports filled with soldiers, and made prizes of so 
many merchantmen, that, it is affirmed on plausible authority, when 
she got back into the Delaware, but five of the common men who 
composed her original crew were in her ; the rest having been put in 
the prizes, and their places supplied by volunteers from among the 
prisoners. Captain Biddle gained much credit for this cruise, and 
on his return, he was appointed to the command of the Randolph 
32, then recently launched. One of the transports, however, was 
retaken by the Cerberus frigate, and the other by her own people, 
but was again captured, and brought in. 

While the United States cruisers were thus active in intercepting 
the British transports on the high seas, the colony cruisers and priva 
teers were busy in the same way in-shore. Boston had been evacu 
ated by the enemy on the 17th of March, of this year, but vessels 
continued to arrive from England until midsummer ; the fact not be~ 
ing known in time to prevent their steering towards the wrong port. 
No less that thirty sail fell into the hands of the Americans, in conse 
quence of these mistakes. As one of the occurrences of this nature 
was, in a measure, connected with a circumstance just related in the 
cruise of the Doria, it may be properly given here. 



1776.] NAVAL HISTORY. 59 

The Connecticut colony brig Defence 14, Captain Harding-, left 
Plymouth, Massachusetts, early on the morning of the 17th of June, 
and, on working out into the bay, a desultory firing was heard to the 
northward. The Defence crowded sail in the direction of the can 
nonading, and about dusk she fell in with four light American 
schooners, which had been in a running fight with two British trans 
ports, that had proved too heavy for them. The transports, after 
beating off the schooners, had gone into Nantasket Roads and 
anchored. One of the schooners was the Lee 8, Captain Waters, in 
the service of Massachusetts, the little cruiser that had so successfully 
begun the maritime warfare under Captain Manly. The three others 
were privateers. 

After laying his plans with the commanders of the schooners, 
Captain Harding stood into the roads, and about eleven o clock, at 
night, he anchored between the transports, within pistol-shot. The 
schooners followed, but did not approach near enough to be of much 
service. Some hailing now passed, and Captain Harding ordered 
the enemy to strike. A voice from the largest English vessel an 
swered, " Ay, ay I ll strike," and a broadside was immediately 
poured into the Defence. A sharp action, that lasted more than an 
hour, followed, when both the English vessels struck. These trans 
ports contained near two hundred soldiers of the same corps as those 
shortly after taken by the Doria, and on board the largest of them 
was Lieutenant Colonel Campbell, who commanded the regiment. 

In this close and sharp conflict, the Defence was a good deal cut 
up aloft, and she had nine men wounded. The transports lost 
eighteen killed, and a large number wounded. Among the slain was 
Major Menzics, the officer who had answered the hail in the manner 
stated. 

The next morning the Defence, with the schooners in company, 
saw a sail in the bay, and gave chase. The stranger proved to be 
another transport, with more than a hundred men of the same regi 
ment on board. Thus did about five hundred men, of one of the best 
corps in the British army, fall into the hands of the Americans, by 
means of these light cruisers. It should be remembered that, in this 
stage of the war, every capture of this nature was of double impor 
tance to the cause, as it not only weakened the enemy, but checked 
his intention of treating the American prisoners as rebels, by giving 
the colonists the means of retaliation, as well as of exchange. Colo 
nel Campbell was subsequently imprisoned by Washington, to compel 
the English to extend better treatment to the Americans who had 
fallen into their hands. 

To return to the vessels left at Rhode Island. When Captain 
Jones came in from his last cruise in the Providence, a project was 
formed to send a small squadron under his orders to the coast of Nova 
Scotia, with the double view of distressing the British trade, and of 
liberating about a hundred Americans who were said to be confined 
in the coal pits of that region. For this purpose the Alfred 24, 
Hamden 14, and Providence 12, were put under the orders of Cap 
tain Jones ; but not having men enough for all three, that officer 



60 NAVAL HISTORY. [1776. 

selected the two first for his purpose. While clearing the port, the 
llamden got on a ledge of rocks, and sustained material damage. 
The crew of the Hamden were now transferred to the Providence, 
and in the month of November Captain Jones got to sea, with both 
vessels rather short manned. A few days out, the Alfred made, one 
or two small captures, and soon after she fell in with, and, after a 
short combat, took the armed ship Mellish, loaded with supplies for 
the army that was then assembling in Canada, to compose the expe 
dition under General Burgoyne. On board this vessel, in addition 
to many other articles of the last importance, were ten thousand suits 
of uniform, in charge of a company of soldiers. It was said at the 
time, that the Mellish was the most valuable English ship that had 
then fallen into the hands of the A mericans. Of so much importance 
did Captain Jones consider this vessel, that he announced his inten 
tion to keep his prize in sight, and to sink her in preference to letting 
her fall into the enemy s hands again. This resolution, however, 
was changed by circumstances. 

The Providence had parted company in the night, and having 
taken a letter of marque, from Liverpool, the Alfred was making the 
best of her way to Boston, with a view to get the Mellish in, when 
on the edge of George s Banks, she made the Milford 32, the frigate 
that had chased Captain Jones the previous cruise, while in com 
mand of the Providence. The enemy was to windward, but there 
was not time for him to close before dark. The Alfred and the letter 
of marque hauled up between the frigate and the other prizes, in 
order to cover them, and directions were given to the latter to stand 
on the same tack all m<yht, regardless of signals. At midnight the 
Alfred and letter of marque tacked, and the latter showed a top-light 
until morning. This artifice succeeded, the Milford appearing in 
chase of the Alfred when the day dawned, while the Mellish and her 
consorts had all disappeared in the southern board. 

The Milford had run to leeward in the course of the night, and 
was now on the Alfred s lee quarter. Some manoeuvring took place 
to ascertain the stranger s force, for it was not then known that the 
ship in sight was actually a frigate. In the course of the day, the 
Alfred was compelled to carry sail hard, but she escaped, though the 
letter of marque fell into the enemy s hands. After eluding her 
enemy, and covering all her prizes, the one just mentioned excepted, 
the Alfred went into Boston, where she found the rest of the vessels, 
and where she landed her prisoners. Another officer took charge 
of the ship, and Captain Jones, who had been flattered with the hope 
of having a still larger force put under his orders, was placed so low 
on the list by the new regulation of navy rank, as to be obliged to 
look round for a single ship, and that, too, of a force inferior to the 
one he had just commanded. 

While this service was in the course of execution at the north, 
several small cruisers had been sent into the West Indies, to convoy, 
in quest of arms, or to communicate with the different public agents 
in that quarter We have seen the manner in which the Lexington 
had been captured and retaken on her return passage from this 



1776.] NAVAL HISTORY. 61 

station, and we have now to allude to a short cruise of the Reprisal, 
Captain Wickes, in the same quarter. This ship sailed early in the 
summer, for Martinique, capturing several prizes by the way. 
When near her port, the English sloop of war Shark 16, Captain 
Chapman, laid her close alongside, and commenced a brisk attack, 
the Reprisal being both lighter than the enemy, and short-handed. 
Captain Wickes made so gallant a defence, however, that the Shark 
was repulsed with loss, and he got into the island with credit, hun 
dreds having witnessed the affair from the shore. As this occurred 
early in the season, and before the declaration of independence, the 
Shark followed the Reprisal in, and Jier captain demanded that the 
governor should deliver up the American ship as a pirate. This de 
mand was refused of course, and shortly after Captain Wickes 
returned home. With a view to connect the train of events, we will 
now follow this excellent officer to the European seas. 

The Reprisal was the first American man of war that ever showed 
herself in the other hemisphere. She sailed from home not long 
after the Declaration of Independence, and appeared in France in 
the autumn of 1776, bringing in w T ith her several prizes, and having 
Dr. Franklin on board as a passenger. A few privateers had pre 
ceded her, and slight difficulties had occurred in relation to some of 
their prizes that had gone into Spain, but it is believed these were 
the first English captured ships that had entered France since the 
commencement of the American Revolution. The English ambas 
sador complained of this infraction of the treaty between the two 
countries, but means were found to dispose of the prizes without de 
tection. The Reprisal having refitted, soon sailed towards the Bay 
of Biscay, on another cruise. Here she captured several more ves 
sels, and among the rest a king s packet that plied between Falmouth 
and Lisbon. When the cruise was up, Captain Wickes went into 
Nantes, taking his prize with him. The complaints of the English 
now became louder, and the American commissioners were secretly 
admonished of the necessity of using greater reserve. The prizes 
Avere directed to quit France, though the Reprisal, being leaky, was 
suffered to remain in port, in order to refit. The former were taken 
into the offing, and sold ; the state of the times rendering these in 
formal proceedings necessary. Enormous losses to the captors were 
the consequences, while it is not improbable that the gains of the 
purchasers had their influence in blinding the local authorities to the 
character of the transaction. The business appears to have been 
managed with dexterity, and the proceeds of the sales, such as they 
were, proved of great service to the agents of government, by enabling 
them to purchase other vessels. 

In April, the Lexington 14, Captain Johnston, arrived in France, 
and the old difficulties were renewed. But the commissioners at 
Paris, who had been authorised to equip vessels, appoint officers, and 
do other matters to annoy the enemy, now planned a cruise that 
surpassed any thing of the sort that had yet been attempted in Eu 
rope under the American flag. Captain Wickes was directed to 
proceed to sea, with his own vessel and the Lexington, and to go 



62 NAVAL HISTORY. [1776. 



directly off Ireland, in order to intercept a convoy of linen ships that 
was expected to sail about that time. A cutter of ten guns, called 
the Dolphin, that had been detained by the commissioners to carry 
despatches to America, was diverted from her original destination 
and placed under the orders of Captain Wickes. The Dolphin was 
commanded by Lieutenant S. Nicholson, a brother of the senior 
captain, and a gentleman who subsequently died himself at the head 
of the service. 

Captain Wickes, in command of this light squadron, sailed from 
Nantes about the commencement of June, going first into the Bay 
of Biscay, and afterwards entirely around Ireland, sweeping the sea 
before him of every thing that was not of a force to render an attack 
hopeless. The linen ships were missed, but many vessels were 
taken or destroyed. As the American cruisers approached the 
French coast, on their return, a line of battle ship gave chase, and 
followed them nearly into port. The Lexington and Dolphin appear 
to have escaped without much difficulty, by separating, but the Re 
prisal was so hard pressed, as to be obliged to saw her bulwarks, 
and even to cut away some of her timbers ; expedients that were 
then much in favour among the seamen of the day, though of ques 
tionable utility. 

This was the first exploit of the kind in the war, and its boldness 
and success seem to have produced so much sensation in England, 
that the French government was driven to the necessity of entirely 
throwing aside the mask, or of taking some more decided step in 
relation to these cruisers. Not being yet prepared for war, it resorted 
to the latter expedient. The Reprisal and Lexington were ordered 
to be seized and held, until security was given that they would quit 
the European seas, while the prizes were commanded to leave France 
without delay. The latter were accordingly taken outside the port, 
and disposed of to French merchants, in the same informal manner, 
and with the same loss, as in the previous cases, while the vessels of 
war prepared to return home. 

In September, the Lexington sailed from Morlaix, in which port 
she had taken refuge in the chase, and next day she fell in with the 
British man-of-war-cutter Alert, Lieutenant Bazely, a vessel of a 
force a trifle less than her own, when an engagement took place. 
The lightness of the vessels, and the roughness of the weather, ren 
dered the fire on both sides, very ineffective, and after an action of 
two hours and a half, the Lexington had expended nearly all of her 
powder, without subduing her gallant opponent. The Alert, how- 
3ver, had suffered so much aloft, as to enable the brig to leave her. 
Notwithstanding this advantage, so much activity was shown on 
board the English vessel, that, after a chase of four hours, she was 
enabled to get alongside of the Lexington again, while the latter was 
herself repairing damages. A one-sided battle now occurred, the 
Lexington not having it in her power to keep up a fire of any moment, 
and after receiving that of his persevering antagonist for another hour. 
Captain Johnston was compelled to strike, to save the lives of his 
crew. Thus closed the brief history of the gallant little cruiser that 



1777.] NAVAL HISTORY. 63 

is known to have first borne the regular American flag in a victory 
upon the ocean. Her career was short, but it was not without credit 
and usefulness. When taken, she had been in service about one year 
and eight months, in which time she had been under three command 
ers, Captains Barry, Hallock, and Johnston; had fought two severe 
battles with vessels of war ; was twice taken, and once recaptured, 
besides having several times engaged armed ships, and made many 
prizes. The English commander received a good deal of credit for 
the persevering gallantry with which he lay by, and captured his 
opponent. 

The fate of the Reprisal, a vessel that had even been more suc 
cessful than her consort, was still harder. This ship also sailed for 
America, agreeably to the conditions made with the French govern 
ment, and foundered on the banks of Newfoundland, all on board 
perishing with the exception of the cook. In Captain Wickes the 
country lost a gallant, prudent, and efficient officer, and one who 
promised to have risen high in his profession had his life been spared. 

To the untimely loss of the Reprisal, and the unfortunate capture 
of the Lexington, must be attributed the little eclat that attended the 
services of these two vessels in Europe. They not only preceded all 
the other national cruisers in the European seas, but they did great 
positive injury to the commerce of the enemy, besides exciting such 
a feeling of insecurity in the English merchants, as to derange their 
plans, and to produce other revolutions in the course of trade, that 
will be adverted to in the close of the chapter. 

In order to complete the account of the proceedings of the Amer 
ican commissioners at Paris, so far as they were connected with na 
val movements, during the years 1776 and 1777, it is necessary to 
come next to the affair of Captain Conyngham, which, owing to 
some marked circumstances, made more noise than the cruises of 
the Reprisal and Lexington, though the first exploits of the latter were 
anterior as to time, and of not less consequence in their effects. 

While the commissioners* were directing the movements of Cap 
tain Wickes, in the manner that has been mentioned, they were not 
idle in other quarters. A small frigate was building at Nantes, on 
their account, and there will be occasion hereafter to speak of her 
services and loss, under the name of the Queen of France. Some 
time in the spring of 1777, an agent was sent to Dover by the Amer 
ican commissioners where he purchased a fine fast-sailing English- 
built cutter, and had her carried across to Dunkirk. Here she was 
privately equipped as a cruiser, and named the Surprise. To the 
command of this vessel, Captain Gustavus Conyngham was ap 
pointed, by filling up a blank commission from John Hancock, the 
President of Congress. This commission bore date March 1st, 
1777, and it would seem, as fully entitled Mr. Conyngham to the rank 
of a captain in the navy, as any other that was ever issued by the 
same authority. Having obtained his officers and crew in Dunkirk, 
Captain Conyngham sailed on a cruise, about the 1st of May, and on 
the 4th, he took a brig called the Joseph. On the 7th, when within 

* Dr. Franklin and Silas Deane. 



(j4 NAVAL HISTORY. [1777. 

a few leagues of the coast of Holland, the Surprise ran along side of 
the Harwich packet the Prince of Orange, which she boarded and 
took with so little previous alarm, that Captain Conyngham on step- 
ing upon the deck of the prize, walked cooly down into her cabin, 
where he found her master and his passengers at breakfast. The 
mail for the north of Europe being on board the Prince of Orange, 
Captain Conyngham believed his acquisition to be of sufficient im 
portance to return to port, and accordingly he reappeared at Dun 
kirk in a day or two. 

By referring to the dates, it will be seen, though both the Reprisal 
and the Lexington, especially the first, had cruised in the European 
seas prior to the sailing of the Surprise, that the latter vessel per 
formed the exploit just mentioned, shortly before Captain Wickes 
sailed on his cruise in the Irish and English Channels. Coming as 
it did so soon after the capture of the Lisbon packet, and occurring 
on one of the great thoroughfares between England and the conti 
nent, coupled with the fact that the cutter had been altogether 
equipped in a French port, the loss of the Prince of Orange appears 
to have attracted more attention than the transactions before des 
cribed. The remonstrances of the English ambassador were so earn 
est, that Captain Conyngham and his crew were imprisoned, the cut 
ter was seized, and the prizes were liberated. On this occasion the 
commission of Captain Conyngham was taken from him, and sent 
to Versailles, and it seems never to have been returned. 

So completely was the English government deceived by this de 
monstration of an intention on the part of the French ministry to 
cause the treaty to be respected, that two sloops of war were actually 
sent to Dunkirk to carry Captain Conyngham and his people to 
England, that they might be tried as pirates. When the ships 
reached Dunkirk, as will be seen in the succeeding events, the birds 
had flown. 

The commissioners had the capture of some of the transports 
with Hessian troops on board in view, and they were no sooner no 
tified of the seizure of the Surprise, than Mr. Hodge, an agent who 
was of great service to the cause, was directed to procure another 
cutter. One was accordingly purchased at Dunkirk, and was fitted, 
with all despatch, for a cruiser. Means were found to liberate Cap 
tain Conyngham and his people, and this second vessel, which was 
called the Revenge, sailed from Dunkirk on the J8th of July, or 
about the time that Captain Wickes returned from his cruise with 
the three other vessels. A new commission had been obtained foi 
Captain Conyngham, previously to putting to sea, which bore date 
May 2d, 1777. As this second commission was dated anterior to 
the seizure of the old one, there is no question that it was also one 
of those in blank, which had been confided to the commissioners to 
fill at their discretion. 

The Revenge proved exceedingly successful, making prizes daily 
and generally destroying them. Some of the most valuable, how 
ever, were ordered into Spain, where many arrived ; their avails 
proving of great moment to the agents of the American government 



1777.] NAVAL HISTORY, 65 

in Europe. It is even affirmed that the money advanced to Mr. Ad 
ams for travelling expenses, when he landed in Spain from the 
French frigate La Sensible, a year or two later, was derived from 
this source. 

Having suffered from a gale, Captain Conyngham disguised the 
Revenge, and took her into one of the small English ports, where 
he actually refitted without detection. Shortly after, lie obtained 
supplies in Ireland, paying for them by bills on his agents in Spain. 
In short, after a cruise of almost unprecedented success, so far as 
injury to the English merchants was concerned, the Revenge went 
into Ferrol, refitted, and finally sailed for the American sea s, where 
it would derange the order of events to follow her at this moment. 

The characters of the Surprise and Revenge appear never to have 
been properly understood. In all the accounts of the day, and in near 
ly, if not in quite all the subsequent histories, these vessels are spoken 
of as privateers, authorised to act by the commissioners at Paris. It is 
not clear that the commissioners sent private armed vessels to sea at 
all, though the act may have come within the scope of their powers. 
That the two cutters commanded by Captain Conyngham were pub 
lic vessels, however, is proved in a variety of ways. Like the Dol 
phin 10, Lieutenant Nicholson, an officer who may be said to have 
almost passed his life in the navy, the Surprise and Revenge were 
bought and equipped by agents of the diplomatic commissioners of 
the United States, on public account, and the commissions granted 
to Captain Conyngham were gifts of personal authority, and not 
powers conceded to particular vessels. It is known that Dr. Frank 
lin, at a later day, and with an especial object in view, granted tem 
porary commissions in the navy, but there is no evidence that either 
of those bestowed on Captain Conyngham possessed even this con 
ditional character. The Revenge was finally given up to the Navy 
Board, in Philadelphia, and was sold on public account. It is cer 
tainly competent for a government to consider its public vessels as it 
may see fit, or to put them in the several classes of vessels of war, 
revenue cruisers, packets, troop-ships, transports, or any thing else, 
but it would, at least, be a novelty for it to deem any of its own active 
cruisers privateers. The very word would infer a contradiction in 
terms. Paul Jones speaks of his desire to obtain Captain Conyng 
ham as a member of a court martial, as late as 1779, and in a re 
monstrance against the treatment shown to Captain Conyngham, 
then a prisoner of war, made by Congress, through its Secretary, 
Charles Thompson, of the date of July 1779, that officer is termed, 
* Gustavus Conyngham, a citizen of America, late commander of an 
armed vessel in the service of said States, and taken on board a pri 
vate armed cutter," &c. &c. Here the distinction between public 
and private armed vessels is unequivocally made, and the fact that 
Captain Conyngham had served in both, is as clearly established; 
it being admitted that he was acting in a privateer at the precise mo 
ment of his capture. The latter circumstance, in no degree affected 
the rank of Captain Conyngham, officers of the navy quite fre 
quently serving in private armed ships, after the first two or three 
VOL. i. 5 



66 NAVAL HISTORY. [1777. 



years of the war, in consequence of there not having been public 
vessels to afford them employment. That there was some irregu 
larity in giving Captain Conyngham two commissions for the same 
rank, and bearing different dates, is true, but this arose from neces 
sity ; and want of regularity and system was a fault of the times, 
rather than of those who conducted the affairs of the American ma 
rine, during the Revolution. There can be no reasonable doubt 
that both the Surprise and the Revenge were public vessels of war, 
and that Gustavus Conyngham was a captain in the navy of the 
United States of America, in virtue of two commissions granted by 
a competent authority ; and that, too, subsequently to the Declara 
tion of Independence, or alter the country claimed all the political 
rights of sovereign power. 

The sensation produced among the British merchants, by the dif 
ferent cruises in the European seas, that have been recorded in this 
chapter, is stated in the diplomatic correspondence of the day, to 
have been greater than that produced, in the previous war, by the 
squadron of the celebrated Thurot. Insurance rose to an enormous 
height, and, in speaking of the cruise of Captain Wickes in partic 
ular, Mr. Deane observes in one of his letters to Robert Morris, that 
it ** effectually alarmed England, prevented the great fair at Chester, 
occasioned insurance to rise, and even deterred the English mer 
chants from shipping goods in English bottoms, at any rate, so that 
in a few weeks, forty sail of French ships were loading in the 
Thames on freight ; an instance never before known." In the 
same letter, this commissioner adds, " In a word, Cunningham 
(Conyngham) by his first and second bold expeditions, is become the 
terror of all the eastern coast of England and Scotland, and is more 
dreaded than Thurot was, in the late war." 

Insurance, in some instances, rose as high as twenty-five per 
cent., and it is even affirmed that there was a short period when ten 
per cent, was asked between Dover and Calais, a distance of only 
seven leagues. 

Having now related the principal maritime events that were con 
nected with the policy and measures of the commissioners in France, 
during the years 1776 and 1777, we shall return to the American 
seas, and resume the thread of the narrative, where it has been in 
terrupted, or towards the middle of the former year. \Ve shall 
shortly have occasion, however, to revert to the subject that we are 
now temporarily quitting, this quarter of the world having been the 
theatre of still more interesting incidents connected with the navy, at 
a later day. Before returning to the year 1776, and the more chro 
nological order of events, however, one fact may well be recorded 
here. With a view to increase the naval force of the country, the 
commissioners had caused a frigate of extraordinary size, and of 
peculiar armament and construction for that period, to be laid down 
at Amsterdam. This ship had the keel and sides of a two decker, 
though frigate built, and her main deck armament was intended to 
consist, of thirty-two pounders. Her name was the Indien. But in 
consequence of the apprehensions of the Dutch government, and thr 



1776.] NAVAL HISTORY. 67 



jealousy of that of England, Congress was induced, about this time, 
to make an offering of the Indien to Louis XVI., and she was equip 
ped and got ready for sea, as a French vessel of war. In the end, 
the manner in which this frigate was brought into the service of one 
of the new American States, and her fate, will be shown. 




CHAPTER VI. 

Commodore Sir Peter Parker attacks Charleston Is repulsed by the Americans Capt. 
Mngfbrd captures the Hope The Sachem, Capt. Robinson, captures an English let 
ter of marque Capt. R. put in command of the Doria Captures the Racehorse, after 
a sharp contest Conflict of American galleys with the enemy Capt. Hudson of the 
Ranger captures a British brig, after an action of two hours Battle on Lake Cham- 
plain General Arnold American privateers. 

IT is now necessary to revert to events that will require the time 
to be carried back more than a twelvemonth. In reviewing this 
branch of the subject, it may be well to take a brief notice of the state 
of the regular marine of the country, in the spring of the year 1776, 
or soon after the law for capturing all British vessels had passed, and 
at a moment when the independence of the country was seriously 
contemplated, though not formally declared. 

None of these vessels ordered to be built, by the laws of the previ 
ous year, were yet launched, and every public cruiser of any size 
that was actually afloat had been bought into the service. Of these, 
the largest were little suited to war, as they were necessarily selected 
from among the merchant vessels of the country, while the smaller 
had been chosen principally from among the privateers. Copper, 
for ships, was just coming into use, and it is not believed thai a single 
cruiser of the United States possessed the great advantage of having 
this material on its bottom until a much later day. 

Philadelphia being the seat of government, the largest town in 
the country, and naturally strong in its defences, more than usual 
attention was paid to the means of preventing the enemy from getting 
possession of it by water. Thirteen galleys had been provided for 
this purpose, as well as a heavy floating battery, and several fire 
rafts. An officer of the name of Hazlewood was put in command, 
with the title of commodore, his commission having been issued by 
the Colony of Pennsylvania. Similar arrangements were made in 
the Chesapeake, where a gentleman of the name of Barren, the 
father of two officers who have subsequently risen to high rank in 
the service, received the same commission from the Colony of Vir 
ginia. James Nicholson, who so shortly after became the senior 
captain of the navy, filled a corresponding station in the Colony of 
Maryland, and performed some service that did him credit. 

Most of the colonies had their respective cruisers at sea, or on 
their own coasts, while the ocean literally* began to swarm with pri 



68 NAVAL HISTORY. [1776. 

vateers from all parts of the country ; though New England took 
the lead in this species of warfare. Robert Morris, in one of his 
official letters of a date later than this precise time, remarks that the 
passion for privateering was so strong in this particular part of the 
country, that even agriculture was abandoned in order to pursue it. 

The English evacuated Boston on the 17th of March of this year, 
retiring to Halifax with their fleet and army. From this place, they 
directed their movements for a short period, or until they were en 
abled, by the arrival of powerful reinforcements, to choose the points 
which it was believed would be the most advantageous to possess for 
the future management of the war. Charleston, South Carolina, 
was soon selected for this purpose, and preparations for a descent 
on that coast were made as early as April, or immediately after the 
the evacuation of Boston. It is not improbable that this step was 
held in view, when the British quitted New England, as the occupa 
tion of that town would enable the English government to overrun all 
the southern colonies. Luckily, some despatches, that were inter 
cepted by Commodore Barron, of the Virginia service, betrayed this 
/ design to the people of Charleston, who were not slow in making 
their preparations to meet the enemy. 

In furtherance of this plan, which is even said to have emanated 
from the British ministry itself, though some ascribe the attack that 
occurred to the officers immediately in command, the main object 
being a secure footing in the southern States at any eligible point 
that might offer, a squadron consisting of several sail, under the 
orders of Commodore Sir Peter Parker, arrived on the coast of 
North Carolina as early as May. Here it was joined by a fleet of 
transports from Halifax, having on board nearly three thousand 
troops, at the head of whom was Lieutenant General, afterwards Sir 
Henry, Clinton. 

On the 4th of June this imposing force appeared off Charleston 
Bar, and made immediate preparations for a descent and an attack 
by sea ; buoying out the channel for the latter purpose without delay. 
A portion of the troops were landed on Long Island, which is sepa 
rated from Sullivan s Island by a narrow channel that is fordable in 
certain states of the tide, with a view to pass over and take a strong 
work, made of palmetto logs, that the Americans had erected for the 
defence of their harbour, and which it was thought might easily be 
reduced from the rear. Happily for the Americans, a long continu 
ance of easterly winds drove the water up into the passage between 
the two islands, converting the channel into a ditch, that effectually 
prevented the forces of General Clinton from crossing. On the 7tli, 
the frigates passed the bar ; and on the 10th, a fifty gun ship suc 
ceeded with great difficulty, in accomplishing the same object. The 
delay occasioned by the want of water, and the indecision of the Eng 
lish general, who acted with less vigour than his associate in com 
mand, was eagerly improved by the Americans, and a considerable 
force collected in and about the town, though the fort on Sullivan s 
Island, which was subsequently named after its gallant commander, 
Colonel Moultrio, did not admit of much enlargement or additional 



I 



1776.] NAVAL HISTORY. 69 

fortifying. This work contained twenty-six guns, twenty-six and 
eighteen pounders, and it was garrisoned by about four hundred 
men, of whom more than three hundred were regulars. Other 
troops were at hand to watch the party on Long Island, and to resist 
any attempt to land. Major General Lee, of the United States ser 
vice commanded in chief, on the side of the Americans. Suitable 
preparations were made to save the garrison, in the event of a de 
scent, though it appears to have been the opinion of Colonel Moul- 
trie, that he could have maintained the island even had the enemy 
crossed and landed. 

On the 28th of June, Sir Peter Parker, being joined by another 
fifty, and having completed his preparations, moved his ships to their 
respective stations, in order to commence the attack. Between ten 
and eleven in the forenoon, the Thunder began to throw shells at the 
fort, to cover the approach of the other vessels, though without much 
effect. The shells were well directed, and many fell in the centre 
of the fort ; but they were received in a morass, where the fuses were 
extinguished. But few exploded. The Bristol 50, Sir Peter Par 
ker s own ship, the Experiment 50, which had joined but a day or 
two before, both vessels of two decks, the Active 28, and the Solebay 
28, anchored in front of the fort, with springs on their cables ; while 
the Acteon 28, Siren 28, and Sphinx 20, endeavored to get into 
positions between the island arid the town, with a view to enfilade 
the works, to cut off the communications with the main body of the 
American forces, and to intercept a retreat. The latter vessels got 
entangled among the shoals, and all three took the ground. In the 
confusion, the Sphinx and Siren ran foul of each other, by which ac 
cident the former lost her bowsprit. The Acteon stuck so fast, that 
all the efforts of her crew to get her afloat proved "unavailing ; but 
the other two succeeded in getting off in a few hours. In conse 
quence of these mistakes and accidents, the three vessels named 
were of little or no use to the British during the engagement. 

Of the vessels that came up in front, the Active 28, led. As she 
drew near, the fort fired a few guns, as if to try the range of its shot, 
but the battle did not properly begin until the frigate had anchored 
and delivered her broadside. The other vessels followed, when they 
all commenced as severe and well supported a fire, as was probably 
ever kept up for so long a period, by ships of their force. 

The cannonade began in earnest about twelve o clock, and it was 
maintained throughout a long summer s afternoon, and, with short 
intervals, until nine o clock at night, with undaunted resolution, on 
both sides. The fire of the ships was rapid : that of the fort delibe 
rate, but of deadly aim. The first, owing to the*peculiar nature of 
the wood of which the works were composed, did but little injury, 
vhile the heavy shot sent from the fort, passed through and through 
the sides of the enemy s ships. At one period, the garrison had 
nearly expended its ammunition, and its fire ceased for so long a 
time, that it became the impression of the enemy that it had evacu- 



,0 NAVAL HISTORY. [1776, 

ted the works.* A fresh supply arriving, however, this error of the 
English was soon corrected, the fire that was renewed being, if pos 
sible, more destructive than that which had preceded the pause. In 
the heat of the engagement the springs of the Bristol s cable were 
cut, and the ship swung round, with her stern to the embrasures. 
That deadly deliberate fire, which had distinguished the garrison 
throughout the day, now told with awful effect on this devoted vessel. 
In this scene of slaughter and destruction, the old seaman who 
commanded the British squadron, displayed the high resolution 
which, during the last century, has distinguished so many other of 
ficers of his name in the same service. At one time, he is said to 
have stood almost alone on the quarter-deck of his ship, bleeding, 
but delivering his orders calmly and with discretion. By the appli 
cation of a new spring, the vessel was extricated from this awful 
position, and her firing was renewed. 

But no courage or perseverance on the part of the assailants could 
overcome the cool resolution of the garrison, and when night set in, 
Sir Peter Parker made the signal for the ships to retire. All the 
vessels effected their retreat but the Acteon, which ship remained 
too firmly grounded to be moved. From this frigate the enemy 
withdrew her people next morning, when they set her on fire, leaving 
her with her guns loaded and colours flying. She was immediately 
boarded by the Americans, who hauled down her ensign, fired a few 
shot at the retreating ships, and left her. In a short time her maga 
zine exploded. 

This was the most hotly contested engagement of the kind that 
ever took place on the American coast, and it goes fully to prove the 
important military position, that ships cannot withstand forts when 
the latter are properly constructed, armed, and garrisoned. Gen 
eral Moultrie, in his Memoirs, states that he commenced the battle 
with only twenty-eight rounds of powder. The supplies received 
during the fight amounted to but seven hundred pounds in gross, 
which, for guns of so heavy caliber, would scarcely make a total of 
thirty -five rounds. He is of opinion that the want of powder alone 
prevented the Americans from destroying the men of war. 

On this occasion the Americans had only thirty-six killed and 
wounded, while the loss of the British was about two hundred men. 
The two fifty gun ships suffered most, the Bristol having the com 
modore himself, Captain Morris, who died of his injuries, and sixty- 
nine men wounded, besides forty killed. Amonjr the former was 
Lord William Campbell, a brother of the Duke of Argyle, who had 

* Some carious errors appear in Sir Peter Parker s report of this affair, arising otit of 
the distance at which he was placed, and the confusion of a hot conflict. Among other 
things he says that large parties were driven out of the fort by the fire of the ships, and 
that they were replaced by reinforcements from the main land. He also says that a 
man was hanged on a tree, in the rear of the fort, by a party that was entering ft. Noth 
ing of the sort occurred. Colonel Moultrie explains the affair of the man in the tree, by 
saying that a shot took a soldier s coat and carried it into the branches of a tree, where 
il remained suspended during the rest of the day. So far from any confusion or disorder 
having existed in the fort, when General Lee visited the works, Airing the height of the 
action, the officers laid aside their pipes in order to receive him with proper respect. 
After the affair, twelve hundred shot were picked up in and about the fort, besides manv 
shells. 



1776.] NAVAL HISTORY. 71 

recently been Governor of South Carolina, in which province he had 
married, arid who had taken a command on the Bristol s lower gun 
deck, with a view to animate her men. The Experiment suffered little 
less than the Bristol, several of her ports having been knocked into 
one, and seventy-nine of her officers and crew were killed and 
wounded. Among the latter was her commander, Captain Scott. 
The frigates, attracting less of the attention of the garrison escaped 
with comparatively little Joss. A short time after this signal discom 
fiture, the British temporarily abandoned their design on Charleston, 
carrying off the troops, which had been perfectly useless during the 
operations. 

Quitting the south for the present, we will now return to the north, 
to mention a few of the lighter incidents that occurred at different 
points on the coast. Soon after the British left Boston, a Captain 
Mugford obtained the use of a small armed vessel belonging to gov 
ernment, called the Franklin, and getting to sea, he succeeded in 
capturing the Hope, a ship that had on board fifteen hundred barrels 
of powder, and a large quantity of intrenching tools, gun carriages, 
and other stores. This vessel was got into Boston, in sight of the 
British squadron. Attempting another cruise immediately after 
wards, Captain Mugford lost his life in making a gallant and suc 
cessful effort to repel some of the nemy s boats, which had endeav 
oured to carry the Franklin and u small privateer that was in com 
pany, by boarding. 

On the 6th of July, or two days after the Declaration of Inde 
pendence, the Sachem 10, Captain Robinson, sailed from the 
Delaware on a cruise. The Sachem was sloop rigged, and one of 
the lightest cruisers in the service. When a few days out she fell in 
with an English letter of marque, a Jamaica-man, and captured her, 
after a sharp contest. Both vessels are said to have suffered severely 
in this affair, and to have had an unusual number of their people 
killed and wounded. Captain Robinson was now compelled j 
return to refit, and arriving at Philadelphia with the prize, the Ma. me 
Committee rewarded him for his success by giving him the command 
of the Andrea Doria 14, then recently returned from her cruise to the 
eastward under Captain Biddle, which officer had been transferred 
to the Randolph 32. 

The Doria sailed shortly after for St. Eustatia, to bring home some 
arms ; and it is said that the first salute ever paid to the American 
flag, by a regular government, was fired in return for the salute of 
the Doria, when she went into that island. For this indiscretion the 
Dutch governor was subsequently displaced. 

On her return passage, off the western end of Porto Rico, the 
Doria made an English vessel of war, bearing down upon her with 
a disposition to engage. On ranging up abeam, the enemy com 
menced the action by firing a broadside, which was immediately 
returned by the Doria. A very sharp contest of two hours followed, 
when the Englishman struck. The prize proved to be the Race 
horse 12, Lieutenant Jones, who had been sent by his admiral to 
cruise expressly for his captors. Lieutenant Jones was mortally 



72 NAVAL HISTORY. [1776. 

wounded, and a very large proportion of the Racehorse s officers 
and crew were either killed or wounded. The Doria lost twelve 
men, including all the casualties. Captain Robinson and his prize 
got safely into Philadelphia, in due season. The Doria never went 
to sea again, being shortly after burned by the Americans to prevent 
her falling into the hands of the British fleet, when the evacuation 
of Fort Mifflin gave the enemy the command of the Delaware. 

The galleys in the Delaware had a long and well contested strug 
gle with the Roebuck 44, Captain Hammond, and the Liverpool 20, 
Captain Bellew, about the first of May of this year. The cannon 
ade was handsomely conducted, and it resulted in driving the enemy 
from the river. During this affair the Wasp 8, Captain Alexander, 
was active and conspicuous, cutting out a tender of the English ships 
from under their guns. 

A spirited attack was also made on the Phoenix 44, and Rose 24, 
in the Hudson, on the third of August, by six American galleys. 
The firing was heavy and well maintained for two hours, both sides 
suffering materially. On the part of the galleys, eighteen men were 
killed and wounded, and several guns were dismounted by shot. 
The loss of the enemy is not known, though both vessels were 
repeatedly hulled. 

But by this time the whole coast was alive with adventures of such 
a nature, scarcely a week passing that did not give rise to some inci 
dent that would have interest for the reader, did the limits of our work 
permit us to enter into the details. Wherever an enemy s cruiser 
appeared, or attempted to land, skirmishes ensued ; and in some of 
these little affairs as much personal gallantry and ingenuity were 
displayed as in many of the more important combats. The coast 
of New England generally, the Chesapeake, and the coast of the 
Carolinas, were the scenes of most of these minor exploits, which, 
like all the subordinate incidents of a great struggle, are gradually 
coming lost in the more engrossing events of the war. 

v ^ctober 12th, of this year, an armed British brig, the name of 
whicii has been lost, fitted out by the government of the Island of 
Jamaica, made an attempt on a small convoy of American vessels, 
off Cape Nicola Mole, in the West Indies, then in charge of the 
privateer Ranger 18, Captain Hudson. Perceiving the aim of the 
enemy, Captain Hudson ran under her stern, and gave her a severe 
raking fire. The action thus commenced, lasted nearly two hours, 
when the Ranger boarded, and carried the brig, hand to hand. The 
English vessel, in this affair, reported thirteen men killed and 
wounded, by the raking broadside of the Ranger alone. In the 
whole, she had between thirty and forty of her people injured. On 
her return from this cruise, the Ranger was purchased for the navy. 

While these events were occurring on the ocean, naval armaments, 
and naval battles, took place on those lakes, that witnessed the evo 
lutions of squadrons of force in the subsequent war between the two 
countries. 

In order to command the Lakes Champlain and George, across 
\which lay the ancient and direct communication with the Canadas, 



1776.] NAVAL HISTORY. 73 

flotillas had been constructed on both these waters, by the Ameri 
cans. To resist this force, and with a view to co-operate with the 
movements of their troops, the British commenced the construction 
of vessels at St. Johns. Several men-of-war were laid up, in the St. 
Lawrence, and their officers and crews were transferred to the ship 
ping built on Lake Champlain. 

The American force, in the month of August, appears to have 
consisted of the following vessels, viz : 

Schooner, Royal Savage, 12, Wynkoop. 
Do. Enterprise, 12, Dixon. 
Do. Revenge, 10, Laman. 

Do. Liberty, 10, Plumer. 

Gondola, 3, Simmons. 

Do. 3, Mansfield. 

Do. 3, Sumner. 

Do. 3, listens. 

To this force were added several more gondolas, and a few row 
galleys. These vessels were hastily equipped, and in most of the 
instances, it is believed, that they were commanded by officers in the 
army. Their crews were principally soldiers. At a later day, the 
American force was materially changed, new names were given and 
new vessels substituted, but so much confusion exists in the accounts 
as to render any formal attempt at accuracy in enumerating the craft, 
difficult, if not impossible. 

On the other hand, the British constructed a force that enabled 
them to take the lake in October, with the following vessels, viz : 
Ship, Inflexible, 16, Lieutenant Schank. 

Schooner, Maria, 14, * Starke. 

Do. Carleton, 12, " Dacres. 

Radeau, Thunderer, 14, " Scott. 

Gondola, Royal Convert, 6, " Lancroft. 

To these were added twenty gun-boats, four long-boats, each 
armed with a gun, and twenty-four other craft, loaded with stores 
and provisions. The metal of this flotilla was much superior to that 
of the American force, the Inflexible carrying twelve pounders, the 
schooners sixes, the radeau twenty-fours and twelves, and the gun 
boats, pieces that varied from eighteens down to nines. The British 
accounts admit that 796 officers and men were drafted from the Isis, 
Blonde, Triton, Garland, &c., in order to man these vessels, and 
artillerists and other troops were also put on board to aid in fighting 
them. 

October llth, General Arnold, who commanded the American 
flotilla, was lying off Cumberland Head, when at eight in the morn 
ing, the enemy appeared in force, to the northward, turning to wind 
ward with a view to engage. On that day the American vessels 
present consisted of the Royal Savage, 12, Revenge, 10, Liberty, 
10, Lee, cutter, 4, Congress, galley, 10, Washington, do., 10, Trum- 
bull, do., 10, and eight gondolas. Besides the changes that had been 
made since August, two or three of the vessels that were on the lake 



NAVAL HISTORY. [1776 



were absent on their duty. The best accounts state the force of this 
flotilla, or of the vessels present, as follows, viz : 
Guns, 90. 
Metal, 647 Ibs. 
Men, 600, including soldiers. 

On this occasion, the British brought up nearly their whole force, 
as it has been already stated, although having the disadvantage of 
being to leeward, all their vessels could not get into close action. 
Captain Douglas, of the Isis, had commanded the naval movements 
that preceded the battles, and Lieutenant General Sir Guy Carleton, 
was present, in person, on board the Maria. The first officer, in 
his official report of the events, mentions that the Inflexible was 
ready to sail, within twenty-eight days after her keel had been laid, 
and that he had caused to be equipped, between July and October, 
" thirty fighting vessels of different sorts and sizes, and all carrying 
cannon." Captain Pringle, of the Lord Howe, was the officer 
actually in charge, however, of the British naval force on the lake, 
and he commanded in person in the different encounters. 

The action of the llth of October commenced at eleven, in the 
forenoon, and by half-past twelve it was warm. On the part of the 
British, the battle for a long time was principally carried on by the 
gun boats, which were enabled to sweep up to windward, and which, 
by their weight of metal, were very efficient in smooth water. The 
Carleton, 12, Lieutenant Dacres, was much distinguished in this day, 
being the only vessel of size, that could get into close fight. After 
maintaining a hot fire for several hours, Captain Pringle judiciously 
called off the vessels that were engaged, anchoring just out of gun 
shot, with an intention to fenew the attack in the morning. In this 
affair the Americans, who had discovered great steadiness through 
out the day, had about 60 killed and wounded, while the British 
acknowledged a loss of only 40. The Carleton, however, suffered 
considerably. 

Satisfied that it would be impossible, successfully, to resist so great 
a superiority of force, General Arnold got under way, at 2 P. M., on 
the 12th, with the wind fresh ahead. The enemy made sail in chase, 
as soon as his departure was discovered, but neither flotilla could 
make much progress on account of the gondolas, which were unable 
to turn to windward. In the evening the wind moderated, when the 
Americans gained materially on their pursuers. Another change 
occurred, however, and a singular variation in the currents of air, 
now favoured the enemy ; for while the Americans, in the narrow 
part of the lake, were contending with a fresh southerly breeze, the 
English got the wind at northeast, which brought their leading ves 
sels within gun-shot at 12, meridian, on the 13th. 

On this occasion Captain Pringle, in the Maria, led in person, 
closely supported by the Inflexible and Carleton. The Americans 
were much scattered, several of the gondolas having been sunk and 
abandoned, on account of the impossibility of bringing them off. 
General Arnold, in the Congress galley, covered the rear of his 
retreating flotilla, having the Washington galley, on board of which 



1776.] NAVAL HISTORY. 75 



was Brigadier General Waterbury, in company. The latter had 
been much shattered in the fight, of the llth, and after receiving a 
few broadsides, she was compelled to strike. General Arnold, now 
defended himself like a lion, in the Congress, occupying the three 
vessels of the enemy so long a time, as to enable six of his little fleet 
to escape. When further resistance was out of the question, he ran 
the Congress on shore, set fire to her, and she blew up with her col 
ours flying. 

Although the result of this action was so disastrous, the American 
arms gained much credit, by the obstinacy of the resistance. Gen 
eral Arnold, in particular, covered himself with glory, and his ex 
ample appears to have been nobly followed by most of his officers 
and men. Even the enemy did justice to the resolution and skill 
with which the American flotilla was managed, the disparity in the 
force rendering victory out of the question from the first. The mari 
ner in which the Congress was fought until she had covered the re 
treat of the galleys, and the stubborn resolution with which she was 
defended until destroyed, converted the disasters of this part of the 
day, into a species of triumph. 

In these affairs, the Americans lost eleven vessels, principally gon 
dolas, while on the part of the British, two gondolas were sunk, and 
one blown up. The loss of men was supposed to be about equal, no 
less than sixty of the enemy perishing in the gondola that blew up. 
This statement differs from the published official accounts of the 
English, but those reports, besides being meagre and general, are 
contradicted by too much testimony on the other side, to command 
our respect. 

There has been occasion, already, to mention Mr. John Manly, 
who, in command of the schooner Lee, made the first captures that 
occurred in the war. The activity and resolution of this officer, 
rendered his name conspicuous at the commencement of the strug 
gle, and it followed as a natural consequence, that, when Congress 
regulated the rank of the captains, in 1776, he appears as one of 
them, his appointment having been made as early as April the 17th, 
of this year. So highly, indeed, were his services then appreciated, 
that the name of Captain Manly stands second on the list, and he 
was appointed to the command of the Hancock 32. When Captain 
Manly was taken into the navy, the Lee was given to Captain 
Waters, and was present at the capture of the three transports off 
Boston, as has been already stated. This little schooner, the name 
of which will ever remain associated with American history, in con 
sequence of her all important captures in 1775, appears to have con 
tinued actively employed, as an in-shore cruiser, throughout this 
year, if not later, in the pay of the new state of Massachusetts. 
Captain Waters, like his predecessor, Captain Manly, was received 
into the navy, on the recommendation of Washingtori, a commission 
to that effect having been granted by Congress, March 18th, 1777. 

Much enterprise and gallantry were exhibited in the encounters 
between the American privateers and heavily armed merchant-ships 
of the enemy, at this period, and England appears to have been so 



76 NAVAL HISTORY. [1776. 

completely taken by surprise, that they were of almost daily occur 
rence. The different colonies, also, fitted out more cruisers, princi 
pally vessels purchased for that purpose, and some of them were 
commanded by officers who also bore commissions in the service of 
Congress, or of the United States of America, as the confederation 
was called after the Declaration of Independence. South Carolina, 
on the 16th February, 1 776, had thre^3 of these vessels ; a ship of 26 
nine pounders ; a brig of 18 sixes ; and a schooner of 12 sixes. One 
of these cruisers drove a sloop of war from her convoy, and captured 
four transports loaded with stores. Massachusetts was never without 
several cruisers, and Pennsylvania, from time to time, had more or 
less. Virginia had her little marine, too, as has been already men 
tioned, though its attention was principally directed to the defence 
of her numerous rivers and bays. 

Some of the English accounts of this period state that near a 
hundred privateers had been fitted out of New England alone, in the 
two first years of the war, and the number of seamen in the service 
of the crown, employed against the new States of America, was com 
puted at 26,000. 

The colonies obtained many important supplies, colonial as well 
as military, and even manufactured articles of ordinary use, by means 
of their captures ; scarce a day passing that vessels of greater or 
less value did not arrive in some one of the ports of their extensive 
coast. By a list published in the Remembrancer, an English work 
of credit, it appears that 342 sail of English vessels had been taken 
by American cruisers in 1776 ; of which number 44 were recaptured, 
18 released, and 4 burned. 

On the other hand, the Americans met with their disasters ; many 
privateers being taken, principally by the fast-sailing frigates of the 
enemy, while valuable merchantmen fell into their hands, from time 
to time. In short, in a commercial sense, the war became very 
destructive to both parties, though it was best supported by the colo 
nists, the rise in colonial produce, in a measure, compensating them 
for their losses. 



CHAPTER VII. 

Successful cruise of the Randolph British account, of the action, in which she blew up 

Loss of the Cabot... The Trumbull captures two English transports The Han- 
Cock, Capt. Manly, captures the Fox, which is afterwards recaptured oft Halifax 

Capt. M. surrenders his ship to the British Capt. McNiel censured and dismissed the 

service Vessels destroyed in the Delaware by the English The Augusta blown 

up Cruise of the Raleigh, and her action with the Druid. 

THE year 1777 opened with new prospects for the American 
cause. The hardy movements of Washington in New Jersey had 
restored the drooping confidence of the nation, and great efforts were 



1776.] NAVAL HISTORY. 77 

made to follow up the advantage that had been so gloriously ob 
tained. Most of the vessels authorised by the laws of 1775, had 
been built and equipped during the year 1776, and America may 
now be said, for the first time, to have something like a regular navy, 
although the service was still, and indeed continued to be throughout 
the war, deficient in organisation, system, and unity. After the first 
effort, connected with its creation, the business of repairing losses, 
of increasing the force, and of perfecting that which had been so 
hastily commenced, however, was either totally neglected, or carried 
on in a manner so desultory and inefficient, as soon to leave very 
little of method or order in the marine. As a consequence, officers 
were constantly compelled to seek employment in private armed 
ships, or to remain idle, and the discipline did not advance, as would 
otherwise have been the case during the heat of an active war. To 
the necessities of the nation, however, and not to its foresight and 
prudence, must be attributed this state of things, the means of rais 
ing and maintaining troops being obtained with difficulty, and the 
cost of many ships entirely exceeding its resources. It is probable 
that had not the public armed vessels been found useful in conveying, 
as well as in convoying the produce, by means of which the loans 
obtained in Europe were met, and perhaps indispensable in keeping 
up the diplomatic communications with that quarter of the world, 
the navy would have been suffered to become extinct, beyond its 
employment in the bays and rivers of the country. This, however, 
is anticipating events, for at the precise moment in the incidents of 
the war at which we have now arrived, the exertions of the republic 
were perhaps at their height, as respects its naval armaments. 

One of the first, if not the very first of the new vessels that got to 
sea, was the Randolph 32. It has been seen that Captain Biddle 
was appointed to this ship, on his return from his successful cruise in 
the Andrea Doria 14. The Randolph was launched at Philadelphia 
in the course of the season of 1776, and sailed on her first cruise 
early in 1777. Discovering a defect in her masts, as well as a dis 
position to mutiny in his people, too many of whom were volunteers 
from among the prisoners, Captain Biddle put into Charleston for 
repairs. As soon as the ship was refitted, he sailed again, and three 
days out, he fell in with and captured four Jamaica-men, one of 
which, the True Briton, had an armament of 20 guns. The Ran 
dolph returned to Charleston, with her prizes, in safety. Here she 
appears to have been blockaded, by a superior English force, during 
the remainder of the season. The state authorities of South Caro 
lina were so much pleased with the zeal and deportment of Captain 
Biddle, and so much elated with their own success against Sir I 3 eter 
Parker, that they now added four small vessels of war of their own, 
the General Moultrie 18, the Polly 16, the Notre Dame 16, and the 
Fair American 14, to his command. With these vessels in com 
pany, and under his orders, Captain Biddle sailed, early in 1778, in 
quest of the British ships, the Carrysfort 32, the Perseus 20, the 
Hinchinbrpok 16, and a privateer, which had been cruising off 
Charleston for some time. The American squadron, however, had 



78 NAVAL HISTORY. [1776. 

been detained so long by foul winds, that, when it got into the off 
ing, no traces of the enemy were to be discovered. For the further 
history of the Randolph, we are unhappily indebted to the British ac 
counts. 

By a letter from Captain Vincent, of his Britannic Majesty s ship 
Yarmouth, 64, dated March 17th 1778, we learn that, on the 7th of 
that month, while cruising to the eastward of Barbadoes, he made 
six sail to the southwest, standing on a wind. The Yarmouth bore 
down on the chases, which proved to be tw r o ships, three brigs, and a 
schooner. About nine o clock in the evening she succeeded in 
ranging up on the weather quarter of the largest and leading vessel 
of the strangers ; the ship next in size, being a little astern and to lee 
ward. Hoisting her own colours, the Yarmouth ordered the ship 
near her to show her ensign, when the American flag was run up, 
and the enemy poured in a broadside. A smart action now com 
menced, and was maintained with vigour for twenty minutes, when 
the stranger blew up. The two ships were so near each other at the 
time, that many fragments of the wreck struck the Yarmouth, and 
among other things, an American ensign, rolled up, was blown in 
upon her forecastle. This flag was not even singed. The vessels 
in company now steered different w r ays, and the Yarmouth gave 
chase to two, varying her own course for that purpose. But her sails 
had suffered so much in the engagement, that the vessels chased 
soon run her out of sight. In this short action the Yarmouth, by 
the report of her own commander, had five men killed and twelve 
wounded. On the 12th, while cruising near the same place, a piece 
of wreck was discovered, with four men on it, \vho were making 
signals for relief. These men were saved, and when they got on 
board the Yarmouth, they reported themselves as having belonged 
to the United States ship Randolph 32, Captain Biddle, the vessel 
that had blown up in action with the English ship on the night of the 
7th of the same month. They had been floating ever since on the 
piece of wreck, without any other sustenance than a little rain water. 
They stated that they were a month out of Charleston. 

We regard with admiration the steadiness and spirit with which 
according to the account of his enemy, Captain Biddle commenced 
this action, against a force so vastly his superior ; and, although vic 
tory was almost hopeless, even had all his vessels behaved equally 
well with his own ship, we find it difficult, under the circumstances, 
to suppose that this srallant seaman did not actually contemplate 
carrying his powerful antagonist, most probably by boarding.* 

* Nicholas Biddle was descended from one of those respectable families that first 
peopled West Jersey, in the last qnarter of the seventeenth century. He was the sixth 
son of William Biddle, of that colony, who had removed to the city of Philadelphia pre 
viously to his hirth, and where this child was horn, in 1750. Young Biddle went to sea 
at thirteen, and from that early age appears to hnve devoted himself to the calling with 
ardour and perseverance. After several voyages, and suffering much in the way of 
shipwreck, he went to England, and hy means of letters, was rated as a midshipman on 
board of a British sloop of war, commanded by Captain, afterwards Admiral, Sterling. 
It is a singular fact in the life of this remarkable young man, that he subsequently en 
tered on hoard one of the vessels sent towards the North Pole, under the Hon. Captain 
Phipps, where he found Nelson a volunteer like himself, Both were made cockswains 
by the commodore. This was in 1775, and the difficulties with the American colonies 



1777.] NAVAL HISTORY. 79 

In March, 1777, the United States brig Cabot, Captain Olney, 
was chased ashore, on the coast of Nova Scotia by the British frig 
ate Milford, which pressed the Cabot so hard that there was barely 
time to get the people out of the brig. Captain Olney and his crew 
retreated into the woods, and subsequently they made their escape 
by seizing a schooner, in which they safely arrived at home. The 
enemy, after a long trial, got the Cabot off, and she was taken into 
the British navy. 

Shortly after this loss, or on the 9th of April, the Trumbull 28, 
Captain Saltoristall, fell in with, off New York, and captured after a 
smart action, two armed transports, with stores of value on board. 
In this affair the enemy suffered severely in casualties, and the Trum 
bull herself had 7 men killed and S wounded. 

In May of this year, the Hancock 32, Capt. John Manly, and the 
Boston 24, Capt. Hector McNiel, sailed in company from Boston, on 
a cruise to the eastward. A few days out, or in the month of May, 
the Hancock made a strange sail, early in the morning, and suc 
ceeded in getting near enough to her to exchange broadsides, on op 
posite tacks ; the Hancock using her starboard and the enemy his 
larboard guns. At this time, the Boston was out of gun-shot. Find 
ing that he had to deal with an antagonist of superior force, the 
English vessel, which was a frigate, stood on, crowding sail to es 
cape. The Hancock now went about, in pursuit, when Captain 
Manly sent his people from the guns, and ordered them to get their 
breakfasts. As the Hancock was one of the fastest ships that was 
ever built, she quickly drew up abeam of the chase, which renewed her 
fire as soon as her guns would bear. Captain Manly, however, 
commanded his men not to discharge a gun, until fairly alongside, 
when a warm and close action commenced, that lasted an hour and 
a half, when the Boston drawing near, the Englishman struck. The 

prize proved to be the Fox 28, Capt. . In this action the 

Hancock lost 8 men, and the Fox 32. The Boston did not fire a 

were coming to a head. In 1775, Mr. Biddle returned home, prepared to share his 
country s fortunes, in weal or wo. 

The first employment of Mr. Biddle, in the public service, was in command of a gal 
ley called the Camden, fitted out by the colony for the defence of the Delaware. From 
this station he was transferred to the service of Congress, or put into the regular marine, 
as it then existed, and given the command of the brig Andrea Doria, 14. In this vessel 
he does not appear to have had much share in the combat with the Glasgow, though 
present in the squadron, and in the expedition against New Providence. His successful 
cruise to the eastward, in the Doria, has been related in the body of the work, and on his 
return he was appointed to the Randoph, 32, the vessel in which he perished. 

In the action with the Yarmouth, Captain Biddle was severely wounded in the thigh, 
and is said to have been seated in a chair, with the surgeon examining his hurt, when 
his ship blew up. His death occurred at the early age of twenty-seven, and he died 
unmarried, though engaged, at the time, to a lady in Charleston. 

There is little question that Nicholas Biddle would have risen to high rank and great 
consideration, had his life been spared. Ardent, ambitious, fearless, intelligent, and 
persevering, he had all the qualities of a great naval captain, and, though possessing 
some local family influence perhaps, he rose to the station he filled at so early an age, by 
personal merit. For so short a career, scarcely any other had been so brilliant ; for 
though no victories over regular cruisers accompanied his exertions, he had ever been 
successful until the fatal moment when he so gloriously fell. His loss was greatly re 
gretted in the midst of the excitement and vicissitudes of a revolution, and can scarcely 
be appreciated by those who do not understand the influence that such a character cac 
produce on a small and infant service. 



80 NAVAL HISTORY. [1777. 



gun until just after the Fox bad struck, when she is said to have 
given her a broadside, the Hancock being in the act of lowering the 
boats to take possession, as her consort ranged up on the beam of 
the prize. 

Captain Manly, now, put a crew on board the Fox, and con 
tinued his cruise, but was not fortunate enough to fall in with any 
thing of moment. On the 1st of June, the three ships appeared off 
Halifax, in company, looking into the harbour. This brought out 
the Rainbow, a 44 on two decks, Sir George Collier, the Flora 32, 
and the Victor 18, in chase. The Americans scattered, the Rain 
bow and Victor pressing the Hancock, the Flora the Fox, while the 
Boston had so much the start, as to be able easily to keep aloof. 
The Flora first closed with the Fox, which ship she recaptured after 
a short, but spirited action. The wind being very light, Captain 
Manly attempted to lighten his ship, by pumping out the water, 
and is believed to have hurt her sailing, by altering the trim. Find 
ing the Rainbow was closing, that gallant officer made his dispo 
sitions for boarding, and doubtless, would have made a desperate 
effort to carry his powerful antagonist, had the wind permitted. The 
air remained so light, however, that the Rainbow got him fairly un 
der her guns, before he could get near enough to accomplish the 
object. The Victor getting a raking position at the same time, the 
Hancock struck. 

Captain McNiel was much censured for abandoning his consort 
on this occasion, and was dismissed the service, in consequence. As 
respects the Hancock, it is not probable the Boston could have done 
much service, the Rainbow alone having been superior to them both, 
but our accounts state that being about a league to windward of the 
Fox, when she was engaged, it was in the power of Captain Mc 
Niel to have rendered her essential assistance, and possibly to have 
prevented the recapture. No official accounts of the loss sus 
tained, by either side, in this last affair, have been obtained. 

The occupation of Philadelphia by the British army, this year, 
wrought a material change in the naval arrangements of the country. 
Up to this time, the Delaware had been a safe place of retreat for 
the different cruisers, and ships had been constructed on its banks 
in security and to advantage. The largest town in the United 
States, Philadelphia offered unusual facilities for such objects, and 
many public and private armed cruisers had been equipped at her 
wharves previously to the appearance of the British forces, under 
Sir William Howe. That important event completely altered the 
state of things, and the vessels that were in the stream at the time, 
were compelled to move higher up the river, or to get to sea in the 
best mariner they could. Unfortunately, several of the ships con 
structed, or purchased, under the laws of 1775, were not in a situa 
tion to adopt the latter expedient, and they were carried to different 
places that were supposed to offer the greatest security. 

As a part of the American vessels and galleys were above, and a 
part below the town, the very day after reaching the capital, the 
English commenced the erection of batteries to intercept the com- 



1777.] NAVAL HISTORY; 81 

munications between them. Aware of the consequences, the Dela 
ware 24, Captain Alexander, and Andrea Doria 14, seconded by 
some other vessels, belonging to the navy, and to the State of Penn 
sylvania, moved in front of these works, and opened a cannonade, 
with a view to destroy them. The Delaware was so unfortunately 
placed, that when the tide fell, she took the ground, and her guns 
became unmanageable. Some field pieces were brought to bear on 
her, while in this, helpless situation, and she necessarily struck. 
The other vessels were compelled to retire. 

As the command of the river was now indispenable to the British, 
they turned their attention at once to the destruction of the Ameri 
can works below the town. An unsuccessful land attack was made 
by the Hessians, on Red Bank, and this was soon followed by an 
other on Fort Mifflin, which, as it was intrusted to the shipping, 
comes more properly within our observation. With a view to effect 
the reduction or abandonment of Fort Mifflin, the British assembled 
a squadron of ships of a light draft of water, among which was the 
Augusta 64, which had been partially stripped, and fitted in some 
measure as a floating battery. As soon as the troops advanced 
against Red Bank, as stated, the ships began to move, but some 
chevaux de frise anchored in the river, had altered its channel, and 
the Augusta, and the Merlin sloop of war, got fast, in unfavorable 
positions. Some firing between the other vessels and the American 
works and galleys now took place, but was soon put a stop to by the 
approach of night. The next day the action was renewed with 
spirit, the Roebuck 44, Isis 32, Pearl 32, and Liverpool 28, being 
present, in addition to the Augusta and Merlin. Fire-ships were in 
effectually employed by the Americans, but the cannonade became 
heavy. In the midst of the firing, it is said, that some pressed hay, 
which had been secured on the quarter of the Augusta, to render her 
shot-proof, took fire, and the ship was soon in flames. It now be 
came necessary to withdraw the other vessels in order to escape the 
effects of the explosion, and the attack was abandoned. The Au 
gusta blew up, and the Merlin having been set on fire by the British 
shared the same fate. A number of the crew of the Augusta were 
lost in that ship, the conflagratkm being so rapid as to prevent their 
removal. A second and better concerted attack, however, shortly 
after, compelled the Americans to evacuate the works, when the en 
emy got command of the river from the capes to the town. This 
state of things induced the Americans to destroy the few sea vessels 
that remained below Philadelphia, among which were the U. S. Brig 
Andrea Doria 14, and schooner Wasp 8, and it is believed the Hor 
net 10, though the galleys, by following the Jersey shore, were en 
abled to escape above. 

While these important movements were occurring in the middle 
states, the Raleigh, a fine twelve-pounder frigate, that had been con 
structed in New Hampshire, under the law of 1775, was enabled to 
get to sea for the first time. She was commanded by Captain 
Thompson, the officer who appears as sixth on the list, and sailed in 
company with the Alfred 24, Captain Hinman. These two ships 

VOL. i. 



82 NAVAL HISTORY. [1777 

went to sea, short of men, bound to France, where military stores 
were in waiting to be transported to America. 

The Raleigh and Alfred had a good run off the coast, and they 
made several prizes of little value during the first few days of their 
passage. On the 2d of September they overtook and captured a 
snow, called the Nancy, which had been left by the outward bound 
Windward Island fleet, the previous day. Ascertaining from his 
prisoners the position of the West Indiamen, Captain Thompson 
made sail in chase. The fleet was under the charge of the Camel, 
Druid, Weasel, and Grasshopper, the first of which is said to have 
had an armament of twelve pounders. The following day, or Sep 
tember 3d, 1777, the Raleigh made the convoy from her mast heads, 
and by sunset was near enough to ascertain that there were sixty sail, 
as well as the positions of the men-of-war. Captain Thompson had 
got the signals of the fleet from his prize, and he now signalled the 
Alfred, as if belonging to the convoy. After dark he spoke his con 
sort, and directed her commander to keep near him, it being his 
intention to run in among the enemy, and to lay the commodore 
aboard. At this time, the two American ships were to windward, 
but nearly astern. 

In the course of the night the wind shifted to the northward, and 
the convoy hauled by the wind, bringing the American ships to lee 
ward. At daylight the wind had freshened, and it became necessary 
to carry more sail than the Alfred (a tender-sided ship) could bear. 
Here occurred one of those instances of the unfortunate conse 
quences which must always follow the employment of vessels of 
unequal qualities in the same squadron, or the employment of offi 
cers not trained in the same hiffh school. The Alfred would not 
bear her canvass, and while the Raleigh fetched handsomely into the 
fleet, under double-reefed topsails, the former fell to leeward more 
than a league. Captain Thompson did not dare to shorten sail, lest 
his character might be suspected, and despairing of being supported 
by the Alfred, he stood boldly in among the British ships alone, and 
hove-to his ship in order to permit the merchantmen astern to draw 
more ahead of him. 

When his plan was laid, Captain Thompson filled away, and stood 
directly through the convoy, luffing up towards the vessel of war that 
was most to windward. In doing this he spoke several of the mer 
chantmen, giving them orders how to steer, as if belonging himself 
to the fleet, and repeating all the commodore s signals. Up to this 
moment the Raleigh appears to have escaped detection, nor had she 
had any signs of preparation about her, as her guns were housed, 
and her ports lowered. 

Having obtained a weatherly position, the Raleigh now ran along 
side of the vessel of war, and when within pistol-shot, she hauled up 
her courses, run out her guns, set her ensign, and commanded the 
enemy to strike. So completely was fhis vessel taken by surprise, 
that the order threw her into great confusion, and even her sails got 
aback. The Raleigh sei/ed this favourable moment to pour in a 
oroadside, which was feebly returned. The enemy were soon driven 



1777.] NAVAL HISTORY. 83 

from their guns, and the Raleigh fired twelve broadsides into the 
English ship in twenty minutes, scarcely receiving a shot in return. 
A heavy swell rendered the aim uncertain, but it was evident that 
the British vessel suffered severely, and this the more so, as she was 
of inferior force. 

A squall had come on, and at first it shut in the two ships engaged. 
When it cleared away, the convoy was seen steering in all directions, 
in the utmost confusion, but the vessels of war, with several heavy 
well-armed West Indiamen, tacked and hauled up for the Raleigh, 
leaving no doubt of their intentions to engage. The frigate lay by 
her adversary until the other vessels were so near, that it became 
absolutely necessary to quit her, and then she ran to leeward and 
joined the Alfred. Here she shortened sail, and waited for the en- 
my to come down, but it being dark, the British commodore tacked 
and hauled in among his convoy again. The Raleigh and Alfred 
kept near this fleet for several days, but no provocation could induce 
the vessels of war to come out of it, and it was finally abandoned. 

The ship engaged by the Raleigh, proved to be the Druid 20, Cap 
tain Carteret. She was much cut up, and the official report of her 
commander, made her loss six killed, and twenty-six wounded. Of 
the latter, five died soon after the action, and among the wounded 
was her commander. The Druid was unable to pursue the voyage, 
and returned to England. 

In this affair, Captain Thompson discovered a proper spirit, for 
he might easily have cut out of the fleet half a dozen merchantmen, 
but he appears to have acted on the principle that vessels of war 
should first seek vessels of war. The Raleigh had three men killed 
and wounded in the engagement, but otherwise sustained little injury. 

The commerce of England suffered a loss of 467 sail of mer 
chantmen, during the year 1777, some of which were of great value, 
though the government kept a force of about seventy sail of men-of- 
war on the American coast alone. Many American privateers fell 
into their hands however, and a scarcity of men began to be felt, in 
consequence of the numbers that were detained in the English prisons. 
It was on the 14th of June of this year, that Congress finally estab 
lished the stars and stripes as the flag of the nation. 

During this year, Bushnel made several unsuccessful attempts to 
blow up the ships of the enemy by means of torpedoes, a species of 
warfare that it can hardly be regretted has so uniformly failed, since 
its tendency is to aggravate the evils of hostilities, without essentially 
conducing to bring them tc a termination. 



84 NAVAL HISTORY. [1778 



CHAPTER VIII. 

Alliance with France New frigates Seizure of New Providence by Capt. Ralh- 

burne Capture of the Alfred Loss of the Virginia, Capt. Nicholson, on a bar in 

the Dela\vare....American vessels destroyed on the Delaware.. ..John Paul Jones com 
mands the Ranger attempt to capture the Drake to burn the colliers at White- 
haven to seize the Earl of Selkirk his conduct to L*dy Selkirk action with, 

and capture of the Drake The Pigot cut out by Major Talbot.... .The private armed 

ship Thorn, Capt. Waters, engages the Governor Tryon and the Sir "William Erskine, 

and captures the latter Capture of the Sparlin Capt. John Barry, captures a British 

schooner and four transports....his appointment to the Raleigh and action with the 
Experiment and Unicorn Loss of the Raleigh. 

THE year 1778 opened with cheerful prospects for the great cause 
of American Independence ; the capture of Burgoyne, and the 
growing discontents in Europe, rendering a French alliance, and a Eu 
ropean war, daily more probable. These events, in truth, soon after 
followed, and from that moment, the entire policy of the United 
States, as related to its marine, was changed. Previously to this 
great event, Congress had often turned its attention towards the ne 
cessity of building or purchasing vessels of force, in order to inter 
rupt that absolute control which the enemy possessed, in the imme 
diate waters of the country, and which even superseded the necessity 
of ordinary blockades, as two or three heavy frigates had been able, 
at any time, since the commencement of the struggle, to command 
the entrance of the different bays and sounds. 

The French fleet, soon after the war between England and France 
broke out, appeared in the American seas, and, in a measure, re 
lieved the country from a species of warfare that was particularly 
oppressive to a nation that was then so poor, and which possessed so 
great an extent of coast. 

As the occupation of New York and Philadelphia prevented sev 
eral of the new frigates from getting to sea at all, or occasioned their 
early Joss, Congress had endeavoured to repair these deficiencies by 
causing other vessels to be built, or purchased, at points where they 
would be out of danger from any similar misfortunes. Among these 
ships were the Alliance 32, Confederacy 32, Deane 32, (afterwards 
called the Hague,) and Queen of France 28, all frigate-built, and the 
Ranger, Gates, and Saratoga sloops of war. To these were added 
a few other vessels, that were either bought, or borrowed in Europe, 
which will be mentioned in their proper places. The Alliance, 
which, as her name indicates, was launched about the time the treaty 
was made with France, was the favourite ship of the American 
navy, and it might be added of the American nation, during the war 
of the Revolution ; filling some .such space in the public mind, as 
lias since been occupied by her more celebrated successor, the Con 
stitution. She was a beautiful and an exceedingly fast ship, but, as 
vrill be seen in the sequel, was rendered less efficient than she might 
otherwise have proved, by the mistake of placing her under the 
command of a French officer, with a view to pay a compliment to 



1778.] NAVAL HISTORY. 85 

the new allies of the republic. This unfortunate selection, produced 
mutinies, much discontent among the officers, and, in the end, grave 
irregularities. The Alliance was built at Salisbury, in Massachusetts 
a place that figured as a building station, even in the seventeenth 
century. 

The naval operations of the year open with a gallant little exploit, 
achieved by the United States sloop Providence 12, Captain Rath- 
burne. This vessel carried only four pounders, and, at the time, is 
said to have had a crew of but fifty -men o*n board. Notwithstand 
ing this trifling force, Captain Rathburne made a descent on the 
Island of New Providence, at the head of twenty -five men. He was 
joined by a few American prisoners, less than thirty, it is said, and, 
while a privateer of sixteen guns, with a crew of near fifty men, lay 
in the harbour, he seized the forts, got possession of the stores, and 
effectually obtained command of the place. All the vessels in port, 
six in number, fell into his hands, and an attempt of the armed pop 
ulation to overpower him, was put down, by a menace to burn the 
town. A British sloop of war appeared off the harbour, while the 
Americans were in possession, but, ascertaining that an enemy was 
occupying the works, she retired, after having been fired on. The 
following day, the people assembled in such force, as seriously to 
threaten the safety of his party and vessel, and Captain Rathburne 
caused the guns of the fort to be spiked, removed all the ammunition 
and small arms, burned two of his prizes, and sailed with the re 
mainder, without leaving a man behind him. In this daring little 
enterprise, the Americans held the place two entire clays. 

Captain John Barry, whose spirited action off the capes of Vir 
ginia, in the Lexington 14, has been mentioned, and whose capture 
of the Edward, on that occasion, is worthy of note, as having been 
the first of any vessel of war, that was ever made by a regular Amer 
ican cruiser in battle, was placed on the regulated list of October, 
1776, as the seventh captain, and appointed to the command of the 
Emngham 28, then building at Philadelphia. The Efnngham was 
one of the vessels that had been taken up the Delaware, to escape 
from the British army ; and this gallant officer, wearied with a life 
of inactivity, planned an expedition down the stream, in the hope of 
striking a blow at some of the enemy s vessels anchored off, or below 
the town. Manning four boats, he pulled down with the tide. Some 
alarm was given when opposite the town, but dashing ahead, two of 
the barges got past without injury. Off Port Penn lay an enemy s 
schooner of ten guns, and thirty two men, and four transports, with 
freight for the British army. The schooner was boarded and carried, 
without loss, and the transports fell into the hands of the Americans 
also. Two cruisers appearing soon after in the river, however, Cap 
tain Barry destroyed his prizes, and escaped by land, without losing 
a man. On this occasion, the force actually present with Barry con 
sisted of only twenty eight men. 

Following the order of time, we now return to the movements of 
the two ships under the command of Captain Thompson, the Raleigh 
and the Alfred. After taking in military stores in France, these 



86 NAVAL HISTORY. [1778. 

vessels sailed for America, making a circuit to the southward, aa 
was then quite usual with cruisers thus employed, in order to avoid 
the enemy s vessels of force, and to pick up a few prizes by the way. 
They sailed from POrient in February, 1778, and on the 9th of 
March, were chased by the British ships Ariadne and Ceres, which 
succeeded in getting alongside of the Alfred, and engaging her, 
while the Raleigh was at a distance. Believing a contest fruitless, 
after exchanging a few broadsides, the Alfred struck, but the Raleigh, 
though hard pressed, in the chase that succeeded, made her escape. 
Captain Thompson was blamed in the journals of the day, for not 
aiding his consort on this occasion ; and he appears to have been 
superseded in the command of his ship, to await the result of a trial. 

The British accounts state the force of the Alfred, at the time of 
her capture, at twenty nine-pounders, which will give us a more ac 
curate idea of the real character of a vessel that filled so prominent 
a situation in the navy, at its formation. Twenty nine-pounders, 
would not probably raise her above the rate of an English twenty 
gun ship, even allowing her to have had a few sixes on her quarter 
deck and forecastle ; and this, probably, was the true class of both 
the Alfred and Columbus, ships that figure as twenty-eights, and 
even as thirty-twos, in some of the earlier accounts of the war. 
But, it should always be remembered, that a disposition to exagger 
ate the power of the country, by magnifying the force of the ships, 
a practice peculiar to an infant and aspiring people, was a fault of 
the popular accounts of not only the Revolution, but of a still later 
period in the history of the United States. 

Among the frigates ordered by the act of 1775, was one called the 
Virginia 28, which had been laid down in Maryland. To this ves 
sel was assigned Captain James Nicholson, the senior captain on the 
list, an officer who had already discovered conduct and spirit in an 
affair with one of the enemy s tenders off Annapolis, while serving 
in the local marine of Maryland. The great embarrassments which 
attended most of the public measures of the day, and a vigilant 
blockade, prevented the Virginia from getting to sea, until the spring 
of this year, when having received her crew and equipments, she 
made the attempt on the 30th of March. 

The frigate appears to have followed another vessel down the 
Chesapeake, under the impression that the best pilot of the bay was 
in charge of her. About three in the morning, however, she struck 
on the middle ground, over which she beat with the loss of her rud 
der. The ship was immediately anchored. Day discovered two 
English vessels of war at no great distance, when Captain Nichol 
son got ashore with his papers, and the ship was taken possession of 
by the enemy. An inquiry, instituted by Congress, acquitted Captain 
Nicholson of blame. The peculiarity of a commander s abandoning 
his vessel under such circumstances, gave rise to some comments at 
the time, but the result renders it probable that considerations of im 
portance, that were not generally known, induced the step. A trial 
was not deemed necessary, and Captain Nicholson subsequently 



1778.] NAVAL HISTORY. 87 

fought two of the most remarkable combats of the war, though suc 
cessful in neither. 

But merit in warfare is not always to be measured by success, and 
least of all, in a profession that is liable to so many accidents and 
circumstances that lie beyoncl the control of man. An unexpected 
shift of wind, the sudden loss of an important spar, or the unfortu 
nate injury occasioned by a single shot, may derange the best devis 
ed schemes, or enfeeble the best appointed ship; and it is in repairing 
these unexpected damages, in the steadiness, and order, and sub 
mission to authority, with which casualties are met, as well as in the 
greater effect of their attack, that the trained officers and men mani 
fest their vast superiority over the hurried and confused movements 
of those who are wanting in these high qualities of discipline. 

Leaving the ocean for a moment, we will now turn our attention 
to the proceedings of the enemy again, in the Delaware. Early in 
May, an expedition left Philadelphia, under the command of Major 
Maitland, and ascended that river with a view to destroy the Ameri 
can shipping, which had been carried up it to escape the invading and 
successful army of the enemy. The force consisted of the schooners 
Viper and Pembroke ; the Hussar, Cornwallis, Ferret, and Phila 
delphia galleys ; four gun-boats, and eighteen flat-boats, under the 
orders of Captain Henry of the navy. The 2d battalion of the light- 
infantry, and two field pieces composed the troops. Ascending the 
stream to a point above Bristol, the troops landed, under cover of the 
guns of the flotilla, without opposition. Indeed, there does not ap 
pear to have been any force to oppose the British on this occasion, or, 
if any, one of so little moment, as to put a serious contest out of the 
question. The Washington 32, and Effingham 28, both of which 
had been built at Philadelphia, but had never got to sea, were burned. 
These ships had not yet received their armaments. At this point 
several other vessels were destroyed, privateers and merchantmen, 
and the party proceeded to Croswise Creek, where the privateer 
Sturdy Beggar 18, and eight sail of other vessels were set on fire 
and consumed. The next day the British ascended to Bile s 
Island, arid burned six more craft, four of which were pierced for 
guns. On descending by land to Bristol, a ship and a brig were 
destroyed. After this, four new ships, a new brig, and an old 
schooner were burned by the galleys, the party returning to Phila 
delphia that night, without losing a man. By this coup dt main, the 
Americans lost two more of the frigates authorised by the law of 
1775 ; and though it is not now easy to ascertain facts so minute, it 
is believed that two or three of the smallest of the cruisers that ap 
pear on the list of the navy, at its formation, were destroyed by the 
English on this occasion. The Hornet, Sachem, Independence, and 
Musquito, are not to be traced subsequently to this period, and if not 
burned when this expedition occurred, it is probable that they all 
were burnt with the Wasp, in 1777. To compensate for these losses, 
not a single frigate of the enemy had yet been brought into port, 
though the Fox 28, had been captured. 

About this time the celebrated Paul Jones, whose conduct as a 



88 NAVAL HISTORY. [1778. 

lieutenant in the Alfred, and in the command of that ship, as well as 
in that of the Providence 12, had attracted much attention, appeared 
in the European seas in command of the Ranger IS. So cautious 
had the American government got to be, in consequence of the British 
remonstrances, that orders were given to the Ranger to conceal her 
armament while in France. This vessel, which is described as 
having been both crank and slow, was not thought worthy of so 
good an officer, by the Marine Committee, and he had been promised 
a better ship ; but the exigencies of the service did not admit of the 
fulfilment of this engagement, and Captain Jones, after a long delay, 
had been induced to take this command, in preference to remaining 
idle. It is said, however, that he came to Europe in the hope of ob 
taining the Indien, but that vessel had been presented to the King of 
France previously to his arrival. 

After going into Brest to refit, Captain Jones sailed from that port 
on the 10th of April, 1778, on a cruise in the Irish Channel. As 
the Ranger passed along the coast, she made several prizes, arid 
getting as high as Whitehaven, Captain Jones determined, on the 
17th, to make an attempt to burn the colliers that were crowded in 
that narrow port. The weather, however, prevented the execution 
of this project, and the ship proceeded as high as Glentinc bay, on the 
coast of Scotland, where she chased a revenue vessel with out success. 
Quitting the Scottish coast, the Ranger next crossed to Ireland, 
and arriving off Carrickfergus, she was boarded by some fishermen. 
From these men Captain Jones ascertained that a ship which lay 
anchored in the roads, was the Drake sloop of war, Captain Burden, 
a vessel of a force about equal to that of the Ranger, and he imme 
diately conceived a plan to run in and take her. Preparations were 
accordingly made to attempt the enterprise as soon as it was dark. 

It blew fresh in the night, but when the proper hour had arrived, 
the Ranger stood for the roads, having accurately obtained the bear 
ings of the enemy. The orders of Captain Jones were to overlay 
tfhe cable of the Drake, and to bring up on her bows, where he in 
tended to secure his own ship, and abide the result. By some mis 
take, the anchor was not let go in season, and instead of fetching up 
in the desired position, the Ranger could not be checked until she 
had drifted on the quarter of the Drake, at a distance of half a cable s 
length. Perceiving that his object was defeated, Captain Jones or 
dered the cable to be cut, when the ship drifted astern, and, making 
sail, she hauled by the wjnd as soon as possible. The gale increas 
ing, it was with great difficulty that the Ranger weathered the land, 
and regained the channel. 

Captain Jones now stood over to the English coast, and believing 
the time more favourable, he attempted to execute his former design 
on the shipping in the port of Whitehaven. Two parties landed in 
the night ; the forts were seized and the guns were spiked ; the few 
look-outs that were in. the works being confined. In effecting this 
duty Captain Jones was foremost in person, for, having once sailed 
out of the port, he was familiar with the situation of the place. An 
accident common to both the parties into which the expedition had 



1778.] NAVAL HISTORY. 89 

been divided, came near defeating the enterprise in the outset. They 
had brought candles in lanterns, for the double purpose of lights and 
torches, and, now that they Avere about to be used as the latter, it was 
found that they Avere all consumed. As the day Avas appearing, the 
party under Mr. Wallingford, one of the lieutenants, took to its boat 
without effecting any thing, Avhile Captain Jones sent to a detached 
building and obtained a candle. He boarded a large ship, kindled 
a fire in her steerage, and by placing a barrel of tar over the spot, 
soon had the vessel in flames. The tide being out, this ship lay in 
the midst of more than a hundred others, high and dry, and Captain 
Jones flattered himself Avith the hope of signally revenging the dep 
redations that the enemy had so freely committed on the American 
coast. But, by this time, the alarm Avas effectually given, and the 
entire population appeared on the adjacent high ground, or were 
seen rushing in numbers towards the shipping. The latter Avere 
easily driven back by a show of force, and remaining a sufficient 
time, as he thought, to make sure of an extensive conflagration, Cap 
tain Jones took to his boats and pulled toAvards his ship. Some guns 
Avere fired on the retiring boats without effect ; but the people of the 
place succeeded in extinguishing the flames before the mischief be 
came very extensive. 

The hardihood, as Avell as the nature of this attempt, produced a 
great alarm along the Avhole English coast, and from that hour, even 
to this, the name of Jones, in the minds of the people of Whiteha- 
ven, is associated Avith audacity, destruction, and danger. 

While cruising, Avith the utmost boldness, as it might be in the very 
heart of the British Avaters, Avith the coasts of the three kingdoms 
frequently in view at the same moment, Captain Jones, who Avas a 
native of the country, decided to make an attempt to seize the Earl 
of Selkirk, Avho had a seat on St. Mary s Isle, near the point Avhere 
ifefcDce floAVS into the channel. A party landed, and got possession 
oTthe house, but its master Avas absent. The officer in- command of 
the boats so far forgot himself as to bring aAvay a quantity of the 
family plate, although no other injury Avas done, or any insult offered. 
This plate, the value of which did not exceed a hundred pounds, 
Avas subsequently purchased of the creAv b^ Captain Jones, and re 
turned to Lady Selkirk, Avith a letter expressive of his regrets at the 
occurrence. 

After the landing mentioned, the Ranger once more steered toAvards 
Ireland, Captain Jones still keeping in view his design on the Drake, 
and arrived off Carrickfergus again, on the 24th. The commander 
of the latter ship, sent out an officer, in one of his boats, to ascertain 
the character of the stranger. By means of skilful handling, the 
Ranger Avas kept end-on to the boat, and as the officer in charge of 
the latter could merely see the ship s stern, although provided Avith a 
glass, he suffered himself to be decoyed alongside, and Avas taken. 
From the prisoners, Captain Jones learned that intelligence of his 
descents on Whitehaven and St. Mary s Isle, had reached Belfast, 
and that the people of the Drake had weighed the anchor he had 
lost in his attempt on that ship. 



90 NAVAL HISTORY. [1778 

Under these circumstances, Captain Jones believed that the com 
mander of the Drake would not long defer coining out in search of 
his boat ; an expectation that was shortly realised, by the appearance 
of the English ship under way. The Ranger now filled and stood 
off the land, with a view to draw her enemy more into the channel, 
where she lay to, in waiting for the latter to come on. Several small 
vessels accompanied the Drake, to witness the combat, arid many 
volunteers had gone on board her, to assist in capturing the Ameri 
can privateer, as it was the fashion of the day to term the vessels of 
the young republic. The tide being unfavourable, the Drake worked 
out of the roads slowly, and night was approaching before she drew 
near the Ranger. 

The Drake, when she got sufficiently nigh, hailed, and received 
the name of her antagonist, by way of challenge, with a request to 
come on. As the two ships were standing on, the Drake a little to 
leeward and astern, the Ranger put her helm up, a manceuvre that 
the enemy imitated, and the former-gave the first broadside, firing as 
her guns bore. The wind admitted of but few changes, but the 
battle was fought running free, under easy canvass. It lasted an 
hour and four minutes, when the Drake called for quarter, her en 
sign being already down. 

The English ship was much cut up, both in her hull and aloft, 
and Captain Jones computed her loss at about forty men. Her cap 
tain and lieutenant were both desperately wounded, and died shortly 
after the engagement.* The Ranger suffered much less, having 
Lieutenant Wallingford and one man killed, and six wounded. The 
Drake was not only a heavier ship, but she had a much stronger 
crew than her antagonist. She had also two guns the most. 

After securing her prize and repairing damages, the Ranger went 
round the north of Ireland, and shaped her course for Brest. She 
was chased repeatedly, but arrived safely at her port with the Drak%, 
on the 8th of May. " * 

Whatever may be thought of the conduct of Captain Jones in 
turning a local knowledge acquired in the manner mentioned, to 
such an account, there can be no doubt that the course pursued by 
the enemy on the American coast, would have fully justified the 
course he took in any other officer in the service ; and it is due to 
Captain Jones, to say, that he had, personally, been so much vilified 
by the British press, as quite naturally to have weakened any re 
mains of national attachment that he may formerly have entertain 
ed. The natives of Great Britain, that served on the American 
side, in this great contest, were not essentially in a position different 
from that of those who had been born in the colonies. The war, in 
one sense, was a civil war, and the conduct of all who took part in 
it, was to be measured by the merits of the main question. The 
Englishman actually established in the colonies, when the struggle 
commenced, was essentially in the situation of the native ; and if the 
latter had a moral right to resist the encroachments of the British 
Parliament, it was a right that extended to the former, since it was 
not a question of birthplace that was at issue, but one of local and 



1778.] NAVAL HISTORY. 91 

territorial interests. By transferring himself to England, the native 
of America would have avoided the injuries, and shared in the ad 
vantages of the offensive policy ; and by transferring himself to 
America, the native of England became the subject of its wrongs. 
Both steps were legal, and it follows as a legitimate consequence, 
that all the moral as well as legal rights dependent on their exercise, 
were carried with them. 

Mr. Silas Talbot, of Rhode Island, who had been a seaman in his 
youth, had taken service in the army, and October 10th, 1777, he 
had been raised to the rank of a Major, to reward him for a spirited 
attempt to set fire to one of the enemy s cruisers in the Hudson. In 
the autumn of the present year (1778), Major Talbot headed another 
expedition against the British schooner Pi^ot, 8, then lying in the 
eastern passage between Rhode Island and the main land, in a small 
sloop that had two light guns, and which was manned by 60 volun 
teers. The Pigot had 45 men, and one heavy gun in her bows, 
besides the rest of her armament. Her commander showed great 
bravery, actually fighting alone on deck, in his shirt, when every man 
of his crew had run belo\v. Major Talbot carried the schooner 
without loss, and for his conduct and gallantry was promoted to be a 
Lieutenant Colonel. The following year this officer was transferred 
to the navy, Congress passing an especial resolution to that effect, 
with directions to the Marine Committee to give him a ship on the 
first occasion. It does not appear, however, that it was in the power 
of the committee, at that period of the war, to appoint Captain 
Talbot to a government vessel, and he is believed to have served, 
subsequently, in a private armed ship. 

It has already been intimated, that the appearance of a French 
fleet, in July, 1778, off Newport, materially changed the character 
of the war, so far as the American marine was concerned. On this 
occasion, the enemy destroyed the following ships at, or near New 
port, to prevent their falling into the hands of the French, viz: the 
Juno, 32; Orpheus, 32; Cerberus, 32; Lark, 32; Flora, 32; and 
Falcon, 18. 

It will give some idea of the condition of the American marine at 
this time, if we state that a month previously to the arrival of the 
French, the following vessels were lying at Boston. They appear 
to have composed most of the disposable naval force of the United 
States, in the American seas, viz: Warren, 32, Captain John Hop 
kins; Raleigh, 32, Captain Thompson; Deane, (afterwards Hague,) 
32, Captain S. Nicholson; Tyrannicide, 14, State cruiser, Captain 
Harding; Independence, 14, Captain Hazard; Sampson, 20; Han 
cock, 20, (formerly Weymouth,a packet;) and Speedwell, 10. The 
four last were State cruisers, or privateers. Of this force, Captain 
Thompson was the senior officer. Several private armed ships were 
cruising off the eastern coast, at the same time, among which was 
the Mars, 24, Captain Truxtun. 

It has been said that many officers of the navy, previously to the 
period of the war at which we have now arrived, had been compelled 
to seek service in the privateers, for want of more regular employ. 



92 NAVAL HISTORY. [1778. 

ment, and among others was Captain Daniel Waters. While in 
command of the private armed ship Thorn, 16, out of Boston, Cap 
tain Waters engaged the letter of marque, Governor Tryon, 16, 
Captain Stebbins, and the Sir William Erskine, 18, Captain Ham 
ilton, both full manned. After a sharp action of two hours, the Tryon 
struck, and the Erskine made sail to escape. Instead of stopping 
to take possession of his prize, Captain Waters pursued the Erskine, 
and getting alongside, compelled her also to surrender. Throwing 
a crew on board this ship, the two vessels now went in quest of the 
Tryon, Avhich had profited by the situation of the Thorn, to endeavour 
to escape. Favoured by the night, this vessel succeeded in getting 
off, and the next day the Erskine was sent into port. The Thorn 
had now but 60 men left, and in a few days, she fell in with the 
Sparlin, 18, with 97 men, which she succeeded in taking after a 
fight of near an hour. The Thorn, and both her prizes, arrived 
safely in Boston. 

In consequence of the investigation connected with the loss of the 
Alfred, Captain Thompson was relieved from the command of the 
Raleigh 32, as has been said already, and that ship was given to 
Captain Barry. Under the orders of this new commander, the 
Raleigh sailed from Boston on the 25th of September, at six in the 
morning-, having a brig and a sloop under convoy. The wind was 
fresh at N. W., and the frigate run off N. E. At twelve, two strange 
sail were seen to leeward, distant fifteen or sixteen miles. Orders 
were given to the convoy tq haul nearer to the wind, and to crowd 
all the sail it could carry, the strangers in chase. After dark the 
Raleigh lost sight of the enemy, as by this time the two ships were 
ascertained to be, and the wind became light and variable. The 
Raleigh now cleared for action, and kept her people at quarters all 
night, having tacked towards the land. In the morning it proved 
to be hazy, and the strangers were not to be seen. The Raleigh 
was still standing towards the land, which she shortly after made 
ahead, quite near. About noon, the haze clearing away, the enemy 
were seen in the southern board, and to windward, crowding sail in 
chase. The weather became thick again, and the Raleigh lost sight 
of her two pursuers, when she hauled off to the eastward. That night 
no more was seen of the enemy, and at daylight Captain Barry took 
in every thing, with a view to conceal the position of the ship, which 
was permitted to drift under bare poles. Finding nothing visible at 
6, A. M., the Raleigh crowded sail once more, and stood S. E. by E. 
But at half past 9, the two ships were again discovered astern, and in 
chase. The Raleigh now hauled close upon a wind, heading N. W., 
with her larboard tacks aboard. The enemy also came to the wind, 
all three vessels carrying hard with a staggering breeze. The Ra 
leigh now fairly outsailed the strangers, running 11 knots 2 fathoms, 
on a dragged bowline. 

Unfortunately, at noon the wind moderated, when the leading 
vessel of the enemy overhauled the Raleigh quite fast, and even the 
ship astern held way with her. At 4., P. M., the Raleigh tacked to 
the westward, with a view to discover the force of the leading vessel 



1778.] NAVAL HISTORY. 93 

of the enemy, and, about the same time she made several low islands, 
the names of which were not known. At 5, P. M., the leading ves 
sel of the enemy having nearly closed, the Raleigh edged away and 
crossed her fore foot, brailirig her mizzen, and taking in her staysails. 
The enemy showed a battery of 14 guns of a side, including both 
decks, and set St. George s ensign. In passing, the Raleigh de 
livered her broadside, which was returned, when the stranger came 
up under the lee quarter of the American ship, arid the action became 
steady and general. At the second fire, the Raleigh unfortunately 
lost her fore-topmast, and mizzen top-gallant-mast, which gave the 
enemy a vast advantage in manoeuvring throughout the remainder 
of the affair. Finding the broadside of the Raleigh getting to be too 
hot for him, the enemy soon shot ahead, and, for a short time, while 
the people of the former ship were clearing the wreck, he engaged 
to windward, and at a distance. Ere long, however, the English 
vessel edged away and attempted to rake the Raleigh, when Captain 
Barry bore up, and bringing the ships alongside each other, he en 
deavoured to board, a step that the other, favoured by all his canvass, 
and his superiority of sailing in a light breeze, easily avoided. By 
this time, the second ship had got so near as to render it certain she 
would very soon close, and, escape by flight being out of the ques 
tion in the crippled condition of the ship, Captain Barry called a 
council of his officers. It was determined to make an attempt to run 
the frigate ashore, the land being then within a few miles. The 
Raleigh accordingly wore round, and stood for the islands already 
mentioned, her antagonist sticking to her in the most gallant manner, 
both ships maintaining the action with spirit. About midnight, how 
ever, the enemy hauled off, and left the Raleigh to pursue her course 
towards the land. The engagement had lasted seven hours, much 
of the time in close action, and both vessels had suffered materially, 
the Raleigh in particulai^ft her spars, rigging, and sails. The 
darkness, soon after, concWling his ship, Captain Barry had some 
hopes of getting off among the islands, and was in the act of bending 
new sails, for that purpose, when the enemy s vessels again came in 
sight, closing fast. The Raleigh immediately opened a brisk fire 
from her stern guns, and every human effort was made to force the 
ship towards the land. The enemy, however, easily closed again, 
and opened a heavy fire, which was returned by the Raleigh until 
she grounded, when the largest of the onemy s ships immediately 
hauled off, to avoid a similar calamity, and, gaining a safe distance, 
both vessels continued their fire, from positions they had taken on 
the Raleigh s quarter. Captain Barry, finding that the island was 
rocky, and that it might be defended, determined to land, and to burn 
his ship; a project that was rendered practicable by the fact that the 
enemy had ceased firing, and anchored at the distance of about a 
mile. A large party of men got on shore, and the boats were about 
to return for the remainder, when it was discovered that, by the 
treachery of a petty officer, the ship had surrendered. 

The officers and men on the island escaped, but the ship was got 
off and placed in the British navy. The two ships that took the 



94 NAVAL HISTORY. [1779. 

Raleigh were the Experiment 50, Captain Wallace, arid the Unicorn 
22. The latter mounted 28 guns, and was the ship that engaged 
the Raleigh so closely, so long, and so obstinately. She was much 
cut up, losing her masts after the action, and had 10 men killed, 
besides many wounded. The Americans had 25 men killed and 
wounded, in the course of the whole affair. 

Captain Barry gained great credit for his gallantry on this occa 
sion. He escaped to the main with a considerable portion of his 
crew, though not without great suffering, and a new ship was given 
to him on the first opportunity. The island on which he first landed, 
is called the Wooden Ball, and lies about twenty miles from the 
mouth of the Penobscot; being the outermost of all the islands arid 
rocks in its immediate vicinity. In the chase the Raleigh shifted her 
ground about two degrees to the northward, and about one to the 
eastward. 

Thus terminated the year 1778, so far as it was connected with 
the service of the regular marine, though like all that had preceded, 
or which followed it, in this war, it gave rise to some handsome ex 
ploits among the colony cruisers and privateers, some of which there 
may be occasion to mention in a chapter that will be devoted to that 
branch of the subject. 



CHAPTER IX. 

The Alliance sails with Lafayette for France....conspiracy on board.... Action of the 
Hampden with an Indiaman....Nine British ves^tecaptured, and twenty-four British 
officers made prisoners, by Capt. Hopkins.... Val^^fe prizes sent into Boston by Capt. 
Whipple....The Cumberland, Capt. Manly, is csfBffed by the Pomona frigate....Capt. 
Manly in the private armed ship Jason, engages with, and captures two British priva 
teers... .Description of the Bon Homme Richard.. ..Capture of a letter of marque, by Paul 
Jones.. ..Disobedience of orders, by Capt. Landais of the Alliance.. ..Capt Lawrence 
takes command of the Chesapeake....Action of the Bon Homme Richard with, and 
capture of the Serapis....Capt. Landais fires into the Richard....she sinks. 

THE year 1779 opened with the departure of the Alliance, 32, for 
France. It has already been stated that the command of this ship 
had been given to a Captain Landais, who was said to be a French 
officer of gallantry and merit. Unfortunately the prejudices of the 
seamen did not answer to the complaisance of the Marine Committee 
in this respect, and it was found difficult to obtain a crew willing to 
enlist under a French captain. When General Lafayette, after a 
detention of several months on the road, in consequence of severe 
illness, reached Boston near the close of 1778, in order to embark in 
the Alliance, it was found that the frigate was not yet manned. De 
sirous of rendering themselves useful to their illustrious guest, the 
government of Massachusetts offered to complete the ship s comple 
ment by impressment, an expedient that had been adopted on more 
than one occasion during the war ; but the just-minded and benevo- 



1779.] NAVAL HISTORY. 95 

lent Lafayette would not consent to the measure. Anxious to sail, 
however, for he was entrusted with important interests, recourse was 
had to a plan to man the ship, which, if less objectionable on the 
score of principle, was scarcely less so in every other point of view 
The Somerset 64, had been wrecked on the coast of New Eng 
land, arid part of her crew had found their way to Boston. By ac 
cepting the proffered services of these men, those of some volunteers 
from among 1 the prisoners, and those of a few French seamen that 
were also found in Boston after the departure of their fleet, a motley 
number was raised in sufficient time to enable the ship to sail on the 
llth of January. With this incomplete and mixed crew, Lafayette 
trusted himself on the ocean, and the result was near justifying the 
worst forebodings that so ill-advised a measure could have suggested. 
After a tempestuous passage, the Alliance got within two day s 
run of the English coast, when her officers and passengers, of the 
latter of whom there were many besides General Lafayette and his suite, 
received the startling information that a conspiracy existed among 
the English portion of the crew, some seventy or eighty men in all, 
to kill the officers, seize the vessel, and carry the frigate into Eng 
land. With a view to encourage such acts of mutiny, the British 
Parliament had passed a law to reward all those crews that should 
run away with American ships ; and this temptation was too strong 
for men whose service, however voluntary it might be in appear 
ances, was probably reluctant, and which had been compelled by 
circumstances, if not by direct coercion. 

/ The intentions of the mutineers appear to have been of the mest 
/uthless and bloodthirsty character. By the original plan, the cry of 
" Sail ho !" was to be raised about daylight on the morning of the 
2d of February, when, as it was known that the officers and passen 
gers would immediately appear on the quarter-deck, the attempt was 
to commence by seizing Aem in a body. The mutineers were 
divided into four parties, or which one was to get possession of the 
magazine, the second of the wardroom, the third of the cabin, and 
the fourth of the upper-deck aft. In the event of resistance by the 
officers at the latter point, the four nine pound guns on the forecastle 
were to be pointed aft, and to sweep the quarter-deck. With this 
view, a gunner s mate, who was a ringleader, had privately put into 
the guns charges of canister-shot. Some fire-arms had also been 
secretly obtained by a sergeant of marines, who belonged to the 
mutiny. 

On the night of the 1st of February, the execution of this plot 
was postponed until four o clock of the afternoon of the 2d, instead 
of taking place at the hour of daylight, as had been previously ar 
ranged. Captain Landais, who was exceedingly offensive to the 
conspirators, was to be put into a boat, without food, water, oars or 
sails, heavily ironed, and to be turned loose on the ocean. The gun 
ner, carpenter, and boatswain were to have been killed on the spot. 
The marine officer and surgeon were to have been hanged, quartered, 
and their bodies cast into the sea. The sailing-master was to have 
been seized up to the mizen-mast, scarified, cut into morsels and 



96 NAVAL HISTORY. [1779. 

thrown overboard. To each of the lieutenants was to have been 
offered the option of navigating the ship into the nearest British port, 
or of walking a plank. The passengers were to have been confined, 
and given up as prisoners, in England. With these fell intentions 
in their hearts, the conspirators fortunately decided to defer the exe 
cution of their plot until the hour just named. 

Among the crew of the Alliance, was a seaman of more than usual 
knowledge of his calling, and of great decency of exterior. By his 
accent, this man, though regularly entered as a volunteer and an 
American, was supposed to be an Irishman, and the mutineers were 
desirous of obtaining his assistance, under the impression that he 
might direct them, and take sufficient charge of the ship to prevent 
the lieutenants from deceiving them as to their position, should the 
latter consent to navigate her into England. To this person, then, 
in the course of the morning of the very day set for the execution 
of their murderous plan, the mutineers revealed their conspiracy, 
inviting him to take a conspicuous part in it. The seaman was in 
fact an American, who had lived a long time in Ireland, where he 
had acquired the accent of the nation, but where he had lost none 
of the feelings of country and kindred. Affecting to listen to the 
proposition with favour, he got most of their secrets out of the 
mutineers, using the utmost prudence and judgment in all his pro 
ceedings. It was near three o clock in the afternoon, before this 
new ringleader could manage to get into the cabin unseen, where he 
made Captain Landais and General Lafayette acquainted with all he 
knew. Not a moment was to be lost. The officers and other pas 
sengers were apprised of what was going on, such men as could cer-, 
tainly be relied on were put on their guard, and a few minutes before 
the time set for the signal to be given, the gentlemen rushed in a body 
on deck, with drawn swords, where the American and French sea 
men joined them, armed. The leadirAmutineers were instantly 
seized. Between thirty and forty of ther^nglish were put in irons, 
it being thought impolitic to arrest any more, for at this inopportune 
moment a large vessel hove in sight, and was soon made out to be 
an enemy s twenty gun ship. 

As is usual in such cases, some of the ringleaders betrayed their 
companions, on a promise of pardon, when all the previous arrange 
ments were revealed. Believing the moment unfavourable to engage 
even an inferior force, Captain Landais, after a little manoeuvring 
permitted the ship in sight to escajpe. On the 6th of February, the 
Alliance arrived safely at Brest./ 

This is the only instance that has ever transpired, of a plan to 
make a serious mutiny under the flag of the United States of Amer 
ica.* A few cases of momentary revolts have occurred, which 
principally arose from a defective mode of enlistment, and in all of 
which the authority of the officers have prevailed, after short and 
insignificant contests. It may be added, as a just source of national 
pride, that, in nearly every emergency, whether on board ships of 
war, or on board of merchant vessels, the native American has been 

* English prisoners who had enlisted in the navy, were frequently troublesome, but 
no other direct mutiny was plotted. 




///I 



1779.] NAVAL HISTORY. 97 

found true to the obligations of society; and it is a singular proof 
of his disposition to submit to legal authority, however oppressive or 
unjust may be its operation in his particular case, that in many known 
instances in which English seamen have revolted against their own 
officers, and in their own navy, the impressed and injured American 
has preferred order, and submission to even the implied obligations 
of a compelled service, to rushing into the dangers of revolt and dis 
obedience. In opposition to this respectable characteristic, may be 
put in high relief, the well ascertained fact, that when left in captur 
ed vessels, or placed in situations where the usages of mankind tol 
erate resistance, these very men have required as vigilant watching 
as any others ; it being probable that more American ships have 
been retaken from their prize crews by American seamen left on 
board them, within the last sixty years, than have been retaken by 
the seamen of all the remaining captured vessels in Christendom. 
Quiet, prudent, observing, hardy, and bold, the American seaman is 
usually ready to listen to reason, and to defer to the right ; traits that 
make him perhaps the most orderly and submissive of all mariners, 
when properly and legally commanded, and the most dangerous 
when an occasion arises for him to show his prompitude, intelligence, 
ami spirit. 

/(On reaching Brest, the mutineers were placed in a French gaol, 
and, after some delay, were exchanged as prisoners of war, without 
any other punishment ; the noble-minded Lafayette, in particular, 
feeling averse to treating foreigners as it \muld have been a duty to 
treat natives under similar circumstances.^ 

We shall now revert to the more regular warfare of the period at 
which we have arrived. 

One of the first nautical engagements of the year 1779, occurred 
to the Hampden 22, a ship that sailed out of Massachusetts, though 
it is believed on private account. The Hampden was cruising in the 
Atlantic, lat. 47, long. 28, when she made a strange sail to wind 
ward. A small armed schooner was in company with the Hampden, 
and a signal was made by the latter, for the former to join. Night 
coming on, however, the two vessels separated, when the Hampden 
stood towards the stranger alone. At daylight, the American and the 
Englishman were a long gun-shot apart, when the former crowded 
sail, and at seven in the morning, drawing up under the lee quarter 
of the chase, gave him a broadside. Until this moment, the stranger 
had kept all his guns housed, but he now showed thirteen of a side, 
and delivered his fire. It was soon perceived on board the Hamp 
den that they were engaged with a ship of a force altogether superior 
to their own. Still, hoping that she might be badly manned, and 
receiving no material damage at the commencement of the fight, the 
commander of the Hampden determined to continue the action. A 
hot engagement followed, which lasted three hours, within pistol-shot, 
when the Hampden was compelled to haul off, being in momentary 
danger of losing her masts. The American lost a Captain Pickering 
killed, but whether he was a marine officer, or her commander, 
does not appear, and had twenty men killed and wounded. The 

VOL. i. 7 



98 NAVAL HISTORY. [1779. 

enemy, an Indiuman was much injured also, though her loss was 
never ascertained. This was one of the most closely contested ac 
tions of the war, both sides appearing to have fought with persever 
ance and gallantry. 

On the ISth of April, the U, S. ships Warren 32, Captain J. B. 
Hopkins, Queen of France 28, Captain Olney, and Ranger 18, Cap 
tain Simpson, sailed from Boston, in company, on a cruise ; Captain 
Hopkins being the senior officer. When a few days from port, these 
vessels captured a British privateer of 14 guns, from the people of 
which they ascertained that a small fleet of armed transports and 
store-ships had just sailed from New York, bound to Georgia, with 
supplies for the enemy s forces in that quarter. The three cruisers 
crowded sail in chase, and off Cape Henry, late in the day, they had 
the good fortune to come up with nine sail, seven of which they 
captured, with a trifling resistance. Favoured by the darkness, the 
two others escaped. The vessels taken proved to be, his Britannic 
Majesty s ship Jason, 20, with a crew of 150 men ; the Maria armed 
ship, of 16 guns, and 84 men ; and the privateer schooner Hibernia, 
8, with a crew of 45 men. The Maria had a full cargo of flour. 
In addition to these vessels, the brigs Patriot, Prince Frederick, 
Bachelor John, and the schooner Chance, all laden with stores, 
fell into the hands of the Americans. Among the prisoners were 
twenty-four British officers, who were on their way to join their regi 
ments at the south.* 

The command of the Queen of France was now given to Captain 
Rathburne, when that ship sailed on another cruise, in company with 
the Ranger, and the Providence 28, Captain Whipple ; the latter 
being the senior officer. In July, this squadron fell in with a large 
fleet of English merchantmen, that was convoyed by a ship of the 
line, and some smaller cruisers, and succeeded in cutting out several 
valuable prizes, of which eight arrived at Boston, their estimated 
value exceeding a million of dollars. In the way of pecuniary 
benefits, this was the most successful cruise made in the war. 

Owing to the want of ships in the navy, Captain Manly, was com 
pelled to seek service in a privateer called the Cumberland. " In this 
vessel he was captured by the Pomona frigate, and, obtaining his 
exchange, he went on a cruise in the Jason private armed ship, in 
which vessel, in July of the present year, he was attacked by two of 
the enemy s privateers, one of 18, and the other of 16 guns, when 
running boldly between them, the Jason poured in her fire, larboard 
and starboard, with so much effect, that both surrendered. 

Quitting the American seas, we will once more return to the other 
hemisphere. 

Paul Jones had obtained so much celebrity for his cruise in the 
Ranger, that he remained in France, after the departure of his ship 
for America, in the hope of receiving a more important command, 
the inducement, indeed, which had originally brought him to Europe- 

* A Colonel Campbell was the highest in rank, and if this were the officer of the same 
name and rank taken ott Boston, in 1776, he was twice made a prisoner on board trans 
ports, during this war. 



1779.] NAVAL HISTORY. 99 

Many different projects to this effect had been entertained and aban 
doned, during the years 1778 and 1779, by one of which a descent 
was to have been made on Liverpool, with a body of troops com 
manded by Lafayette. All these plans, however, produced no 
results, and after many vexatious repulses in his applications for 
service, an arrangement was finally made to give this celebrated offi 
cer employment that was as singular in its outlines, as it proved to 
be inconvenient, not to say impracticable, in execution. 

By a letter from M. de Sartine, the minister of the marine, dated 
February 4th, 1779, it appears that the King of France had con 
sented to purchase and put at the disposition of Captain Jones, the 
Duras, an old Indiaman of some size, then lying at 1 Orient. To 
this vessel were added three more that were procured by means of 
M. le Ray de Chaumont, a banker of eminence connected with the 
court, and who acted on the occasion, under the orders of the French 
ministry. Dr. Franklin, who, as minister of the United States, was 
supposed, in a legal sense, to direct the whole affair, added the Alli 
ance, 3*2, in virtue of the authority that he held from Congress. The 
vessels that were thus chosen, formed a little squadron, composed of 
the Duras, Alliance, Pallas, Cerf, and Vengeance. The Pallas was 
a merchantman bought for the occasion ; the Vengeance a small 
brig that had also been purchased expressly for the expedition ; the 
Cerf was a fine large cutter, and, with the exception of the Alliance, 
the only vessel of the squadron fitted for war. All the sjAisTmt the 
Alliance were French built, and they were placed under phe Ameri 
can flag, by the following arrangement. 

The officers received appointments, which were to remain valid 
for a limited period only, from Dr. Franklin, who had held blank 
commissions to be filled up at his own discretion, ever since his arri 
val in Europe, while the vessels were to show the American ensign, 
and no other. In short, the French ships were to be considered as 
American ships, during this particular service, and when it was 
terminated, they were to revert to their former owners. The laws 
and provisions of the American navy were to govern, and command 
was to be exercised, and to descend, agreeably to its usages. Such 
officers as already had rank in the American service, were to take 
precedence of course, agreeably to the dates of their respective com 
missions, while the new appointments were to be regulated by the 
new dates. By an especial provision, Captain Jones was to be com- 
mander-in-chief, a post he would have been entitled to fill by his 
original commission, however, Captain Landais of the Alliance, the 
only other regular captain in the squadron, being his junior.. The 
joint right of the American minister and of the French government, 
to instruct the commodore, and to direct the movements of the squad 
ron, was also recognised. 

From what source the money was actually obtained by which this 
squadron was fitted out, is not exactly known, nor is it now probable 
that it will ever be accurately ascertained. Although the name of 
the king was used, it is not impossible that private adventure was at 
the bottom of the enterprise, though it seems certain that the govern 
ment was so far concerned as to procure the vessels, and to a certain 



100 NAVAL HISTORY. [1779. 

extent to use its stores. Dr. Franklin expressly states, that he made 
no advances for any of the ships employed. 

As every thing connected with this remarkable enterprise has 
interest, we shall endeavour to give the reader a better idea of the 
materials, physical and moral, that composed the force of Commo 
dore Jones, in his memorable cruise. 

After many vexatious delays, the Duras. her name having been 
changed to that of the Bon Homme Richard, in compliment to Dr. 
Franklin, was eventually equipped and manned. Directions had 
been given to cast the proper number of eighteeri-pounders for her, 
but, it being ascertained that there would not be time to complete 
this order, some old twelves were procured in their places. With 
this material change in the armament, the Richard, as she was 
familiarly called by the seamen, got ready for sea. She was, prop 
erly, a single-decked ship ; or carried her armament on one gun- 
deck, with the usual additions on the quarter-deck and forecastle ; 
but Commodore Jones, with a view of attacking some of the larger 
convoys of the enemy, caused twelve ports to be cut in the gun-room 
below, where six old eighteen-pounders were mounted, it being the 
intention to fight all the guns on one side, in smooth water. The 
height of the ship admitted of this arrangement, though it was fore 
seen that these guns could not be of much use, except in very mod 
erate weather, or when engaging to leeward. On her main, or prop 
er gun-derk, the ship had twenty-eight ports, the regular construc 
tion of an tnglish 38, agreeably to the old mode of rating. Here the 
twelve-pounders were placed. On the quarter-deck and forecastle, 
were mounted eight nines, making in all a mixed and rather light 
armament of 42 guns. If the six eighteens were taken away, the 
force of the Bon Homme Richard, so far as her guns were con 
cerned, would have been about equal to that of a 32 gun frigate. 
The vessel was clumsily constructed, having been built many years 
before, and had one of those high old-fashioned poops, that caused 
the sterns of the ships launched in the early part of the eighteenth 
century to resemble towers. 

To manage a vessel of this singular armament and doubtful con 
struction, Commodore Jones was compelled to receive on board a 
crew of a still more equivocal composition. A few Americans were 
found to fill the stations of sea officers, on the quarter-deck and 
forward, but the remainder of the people were a mixture of English, 
Irish, Scotch, Portuguese, Norwegians, Germans, Spaniards Swedes, 
Italians and Malays, with occasionally a man from one of the islands. 
To keep this motley crew in order, one hundred and thirty-five 
soldiers were put on board, under the command of some officers of 
inferior rank. These soldiers, or marines, were recruited at random, 
and were not much less singularly mixed, as to countries, than the 
regular crew. 

As the squadron was about to sail, M. Le Ray appeared at 
1 Orient, and presented an agreement, or concordat as it was termed, 
for the signature of all the commanders. To this singular compact, 
which, in some respects, reduced a naval expedition to the level of a 



1779.] NAVAL HISTORY. 101 

partnership, Commodore Jones ascribed much of the disobedience 
among his captains, of which he subsequently complained. It will 
be found in the appendix.* 

On the 19th of June 1779, the ships sailed from the anchorage 
under the Isle of Groix, off 1 Orient, bound to the southward, with a 
few transports and coasters under their convoy. The transports and 
coasters were seen into their several places of destination, in the 
Garonne, Loire, and other ports, but not without the commencement 
of that course of disobedience of orders, unseamanlike conduct, and 
neglect, which so signally marked the whole career of this ill as 
sorted force. While lyin^ to, off the coast, the Alliance, by palpable 
mismanagement, got foul of the Richard, and lost her mizen mast; 
carrying away, at the same time, the head, cut-water, and jib-boom 
of the latter. It now became necessary to return to port to refit. 

While steering northerly again, the Cerf cutter was sent in chase 
of a strange sail, and parted company. The next morning sheen- 
gaged a small English cruiser of 14 guns, and after a sharp conflict 
of more than an hour, obliged her to strike, but was compelled to 
abandon her prize in consequence of the appearance of a vessel of 
superior force. The Cerf, with a loss of several men killed and 
wounded, made the best of her way to 1 Orient. 

On the 22d, three enemy s vessels of war came in sight of the 
squadron, and, having the wind, they ran down in a line abreast, 
when most probably deceived by the height and general appearance 
of the Richard, they hauled up, and, by carrying a press of sail, 
escaped. 

On the 26th, the Alliance and Pallas parted company with the 
Richard, leaving that ship with no other consort than the Vengeance 
brig. On reaching the Penmarks, the designated rendezvous, the 
missing vessels did not appear. On the 29th, the Vengeance having 
made the best of her way for the roads of Groix by permission, the 
Richard fell in with two more of the enemy s cruisers, which, after 
some indications of an intention to come down, also ran, no doubt 
under the impression that the American frigate was a ship of two 
decks. On this occasion Commodore Jones expressed himself satis 
fied with the spirit of his crew, the people manifesting a strong wish 
to engage. On the last of the month, the Richard returned to the 
roads from which she had sailed, and anchored. The Alliance and 
Pallas came in also. 

Another delay occurred. A court was convened to inquire into 
the conduct of Captain Landais of the Alliance, and of other officers, 
in running foul of the Richard, and both ships underwent repairs. 
Luckily a cartel arrived from England, at this moment, bringing 
with her more than a hundred exchanged American seamen, most 
of whom joined the squadron. This proved to be a great and im 
portant accession to the composition of the crew of not only the 
Richard, but to that of the Alliance, the latter ship having been but 
little better off than the former in this particular. Among those who 
came from the English prisons, was Mr. Richard Dale, who had been 

* See note A, end of volume. 



102 NAVAL HISTORY. [1779. 

taken as a master s mate, in the Lexington 14. This young officer 
did not reach France in the cartel, however, but had previously 
escaped from Mill prison and joined the Richard. Commodore 
Jones had now become sensible of his merit, and in reorganising his 
crew, he had him promoted, and rated him as his first lieutenant. 
The Richard had now nearly a hundred Americans in her, and, with 
the exception of the commodore himself and one midshipman, all 
her quarter-deck sea-officers were of the number. Many of the petty 
officers too, were of this class. In a letter written August the llth, 
Commodore Jones states that the crew of the Richard consisted of 
380 souls, including 137 marines, or soldiers. 

On the 14th of August, 1779, the squadron sailed a second time 
from the roads of Groix, having the French privateers Monsieur and 
Granville in company, and under the orders of Commodore Jones. 
On the 18th a valuable prize was taken, and some difficulties arising 
with the commander of the Monsieur in consequence, the latter partod 
company in the night of the 19th. This was a serious loss in the way 
of force, that ship having mounted no less than forty guns. A prize 
was also taken on the 21st. On the 23d, the ships were off Cape 
Clear, and, while towing the Richard s head round in a calm, the 
crew of a boat manned by Englishmen, cut the tow-line, and escaped. 
Mr. Cutting Lunt, the sailing-master of the ship, manned another 
boat, and taking with him four soldiers, he pursued tne fugitives. 
A fog conrlng on, the latter boat was not able to find the ships again, 
and her people fell into the hands of the enemy. Through this 
desertion and its immediate consequences, the Richard lost twenty 
of her best men. 

The day after the escape of the boat, the Cerf was sent close in t< 
reconnoitre, and to look for the missing people, and owing to some 
circumstance that has never been explained, but which does not ap 
pear to have left any reproach upon her commander, this vessel nevei 
rejoined the squadron. 

A gale of wind followed, during which the Alliance and Pallas 
separated, and the Granville parted company with a prize, according 
to orders. Tke separation of the Pallas is explained by the fact that 
she had broken her tiller; but that of the Alliance can only be im- 
pvilfed t<* the unofficerlike, as well as unseamanlike, conduct of her 
commander. On the morning of the 27th, the bri^ Vengeance war 
the only vessel in company with the commodore.^ 

On the morning of the 31st of August, the Bon /Homme Richard, 
being off Cape Wratli, captured a large letter of marque bound from 
London to Quebec, a circumstance that proves the expedients to 
which the English ship-masters were then driven to avoid capture, 
this vessel having actually gone north-about to escape the cruisers 
on the ordinary track. While in chase of the letter of marque, the 
Alliance hove in sight, having another London ship, a Jamaica-man, 
in company as a prize. 

Captain Landais, of the Alliance, an officer, who, as it has since 
been ascertained, had been obliged to quit the French navy on ac 
count of a singularly unfortunate temper, now began to exhibit > 



1779.] NAVAL HISTORY. 103 

disorganising and mutinous spirit, pretending, as his ship was the 
only real American vessel in the squadron, that he was superior to 
the orders of the commodore, and that he would do as he pleased with 
that frigate. 

In the afternoon a strange sail was made, and the Richard showed 
the Alliance s number, with an order to chase. Instead of obeying 
this signal, Captain Landais wore and laid the head of his ship in a 
direction opposite to that necessary to execute the order! Several 
other signals were disobeyed in an equally contemptuous manner, 
and the control of Commodore Jones over the movements of this ship, 
which, on the whole, ought to have been the most efficient in the 
squadron, may be said to have ceased. 

Commodore Jones now shaped his course for the second rendez 
vous he had appointed, in the hope of meeting the missing ships. On 
the 2d of September, the Pallas rejoined, having captured nothing. 
Between this date and the 13th of September, the squadron continued 
its course round Scotland, the ships separating and rejoining con 
stantly, and Captain Landais assuming powers over the prizes, as 
well as over his own vessel, that were altogether opposed to disci 
pline, and to the usages of every regular marine. On the last day 
named, the Cheviot Hills were visible. 

Understanding that a twenty gun ship with two or three man-of- 
war cutters were lying at anchor off Leith, in the Frith of Forth, 
Commodore Jones now planned a descent on that tow n. At this 
time the Alliance was absent, and the Pallas and Vengeance having 
chased to the southward, the necessity of communicating with those 
vessels produced a delay fatal to a project which had been admirably 
conceived, and which there is reason to think might have succeeded. 
After joining his two subordinates, and giving his orders, Com 
modore Jones beat into the Frith, and continued working up towards 
Leith, until the 17th, when, being just out of gun-shot of the town, 
the boats were got out and manned. The troops to be landed were 
commanded by M. de Chamilliard, w r hile Mr. Dale, of the Richard, 
was put at the head of the seamen. The latter had received his 
orders, and was just about to go into his boat, when a squall struck 
the ships, and was near dismasting the commodore. Finding him 
self obliged to fill his sails, Commodore Jones endeavoured t^kqjlfp 
the ground he had gained, but the weight of the wind finally com 
pelled all the vessels to bear up, and a severe gale succeeding, they 
were driven into the North sea, where one of the prizes foundered. 

It is not easy to say what would have been the result of this dash 
ing enterprise, had the weather permitted the attempt. The audacity 
of the measure might have insured a victory; and in the whole 
design we discover the decision, high moral courage, and deep 
enthusiasm of the officer who conceived it. It was the opinion of 
Mr. Dale, a man of singular modesty, great simplicity of character, 
and pruden^ ?, that success would have rewarded the effort. 

Abandoning this bold project with reluctance, Commodore Jones 
appeared to have meditated another still more daring; but his col 
leagues, as he bitterly styles his captains in one of his letters, refused 



104 NAVAL HISTORY. [1779. 

to join in it. It is worthy of remark, that when Commodore Jones 
laid this second scheme, which has never been explained, before the 
young sea-officers of his own ship, they announced their readiness as 
one man to second him, heart and hand. The enterprise was 
dropped, however, in consequence of the objections of Captain Cot- 
tineau, of the Pallas, in particular, an officer for whose judgment the 
commodore appears to have entertained much respect. 

The Pallas and Vengeance even left the Richard, probably with 
a view to prevent the attempt to execute this nameless scheme, and 
the commodore was compelled to follow his captains to the south 
ward, or to lose them altogether. Off Whitby the ships last named 
joined again, and on the 21st the Richard chased a collier ashore 
between Flamborough Head and the Spurn. The next day the 
Richard appeared in the mouth of the Humber, with the Vengeance 
in company, and several vessels were taken or destroyed. Pilots 
were enticed on board, and a knowledge of the state of things in-shore 
was obtained. It appeared that the whole coast was alarmed, and 
that many persons were actually burying their plate. Some twelve 
or thirteen vessels in all had now been taken by the squadron, and 
quite as many more destroyed; and coupling these facts with the 
appearance of the ships on the coast and in the Frith, rumour had 
swelled the whole into one of its usual terrific tales. Perhaps no 
vessels of war had ever before excited so much local alarm on the 
coast of Great Britain. 

Under the circumstances, Commodore Jones did not think it 
prudent to remain so close in with the land, and he stood out towards 
Flamborough Head. Here two large sails were made, which next 
day proved to be the Alliance and the Pallas. This was on the 23d 
of September, and brings us down to the most memorable event in 
this extraordinary cruise. 

The wind was light at the southward, the weather smooth, and 
many vessels were in sight steering in different directions. About 
noon, his original squadron, with the exception of the Cerf and the 
two privateers, being all in company, Commodore Jones manned one 
of the pilot boats he had detained, and sent her in chase of a brig 
that was lying to, to windward. On board this little vessel were put 
Mr. Henry Lunt, the second lieutenant, arid fifteen men, all of whom 
were out of the ship for the rest of the day. In consequence of the 
loss of the two boats off Cape Clear, the absence of this party in the 
pilot boat, and the number of men that had been put in prizes, the 
Richard was now left with only one sea-lieutenant, and with but little 
more than three hundred souls on board, exclusively of the prisoners. 
Of the latter, there were between one and two hundred in the ship. 

The pilot boat had hardly left the Bon Ilornme Richard, when the 
leading ships of a fleet of more than forty sail were seen stretching 
out on a bowline, from behind Flamborough Head, turning down 
towards the Straits of Dover. From previous intelligence this fleet 
was immediately known to contain the Baltic ships, under the con 
voy of the Serapis 44, Captain Richard Pearson, and a hired ship 
that had been put into the King s service, called the Countess of 



1779.] NAVAL HISTORY. 105 

Scarborough. The latter was commanded by Captain Piercy, and 
mounted 22 guns. As the interest of the succeeding details will 
chiefly centre in the Serapis and the Richard, it may be well to give 
a more minute account of the actual force of the former. 

At the period of which we are now writing, forty-fours were usually 
built on two decks. Such, then, was the construction of this ship, 
which was new, and had the reputation of being a fast vessel. On 
her lower gun-deck she mounted 20 eighteen-pound guns : on her 
upper gun-deck, 20 nine-pound guns; and on her quarter-deck and 
forecastle, 10 six-pound guns ; making an armament of 50 guns in 
the whole. She had a regularly trained man-of-war s crew of 320 
souls, 15 of whom, however, were said to have been Lascars. 

When the squadron made this convoy, the men-of-war were in 
shore astern, and to leeward, probably with a view to keep the mer 
chantmen together. The bailiffs of Scarborough, perceiving the 
danger into which this little fleet was running, had sent a boat off 
to the Serapis to apprise her of the presence of a hostile force, and 
Captain Pearson fired two guns, signalling the leading vessels to 
come under his lee. These orders were disregarded, however, 
the headmost ships standing out until they were about a league from 
the land. 

Commodore Jones having ascertained the character of the fleet in 
sight, showed a signal for a general chase, another to recall the 
lieutenant in the pilot boat, and crossed royal yards on board the 
Richard. These signs of hostility alarmed the nearest English ships, 
which hurriedly tacked together, fired alarm guns, let fly their top 
gallant sheets, and made other signals of the danger they were in, 
while they now gladly availed themselves of the presence of the 
vessels of war, to run to leeward, or sought shelter closer in with the 
land. The Serapis, on the contrary, signalled the Scarborough to 
follow, and hauled boldly out to sea, until she had got far enough 
to windward, when she tacked and stood in-shore again, to cover 
her convoy. 

The Alliance being much the fastest vessel of the American squad 
ron, took the lead in the chase, speaking the Pallas as she passed. 
It has been proved that Captain Landais told the commander of the 
latter vessel on this occasion, that if the stranger proved to be a fifty, 
they had nothing to do but to endeavour to escape. His subsequent 
conduct fully confirmed this opinion, for no sooner had he run down 
near enough to the two English vessels of war, to ascertain their 
force, than he hauled up, and stood off from the land ac;ain. All 
this was not only contrary to the regular order of battle, but contrary 
to the positive command of Commodore Jones, who had kept the 
signal to form a line abroad, which should have brought the Alliance 
astern of the Richard, and the Pallas in the van. Just at this time, 
the Pallas spoke the Richard and inquired what station she should 
take, and was also directed to form the line. But the extraordinary 
movements of Captain Landais appear to have produced some inde 
cision in the commander of the Pallas, as he too, soon after tacked 
and stood off from the land. Captain Cottineau, however, was a 



106 NAVAL HISTORY. [1779. 

brave man, and subsequently did his duty in the action, and this 
manoeuvre has been explained by the Richard s hauling up suddenly 
for the land, which induced him to think that her crew had mutinied 
and were running away with the ship. Such was the want of con 
fidence that prevailed in a force so singularly composed, and such 
were the disadvantages under which this celebrated combat was 
fought ! 

So far, however, from meditating retreat or mutiny, the people of 
the Bon Homme Richard had gone cheerfully to their quarters, al 
though every man on board was conscious of the superiority of the 
force with which they were about to contend ; and the high uncon 
querable spirit of the commander appears to have communicated 
itself to the crew. 

It was now quite dark, and Commodore Jones was compelled to 
follow the movements of the enemy by the aid of a night-glass. It 
is probable that the obscurity which prevailed added to the indecision 
of the commander of the Pallas, for from this time until the moon 
rose, objects at a distance were distinguished with difficulty, and even 
after the moon appeared, with uncertainty. The Richard, however, 
stood steadily on, and about half past seven, she came up with the 
Serapis, the Scarborough being a short distance to leeward. The 
American ship was to windward, and as she drew slowly near, Cap 
tain Pearson hailed. The answer was equivocal, and both ships de 
livered their entire broadsides nearly simultaneously. The water 
being quite smooth, Commodore Jones had relied materially on the 
eighteens that were in the gun-room ; but at this discharge two of 
the six that were fired bursted, blowing up the deck above, and kill 
ing or wounding a large proportion of the people that were stationed 
below. This disaster caused all the heavy guns to be instantly de 
serted, for the men had no longer confidence in their metal. It at 
once, reduced the broadside of the Richard to about a third less than 
that of her opponent, not to include the disadvantage of the manner 
in which the force that remained was distributed among light guns. 
In short, the combat was now between a twelve-pounder and an 
eighteen -pounder frigate ; a species of contest in which, it has been 
said, we know not with what truth, the former has never been known 
to prevail. Commodore Jones informs us himself, that all his hopes, 
after this accident, rested on the twelve-pounders that were under the 
command of his first lieutenant. 

The Richard, having backed her topsails, exchanged several 
broadsides, when she filled again and shot ahead of the Serapis, 
which ship luffed across her stern and came up on the weather quar 
ter of her antagonist, taking the wind out of her sails, and, in her 
turn, passing ahead. All this time, which consumed half an hour, 
the cannonading was close and furious. The Scarborough now 
drew near, but it is uncertain whether she fired or not. On the side 
of the Americans it is affirmed that she raked the Richard at least 
once ; but, by the report of her own commander, it would appear 
that, on account of the obscurity and the smoke, he was afraid to 
discharge his guns, not knowing which ship might be the friend or 



1779.] NAVAL HISTORY. 107 

which the foe. Unwilling to lie by, and to be exposed to shot use 
lessly, Captain Piercy edged away from the combatants, exchanging 
a broadside or two, at a great distance, with the Alliance, and shortly 
afterwards was engaged at close quarters by the Pallas, which ship 
compelled him to strike, after a creditable resistance of about an hour. 
Having disposed of the inferior ships, we can confine ourselves*to 
the principal combatants. As the Serapis kept her luff, sailing and 
working better than the Richard, it was the intention of Captain 
Pearson to pay broad off across the latter s fore-foot, as soon as he 
had got far enough ahead ; but making the attempt, and finding he 
had not room, he put his helm hard down to keep clear of his ad 
versary, when the double movement brought the two ships nearly in 
a line, the Serapis leading. By these uncertain evolutions, the Eng 
lish ship lost some of her way, while the American, having kept her 
sails trimmed, not only closed, but actually ran aboard of her antag 
onist, bows on, a little on her weather quarter. The wind being 
light, much time was consumed in these different manoeuvres, and 
near an hour had elapsed between the firing of the first guns, and the 
moment when the vessels got foul of each other in the manner just 
described. 

The English now thought that it was the intention of the Ameri 
cans to board them, and a few minutes passed in the uncertainty 
which such an expectation would create ; but the positions of the 
vessels were not favourable for either party to puss into the opposing 
ship. There being at this moment a perfect cessation of the firing, 
Captain Pearson demanded, " Have you struck your colours T" 
"I have not yet begun to fight," was the answer. 

The yards of the Richard were braced aback, and, the sails of the 
Serapis being full, the ships separated. As soon as far enough 
asunder, the Serapis put her helm hard down, laid all aback forward, 
shivered her after-sails, and wore short round on her heel, or was 
box-hauled, with a view, most probably, of luffing up athwart the 
bow of her enemy, in order to again rake her. In this position 
the Richard would have been fighting her starboard, and the 
Serapis her larboard guns ; but Commodore Jones, by this time, was 
conscious of the hopelessness of success against so much heavier 
metal, and after having backed astern some distance, he filled on the 
other tack, luffing up with the intention of meeting the enemy as he 
came to the wind, and of laying him athwart hawse. In the smoke, 
one party or the other miscalculated the distance, for the two vessels 
came foul again, the bowsprit of the English ship passing over the 
poop of the American. As neither had much way, the collision did 
but little injury, and Commodore Jones, with his own hands, imme 
diately lashed the enemy s head-gear to his mizen-mast. The pres 
sure on the after sails of the Serapis, which vessel was nearly before 
the wind at the time, brought her hull round, and the two ships 
gradually fell close alongside of each other, head and stern, the jib- 
boom of the Serapis giving way with the strain. A spare anchor 
of the English ship now hooked in the quarter of the American, and 



108 NAVAL HISTORY. [1779. 

additional lashings were got out n board the latter to secure her in 
this position. 

Captain Pearson, who was as much aware of his advantage in a 
regular combat as his opponent could be of his own inferiority, no 
sooner pereceived that the vessels were foul, than he dropped an an 
chor, in the hope that the Richard would drift clear of him. But 
such an expectation was perfectly futile, as the yards were interlock 
ed, the hulls were pressed close against each other, there were lash 
ings fore and aft, and even the ornamental work aided in holding the 
ships together. When the cable of the Serapis took the strain, the 
vessels slowly tended, with the bows of the Serapis and the stern of 
the Richard to the tide. At this instant the English made an attempt 
to board, but were repulsed with trifling loss. 

All this time the battle raged. The lower ports of the Serapis 
having been closed, as the vessel swung, to prevent boarding, they 
were now blown off, in order to allow the guns to be run out ; and 
cases actually occurred in which the rammers had to be thrust into 
the ports of the opposite ship in order to be entered into the muzzles 
of their proper guns. It is evident that such a conflict must have 
been of short duration. In effect, the heavy metal of the Serapis, in 
one or two discharges, cleared all before it, and the main-deck guns 
of the Richard were in a great measure abandoned. Most of the 
people went on the upper-deck, and a great number collected on the 
forecastle, where they were safe from the fire of the enemy, continu 
ing to fight by throwing grenades and using muskets. 

In this stage of the combat, the Serapis was tearing her antago 
nist to pieces below, almost without resistance from her enemy s 
batteries, only two guns on the quarter-deck, and three or four of 
the twelves, being worked at all. To the former, by shifting a gun 
from the larboard side, Commodore Jones succeeded in adding a 
third, all of which were used with effect, under his immediate inspec 
tion, to the close of the action. He could not muster force enough 
to get over a second gun. But the combat would now have soon 
terminated, had it not been for the courage and activity of the people 
aloft. Strong parties had been placed in the tops, and, at the end of 
a short contest, the Americans had driven every man belonging to the 
enemy below ; after which they kept up so animated a fire, on the 
quarter-deck of the Serapis in particular, as to drive nearly every 
man off it, that was not shot down. 

Thus, while the English had the battle nearly to themselves be 
low, their enemies had the control above the upper-deck. Having 
cleared the tops of the Serapis, some American seamen lay out on 
the Richard s main-yard, and began to throw hand-grenades upon 
the two upper decks of the English ship ; the men of the forecastle 
of their own vessel seconding these efforts, by casting the same com 
bustibles through the ports of the Serapis. At length one man, in 
particular, became so hardy as to take his post on the extreme end 
of the yard, whence, provided with a bucket filled with combustibles, 
and a match, he dropped the grenades with so much precision that 
one passed through the main-hatchway. The powder-boys of the 



1779.] NAVAL HISTORY. 109 

Serapis had got more cartridges up than were wanted, and, in their 
hurry, they had carelessly laid a row of them on the main-deck, in 
aline with the guns. The grenade just mentioned set fire to some 
loose powder that was lying near, and the flash passed from cartridge 
to cartridge, beginning abreast of the main-mast, and running 
quite aft. 

The effect of this explosion was awful. More than twenty men 
were instantly killed, many of them being left with nothing on them 
but the collars and wristbands of their shirts, and the waistbands of 
their duck trowsers ; while the official returns of the ship, a week 
after the action, show that there were no less than thirty-eight 
wounded on board, still alive, who had been injured in this manner, 
and of whom thirty were then said to be in great danger. Captain 
Pearson described this explosion as having destroyed nearly all the 
men at the five or six aftermost guns. On the whole, near sixty of 
the Serapis people must have been instantly disabled by this sudden 
blow. 

The advantage thus obtained, by the coolness and intrepidity of 
he topman, in a great measure restored the chances of the combat, 
and, by lessening the fire of the enemy, enabled Commodore Jones 
to increase his. In the same degree that it encouraged the crew of the 
Richard, it diminished the hopes of the people of the Serapis. One 
of the guns under the^tn mediate inspection of Commodore Jones 
had been pointed sometime against the main-mast of his enemy, 
while the two others had seconded the fire of the tops, with grape and 
canister. Kept below decks by this double attack, where a scene of 
frightful horror was present in the agonies of the wounded, and the 
effects of the explosion, the spirits of the English began to droop, and 
there was a moment when a trifle would have induced them to sub 
mit. From this despondency they were temporarily raised, by one 
of those unlocked for events that characterise the vicisitudes of battle. 
After exchanging the ineffective and distant broadsides, already 
mentioned, with the Scarborough, the Alliance had kept standing 
off and on, to leeward of the two principal ships, out of the direction 
of their shot, when, about half past eight she appeared crossing the 
stern of the Serapis and the bow of the Richard, firing at such a dis 
tance as to render it impossible to say which vessel would suffer the 
most. As soon as she had drawn out of the range of her own guns, 
her helm was put up, and she ran down near a mile to leeward, 
hovering about, until the firing had ceased between the Pallas and 
the Scarborough, when she came within hail and spoke both of these 
vessels. Captain Cottineau of the Pallas earnestly entreated Cap 
tain Landais to take possession of his prize, and allow him to go to 
the assistance of the Richard, or to stretch up to windward in the 
Alliance himself, and succour the commodore. 

After some delay, Captain Landais took the important duty of 
assisting his consort, into his own hands, and making two long 
stretches, under his topsails, he appeared, about the time at which 
we have arrived in the narration of the combat, directly to windward 
of the two ships, with the head of the Alliance to the westward 



110 NAVAL HISTORY. [1779. 

Here the latter ship once more opened her fire, doing equal damage, 
at least, to friend and foe. Keeping away a little, and still continu 
ing her fire, the Alliance was soon on the larboard quarter of the 
Richard, and, it is even affirmed, that her guns were discharged until 
she had got nearly abeam. 

Fifty voices now hailed to tell the people of the Alliance that they 
were firing into the wrong ship, and three lanterns were shown, in a 
line, on the off side of the Richard, which was the regular signal of 
recognition for a night action. An officer was directed to hail, and 
to command Captain Landais to lay the enemy aboard, and the ques 
tion beinjj put whether the order was comprehended, an answer was 
given in the affirmative. 

As the moon had been up some time, it was impossible not to dis 
tinguish between the vessels, the Richard being all black, while the 
Serapis had yellow sides, and the impression seems to have been 
general in the former vessel, that she had been attacked intentionally. 
At the discharge of the first guns of the Alliance, the people left one 
or two of the twelves on board the Richard, which they had begun to 
fight again, saying that the Englishmen in the Alliance had got 
possession of the ship, and were helping the enemy. It appears that 
this discharge dismounted a gun or two, extinguished* several lan 
terns on the main deck, and did a great deal of damage aloft. 

The Alliance hauled off to some distanc^keeping always on the 
off side of the Richard, and soon after she reappeared edging down 
on the larboard beam of her consort, hauling up athwart the bows 
of that ship and the stern of her antagonist. On this occasion, it is 
affirmed that her fire recommenced, when, by possibility, the shot 
could only reach the Serapis through the Richard. Ten or twelve 
men appear to have been killed and wounded on the forecastle of the 
latter ship, which was crowded at the time, and among them was an 
officer of the name of Caswell, who, with his dying breath, maintain 
ed that he had received his wound by the fire of the friendly vessel. 

After crossing the bows of the Richard, and the stern of the Ser 
apis, delivering grape as she passed, the Alliance ran off to leeward, 
again standing off and on, doing nothing, for the remainder of the 
combat. 

The fire of the Alliance added greatly to the leaks of the Richard, 
which ship, by this time, had received so much water through the 
.shot-holes, as to begin to settle. It is even affirmed by many wit 
nesses, that the most dangerous shot-holes on board the Richard, 
were under her larboard bow, and larboard counter, in places where 
they could not have been received from the fire of the Serapis. This 
evidence, however, is not unanswerable, as it has been seen that the 
Serapis luffed up on the larboard-quarter of the Richard in the com 
menced of the action, and, forging ahead, was subsequently on her 
larboard bow, endeavouring to cross her fore-foot. It is certainly pos 
sible that shot may have struck the Richard in the places mentioned, 
on these occasions, and that, as the ship settled in the water, from 
other leaks, the holes then made may have suddenly increased the 
danger. On the other hand, if the Alliance did actually fire while 



1779.] NAVAL HISTORY. Ill 

on the bow and quarter of the Richard, as appears by a mass of un- 
contradicted testimony, the dangerous shot-holes may very well have 
come from that ship. 

Let t,he injuries have been received from what quarter they might, 
soon after the Alliance had run to leeward, an alarm was spread in 
the Richard that the ship was sinking. Both vessels had been on 
fire several times, and some difficulty had been experienced in ex 
tinguishing the flames, but here was a new enemy to contend with, 
and, as the information came from the carpenter, whose duty it was 
to sound the pump-wells, it produced a good deal of consternation. 
The Richard had more than a hundred English prisoners on board, 
and the master-at-arms, in the hurry of the moment, let them all up 
from below, in order to save their lives. In the confusion of such a 
scene at night, the master of the letter of marque, that had been taken 
off the north of Scotland, passed through a port of the Richard into 
one of the Serapis, when he reported to Captain Pearson, that a few 
minutes would probably decide the battle in his favour, or carry his 
enemy down, he himself having been liberated in order to save his 
life. Just at this instant the gunner, who had little to occupy him at 
his quarters, came on deck, and not perceiving Commodore Jones, 
or Mr. Dale, both of whom were occupied with the liberated prison 
ers, and believing the master, the only other superior he had in the 
ship, to be dead, he rarHup on the poop to haul down the colours. 
Fortunately the flag-staff had been shot away, and, the ensign already 
hanging in the water, he had no other means of letting his intention 
to submit be known, than by calling out for quarter. Captain Pear 
son now hailed to inquire if the Richard demanded quarter, and was 
answered by Commodore Jones himself, in the negative. It is proba 
ble that the reply was not heard, or, if heard, supposed to come from 
an unauthorised source, for encouraged by what he had learned from 
the escaped prisoner, by the cry, and by the confusion that prevailed 
in the Richard, the English captain directed his boarders to be called 
away, and, as soon as mustered, they were ordered to take possession 
of the prize. Some of the men actually got on the gunwale of the 
latter ship, but finding boarders ready to repel boarders, they made a 
precipitate retreat. All this time, the top-men were not idle, and 
the enemy were soon driven below again with loss. 

In the mean while, Mr. Dale, who no longer had a gun that could 
be fought, mustered the prisoners at the pumps, turning their con 
sternation to account, and probably keeping the Richard afloat by 
the very blunder that had come so near losing her. The ships were 
now on fire again, and both parties, with the exception of a few guns 
on each side, ceased fighting, in order to subdue this common enemy. 
In the course of the combat, the Serapis is said to have been set on 
fire no less than twelve times, while, towards its close, as will be seen 
in the sequel, the Richard was burning all the while. 

As soon as order was restored in the Richard, after the call for 
quarter, her chances of success began to increase, while the English, 
driven under cover, almost to a man, appear to have lost, in a great 
degree, the hope of victory. Their fire materially slackened, while 



11.2 NAVAL HISTORY. 



the Richard again brought a few more guns to bear; the main-mast 
of the Serapis began to totter, and her resistance, in general, to lessen. 
About an hour after the explosion, or between three hours and three 
hours and a half after the first gun was fired, and between two hours 
and two hours and a half after the ships were lashed together, Captain 
Pearson hauled down the colours of the Serapis with his own hands, 
the men refusing to expose themselves to the fire of the Richard s tops. 

As soon as it was known that the colours of the English had been 
lowered, Mr. Dale got upon the gunwale of the Richard, and laying 
hold of her main brace pendant, he swung himself on board the Ser 
apis. On the quarter-deck of the latter he found Captain Pearson, 
almost alone, that gallant officer having maintained his post, through 
out the whole of this close and murderous conflict. Just as Mr. Dale 
addressed the English captain, the first lieutenant of the Serapis 
came up from below to inquire if the Richard had struck, her fire 
having entirely ceased. Mr. Dale now gave the English officer to 
understand that he was mistaken in the position of things, the Ser 
apis having struck to the Richard, and not the Richard to the Sera- 
pis. Captain Pearson confirming this account, his subordinate 
acquiesced, oifering to go below and silence the guns that were still 
playing upon the American ship. To this Mr. Dale would not con 
sent, but both the English officers were immediately passed on board 
the Richard. The firing was then stopped below. Mr. Dale had 
been closely followed to the quarter-deck of the Serapis, by Mr. 
May rant, a midshipman, and a party of boarders, and as the former 
struck the quarter-deck of the prize, he was run through the thigh, 
by a boarding-pike, in the hands of a man in the waist, who was 
ignorant of the surrender. Thus did the close of this remarkable 
combat, resemble its other features in singularity, blood being shed 
and shot fired, while the boarding officer was in amicable discourse 
with his prisoners ! 

As soon as Captain Pearson was on board the Richard, and Mr. 
Dale had received a proper number of hands in the prize, Com 
modore Jones ordered the lashings to be cut, and the vessels to be 
separated, hailing the Serapis, as the Richard drifted from alongside 
of her, and ordering her to follow his own ship. Mr. Dale now had 
the head sails of the Serapis braced sharp aback, and the wheel put 
down, but the vessel refused both her helm and her canvass. Sur 
prised and excited at this circumstance, the gallant lieutenant sprang 
from the binnacle on which he had seated himself, and fell at his 
length on the deck. He had been severely wounded in the leg, by a 
splinter, and until this moment was ignorant of the injury ! He was 
replaced on the binnacle, when the master of the Serapis came up 
and acquainted him with the fact that the ship was anchored. 

By this time, Mr. Lunt, the second lieutenant, who had been absent 
in the pilot boat, had got alongside, and was on board the prize. 
To this officer Mr. Dale now consigned the charge of the Serapis, 
the cable was cut, and the ship followed the Richard, as ordered. 

Although this protracted and bloody combat had now ended, 
neither the danger nor the labours of the victors were over. The 



1779.] NAVAL HISTORY. 113 

Richard was both sinking and on fire. The flames had got within 
the ceiling, and extended so far that they menaced the magazine, 
while all the pumps, in constant use, could barely keep the water at 
the same level. Had it depended on the exhausted people of the two 
combatants, the ship must have soon sunk, but the other vessels of 
the squadron sent hands on board the Richard, to assist at the pumps. 
So imminent did the danger from the fire become, that all the powder 
was got on deck, to prevent an explosion. In this manner did the 
night of the battle pass, with one gang always at the pumps, and 
another contending with the flames, until about ten o clock in the 
forenoon of the 24th, when the latter were got under. After the 
action, eight or ten Englishmen in the Richard, stole a boat from the 
Serapis, and ran away with it, landing at Scarborough. Several of 
the men were so alarmed with the condition of their ship, as to jump 
overboard and swim to the other vessels. 

When the day dawned, an examination was made into the situa- 
tion of the Richard. Abaft, on a line with those guns of the 7 Serapis 
that had not. been disabled by the explosion, the timbers were found 
to be nearly all beaten in, or beaten out, for in this respect there was 
little difference between the two sides of the ship; and it was said 
that her poop and upper decks would have fallen into the gun-room, 
but for a few futtocks that had been missed. Indeed, so large was 
the vacuum, that most of {he shot fired from this part of the Serapis, 
at the close of the action, must have gone through the Richard with 
out touching any thing. The rudder was cut from the sternpost, 
and the transoms were nearly driven out of her. All the after part 
of the ship, in particular, that was below the quarter-deck, was torn 
to pieces, and nothing had saved those stationed on the quarter 
deck, but the impossibility of sufficiently elevating guns that almost 
touched their object. 

The result of this examination was to convince every one of the 
impossibility of carrying the Richard into port, in the event of its 
coming on to blow. Commodore Jones was advised to remove his 
wounded while the weather continued moderate, and he reluctantly 
gave the order to commence. The following night and the morning 
of the succeeding day were employed in executing this imperious 
duty, and about nine o clock, the officer of the Pallas, who was in 
charge of the ship, with a party at the pt mps, finding that the water 
had reached the lower deck, reluctantly abandoned her. About ten, 
the Bon Homme Richard wallowed heavily, gave a roll, and settled 
slowly into the sea, bows foremost. 

The Serapis suffered much less than the Richard, the guns of the 
latter having been so light, and so soon silenced; but no sooner were 
the ships separated, than her main-mast fell, bringing down with it 
the mizen-top-mast. Though jury-masts were erected, the ship 
drove about, nearly helpless, in the North Sea, until the 6th of Oc 
tober, when the remains of the squadron, with the two prizes, got 
into the Texel, the prfrt to which they had been ordered to repair. 

In the combat between the Richard and the Serapis, an unusual 
number of lives was lost, though no regular authentic report appears 

VOL. i. 8 



114 NAVAL HISTORY. [1779. 

to have been given by either side. Captain Pearson states the loss 
of the Richard at about 300 in killed and wounded ; a total that would 
have included very nearly all hands, and which was certainly a great 
exaggeration, or at least a great mistake. According to a muster-roll 
of the officers and people of the Richard, excluding the marines, 
which is still in existence, 42 men were killed, or died of their wounds 
shortly after the battle, and 41 were wounded. This would make a 
total of 83, for this portion of the crew, which, on the roll amounted 
to 227 souls. But many of the persons named on this list are known 
not to have been in the action at all; such as neither of the junior 
lieutenants, and some thirty men that were with them, besides those 
absent in prizes. As there were a few volunteers on board, however, 
who were not mustered, if we set down 200 as the number of the 
portion of the regular crew that was in the action, we shall probably 
not be far from the truth. By estimating the soldiers that remained 
on board at 120, and observing the same proportion for their casual 
ties, we shall get 49 for the result, which will make a total of 132, 
as the entire loss of the Richard. It is known, however, that, in the 
commencement of the action, the soldiers, or marines, suffered out 
of proportion to the rest of the crew, and general report having made 
the gross loss of the Richard 150 men, we are disposed to believe that 
it was not far from the fact. 

Captain Pearson reported apart of his loss at 117 men, admitting, 
at the same time, that there were many killed and wounded whose 
names he could not discover. It is probable that the loss of men, in 
the two ships, was about equal, and that nearly, or quite half of all 
those who were engaged, were either killed or wounded. Commo 
dore Jones, in a private letter, written some time after the occurrence, 
gives an opinion, however, that the loss of the Richard was less than 
that of the Serapis. That two vessels of so much force should lie 
lashed together more than two hours, making use of artillery, mus 
ketry, and all the other means of annoyance known to the warfare 
of the day, and not do even greater injury to the crews, strikes us with 
astonishment; but the fact must be ascribed to the peculiarities of" 
the combat, which, by driving most of the English under cover so 
early in the battle, and by keeping the Americans above the line of 
fire of their enemies, in a measure protected each party from the 
missiles of the other. As it was, it proved a murderous and san 
guinary conflict, though its duration would probably have been much 
shorter, and its character still more bloody, but for these unusual 
circumstances.* 

* The writer has given the particulars of this celebrated sea-fight in detail on account 
of the great interest that has always been attached to the suhject, no less than from a desire 
to correct many of the popular errors that have so long existed in connexion with its 
incidents. In framing his own account, he has followed what to him have appeared to 
be the best authorities. Scarcely any two of the eye-witnesses agree in all their facts, 
but by dint of examination, the writer has been enabled to discover, as he believes 
where the weight of credible testimony and probability lies, and has used it accordingly. 
Commodore Dale, a witness every way entitled to respect, so far as his position enabled 
him to note occurrences, was kind enough while living to describe to the writer the 
manoeuvres of the ships, -which it is hoped have now been given in a -way that will render 
them intelligible to seamen. There are but two leading circumstances of this sort that, 
to the writer, appear doubtful. The Alliance thrice approached, each time firing into 



1779.] NAVAL HISTORY. 115 



CHAPTER X. 

Arrival of the Serapis in Holland Paul Jones takes command of the Alliance, and is 
forced to put to sea Capt. Landais is discharged the navy Commodore Jones in 
the Ariel, returns to America Sketch of his life Vote of thanks by Congress Re 
ceives command of the America Several captures by the Deane, Capt. Samuel 
Nicholson Capture of the Active Action with the Duff Expedition against the 
British post on the Penobscot- Loss of all the vessels engaged therein. 

THE arrival of Paul Jones, with his prizes, in Holland, excited a 
great deal of interest in the diplomatic world. The English de 
manded that the prisoners should be released, and that Jones himself 
should be given up as a pirate. The Dutch government, though 
well disposed to favour the Americans, was not prepared for war, 
and it was induced to temporise. A long correspondence followed, 
which terminated in one of those political expedients that are so 
common, and in which the pains and penalties of avowing the truth, 
are avoided by means of a mystification. The Serapis, which had 
been re-masted and equipped, was transferred to France, as was 
the Scarborough, while Commodore Jones took command of the 
Alliance, Captain Landais having been suspended, and was ordered 
to quit the country. 

It would seem that there were two parties in Holland: that of the 
prince and that of the people. With the latter the American cause 
was popular; but the former employed an admiral at the Texel, 
who, after a vexatious course, finally succeeded in forcing the Al 
liance to put to sea, in the face of a fleet of enemies, which was 
anxiously awaiting her appearance. The Alliance went to sea on the 
27th of December, 1779, and reached the roads of Groix again in 
safety, on the 10th of February, 1780. She passed down the Chan- 

both the combatants : but the accounts, or rather testimony,- for there are many certifi 
cates given by the officers not only of the Richard, but of the Alliance herself, Pallas, &c, 
is so obscure and confused, that it is difficult to get at the truth of the manner, order, and 
exact time in which these attacks were made. With the view to give no opinion as to 
the precise time of the last firms of the Alliance, the writer has condensed the account 
of all her proceedings into one, though he inclines to think that the second attack of this 
ship may have occurred a little later in the contest than would appear from the manner 
in which it is told in the narrative. The word may is used from uncertainty, most of the 
testimony, perhaps, placing the occurrence in the order of time given in the text. Cap 
tain Pearson says, or is made to say, in his official report, that the Alliance "kept sailing 
round us the whole action, and raking us fore and aft," c. This statement is contra 
dicted by the formal certificates of nearly every officer in the Richard, by persons on 
board the Alliance, by spectators in boats, as we ll as by officers of the other vessels near. 
The first lieutenant and master of the Alliance herself admit that they were never on the 
off side of the Serapis at all, and of course their ship never could have gone round her. 
They also say that they engaged the Scarborough, at very long shot, for" a short time ; a 
fact that Captain Piercy of the Scarborough, corroborates. "They add, moreover, that 
their ship was a long time aloof from the combat, and that she only fired three broadsides, 
or parts of broadsides, at the Richard and Serapis. From the testimony, there is little 
doubt that the Alliance did materially more injury to the Richard than to the Serapis ; 
thon.sh, as Captain Pearson could not have known this fact at the time, it is highly 

Erobable that her proximity may have influenced that officer in inducing him to lower 
is flag. 

The second point is the fact whether the Scarborough raked the Richard before she 
was herself engaged with the other ships. The writer is of opinion that she did, while 
he admits that the matter is involved in doubt. 



116 NAVAL HISTORY. [1780. 

nel, was near enough to the squadron in the Downs to examine its 
force, was several times chased, and made a short cruise in the Bay 
of Biscay, after having touched in Spain. Captain Conyngham, 
who had been captured in a privateer and escaped, joined the Al 
liance, and went round to I Orient in the ship. 

Although it will be anticipating the events of another year, we 
shall finish the history of this vessel, so far as she was connected 
with the officer who first commanded her, Captain Landais. This 
gentleman had been sent for to Paris, to account for his conduct to 
the American minister, and subsequently his claim to command the 
Alliance was referred to Mr. Arthur Lee, who was on the spot, and 
who had loiiij been in Europe, as a conspicuous agent of the govern 
ment. The decision of this commissioner restored the Alliance to 
Captain Landais, on the ground that his command having been 
given to him by the highest authority of the country, a vote of Con 
gress, he could not legally be deprived of it by any subordinate 
authority. In June, Captain Landais sailed in the ship for America, 
where she was given to an officer better fitted to show her excellent 
qualities, and who, in the end, succeeded in redeeming her character. 
During the passage home, Captain Landais was deposed from the 
command, under the idea that he was insane, and soon after he was 
discharged from the navy. It is thought that the absence of Com 
modore Jones, alone, prevented his receiving severe punishment. 

Commodore Jones, anxious to get back to America, took command 
of the Ariel 20, a little ship that the king of France lent to his allies, 
to aid in transporting military supplies; and in this vessel, with a 
portion of the officers and men who had belonged to the Richard, he 
sailed from under Groix on the 7th of September. When a day or 
two out, the Ariel encountered a severe gale, in which she came near 
being lost. The ship was so pressed upon by the wind, that her 
lower yard-arms frequently dipped, and though an anchor was let 
go, she refused to tend to it. In order to keep her from foundering, 
the fore-mast was cut away, and the heel of the main-mast having 
worked out of the step, that spar followed, bringing down with it the 
mizen-mast. 

Returning to I Orient to refit, the Ariel sailed a second time for 
America, on the 18th of December. During the passage, she fell in 
with an enemy of about her own size, in the night, and after much 
conversation, a short combat followed, when the English ship inti 
mated that she had struck, but taking advantage of her position, she 
made sail and escaped. Some unaccountable mistake was made 
by, or an extraordinary hallucination appears to have come over, 
Commodore Jones,- in reference to this affair, for, in his journal, he 
speaks of his enemy as having been an English twenty-gun ship 
called the Triumph, and the result as a victory. The Triumph, if 
such was truly the name of the English ship, was probably a letter 
of marque, unable to resist a vessel of war of any force, and though 
not free from the imputation of treachery, she escaped by out-ma 
noeuvring the Ariel.* On the 18th of February, 1781, after an 

* Private communication of the late Commodore Dale, to the writer. 



1779.] 



NAVAL HISTORY. 117 



absence of moie than three years, Paul Jones reached Philadelphia 
in safety.* 

Before we return to the American seas, and to the more regular 
incidents of the year 1779, we will add that, after an inquiry into 
the conduct of Captain Jones, as it was connected with all his pro 
ceedings in Europe, Congress gave him a vote of thanks, and, by a 

* John Paul was born on the 6th of July, 1747, at Arbigland, on the Frith of Sol way, 
in the kingdom of Scotland. His father was the gardener of Mr. Craik, a gentleman of 
that vicinity. At the age of twelve, the boy was apprenticed to a ship -master in the Vir 
ginia trade, and he made his appearance in America, in consequence, when in his thir 
teenth year. An elder brother had married and settled in Virginia, and from this time 
young Paul appears to have had views of the same sort. The failure of his master in 
duced him to give up the indentures of the apprentice, and we soon find the latter on 
board a slaver. The master and mate of the vessel he was in, dying, Paul took charge 
of her, and brought her into port ; and from that time he appears to have sailed in com 
mand. About the year 1770, he caused a man named Mango Maxwell to be flogged for 
misconduct, and the culprit made a complaint of ill-treatment, menacing a prosecution. 
The complaint was rejected by the local authorities (West Indies) as frivolous; but, not 
long after, Maxwell went to sea in another ship, and died rather suddenly. When the 
fact became known, the enemies of Paul circulated a report that the death of this man 
was owing to the ill-treatment he had received when punished by his former commander. 
Although this rumour was completely disproved in the end, it raised a prejudice against 
the young seaman, and, at a later day, when he became conspicuous, it was used against 
him* for political effect, by those who ought to have been superior to injustice of so low 
a character. 

Mr. Paul was sonred at this ill-treatment, and, in a manner abandoned his native coun 
try. In 1773, his brother died, and he went to Virginia to settle, with the intention of 
quitting the seas. Here, for some reason that is unknown, he added the name of Jones 
to his two others. The hostilities of 1775, however, brought him forward again, and he 
was the senior lieutenant ever commissioned regularly, in the service of Congress. As 
this was before the declaration of independence, the relative rank was not established ; 
but in October, 1776, his name appears on the list as the eighteenth captain. 

His first cruise was in the Alfred 24, Captain Saltonstall, the ship that bore the broad 
pennant of Commodore Hopkins, and his first engagement was that with the Glasgow. 
From the Alfred, he was transferred to the sloop Providence 12, as her captain. He Len 
commanded the Alfred 24. In 1777 he was appointed to the Ranger 18, a crank, clumsy 
ship, with a gun-deck, but no armament above, and a dull sailer. In 1778, after the cruise 
in the Irish Channel, in which he took the Drake, he gave up the command of the Ranger, 
and in 1779, obtained that of the squadron, under the celebrated concordat. His subse 
quent momements are to be traced in the text. 

In 1782, Captain Jones was launched in the America 74. and the same day delivered 
her up to the Chevalier de Martigne, the late commander of the Magnifique, the ship she 
was now to replace. After this he made a cruise in the French fleet, as a volunteer, in 
which situation he was found by the peace. In November, 1783, he sailed for France 
with a commission to negotiate for the recovery of prize-money in different parts of Eu 
rope. In 1787 he came to America on business, but returned to Europe in the course 
of the same season. He now went to the north on business connected with his prizes. 
About this time he received some proposals to enter the Russian navy, and in the spring 
of 1788 he obtained the rank of rear-admiral accordingly. Shortly after he was placed 
in an important command against the Turks, in which situation he is said to have render 
ed material services. But personal hostility drove him from Russia in 1789. He returned 
to Paris, retaining his rank, and pensioned. From this time he remained in France and 
the adjacent countries of Europe, until his death, which occurred at Paris, on the 18th of 
July, 1792. A commission appointing him the agent of the American government to 
treat with Algiers, arrived after he was dead. 

That Paul Jones was a remarkable man, cannot be justly questioned. He had a re 
spectable English education, and, after his ambition had been awakened by success, he 
appears to have paid attention to the intellectual parts of his profession. In his enter 
prises are to be discovered much of that boldness of conception that marks a great naval 
captain, though his most celebrated battle is probably the one in which he evinced no 
other ^ery high quality than that of an invincible resolution to conquer. Most of the mis 
fortunes of the Bon Homme Richard, however, may be very fairly attributed to the in 
subordination of his captains, and to the bad equipment of his own vessel. The expedi 
ent of running the Serapis aboard was one like himself, and it was the only chance of 
victory that was left. 

Paul Jones was a man rather under than above the mid-die size, and his countenance 
has been described as possessing much of that sedateness which marks deep enthusiasm. 



118 NAVAL HISTORY. [1779. 

formal resolution, bestowed on him the command of the America 74, 
the only one of the six ships of that class that was ever laid down 
under the law of 1776. In order to dispose of this branch of the 
subject at once, it may be well to say here, that the America never 
got to sea under the national colours, Congress presenting the ship 
to their ally, Louis XVI., to replace the Magnifique 74, which had 
been lost in the port of Boston. This friendly offering was made 
by resolution, September the 3d, 1782, and it being now near the 
end of the war, Paul Jones never got to sea again in the service. In 
consequence of the America s having been presented to France, 
while still on the stocks, the United States properly possessed no 
two-decked ship during the war of the Revolution. 

To return to the more regular order of events. 

During the summer of 1779, the Deane 32, Captain Samuel Nich 
olson, and the Boston 24, Captain Tucker, made a cruise in com 
pany. In August of that year, these two ships took many prizes, 
though no action of moment occurred. Among those were the Sand 
wich, (a packet,) 16, two privateers, with the Glencairn 20, and the 
Thorn 18. The two last vessels were letters of marque. 

In the spring of this year, the Providence 12, Captain Hacker, 
took a vessel of equal force, called the Diligent, after a sharp action. 
The particulars of this engagement are lost, though they are known 
to have been highly creditable to the American officer. The Dili 
gent appears to have been taken into the service. 

A bloody action also occurred, about the same time, between the 
Massachusetts state cruiser Hazard 14, Captain John Foster Wil 
liams, and the Active 18, a vessel that is supposed to have belonged 
to the king. The combat lasted half an hour, and was determined 
in favour of the Hazard. The Active is said to have had 33 killed 
and wounded, and the Hazard 8. Shortly after this handsome 
affair, Captain Williams was appointed to the ship Protector 20, 
belonging to the same state, and in June he had a severe action with 
one of those heavy letters of marque, it. was so much the custom to 

There is no doubt that his eminence arose from the force of his convictions, rather than 
from his power of combining, though his reasoning faculties were respectable. His as 
sociations in Paris appear to have awakened a taste which, whenever it comes late in 
life, is almost certain to come attended with exaggeration. Personally he would seem to 
have been vain ; a very excusable foible in one of his education and previous habits, that 
was suddenly exposed to the flattery and seductions of Parisian society. He nevermar- 
ried, though he was not averse to the sex, as appears from his letters, poetic effusions, and 
gallantries. An affectation of a literary taste, that expended itself principally in homage 
to those he admired, formed indeed one of his principal weaknesses. 

In battle, Paul Jones was brave ; in enterprise, hardy and original; in victory, mild 
and generous ; in moti ves, much disposed todisinterestedness,though ambitious of renown 
and covetous of distinction ; in his pecuniary relations, liberal ; in his affections, natural 
and sincere ; and in his temper, except in those cases which assailed his reputation, just 
and forgiving. He wanted the quiet self- respect of a man capable of meeting acts of in 
justice with composure and dignity; and his complaints of ill-treatment and neglect, for 
which there was sufficient foundation, probably lost him favour both in France and 
America. Had circumstances put him in a situation of high command, there i* little 
doubt that he would have left a name unsurpassed by that of any naval captain, or have 
perished in endeavouring to obtain it. 

From the American government, Paul Jones received many proofs of commendation. 
Louis XVI. created him a knight of the order of Merit, and Catharine of Russia con 
ferred on him the riband of St. Anne. He also received other marks of distinction, with 
a pension from Denmark. 



1779.] NAVAL HISTORY. 119 

send to sea, at the period of which we are writing, called the Duff; 
a ship said to have been quite equal in force to the Protector. After 
a sharp contest of more than an hour, the Duff blew up. The Pro 
tector succeeded in saving 55 of her crew, having had 6 of her own 
people killed and wounded in the battle. Taking and manning 
many prizes, the Protector had a narrow escape from capture, by 
falling in with the enemy s frigate Thames 32, from which ship, 
however, she escaped, after a sharp running fight, in which the 
Thames was much crippled aloft. On returning to port, Captain 
Williams, who bore a high reputation as an officer and a seaman, 
was immediately engaged in the expedition that it is our duty to 
record next, and which proved to be much the most disastrous affair 

/which American seamen were ever engaged. 
The enemy having established a post on the Penobscot, and placed 
a strong garrison in it, the State of Massachusetts determined to 
drive them from its territory, without calling upon Congress for as 
sistance. As the country was then nearly a wilderness, it is probable 
a feeling of pride induced this step, it being worthy of remark, that 
after General Gage was expelled from Boston, the enemy had, in 
no instance, attempted to maintain any other post than this, which 
lay on a remote and uninhabited frontier, within the territories of 
New England. For this purpose, Massachusetts made a draft of 
1500 of her own militia, and got an order for the U. S. ship Warren 
32, Captain Saltonstall, the Diligent 14, Captain Brown, and the 
Providence 12, Captain Hacker, to join the expedition; these being 
the only regular cruisers employed on the occasion. Three vessels 
belonging to Massachusetts were also put under the orders of Cap 
tain Saltonstall, and a force consisting of thirteen privateers was 
added. In addition there were many transports and store-vessels. 
General Lovel commanded the brigade. 

This armament made its appearance off the Penobscot on the 
25th of July. While the militia were making their descent, the 
Warren, and another vessel of some force, engaged the enemy s 
works. The cannonading was severe, and the Warren is said to 
have had 30 men killed and wounded, in the action with the bat 
teries, and in landing the troops. The latter duty, however, was 
successfully performed by General Love], with a loss of about a 
hundred men, including all arms. Finding it impossible to carry 
the place with his present force, the commanding officer now sent 
for reinforcements. On the 13th of August, while waiting for a re 
turn of the messenger, information was received from the Tyranni 
cide, the look-out vessel, that Sir George Collier, in the Rainbow 44, 
accompanied by four other vessels of war, was entering the bay. 
The troops immediately re-embarked, and a general, hurried and 
confused flight ensued. The British squadron, consisting of five 
vessels of war, quickly appeared, and a pursuit up the river was 
commenced, and continued for a long distance. The enemy soon 
got near enough to use their chase guns, and the fire was returned 
by the Americans. It was undoubtedly the wish of Captain Salton 
stall, to reach the shallow water before he was overtaken, but find- 



120 NAVAL HISTORY. [1779. 



ing this impracticable, he run his ship ashore, and set her on fire. 
Others followed this example, and most of the vessels were destroyed, 
though three or four fell into the hands of the enemy. 

Captain Saltonstall was much, and, in some respects, perhaps, 
justly censured, for this disaster, though it is to be feared that it 
arose more from that habit of publicity, which is peculiar to all coun 
tries much influenced by popular feeling, than from any other cause. 
Had a due regard been paid to secrecy, time might have been gained 
in that remote region, to effect the object, before a sufficient force 
could be collected to go against the assailants. In a military sense, 
the principal faults appeared to have been a miscalculation of means, 
at the commencement, and a neglect to raise such batteries, as 
might have protected the shipping against the heavy vessels of the 
enemy. It could not surely have been thought that privateers, 
armed with light guns, were able to resist two-deckers, and the fact, 
that the English had a fleet of such vessels on the coast was gener 
ally known. The Warren, the largest vessel among the Americans, 
was a common frigate of thirty- two guns, and had a main-deck bat 
tery of twelve-pounders. Whatever might have been attempted by 
a regular force, was put out of the question by the insubordination 
of the privateers-men, each vessel seeking her own safety, as her 
captain saw best. 

The troops and seamen that landed, found themselves in the centre 
of a wilderness, and taking different directions, their sufferings, be 
fore they reached their settlements, were of the severest kind. It is 
a fact, worthy of being recorded, that, on this occasion, the Warren 
being short of men at the commencement of the expedition, and rind 
ing it difficult to obtain them by enlistment, in consequence of the 
sudden demand for seamen, Captain Saltonstall made up the defi 
ciency by impressment. 

The disastrous result of this expedition inflicted a severe blow on 
American nautical enterprises. Many privateers and state vessels, 
that had been successful against the enemy s commerce, were either 
captured or destroyed. Among the vessels blown up, was the Prov 
idence 12, one of the first cruisers ever sent to sea by the United 
States, and which had become noted for exploits greatly exceeding 
her force. As far as can now be ascertained, we find reason to be 
lieve, that this little cruiser was both sloop-rigg-ed and brig-rigged, in 
the course of her service. She had been a privateer out of Rhode 
Island, at the commencement of the war, and was bought of her 
original commander, Captain Whipple,* who was himself admitted 
into the service, as the first commander of the Columbus 20, and 
who subsequently was numbered as the twelfth captain, on the regu 
lated list of 1776. 

* This officer is supposed to have commanded at the burning of the Gaspein 1772. 



1780.] NAVAL HISTORY. 121 



CHAPTER XL 

Attack on and reduction of Charleston Capture of the Boston the Providence the 
the Queen of France and the Ranger- Action between the Trumbull and the letter 
of marque Watt The Saratoga, Capt. Young, captures the Charming Molly and two 
brigs they are retaken by the Intrepid the Saratoga founders at sea The Alliance, 
Capt. John Barry, captures the Alert, Mars, and Minerva her action with and capture 
of the Atalanta and Trepassy action off Havauna The Confederacy captured by 
the British Action with the Iris and loss of the Trumbull Sketch of Capt. James 
Nicholson Capture of the Savage by the Congress, Capt. Geddes Three sloops of 
war and several cruisers, captured by the Deane, Capt. Nicholson. 

AT the commencement of the year 1780, the French fleet under 
Comte d Estaing retired to the West Indies, leaving the entire 
American coast, for a time, at the command of the British. Sir 
Henry Clinton profited by the opportunity to sail against Charles 
ton, with a strong force in ships and troops, which town he reduced 
after a short but vigorous siege. Several American ships of war 
were in the harbour at the time, under the command of Captain 
Whipple, and finding escape impossible, this officer carried his 
squadron into the Cooper, sunk several vessels at its mouth, and 
landed all the guns and crews, for the defence of the town, with 
the exception of those of one ship. The Providence 28, Captain 
Whipple, the Queen of France 28,* Captain Rathburne, the Boston 
24, Captain Tucker, the Ranger 18, Captain Simpson, and several 
smaller vessels, fell into the hands of the enemy. 

The English government, by this time, found the system of pri 
vateering so destructive to their navigation, that it had come to the 
determination of refusing to exchange any more of the seamen that 
fell into their power. By acting on this policy, they collected a 
large body of prisoners, sending them to England in their return 
ships, and sensibly affected the nautical enterprises of the Ameri 
cans, who, of course, had but a limited number of officers and men 
fit to act on the ocean. 

By the fall of Charleston, too, the force of the regular American 
marine, small as it had always been, was still more reduced. Of the 
frigates, the Alliance 32, the Hague (late Deane) 32, Confederacy 
32, Trumbull 28, and a ship or two bought or borrowed in Europe, 
appear to be all that were left, while the smaller cruisers, like the 
pitcher that is broken by going too oftento the well, had not fared 
much better. 

In consequence of all these losses, the advanced state of the war, 
and the French alliance, which had brought the fleets of France 
upon the American coast, Congress appears to have thought any 
great efforts for increasing the marine unnecessary at the moment. 
The privateers and state cruisers were out and active as usual, 
though much reduced in numbers, and consequently in general effi 
ciency. In contrast to these diminished efforts we find the British 

* This ship is supposed to have been a small frigate built at Nantes, by the American 
commissioners in France. 



122 NAVAL HISTORY. [1781. 

Parliament authorising the ministry to keep no less than 85,000 men 
employed in the English navy, including the marines. 
/* The first action of moment that occurred this year between any 
^United States vessel and the enemy, notwithstanding, has the rep 
utation of having been one of the most hotly and obstinately con 
tested combats of the war. June 2d, 1780, the Trumbull 28, then 
under the command of Captain James Nicholson, the senior officer 
of the navy, while cruising in lat. 35 54 , long. 66 W., made a 
strange sail to windward from the mast-heads. The Trumbull im 
mediately furled all her canvass, in the hope of drawing the stranger 
down upon her before she should be seen. At eleven, the stranger 
was made out to be a large ship, steering for the TrumbulPs quarter ; 
but soon hauling more astern, sail was got on the American ship to 
close. After some manoeuvring, in order to try the rate of sailing 
and to get a view of the stranger s broadside, the Trumbull took in 
her light sails, hauled up her courses, the chase all this time betray 
ing no desire to avoid an action, but standing directly for her adver 
sary. When near enough, the Trumbull filled, and outsailing the 
stranger, she easily fetched to windward of her. The chase now 
fired three guns, showed English colours, and edged away, under 
short sail, evidently with an intention to pursue her course. 

Captain Nicholson harangued his men, and then made sail to 
bring his ship up with the enemy. When about a hundred yards 
distant, the English ship fired a broadside, and the action began in 
good earnest. For two hours and a half the vessels lay nearly 
abeam of each other, giving and receiving broadsides without inter 
mission. At no time were they half a cable s length asunder, and 
more than once the yards nearly interlocked. Twice was the 
Trumbull set on fire by the wads of her enemy, and once the enemy 
suffered in the same way. At last the fire of the Englishman slack 
ened sensibly, until it nearly ceased. 

Captain Nicholson now felt satisfied that he should make a prize 
of his antagonist, and was encouraging his people with that hope, 
when a report was brought to him, that the main-mast was totter 
ing, and that if it went while near the enemy, his ship would probably 
be the sacrifice. Anxious to secure the spar, sail was made, and the 
Trumbull shot ahead again, her superiority of sailing being very 
decided. She was soon clear of her adversary, who made no effort to 
molest her. The vessels, however, were scarcely musket-shot apart, 
when the main and mizen top-masts of the Trumbull went over the 
side, and, in spite of every effort to secure them, spar after spar came 
down, until nothing was left but the fore-mast. Under such cir 
cumstances, the enemy, who manifested no desire to profit by her 
advantage, went off on her proper course. Before she went out of 
sight, her main top-mast also, was seen to fall. 

It was afterwards ascertained that the ship engaged by the Trum 
bull was a letter of marque called the Watt, Captain Coulthard, a 
vessel. of size, that had been expressly equipped to fight her way. 
Her force is not mentioned in the English accounts, but her com 
mander, in his narrative of the affair, in which he claims the victory, 



1780.] NAVAL HISTORY. 123 

admits his loss to have been 92 men, in killed and wounded. Cap 
tain Nicholson estimated her force at 34 or 36 guns, mostly twelve- 
pounders ; and he states that of the Trumbull to have been 24 twelve- 
pounders and 6 sixes, with 199 souls on board when the action 
commenced. The Trumbull lost 39, in killed and wounded, 
among- the former of whom were two of her lieutenants. 

In the way of a regular cannonade, this combat is generally 
thought to have been the severest that was fought in the war of the 
Revolution. There is no question of the superiority of the Watt in 
every thing but sailing, she having been essentially the largest and 
strongest ship, besides carrying more guns and men than her oppo 
nent. Owing to the difficulty of obtaining seamen, which has been 
so often mentioned, the TrumbulFs crew was composed, in a great 
degree, of raw hands, and Captain Nicholson states particularly that 
many of his people yrere suffering under sea-sickness when they 
went to their guns. 

This action way not followed by another, of any importance, in 
which a government cruiser was concerned, until the month of Oc 
tober, when the U. S. sloop of war Saratoga 16, Captain Young, 
fell in with, and captured a ship and two brigs, the former, and one 
of the latter of which, were well armed. The conflict with the 
ship, which was called the Charming Molly, was conducted with a 
spirit and promptitude that are deserving of notice. Running along 
side, Captain Young delivered his fire, and threw fifty men on the 
enemy s decks, when a fierce but short struggle ensued, that ended 
in the capture of the British ship. Lieutenant Barney, afterwards so 
distinguished in the service, led the boarders on this occasion ; and 
the crew that he overcame is said to have been nearly double in 
numbers to his own party. 

After making these and other captures, the Saratoga made sail 
for the Capes of the Delaware, with the intention of conveying her 
prize into port. The following day, however, the convoy was chased 
by the Intrepid 74, Captain Molloy, which ship retook all the prizes, 
but was unable to get the Saratoga under her guns. It is said, and 
we find no evidence to contradict it, that the Saratoga never returned 
to port, the vessel foundering, and her crew perishing at sea, un 
heard of. 

The brevity of the regular naval annals of the three last years of 
the war, compels us to compress their incidents into a single chapter, 
as it is our aim, except in extraordinary instances, not to blend the 
exploits of the private armed ships with those of the public cruisers. 
(^It has been stated already that Captain Landais was dismissed 
from the service soon after his return home, when the command of 
the Alliance 32 was given to Captain John Barry, the officer who 
had made so gallant a resistance in the Raleigh, not long previously. 
In February, 1781, Captain Barry sailed from Boston for France, in 
command of this favourite ship, with Colonel Laurenson board, which 
well known and much regretted young officer was charged with an 
important mission to the French court. The crew of the frigate was 
so indifferent, however, that Barry thought he risked his reputation 



124 NAVAL HISTORY. [1781. 



by putting to sea with it. On the outward passage, the Alliance 
captured a small privateer called the Alert, but no event of any mo 
ment occurred. After landing Mr. Laurens, the frigate sailed from 
POrient on a cruise, with the Marquis de la Fayette 40, bound to 
America with stores, in company. Three days afterwards, or on the 
2d of April, 1781, they fell in with and captured two Guernsey 
privateers, one of which, the Mars, is said to have been a heavy 
vessel of 26 guns and 112 men, and the other, the Minerva, to have 
had an armament of 10 guns, and a crew of 55 souls. Neither of 
these cruisers appears to have made any resistance. 

After this success, the Alliance parted company with her consort, 
and the prizes, and continued to cruise until the 28th of May, when 
she made two sail, that were standing directly for her. It was late 
in the day, and the strangers, when near enough to remain in sight 
during the darkness, hauled up on the same course with the Alliance, 
evidently with a view to defer the action until morning. At daylight 
on the succeeding day, it was nearly a dead calm, and when the 
mist cleared away, the two strangers were seen at no great distance, 
with English colours flying. They were now distinctly made out to 
be a sloop of war that rated 16 guns, and a brig of 14. The sea was 
perfectly smooth, and there being no wind, the two light cruisers were 
enabled to sweep up, and to select their positions, while the Alliance 
lay almost a log on the water, without steerage way. Owing to these 
circumstances, it was noon before the vessels were near enough to 
hail, when the action commenced. For more than an hour the Al 
liance fought to great disadvantage, the enemy having got on her 
quarters, where only a few of the aftermost guns would bear on them. 
The advantage possessed by the English vessels, in consequence of 
the calm, at one time, indeed gave their people the greatest hopes of 
success, for they had the fight principally to themselves. While 
things were in this unfortunate state, Captain Barry received a grape- 
shot through his shoulder, and was carried below. This additional 
and disheartening calamity added to the disadvantages of the Ameri 
cans, who were suffering under the close fire of two spirited and 
persevering antagonists. Indeed, so confident of success did the 
enemy now appear to be, that when the ensign of the Alliance was 
shot away, this fact, coupled with the necessary slackness of her fire, 
induced their people to quit their guns, and give three cheers for 
victory. This occurred at a moment when a light breeze struck the 
Alliance s sails, and she came fairly under steerage way. A single 
broadside from a manageable ship changed the entire state of the 
combat, and sent the enemy to their guns, again, with a conviction 
that their work yet remained to be done. After a manly resistance, 
both the English vessels, in the end, were compelled to haul down 
their colours. 

The prizes proved to be the Atalanta 16, Captain Edwards, with 
a crew of 130 men, and the Trepassy 14, Captain Smith, with a crew 
of 80 men. Both vessels were much cut up, and they sustained a 
joint loss of 41 men in killed and wounded. The Alliance did not 
escape with impunity, having had 11 killed and 21 wounded, prin- 



1781.] NAVAL HISTORY. 125 

cipally by the fire of her enemies, while they lay on her quarter and 
across her stern. Captain Barry made a cartel of the Trepassy, arid 
sent her into an English port with the prisoners, but the Atalanta 
was retaken by the enemy s squadron that was cruising off Boston, 
while attempting to enter that harbour. 

Fortune now became capricious, and we are compelled to present 
the other side of the picture. Among the ships built late in the war, 
was the Confederacy 32. This vessel had been launched in 1778, 
at, or near Norwich, in Connecticut, and the command of her was 
given to Captain Seth Harding, the officer who was in the Defence 
14, in the action in Nantasket Roads with the two transports captured 
in 1776. Captain Harding had been commissioned in the navy, in 
which his first command appears to have been this ship. The Con 
federacy sailed for Europe in 1779, with Mr. Jay, the minister to 
Spain, on board, and was suddenly dismasted, a little to the eastward 
of Bermuda. Spar followed spar, in this calamity, until the ship 
lay a log on the water, with even her bowsprit gone. This mis 
fortune must probably be attributed, like so many similar, that have 
succeeded it, to the rigging s having slackened, after having been 
set up in cold weather at home, when the ship got into a warm 
latitude. 

After several anxious weeks, the Confederacy got into Martinique, 
where Mr. Jay obtained a passage in the French frigate PAurore, 
and the American vessel remained to refit. From that time to the 
commencement of the present year, the Confederacy was employed, 
like most of the large vessels of the service, in that stage of the war, 
in keeping open the communications between the country and the 
different ports where supplies were obtained, and in transporting 
stores. Early in 1781, she went to Cape Francois, and, on the 22d 
of June, while on her return, with clothing arid other supplies on 
board, and with a convoy in charge, she was chased by a large ship, 
which succeeded in getting alongside of her. Captain Harding had 
gone to quarters, and was about to open his fire, when the enemy ran. 
out a lower tier of guns, and a frigate being in company a short dis 
tance astern, she struck. Several of the convoy were also taken. 

The British stated the armament of the Confederacy to have been, 
when taken, 28 twelves, and 8 sixes, or 36 guns. Quitting this un 
lucky vessel, we shall now return to the only other frigate that was 
biiilt in Connecticut, during the war. 

//Captain Nicholson continued in command of the Trumbull, after 
his severe conflict with the Watt, and we find him at sea again in 
that ship, in the summer of 1781. She left the Delaware on the 8th 
of August, with a crew short of 200 men, of which near 50 were of 
the questionable materials to be found among the prisoners of war. 
She had a convoy of twenty-eight sail, and a heavy privateer was in 
company.. Off the Capes, the Trumbull made three British cruisers 
astern. Two of the enemy, one of which was a frigate, stood for the 
Trumbull, which ship, by hauling up, was enabled to gain the wind 
of them. Night was near, and it blew heavily. The merchantmen 
began to diverge from the course, though, by carrying easy soil, the 



126 NAVAL HISTORY. [1781. 

Trumbull was enabled to keep most of them ahead, and in their sta 
tions. While standing on in this manner, hoping every thing from 
the darkness, a squall carried away the Trtimbull s fore-top-mast, 
which, in falling brought down with it the main-top-gallant mast. 
As the weather was thick and squally, the vessels in company of the 
Trumbull took advantage of the obscurity and scattered, each making 
the best of her way, according to her particular rate of sailing. The 
Trumbull herself was compelled to bear up, in order to carry the 
canvass necessary to escape, but with the wreck over her bows, and 
a crew that was not only deficient in numbers, but which was raw, 
and in part disaffected, her situation became in the last degree em- 
barrasing. Indeed, her condition has been described as being so 
peculiarly distressing, as almost to form an instance of its own, of the 
difficulties that sometimes accompany naval warfare. 

About 10 o clock at night, the British frigate Iris* 32, one of the 
vessels in chase, closed with the Trumbull, which ship, on account 
of the heaviness of the weather, had not yet been able to clear the 
wreck. In the midst of rain and squalls, in a tempestuous night, 
with most of the forward hamper of the ship over her bows, or lying 
on the forecastle, with one of the arms of the fore-topsail yard run 
through her fore-sail, and the other jammed on deck, and with a 
disorganised crew, Captain Nicholson found himself compelled to go 
to quarters, or to strike without resistance. He preferred thev^rst, 
but the English volunteers, instead of obeying order, went below, 
extinguished the lights, and secreted themselves. Near half of the 
remainder of the people imitated this example, and Captain Nichol 
son could not muster fifty of even the diminished crew he had, at 
the guns. The battle that followed, might almost be said to have 
been fought by the officers. These brave men, sustained by a party 
of the petty officers and seamen, managed a few of the guns, for 
more than an hour, when the General Monk 18, comib^ up, and 
joining in the fire of the Iris, the Trumbull submitted. Vj 

In this singular combat, it has even been asserted tJi^ at no time 
were 40 of the TrumbulPs people at their quarters. It was probably 
owing to this circumstance that her loss was so small, for the ship 
herself is said to have been extensively cut up. She had five men 
killed and eleven wounded. Among the latter were two of the lieu 
tenants, and Mr. Alexander Murray, a gentleman of Maryland, who 
had been educated to the seas, and had been in the action with the 
Watt, but who was then serving as a volunteer, and who, after com 
manding several private cruisers, entered the navy, and subsequently 
died at the head of the service in 1821. Mr. Murray was particularly 
distinguished in this affair, and the conduct of Captain Nicholson! 

* The Iris had been the United States ship Hancock 32, Captain Manly, and was 
captured by the Rainbow 44, sir George Collier, with the Victor 16, in sight, and Flora 
32, in chase of her prize, the Fox. The Hancock, or Iris, proved to be one of the fastest 
ships on the American station, and made the fortunes of all who commanded her. Cap 
tain Manly is thought to have lost her, in consequence of having put her out of trim, by 
starting her water, while chased. The ship in the end, fell into the hands of the French 
in the West Indies. 

t As the family of Captain Nicholson may be said to be naval, it is due to our subject 
to give some account of it. The ancestor of this officer emigrated from Berwick-upou- 



1781.] NAVAL HISTORY. 127 

met with much applause. The Iris suffered more than could have 
been expected under auch circumstances, and reported seven men 
killed and woundedyy 

As affording sonre relief to the loss of the Trumbull, we now 
come to a handsome exploit that occurred soon after, which ought, 
perhaps, properly, to take its place among the deeds of the private 
cruisers, but which is of sufficient importance to be mentioned here, 
and this so much the more, as a portion of those engaged belonged 
to the regular service of the country. A private cruiser called the 
Congress had been fitted out in Philadelphia, in the course of the 
summer, and in September she was cruising on the coast of the 
Carolinas and Georgia. The Congress had an armament of 20 
guns, according to the American accounts, and of 24 according to 
the English, and she was commanded by Captain Geddes. Few of 
her people were seamen, of which there was now a great scarcity in 
the country, but her complement was, in a great degree, made up 
of landsmen. 

On the morning of the 6th of September, cruising to the eastward 
of Charleston, the Congress made a sail, to which she gave chase. 
The stranger was soon discovered to be a cruiser, and at first, showed 

Tweed, at the commencement of the eighteenth century, and established himself in 
Maryland, where he obtained a grant called Nicholson s Manor, near the passage through 
the Blue Ridge which is still known as Nicholson s Gap. This property was subse 
quently sold, and an estate was purchased on the Eastern Shore, where James Nicholson 
was born in 1737. 

James Nicholson was the second son of a numerous family, and he was sent to England 
for his education. He returned home young, however, and chose the sea as a profession. 
In 1762, in common with many Americans, he assisted at the siege of the Havana. In 
1763, he married. 

"When the war broke out, in 1775, Mr. Nicholson was residing on the Eastern Shore, 
and he was immediately appointed to the command of a vessel called the Defence, that 
was equipped by the Colony of Maryland, and in which cruiser he was active and useful. 
His appointment as captain of the Virginia 28, took place June 6th, 1776. and when the 
rank was arranged on the 10th of October, of the same year, he was put at the head of the 
list of captains. At this time Commodore Hopkins was commander-in-chief, but when 
he was dismissed, Captain Nicholson became the senior officer of the navy; a station 
that he held to its dissolution. 

The Virginia being blockaded, Captain Nicholson and his crew joined the army under 
Washington, and were present, in the darkest moment of the war, at the battle of Tren 
ton. The manner in which the Virginia was lost has been related. 

The two battles fought by Commodore Nicholson while in command of the Trumbull 
28, were sanguinary and hotly contested. In both cases the crews were, in a great degree, 
composed of landsmen ; and in the last action, none but a man of the highest notions of 
military honour would have thought resistance necessary. To say nothing of the con 
dition of his ship, the Iris (Hancock) was one of the largest frigates built by the Americana 
in the Revolution, and the Trumbull was one of the smallest. The- Monk was a heavy 
sloop of war, for that day, as is known from her subsequently falling into the hands of 
the Americans. 

Commodore Nicholson was not exchanged until near the close of the war, and there 
being no ship for him, he never went to sea again in service. He subsequently settled 
in New York, where he held a respectable civil appointment under the general govern 
ment. He died September 2d, 1804, leaving a son and three daughters, one of the latter 
of whom married Albert Gallatin, ex-secretary of the treasury. &c. &c. &c. 

Samuel and John, the brothers of James Nicholson, were both captains in the Navy 
of the Revolution, and the former died at the head of the service, in 1811. Commodore 
8. Nicholson had four sons in the navy, and his brother John, three Indeed, the third 
generation of this family, as in the case of the Perrys, are now in the service. In the 
whole, fifteen gentlemen of this name and family have served since 1775. of whom two 
have actually worn broad pennants, and a third died just as he was about to be appointed 
to one. In addition, several officers of distinction were near relatives, Commodore Mur 
ray having been a cousin-german of Commodore Nicholson, and Captain Gordon his 
nephew. 



128 NAVAL HISTORY. [1781. 

a disposition to engage, but, after some manoeuvring he stood off. 
At half past ten the Congress began to fire her bow guns, and at 
eleven being close up on the enemy s quarter, she opened a heavy fire 
of musketry, which did a good deal of execution. Drawing ahead, 
the Congress now delivered her broadside, and it was returned with 
spirit. At first the enemy got a cross fire upon the Congress, and the 
latter ship meeting with an accident, fell astern to refit. But soon 
closing again, the combat was renewed with fresh vigour, arid the 
Congress having got her enemy fairly under her guns, in less than an 
hour she left her a nearly unmanageable wreck on the water. Not 
withstanding his condition, the Englishman showed no disposition to 
submit, and the Congress ran so close alongside, that the men were 
said to be reciprocally burned by the discharges of the guns. The 
quarter-deck and forecastle of the enemy had scarcely a man left on 
it, and his fire began to slacken in consequence of several of his guns 
having been dismounted. In this stage of the engagement shot were 
even thrown by hand and did execution. At length the mizen-mast 
of the English ship fell, and the main-mast threatening to follow it, 
her boatswain appeared on the forecastle, with his hat in his hand, 
and called out that his commander had struck. The prize proved to 
be the British sloop of war Savage 16, Captain Sterling. 

The accounts of the respective force of the vessels engaged in this 
warm contest, differ essentially ; and, as is usual in such matters, it 
is probable that the truth lies between them. There is little question 
of the superiority of the Congress in guns, metal, and men ; but when 
it is remembered that the conqueror was a private armed ship, with 
a raw crew, and that the captured vessel was a regular cruiser that 
had been long actively employed, it would not be just to withhold 
from Captain Geddes and his people, the credit of having performed 
a handsome naval exploit. As in other things, there is a discrepancy 
also in the account of the losses of the two ships. The Congress is 
said, by Captain Sterling, to have had about fifty men killed and 
wounded ; and by the American accounts, to have lost only thirty. 
The former makes the loss of the Savage eight kiJ.led, and twenty- 
four wounded ; while the Americans raise it as high as a total of 
fifty-four. There is a reason to question the accuracy of the pub 
lished English account of this affair, to be found in the fact that Cap 
tain Sterling, while he does not state that he was short-handed, tells 
us that he had but forty men left at their quarters when he struck. 
By adding this number to the thirty-two killed, or disabled by wounds, 
we get a total of but seventy -two for the crew of a frigate-built sloop 
of war, a fact that requires explanation to receive credit, and which, 
if true, would have so fairly entered into the relation of the defeat, 
as an extenuating circumstance. Official accounts of defeats so often 
undergo changes and mutilations between the hands of the writer arid 
their publication, that we are not necessarily to attribute wilful mis 
representation to a gallant but unfortunate officer, because the docu 
ments laid before the world do not always rigidly coincide with prob 
ability, or the truth as it has been derived from other sources. The 
Savage was re-captured by a British frigate, and taken into Charles- 



1782.] NAVAL HISTORY. 120 

ton. Captain Geddes got much credit for this affair ; and, at a later 
day, we find his name among those of the captains of the navy. 

We have now reached the year 1782, which was virtually the last 
of the war of the Revolution, though some events will remain to be 
recorded in the early part of the year 1783. In the comencement 
of this year, the Deane 32, made a successful cruise, in which she 
took several private armed vessels of the enemy. By some accounts, 
three of her prizes were sloops of war, viz. the Regulator 18, the 
Swallow 16, and the Jackall 14 ; but we think it probable, that there 
may have been some mistake as to their characters. On this occa 
sion, the Deane was commanded by Captain Samuel Nicholson. 

The favourite ship, the Alliance* 32, Captain Barry, was much 
employed this year, her superior sailing making her a vessel in con 
stant demand. Among other services that she performed, this ship 
was sent to the Havana for specie, whence she sailed, in company 
with the Louzun, a ship loaded with supplies. Shortly after quitting 
port, some enemy s vessels fell in with them, and gave chase. While 
running from this force, a large sail was seen on the Alliance s 
weather bow, which was soon made out to be a French 50, of two 
decks. Exchanging signals, and supposing that the French frigate 
would sustain him, Captain Barry immediately wore round and 
brought the leading vessel of the enemy to action ; the others ma 
noeuvring in a way to engage the attention of the fifty. The latter, 
however, kept her wind ; and after a sharp fight of more than half 
an hour, the English ship engaged with the Alliance, finding herself 
hard pushed, made signals to her consorts to join, when Captain 
Barry hauled off. The Alliance now stood for the French ship, and 
speaking her, it was determined to bring the enemy to action again, . 
in company. On making sail in chase, however, it was soon found! 
that the fifty was too dull a sailer to giverfhe least hope of overtaking- 
the enemy, and the attempt was abandoned. 

In this action, the Alliance had 3 killed and 11 wounded ; while 
it is said that the loss of the enemy was very heavy. Some state 
ments place the latter as high as 87 men ; but no accounts can be 
discovered, that give A very clear history of this affair. The English 
vessel engaged was the Sibyl, rating 20, and mounting 30 guns. 
She is said to have had 37 killed and more than 50 men wounded. 
The other vessels in company were frigates. One of the enemy, by 
some of the accounts, was said to be a ship of the line, and the vessel 
engaged by the Alliance, a heavy sloop of war. 

The command of the Hague, one of the two frigates now left in 
the American marine, was given to Captain Manly, after her return 
from the cruise under Captain Nicholson ; and this officer who had 
virtually begun the maritime war, on the part of the United States, 
in a manner closed it, by an arduous and brilliant chase, in which he 
escaped from several of the enemy s ships in the West Indies, after 
being for a considerable time under the guns of a vastly superior 

* One of the traditions of the service states that the Alliance was chased this year, by 
an enemy s two-docker and that she ran fifteen knots by the log, with the wind abeam, 
in. making her escape ! 

vot,. i. 9 



130 NAVAL HISTORY. [1782 

force. This occurrence may be said to have brought the regular 
naval warfare of the United States to an end, so far as the govern 
ment cruisers were concerned, peace havingbeen made early in 1 783 



CHAPTER XII. 

The Hyder Ally, Capt. Joshua Barney, sails with convoy down the Delaware action 
with, and capture of the General Monk he commands the Washington Commodore 
Gillon goes to Europe to purchase vessels agrees for the Indien makes a cruise and 
captures ten sail Capture of the Indien One of the most desperate defences on 
record, by Capt. Murray Close of naval events connected with the Revolution. 

ALTHOUGH we have introduced a few of the prominent actions in 
which the privateers were concerned in this war, it has been as excep 
tions. Most of the accounts of such conflicts are of a questionable 
nature, depending principally on the rumours of the day, as they 
were written out for the newspapers, though it is known that many 
of the exploits of this description of vessels were of a brilliant kind, 
and every way entitled to respect. Indeed, the private cruisers of 
America have always had a character superior to those of other coun 
tries ; a fact that is owing to the greater degree of relative respecta 
bility that is attached to the profession of a seaman in this country, 
than it is usual to find elsewhere, and to the circumstance that the 
public marine has never been sufficiently large to receive all of those 
who would willingly take service in it, when the nation has been en 
gaged in war. 

Privateering, in the abstract, is a profession of which reason and 
good morals can scarcely approve ; for whatever may be its legality, 
its aim is to turn the waste and destruction of war, to the benefit of 
avarice.* But circumstances may, an din two contests that have taken 
place between Great Britain and the United States, these circum 
stances did offer so many apologies for engaging in the pursuit, as 
almost to raise it to the dignity of a more approved warfare. With 
out regular fleets, borne upon by a powerful nation that claimed to 
command the ocean, and unable to assail thei- enemy in any other 
manner, most of the American seamen have found themselves re 
duced to the necessity of choosing between idleness, during struggles 
that involved the dearest rights of the country, or of engaging in this 
mode of endeavouring to bring their enemies to terms. It is due to 
these brave men to say, that, as a rule, their conduct while afloat, has 
generally coincided with the sentiments here attributed to them ; 
American privateering having in all ages, been very little stigmatised 
by acts of oppression and rapine. 

In many instances, during the war of the Revolution, the private 

* Itis due to the American government to say, that it has unsuccessfully attempted to 
put a stop to this species of war, by means of negotiations 



1782.] NAVAL HISTORY. 131 

armed cruisers displayed an honourable chivalry, by engaging vessels 
of war, that sufficiently showed tire spirit of their commanders ; and 
we find them nearly always ready, when occasions have offered, to 
quit the more peculiar occupation of assailing the enemy s commerce, 
in order to lend their aid in any of the regular military expeditions 
of the country. In short, in this war, the officer and the common 
man, appear equally to have passed from the deck of the public, to 
that of the private cruiser, knowing little difference between ships 
that carried the ensign of the republic, and which, in their eyes, were 
engaged in the same sacred cause. 

As respects the service of the colonial or state cruisers, there would 
be less reason to regard the accounts with distrust, but their records 
are scattered in so many different offices, and the marines themselves 
were so irregular, that it is almost impossible to obtain authentic 
details, at this distant day. In many instances, these vessels did 
excellent service ; and, in addition to a few that have already been 
incorporated in this work, among the more regular incidents of the 
war, we shall add the accounts of one or two of their actions, as they 
have been obtained from the best authorities that now offer, consid 
ering them entitled to precedence, before we give an outline of the 
service performed by the private armed cruisers. 

In March, 1782, the Delaware was much infested by barges and 
small cruisers of the enemy, which not unfrequently made prizes of 
vessels belonging to the Americans, as well as molesting the people 
who dwelt near the water. With a view to keep the navigation open 
against these marauders, the State of Pennsylvania determined to fit 
out a few cruisers at its own expense, and with such materials as 
could be hastily collected. With this object, a small ship called the 
Hyder Ally was purchased. So suddenly did the local government 
come to its resolution, that the vessel just named, when bought, had 
actually dropped down the river, on an outward bound voyage, loaded 
with flour. She was brought back, her cargo was discharged, and 
an armament of 16 six-pounders was put on her. So little, however, 
was this ship ready for war, that she had to be pierced in order to 
receive her guns. Indeed, so pressing was the emergency, that the 
merchants of Philadelphia anticipated the passage of the law to au 
thorise the purchase and equipment of this ship, by advancing funds 
for that purpose ; and the act had not actually gone through all its 
legal forms, until after the exploit we are about to record had been 
performed ! The commissioners entrusted with the duty of prepar 
ing the ship, selected Lieutenant Joshua Barney, of the United States 
navy, as her commander, a young officer of great decision of charac 
ter and personal bravery, who had already distinguished himself in 
subordinate stations, on board of different cruisers of the general gov 
ernment, but who, like so many more of the profession, was obliged 
frequently to choose between idleness and a service less regular than 
that to which he properly belonged. 

A crew of 110 men was put on board the Hyder Ally ; and within 
a fortnight after he was appointed to command her, Captain Bar 
ney sailed. It was not the intention of the State of Pennsylvania, 



132 NAVAL HISTORY. [1782. 

that this ship should go to sea, but merely that she should keep the 
navigation of the river and bay open, and drive oft* privateers, and 
other small cruisers. On the 8th of April, the Hyder Ally got into 
the bay with a considerable convoy of outward bound merchantmen. 
The whole fleet had anchored in the roads off Cape May, in wait 
ing for a wind to get to sea, when two ships and a brig, one of the 
former a frigate, were seen rounding the Cape, with a view to attack 
them. Captain Barney immediately run up a signal for the convoy 
to trip, and to stand up the bay again, the wind being to the south 
ward. This order was promptly obeyed, and in a few minutes, the 
merchant vessels, with one exception, were running off before the 
wind, with every thing set that would draw, the Hyder Ally cover 
ing their retreat, under easy sail. The vessel that remained, en 
deavoured to get to sea, by hauling close round the Cape, but 
grounded and fell into the hands of the enemy. Another vessel got 
on the shoals, and was taken by a boat from the nearest of the Eng 
lish cruisers. 

An extensive shoal, called the " Over Falls," forms two channels, 
in the lower part of Delaware Bay, and while the convoy passed up 
the easternmost of these channels, or that which is known as the 
" Cape May Channel," the frigate stood towards the western, which 
offered a better chance to head the fugitive at the point where the 
two united, and which had the most water. The remaining ship 
and the brig, stood on in the direction of the Hyder Ally. 

It was not long before the brig, which proved to be a British pri 
vateer out of New York, called the Fair American, came up with 
the Hyder Ally, when the latter offered her battle. But firing a 
broadside, the privateer kept aloof, and continued up the bay. Cap 
tain Barney declined to return this fire, holding himself in reserve 
for the ship astern, a large sloop of war, which was fast coming up. 
When the latter got quite near, the Hyder Ally, which had kept 
close to the shoal, luffed, threw in her broadside, and immediately 
righting her helm, kept away again. The enemy stood boldly on, 
and just as his forward guns were beginning to bear, the two vessels 
being within pistol-shot, the Hyder Ally attempted to luff athwart 
his hawse, when the jib-boom of the English ship ran into her fore- 
rigging, and the two vessels got foul. It is said that Captain Bar 
ney obtained this advantage by deceiving his enemy, having given 
an order to port the helm, in a loud voice, when secret instructions 
had been given to the quarter-master at the wheel, to put his helm 
hard a-starboard. The Hyder Ally now opened a severe raking 
fire, and in less than half an hour from the commencement of the 
action, the stranger struck, the ships remaining foul of each other. 
The frigate, which had not actually got into the western channel, 
perceiving.the state of things, changed her course, with the view to 
get round to the combatants, and Captain Barney had no time to 
lose. Throwing his first lieutenant, with a party, on board the prize, 
he ordered her to continue up the bay, while he covered the retreat 
with his own ship. In the mean while, the brig had run aground 
above, in chase of the convoy. There is some reason to suppose 



1782.] NAVAL HISTORY. 133 

that the commander of the frigate did not know the result of the ac 
tion, for he made signals to the prize, and anchored about sunset, 
leaving the Hyder Ally, which had been kept a long distance astern 
of the other vessels, with a view to divert his attention, to proceed to 
Philadelphia without further molestation. 

Up to this moment, Captain Barney did not even know the name 
of his prize. He now made sail, however, and running alongside 
of her, for the first time he learned he had captured his Britannic 
Majesty s ship General Monk 18, Captain Rodgers. This vessel 
had formerly been the American privateer, General Washington, 
and having fallen into the power of Admiral Arbuthnot, he had ta 
ken her into the king s service, given her a new name, and promo 
ted a favourite officer to her command. The Monk mounted twenty 
nines, and is said to have had a crew of 136 men. Captain Rodg 
ers reported his loss at six killed, and twenty-nine wounded ; but 
Captain Barney stated it at twenty killed, and thirty-six wounded. 
It is probable that the latter account is nearest the truth, as the 
commander of a captured vessel has not always as good an oppor 
tunity as his captor, to ascertain his own loss. The Hyder Ally had 
four killed, and eleven wounded. 

This action has been justly deemed one of the most brilliant that 
ever occurred under the American flag. It was fought in the pres 
ence of a vastly superior force that was not engaged ; and the ship 
taken, was in every essential respect, superior to her conqueror. 
The disproportion in metal, between a six-pounder and a nine- 
pounder, is one half; and the Monk, besides being a heavier and a 
Larger ship, had the most men. Both vessels appeared before 
Philadelphia, a few hours after the action, bringing with them even 
their dead ; and most of the leading facts were known to the entire 
community of that place.* 

The steadiness with which Captain Barney protected his convoy, 
the gallantry and conduct with which he engaged, and the perse 
verance with which he covered the retreat of his prize, are all de 
serving of high praise. Throughout the whole affair, this officer 

* A biography of the life of Captain Rodgers has appeared ; and, in this work it is 
asserted that the armament of the General Monk was of nine-pound carronades, and that 
the guns \vere so light, that they were dismounted by the recoils. The defeat is imputed 
to this cause. In the subsequent action, mentioned in the text, the Monk, then the Gen 
eral Washington, is said to have suffered a disadvantage, in consequence of her nines 
being sixes bored out to the former caliber, the guns not having weight enough to bear 
the recoil. This is a professional fact, that might well enough occur. It is, therefore, 
probable that, when taken, the Monkhad these same nines, and that some may have been 
dismounted by the recoils. But, on the other hand, the Monk could have lost near half 
her guns in this way, and still have been equal to the Hyder Ally ; and the fact appears 
to be certain, that the combat was settled by the bold manoeuvre of Captain Barney. It 
is mentioned, moreover, in this same biography, that Captain Rodgers had been two 
years very actively employed in the Monk, when she was taken ; and it will be admit 
ted as singular, that he did not understand the power of his guns by that time. Re 
duced charges, moreover, would have obviated the difficulty in a combat in which the 
ships touched each other. Carronadeswere scarcely known in 1782, and the Monk, re 
ceived her outfit in 1779. Besides, she would have carried much heavier carronades. 
had she carried any, the weight of an eighteen-pound carronade being about the same 
as that of a six-pounder. The biographer has, no doubt, confounded the light nines with 
earronades of that caliber, the latter gun being much in use when he wrote. 



134 NAVAL HISTORY. [1782. 

discovered the qualities of a great naval captain ; failing in no es 
sential of that distinguished character. 

The Monk, her old name having been restored, was taken into 
the service of the State of Pennsylvania,* and was shortly after 
sent on duty in behalf of the United States, to the West Indies. 
During this cruise, Captain Barney had a warm engagement with 
an English armed brig, supposed to have been a privateer, of about 
an equal force, but she escaped from him, the meeting occurring in 
the night, and the enemy mano3uvring and sailing particularly well. 
The name of his antagonist is not known. In this affair, the Wash 
ington received some damage in her spars, but met with no serious 
loss. 

Massachusetts and South Carolina were the two states that most 
exerted themselves, in order to equip cruisers of their own. As 
early as September, 1776, one of the vessels of the former is said to 
have captured an English sloop of war, after a sharp action ; but 
we can discover no more than general and vague accounts of the 
affair. 

Among the vessels of Massachusetts was one named after the 
State itself, and a brig called the Tyrannicide. The latter was a 
successful cruiser, and made many captures, but she was lost in the 
unfortunate affair in the Penobscot. It is believed that the Tyran 
nicide was built expressly for a cruiser. But the favourite officer of 
this service appears to have been Captain John Foster Williams, 
who commanded a brig called the Hazard, in 1779. In this vessel, 
in addition to the action already related with the Active, Captain 
Williams performed many handsome exploits, proving himself, on 
all occasions, an officer of merit. 

After quitting the Hazard, Captain Williams was transferred to 
the Protector 20, equally a state ship. In this vessel he had the two 
actions mentioned in another chapter, that with the Duff, and that 

* The biographer of Commodore Barney lias assumed that, as the General "Washing 
ton was employed on duty in behalf of the United States, Mr. Barney was made a cap 
tain in the navy. By the* instructions published in this biography, it appears that the 
commissioners of Pennsj lvania put the ship at the disposition of Mr. Robert Morris, in 
order to transport specie from the Havana to this country. This fact alone would not 
have made Mr. Barney a captain in the navy ; or the master of every merchantman who 
is employed by government might claim that rank. It does not make a man a captain in 
the navy, to command a frigate even, ns that duty may he performed, at need, by a gnn- 
iier. The commission is necessary- to make a captain; and this, Mr. Barney, however 
deserving of it, does not appear to have possessed until it was given to him in 1794, 
although he remained a lieutenant in the service to the close of the war. The General 
Washington was employed by the United States down to the peace, it is true ; but this 
no more puts a ship on the list, than an officer of a merchantman is put on the list by his 
vessel s being hired as a transport. Government may put its officers in merchant-ships, 
and they will remain its officers ; or it may put its ships temporarily under the charge of 
merchant-officers, and the latter will not be in the navy. It may hire, borrow, or forci 
bly employ vessels, without necessarily placing either the ships or their officers on its 
rciruhir lists. It does appear, however, that "the United States in the end owned the 
Washington ; probably through some subsequent arrangement with Pennsylvania ; sho 
having been sold on public account. 

There is no question that Captain Barney onght to have been presented with the 
commission of a captain in the American navy, for the capture of the Monk ; and it is 
probably owing to the state of the war, then known to be so near a close, and to the gen 
eral irregularities of the service, that he was not ; but we can find no evidence that 
Congress ever acquitted itself of this duty. 



1781.] NAVAL HISTORY. 135 



with the Thames, in both of which this gallant officer greatly dis 
tinguished himself. Soon after this brilliant cruise he resumed the 
command of the Hazard, which was also lost to the state in the un 
fortunate expedition against the British in the Penobscot. It would 
probably have been better for Massachusetts had it named this meri 
torious officer to the command of the naval armament on that occa 
sion. This unhappy affair appears, in a great degree, to have put 
an end to the maritime efforts of Massachusetts, a state, however, 
that was foremost to the last, in aiding the general cause. 

Of the vessels of Carolina mention has already been made. In 
the early part of the war several light cruisers were employed, but 
as the contest advanced, this Stafe entertained a plan of obtaining 
a few vessels of force, with an intention of striking a blow heavier 
than common against the enemy. With this view Commodore Gil- 
Ion, the officer who was at the head of its little marine, went to Eu 
rope, and large amounts of colonial produce were transmitted to him, 
in order to raise the necesssary funds. In his correspondence, this 
officer complains of the difficulty of procuring the right sort of ships, 
and much time was lost in fruitless negotiations for that purpose, in 
both France and Holland. At lengfh an arrangement was entered 
into, for one vessel, that is so singular as to require particular notice. 
This vessel was the Indien, which had been laid down by the Amer 
ican commissioners, at Amsterdam, and subsequently presented to 
France. She had the dimensions of a small 74, but was a frigate in 
construction, carrying, however, an armament that consisted of 28 
Swedish thirty-sixes on her gun-deck, and of 12 Swedish twelves 
on her quarter-deck and forecastle, or 40 guns in the whole. This 
ship, though strictly the property of France, had been lent by Louis 
XVI. to the Chevalier de Luxembourg, who hired her to the State of 
South Carolina for three years, on condition that the State would in 
sure her, sail her at its own expense, and render to her owner one- 
fourth of the proceeds of her prizes. Under this singular compact,* 
the ship, which was named the South Carolina for the occasion, got 
out in 1781, and made a successful cruise in the Narrow Seas, send 
ing her prizes into Spain. Afterwards she proceeded to America, 
capturing ten sail, with which she went into the Havana. Here 
Commodore Gillon with a view to distress the enemy, accepted the 
command of the nautical part of an expedition against the Bahamas, 
that had been set on foot by the Spaniards, and in which other 
American cruisers joined. The expedition was successful, and the 
ship proceeded to Philadelphia. Commodore Gillon now left her, 
and after some delay, the South Carolina went to sea, in December, 
1782, under the orders of Captain Joyner, an officer who had pre 
viously served on board her as second in command. It is probable 
that the movements of so important a vessel were watched, for she 
had scarcely cleared the capes, when, after a short running fight, 

* Chevalier de Luxembourg, was a French nobleman of the well-known family of 
Montmorency. Could the truth be come at, it is not improbable that the whole affair 
would be discovered to have been an indirect species of princely privateering. 



136 NAVAL HISTORY. [1782. 

she fell into the hands of the British ship Diomede 44, having the 
Astrea 32, and the Quebec 32, in company. 

The South Carolina was much the heaviest ship that ever sailed 
under the American flag, until the new frigates were constructed 
during the war of 1812, and she is described as having been a par 
ticularly fast vessel;, but her service appears to have been greatly 
disproportioned to her means. She cost the state a large sum of 
money, and is believed to have returned literally nothing to its 
treasury. Her loss excited much comment. 

Admiral Arbuthnot reports among the "rebel ships of war" taken 
or sunk at the capture of Charleston, " the Bricole, pierced for 60, 
mounting 44 guns, twenty-four and eighteen-pounders," &c. As 
there never was a vessel of this name in the navy of the United 
States, it is probable that this ship was another heavy frigate obtained 
by the State of South Carolina, in Europe. Although this state had 
the pecuniary means to equip a better marine than common, it had 
neither vessels, building yards, nor seamen. Most of its vessels 
were purchased, and its seamen were principally obtained from 
places out of its limits, Commodore Gillon and Captain Joyner being 
both natives of Holland. 

We shall now briefly allude to a few private armed cruisers, and 
close the narrative of the naval events connected with the Revolution. 
Of the general history of this part of the warfare of the period, the 
reader will have obtained some idea from our previous accounts; but 
it may be well here to give a short but more connected summary of 
its outlines. 

The first proceedings of Congress in reference to assailing the 
British commerce, as has been seen, were reserved and cautious. 
War not being regularly declared, and an accommodation far from 
hopeless, the year 1775 was suffered to pass away without granting 
letters of marque and reprisal; for it was the interest of the nation 
to preserve as many friends in England as possible. As the breach 
widened, this forbearing policy was abandoned, and the summer of 
1776 let loose the nautical enterprise of the country upon the British 
commerce. The effect at first was astounding. Never before had 
England found an enemy so destructive to her trade, and during the 
two first years of the privateering that followed, something like eight 
hundred sail of merchantmen were captured. After this period, the 
effort of the Americans necessarily lessened, while the precautions 
of the enemy increased. Still, these enterprises proved destructive, 
*o the end of the war; and it is a proof of the efficiency of this class 
of cruisers to the last, that small privateers constantly sailed out of 
fche English ports, with a view to make money by recapturing their 
own vessels ; the trade of America, at this time, offering 1 but few 
inducements to such undertakings. 

Among the vessels employed as private cruisers, the Holker, the 
Black Prince, the Pickering, the Wild Cat, the Vengeance, the 
Marlborough, in addition to those elsewhere named, were very con 
spicuous. The first sailed under different commanders, and with 
almost uniform success. The Marlborousrh is said to have made 



1783.] NAVAL HISTORY. 137 

twenty-eight prizes in one cruise. Other vessels were scarcely less 
fortunate. Many sharp actions occurred, and quite as often to the 
advantage of these cruisers as to that of the enemy. In repeated 
instances they escaped from British ships of war, under unfavourable 
circumstances, and there is no question, that in few cases, they 
captured them. 

To this list ought also to be added the letters of marque, which, 
in many cases, did great credit to themselves and to the country. 
Captain Murray, since so well known to the service, made one of 
the most desperate defences on record, in one of these vessels, near 
the close of the war; and Captain Truxtun, whose name now occu 
pies so high a station among those of the naval captains of the 
republic, made another, in the St. James, while conveying an Ameri 
can agent to France, which was so highly appreciated that it probably 
opened the way to the rank that, he subsequently filled. 

The English West India trade, in particular, suffered largely by 
the private warfare of the day. Two-and-fifty sail, engaged in this 
branch of the commerce, are stated to have been taken as early as 
February, 1777. The whole number of captures made by the 
Americans in this contest, is not probably known, but six hundred 
and fifty prizes are said to have been got into port. Many others 
were ransomed, and some were destroyed at sea. There can be no 
minute accuracy in these statements, but the injury done to the com 
merce of Great Britain was enormous; and there is no doubt that 
the constant hazards it run, had a direct influence in obtaining the 
acknowledgment of the Independence of the United States of Ameri 
ca, which great event took place on the 20th of January, 1783. 

Thus terminated the first war in which America was engaged as a 
separate nation, after a struggle that had endured seven years and 
ten months. Orders of recall were immediately given to the different 
cruisers, and the commissions of all privateers and letters of marque 
were revoked. The proclamation announcing a cessation of hostili 
ties was made on the llth of April, when the war finally terminated 
at all points. 



CHAPTER XIII. 

Brief review List of vessels in the navy between 1775 and 83, and the fate of each 
Description of the America 74 she is presented to the king of France Capt. Manly, 
anecdote of his first capture Capture and imprisonment of Capt. Conyngham Most 
distinguished naval officers of the Revolution -The American marine- --its difficulties- 
Crew of a vessel of war its composition -Congress establishes a marine corps List 
of officers first appointed- value of the corps What vessel first carried the Ameri 
can flag. 

BEFORE we proceed to give an account of the state in which the 
war left the American marine, a brief review of its general condition, 
throughout, and at the close of the struggle, may be found useful. 



138 NAVAL HISTORY. [1775-83. 

When the law of 1775 was passed, directing the construction of the 
first frigates, for the twenty-eights and twenty-fours are included in 
this class, different building stations were selected, at points thought 
to be least exposed to the enemy. The vessel that was laid down in 
New Hampshire, was said to have been put into the water in sixty 
days from the time the work commenced. But all this activity was 
of little avail, the want of guns, anchors, rigging, or of some other 
material article, interfering with the rapid equipment of nearly every 
one of the thirteen ships. 

The vessel just mentioned was the Raleigh, and her career can be 
traced in our previous pages. 

The two ships constructed in Massachusetts, the Hancock and 
Boston, got to sea; for this part of the country was little annoyed by 
the enemy after the evacuation of Boston ; and their fortunes are also 
to be found in our pages. 

The Rhode Island ships were the Warren and Providence. These 
vessels are described as having been the most indifferent of the thir 
teen. They were launched in 1776, and their services and fates have 
been given. 

The Montgomery and Congress were the vessels ordered to be 
built in New York. These ships, it is believed, were constructed at, 
or near Poulikeepsie, on the Hudson, and did not get to sea, as the 
British held the mouth of the river from August, 1776, to November, 
1783. They were burned in 1777, in order to prevent them from 
falling into the hands of the enemy, when Sir Henry Clinton took 
the forts in the highlands. 

The name of the Maryland ship was the Virginia, and her hard 
fbrtune has been recorded, in the course of the events of the year 1778. 

Pennsylvania had the four remaining vessels, the Randolph, the 
Washington, the Delaware, and the Effingham. Of the first it is 
unnecessary to say any thing, as her fate is identified with the glory 
of the service. If the Delaware ever got to sea, we find no traces of 
her movements. She was equipped certainly, and most probably 
blockaded, falling into the hands of the enemy when they got pos 
session of Philadelphia. The other two were burned in Captain 
Henry s expedition up the river, in 1778, as has been related. 

Thus of the thirteen vessels from which so much was expected, 
but six got to sea at all, in the service in which they were built. To 
these were added, in the course of the war, a few other frigates, some 
permanently, and some only for single cruises. Of the former class 
were the Deane, (Hague,) Alliance, Confederacy, and Queen of 
France. It is believed that these four ships, added to the thirteen 
ordered by the Jaw of 1775, and the Alfred and Columbus, will com 
prise all the frigate-built vessels that properly belonged to the marine 
of the country, during the war of the Revolution. The French 
vessels that composed most of the squadron of Paul Jones were lent 
for the occasion, and we hear no more of the Pallas after the cruise 
had ended. She reverted to her original owners. 

Of the sloops of war and smaller vessels it is now difficult to give 
s complete and authentic account. Several were employed by the 



1775-83.] NAVAL HISTORY. 139 

commissioners in France, which it is impossible to trace. Congress 
occasionally borrowed vessels of the states, and generally with their 
officers and crews on board. Of this class of vessels was the General 
Washington, (late General Monk,) which unquestionably belonged 
to the State of Pennsylvania, when first equipped, though she ap 
pears to have been subsequently transferred to the General Govern 
ment, by which she was employed as a packet, as late as the year 
1784, when she was sold on public account. 

Under such circumstances, and with the defective materials that 
are no\vto be obtained, the difficulty of making a perfect list of the 
vessels that were in the navy during the war of the Revolution is fully 
felt, and yet, without some such record, this book will have an air of 
incompleteness. One, that has been corrected with care, is ac 
cordingly given, and as nothing is admitted into it, without authority, 
it is believed to be correct as far as it goes ; its defects being those 
of omission, rather than positive errors. Annexed to the name of 
each vessel is her fate, as an American cruiser, so far as the facts 
can be ascertained. 

List of vessels of war in the American navy between the years 1775 

and 1783. 

Alliance 32, sold after the peace and converted into an Indiaman.* 
Deane (Hague) 32. 

Virginia 28, taken by a British squadron near the capes of the Ches 
apeake, before getting to sea, 1778. 
Confederacy 32, taken by a ship of the line, off the capes of Virginia, 

June 22d, 1781. 
Hancock 32, taken in 1777, by Rainbow 44, and Victor 16. Flora 

32, retook her prize. 

Randolph 32, blown up in action with the Yarmouth 64, in 1778. 
Raleigh 32, taken by the Experiment 50, and Unicorn 22, 1778. 
Washington 32, destroyed in the Delaware by the British army, 

1778, without getting to sea. 
Warren 32, burned in the Penobscot in 1779, to prevent her falling 

into the enemy s hands. 

of France 28, captured at Charleston in 1780. 
ijProvidence 28, do. do. do. 

[Vumbull 28, taken by the Iris 32, and General Monk 18, 1781. 
Effingham 28, burned by the enemy in the Delaware, 1778, without 

getting to sea. 
Congress 28, destroyed in the Hudson, 1777, to prevent her falling 

into the enemy s hands, without getting to sea. 
Alfred 24, captured by the Ariadne and Ceres, in 1778. 
Columbus 20. 

Delaware 24, captured by the British army in the Delaware, in 1777. 
Boston 24, captured at Charleston, in 1780. 

Montgomery 24, destroyed in the Hudson without getting to sea, 1777. 
Ham-den 14. 
Reprisal 16, foundered at sea, 1778. 

Her wreck still lies on an island in the Delaware. 



140 NAVAL HISTORY. [1775-83. 

Lexington 14, taken by the British cutter Alert, in the channel, 1778. 
Andrea Doria 14, burned in the Delaware, 1777, to prevent her 

falling into the enemy s hands. 

Cabot 16, driven ashore by the Milford 32, in 1777, and abandoned. 
Ranger 18, captured at Charleston by the British army, 1780. 
Saratoga 16, lost at sea in 1780 ; never heard of 
Diligent 14, burned in the Penobscot, 1778. 
Gates 14. 
Hornet 10. 

Surprise 10, seized by the French government, in 1777. 
Revenge 10, sold in 1780. 

Providence 12, taken in the Penobscot in 1779. 
Sachem 10 ~) Supposed to have been destroyed in the 

Wasp 8 I Delaware by the enemy, or by the Ameri- 

Independence 10 f cans, to prevent their falling into the enemy s 
Dolphin 10 j hands. 

To these vessels must be added the following ships, which appear 
to have made one or more cruises under the American flag, com 
manded by American officers, and manned, in part, by American 
seamen. 
Bon Homme Richard 40, sunk after her action with the Serapis 44, 

in 1779. 

Pallas 32, left the service when the cruise was ended. 
Vengeance 12, do. do. do. 

CerflS, do. do. do. 

Ariel 20, borrowed by the commissioners from the king of France, 

and supposed to have been returned. 

These lists contain nearly, if not quite all the vessels of any size 
that properly belonged to the navy of the American Confederation. 
There were several more small cruisers, mounting from 4 to 10 guns, 
but their service appears to have been as uncertain as their fates, 
though, like the privateers, most of them, it is believed, fell into the 
hands of their powerful and numerous foes. Several ships, also, 
appear to have belonged to the government, such as the Due de 
Lauzun, the Luzerne, Washington, &c., that we do not think en 
titled to be classed among its regular cruisers. 

Most of the popular accounts make the America 74, the first two- 
decked ship ever built within the limits of the United States. That 
this is an error, has already been shown, in one of our earlier pages, 
and there is reason to suppose that the English caused several small 
vessels on two decks to be constructed in the American colonies, 
previously to the war of the Revolution. It would have been more 
accurate to have stated that the America was the heaviest ship that 
had been laid down in the country, at the time she was built. This 
vessel was captured from the French, by the British, in the engage 
ment of the 1st of June.* 

* We give the following outline of the description of the America, as left oy Paul 
Jones, to show what were then deemed peculiarities in the construction of a ship of the 
line. The upper deck bulwarks are particularly described as " breast-works pierced for 
guns," and he adds, that all the quarter-deck and forecastle truns could be fought, at need, 



1775-83.] NAVAL HISTORY. 141 

The management of the little navy that the United States possessed 
during this long and important struggle, was necessarily much con 
trolled by circumstances. When the conflict commenced, it could 
scarcely be termed a war, and the country hardly possessed an organ 
ised government at all. It had been the policy of England to keep 
her colonies as dependent as possible on herself for all manufactured 
articles ; and when the Revolution broke out, the new states were 
almost destitute of the means of carrying on the struggle. Much as 
has been said and written on this subject, the world scarcely seems 
to possess an accurate notion of the embarrassments to which the 
Americans were subjected in consequence of deficiencies of this na 
ture. The first important relief was obtained through the cruisers, 
and it is scarcely saying too much to add, that, without the succours 
that were procured in this manner, during the years 1775 and 1776, 
the Revolution must have been checked in the outset.* 

In addition to the direct benefits conferred by the captures, the 
marine was of incalculable advantage in bringing Europe in contact 
with America, by showing the flag and ships of the new country in 
the old world. Notwithstanding the many obstacles that were to be 
overcome, the high maritime spirit of the nation broke through all 
restraints ; and in defiance of an enemy that almost possessed 
ubiquity, as well as an overwhelming power, the conflict between 
Britain and her despised and oppressed colonies had not continued 
a twelvemonth, when the coasts of the former country were harassed 
and agitated by the audacity and enterprise of the American cruisers. 
Insurance rose to a height hitherto unknown, and for the first time 
in her history, England felt the effects which a people thoroughly 
imbued with a love of maritime adventure, could produce on a nation 
so commercial. 

The activity and merit of the brave men who first carried the war 
into the enemy s seas, have not been fully appreciated by the present 
age. Foremost ought to be placed the name of Wickes, who led the 
way, and who appears to have performed the duty confided to him, 
with discretion, spirit, and steadiness. The untimely fate of this 

on one side ; from which it is to be inferred that the ship had ports in her waist. The poop 
had a " folding breast-work," grape-shot proof, or bulwarks that were lowered and hoisted 
in a minute. The quarter deck ran four feet forward of the main-mast, and the forecastle 
came well aft. The gangways were wide, and on the level of the quarter-deck and fore 
castle. The ship had only single quarter galleries, and no stern gallery. She had 50 feet 
G inches beam, over all, and her inboard length, on the upper gun-deck, was 182 feet 6 
inches. "Yet this ship, though the largest of seventy-fours in the world, had, when the 
lower battery was sunk, the air of a delicate frigate ; and no person, at the distance of a 
mile, could have imagined she had a second battery." Unfortunately her intended arma 
ment is not given. 

* The following anecdote rests on the authority of the secretary of the Marine Com 
mittee of Congress, the body that discharged the duties that are now performed by the 
navy department. The committee was in secret session, deliberating on the means of 
obtaining certain small articles that were indispensable to the equipment of vessels of 
war, but which were not to be had in the country, when a clamour for admittance at the 
door, intermpled the proceedings. Admittance was denied, but the intruder insisted on 
entering. The door was finally opened, when a gentleman appeared, with an inventory 
of the stores found in the Nancy, the first vessel taken by Captain Manly, and among 
which were the very articles wanted. Mr. Adams, when the fact was ascertained, arose 
and said with earnestness :----" We must succeed- Providence is with uswe must 
succeed !" 



142 NAVAL HISTORY. [1775-83. 

gallant officer, who had obtained the respect and confidence of the 
American commissioners, was probably the reason that his name 
does not fill as high a place in the public estimation as his services 
merit. 

Captain Conyngham, also, to his other claims, adds that of suffer 
ing. He fell into the hands of the enemy, after his return to the 
American seas, while cruising in a small private armed vessel, and 
was sent to England in irons, with a threat to treat him as a pirate. 
His imprisonment was long and severe ; nor was his liberty obtained, 
until months of bitter privation had been passed in a gaol. 

The naval names that have descended to us, from this war, with 
the greatest reputation, are those of Jones, Barry, Barney, Bicldle, 
Manly, Nicholson, Wickes, Rathburne, Conyngham, and Hacker. 
To these may be added that of Williams, who was in the service of 
Massachusetts. Other officers greatly distinguished themselves, 
either in subordinate stations on board vessels of war, or on board the 
different cruisers. Many of the latter subsequently rose to high 
stations in the national marine, and we shall have occasion to allude 
to their conduct in our subsequent pages. 

The nature of the warfare, unquestionably trammelled the national 
efforts in this contest. The circumstance that only six out of thirteen 
new cruisers that were laid down under the law of October, 1775, 
ever got to sea, shows the difficulties with which the country had to 
contend on account of so many of its ports having been occupied by 
invading armies, of a force and discipline that no power of the young 
republic could then withstand. No less than six of these vessels fell 
into the enemy s hands, by means of their land forces, or were de 
stroyed by the Americans themselves, to prevent such a result. In 
New York, the British held the port, of all others, which would have 
been of the greatest service to the country, in a naval war, as its cen 
tral position, many natural advantages, difficulty of being blockaded 
on account of a double outlet, and resources, will always render it the 
centre of maritime operations, in every struggle for the command of 
the American seas. 

But the greatest obstacles with which the young marine had to con 
tend, were a total absence of system, a looseness of discipline, and a 
want of vessels of force. The irregularities of the service, it is true, 
grew out of the exigencies of the times, but their evils were incalcu 
lable. Rank, that great source of contention in all services in which 
it is not clearly defined and rigidly regulated, appears to have cre 
ated endless heart-burnings. The dissensions of the officers, natu 
rally communicated themselves to the men ; and in time, this diffi 
culty was added to the others which existed in obtaining crews. It 
is a singular fact, that, with the exception perhaps of that favourite 
ship, the Alliance, we cannot find that any frigate-built vessel left the 
country, after the first year or two of the war, with a full crew on 
board of her; and even those with which they did sail, were either 
composed, in a good measure, of landsmen, or the officers had been 
compelled to resort to the dangerous expedient of seeking for volun 
teers among the prisoners. We have seen that the Alliance herself, 



1775-83.] NAVAL HISTORY. 143 

with her precious freight, was near heing the sacrifice of this ill-judg 
ed, not to say unjust policy. The Trumbull, when taken, was fought 
principally by her officers ; and, at the very moment when confidence 
was of the last importance to success, the vessels of Paul Jones 
squadron appear to have distrusted each other, and to have acted with 
the uncertainty of such a state of feeling. 

To the lightness of the metal used during this Avar, is to be ascribed 
the duration of the combats. It has been seen, that the Bon Homme 
Richard had a few cighteen-pounders mounted in her gun-room ; 
and there are occasional allusions in the accounts of the day, that 
would induce us to believe that some of the larger vessels built for the 
service, had a few guns of this caliber, mixed in with their more reg 
ular armaments ; but, strictly speaking, there was not a ship in the 
American navy, during the whole war of the Revolution, that ought 
to be termed more than a twelve-pounder frigate. The America 74, 
would have been an exception, of course, could she properly be said 
to have belonged to the service, but she was virtually transferred to 
France previously to being put into the water. The Bon Homme 
Richard had the dimensions of, and was pierced for a thirty-eight, but 
her regular and only efficient batteries, were composed of twelves and 
nines. The Indien, or South Carolina, as she was subsequently 
called, was probably as heavy a frigate as then floated ; but she 
sailed in the service of the single state of South Carolina, and never 
belonged to the marine of the country. 

No correct estimate can be ever made of the merits of the gallant 
seamen, whose acts have been recorded in these pages, without keep 
ing in constant view, all the disadvantages under which they served. 
With vessels, quite often imperfectly equipped ; frequently with such 
guns, ammunition and stores, as are known to be disposed of to na 
tions, the necessities of which supersede caution ; with crews badly, 
often dangerously composed, and without the encouragement that 
power can proffer to success, these faithful men went forth upon an 
ocean that was covered with the cruisers of their enemy, to contend 
with foes every way prepared for war, who were incited by all that 
can awaken ambition, and who met them with the confidence that is 
the inseparable companion of success and a consciousness of force. 

While pointing out the claims of the seamen of the Revolution to 
that honourable place in history which it is our aim to contribute in 
securing to them, there is another corps, one that has so long been 
associated with navies as to be almost necessarily included in their 
renown, which is entitled to a distinct notice in these pages. It is so 
much a matter of course, to identify the marines witli the ship in 
which they serve, that we have not hitherto thought it necessary to 
digress from the course of events to speak particularly of that body 
of men. The corps, however, is so necessary to the military char 
acter of every service, has ever been so efficient and useful, not only 
in carrying on the regular routine of duty, but in face of the enemy, 
and was so all-important to the security of the ships, during the period 
of which we have been writing, that we have reserved a place for a 
brief account of its organisation in this chapter. In order that the 



144 NAVAL HISTORY. [1775-83. 

general reader may more clearly comprehend this branch of the 
subject, however, and obtain a better idea of the composition of the 
crew of a vessel of war, a paragraph will be devoted to a few expla 
nations. 

The men of a public armed ship are divided into two distinct 
bodies; the portion of the people that do the ordinary duty of the 
vessel, which includes the petty officers, seamen, ordinary seamen, 
landsmen and boys, and the marines. The former pass under the 
general name of sailors, while the latter are always known by their 
own distinctive appellation. The marines are strictly infantry sol 
diers, who are trained to serve afloat ; and their discipline, equip 
ments, spirit, character, and esprit de corps, are altogether those of 
an army. The marines impart to a ship of war, in a great degree, 
its high military character. They furnish all the guards and senti 
nels ; in battle they repel, or cover the assaults of boarders ; and, at 
all times, they sustain and protect the stern and necessary discipline 
of a ship by their organisation, distinctive character, training, and we 
might add, nature. It is usual to place one of these soldiers on 
board a ship of war for each gun, though the rule is not absolute. It 
is not, however, to be understood by this, that the marines are regu 
larly dispersed in the ship, by placing them at the guns, as, unless in 
cases that form exceptions, they act together, under their own officers, 
using the musket and bayonet as their proper weapons. 

Aware of the importance of such a body of men, on the 9th of 
November, 1775, or before any regular cruiser had yet got to sea, 
Congress passed a law establishing a marine corps. By this law, the 
corps was to consist of two battalions of the usual size, and to be 
commanded by a colonel. A resolution passed on the 30th of the 
same month, directing that these two battalions should not be drafted 
from the army before Boston, but regularly enlisted for the war. It 
does not appear that this law was ever carried into complete effect ; 
the great difficulty which existed in obtaining men for the army, no 
less than the impracticability of getting so many of the vessels to sea, 
most probably contributing to defeat its objects. On the 25th June, 
1776, notwithstanding, the corps received something like the con 
templated organisation, and officers were appointed to serve in it. 
That there were marines in the squadron of Commodore Hopkins, 
is known from the fact of their having been landed at New Provi 
dence, where they were the assailing force ; but even the greater 
portion of the sea officers, employed on that occasion, had merely 
letters of appointment, and, it is to be presumed, that such was also 
the case with the gentlemen of this arm. The following list of the 
officers of the marine corps, who were appointed in June, 1770, con 
tains the names of those who properly formed the nucleus of this im 
portant and respectable part of the navy. 

Officers of Marines appointed June 25^7* , 1776. 
Samuel Nichols, Major. 
Andrew Porter, Captain. 
Joseph Hardy, do. 



1775-83.] 



NAVAL HISTORY. 




Samuel Shaw, Captain. 

Benj. Deane, do. 

Robert Mullin, do. 

John Stewart, do. 

Daniel Henderson, First Lieutenant. 

David Lowe, do. 

Franklin Read, do. 

Peregrine Brown, do. 

Thomas Barmvell, do. 

James McClure, Second Lieutenant 

William Gilmore, do. 

Abel Morgan, do. 

Hugh Montgomery, do. 

Richard Harrison, do. 

Other nominations followed, from time to time, though it is be 
lieved that in many cases, officers commanding ships, were em 
powered to give letters of appointment. In short, the irregularity 
and want of system that prevailed in the navy generally, extended 
in a degree to a branch of it that is usually so trained, so methodical 
and certain. 

At no period of the naval history of the world, is it probable that 
marines were more important than during the war of the Revolu 
tion. In many instances they preserved the vessels to the country, 
by suppressing the turbulence of their ill-assorted crews, and the ef 
fect of their fire, not only then, but in all the subsequent conflicts, 
under those circumstances in which it could be resorted to, has 
usually been singularly creditable to their steadiness and discipline. 
The history of the navy, even at that early day, as well as in these 
later times, abounds with instances of the gallantry and self-devo 
tion of this body of soldiers, and we should be unfaithful to our trust, 
were we not to add, that it also furnishes too may proofs of the for- 
getfulness of its merits by the country. The marine incurs the same 
risks from disease and tempests, undergoes the same privations, suf 
fers the same hardships, and sheds his blood in the same battles as 
the seaman, and society owes him the same rewards. While on 
shipboard necessity renders him in a certain sense, the subordinate, 
but nations ou - ht never to overlook the important moral and politi 
cal truth, that the highest lessons they can teach are those of justice ; 
and no servant of the public should pass a youth of toil and danger, 
without the consciousness of possessing a claim to a certain and 
honourable reward, that is dependent only on himself. That this 
reward has hitherto been as unwisely as it has been unfairly withheld, 
from all connected with the navy, it is our duty as historians to state, 
and in no instance has this justice been more signally denied, than 
in the case of the honourable and gallant corps of which we are par 
ticularly writing. 

It remains only to say that the navy of the Revolution, like its 
army, was disbanded at the termination of the struggle, literally 
leaving nothing behind it, but the recollections of its services and 
sufferings. 

O 

VOL. i. 10 



146 NAVAL HISTORY. [1783. 



CHAPTER XIV 

First vessel to China -Adoption of the Union -its effect on the navyDifficulties with 
the Dey of Algiers- John PaulJones appointed consul- His death at ParisCapture 
of American vessels by an Algerine squadron- Warlike preparations- Mr. Hum 
phrey s models for six new frigates acceptedthe improvements describedNotice 
of the commanders selected Treaty with Algiers The Crescent made a present to 
the Dey -Singular extract from a journal respecting her freight French aggres 
sions -Launch of the United States, the Constitution, and the ConstellationNavy 
department created- The capture of French cruisers authorised by law- New marine 
corps established- Whole authorised force of the navy. 

THE peace of 1783 found the finances of the new republic alto 
gether unequal to the support of a marine. Most of the public 
cruisers, as has been seen, had fallen into the hands of the enemy, 
or had been destroyed, and the few that remained were sold. The 
Alliance, which appears to have been the favourite ship of the ser 
vice to the very last, was reluctantly parted with ; but a survey 
being held on her, she was also disposed of in September, 1785, in 
preference to encountering the expenses of repairs. 

Although the United States now kept no vessels of war, several 
of the states themselves, with the consent of Congress, which was 
necessary by the articles of confederation, had small cruisers of their 
own, that did the duties of guarda-costas and revenue cutters. At 
this period in the history of the country, it will be remembered that 
each state had its own custom-houses, levied its own duties, and 
pursued its own policy in trade, with the single exception that it 
could not contravene any stipulation by treaty that had been en 
tered into by Congress. 

After the peace, the trade of the United States revived, as a matter 
of course, though it had to contend with many difficulties, besides 
the impoverished condition of the country. It has been a matter of 
question what vessel first carried the American flag into the Chinese 
seas, but there can be no doubt that it was the ship Empress of China, 
Captain Green, which sailed from New York, the 22d of February, 
1784, and returned to the same port on the llth of May, 1785. 
This vessel, however, did not make a direct voyage, touching in 
Europe, on her outward-bound passage; and the honour of going 
direct belongs to the Enterprise, Captain Dean, a sloop of 80 tons, 
built in Albany, which went and returned in 1785. It ought to be 
mentioned, to the credit of the English factory at Canton, that, 
notwithstanding the jealousies and interests of trade, which, perhaps, 
oftener lead to unprincipled acts, than any other one concern of 
life, struck with the novelty and boldness of the experiment, it re 
ceived these adventurers with kindness and hospitality. In 1787 the 
Alliance frigate, converted into an Indiaman, went to Canton, under 
the command of Captain Thomas Read, formerly of the navy. This 
officer took a new route, actually going to the southward of New 
Holland, in consequence of the season of the year, which had brought 
him into the unfavourable monsoons. Notwithstanding this long 



1789.] NAVAL HISTORY. 147 

circuit, the noble old ship made the passage in very tolerable time. 
Captain Read discovered some islands to the eastward of New 
Holland. 

The period between the peace and the year 1768, was one of 
troubles, insurrections in the states, and difficulties growing out of 
the defective political organisation of the country. To these griev 
ances may be added the embarrassments arising from the renewal 
of the claims of the British merchants, that had been suspended by 
the war. All these circumstances united to produce uncertainty and 
distress. Discreet men saw the necessity of a change of system, and 
the results of the collected wisdom of the nation were offered to the 
world in a plan for substituting the constitution of an identified 
government, in the place of the articles of association, and of creating 
what has since been popularly termed the Union, in lieu of the old 
Confederation. The scheme was adopted, and in April 1789, the 
new government went into operation, with Washington at its head, 
as President. 

The entire military organisation underwent many important alter 
ations, by this change of government. The President became the 
commander-in-chief of both the army and navy, and he possessed 
the civil power of appointing their officers, subject only to the appro 
bation of a senate, which was also instituted on this occasion, and to 
a few subordinate regulations of Congress. In addition to this high 
trust, was confided to him one of still heavier responsibilities, by 
which he could dismiss any civil or military officer, the judges ex- 
cepted, however high his rank, or long his services. The supplies 
were raised directly by the federal power, without the intervention 
of the states; and the entire government, within the circle of its 
authority, became as direct and as efficient as that of any other polity 
which possessed the representative form. 

The beneficial consequences of these fundamental alterations were 
visible in all the departments of the country. It was deemed pre 
mature, nevertheless, to think of the re-establishment of a marine; 
for, oppressed with debt, and menaced with a renewal of the war 
with England, the administration of Washington was cautiously, and 
with the greatest prudence, endeavouring to extricate the country 
from the various entanglements that were perhaps inseparable from 
its peculiar condition, and to set in motion the machinery of a new 
and an entirely novel mode of conducting the affairs of a state. While 
Washington, and his ministers, appeared to be fully sensible of the 
importance of a navy, the poverty of the treasury alone would have 
been deemed an insuperable objection to encountering its expense. 
Still, so evident was the connexion between an efficient government 
and a permanent and strong marine, in a country like this, that when 
Paul Jones first heard of the change, he prepared to return to Ameri 
ca in the confident hope of being again employed. 

In the mean time, the Dey of Algiers, discovering that a new 
country had started into existence, which possessed merchant vessels 
and no cruisers, as a matter of course began to prey on its commerce. 
On the 2oth of July, 1785, the schooner Maria, belonging to Boston, 



148 NAVAL HISTORY. 



was seized, outside of the Straits of Gibraltar, by a corsair, and her 
crew were carried into slavery. This unprovoked piracy, though 
committed under the forms of a legal government, the act deserves 
this reproach, was followed, on the 30th of the same month, by the 
capture of the ship Dolphin, of Philadelphia, Captain O Brien, who, 
with all his people, was made to share the same fate. On the 9th 
of July, 1790, or a twelvemonth after the organisation of the federal 
government, there still remained in captivity, fourteen of the unfortu 
nate persons who had been thus seized. Of course five bitter years 
had passed in slavery, because, at the period named, the United 
States of America, the country to which they belonged did not pos 
sess sufficient naval force to compel the petty tyrant at the head of 
the Algerine government to do justice! In looking back at events 
like these, we feel it difficult to persuade ourselves that the nation 
was really so powerless, and cannot but suspect that in the strife of 
parties, the struggles of opinion, and the pursuit of gain, the suffer 
ings of the distant captive were overlooked or forgotten. One of the 
first advantages of the new system, was connected with the measures 
taken by the administration of Washington to relieve these unfortu 
nate persons. A long and weary negotiation ensued, and Paul Jones 
was appointed, in 1792, to be an agent for effecting the liberation of 
the captives. At the same time, a commission was also sent to him, 
naming him consul at the regency of Algiers. This celebrated man, 
for whose relief these nominations were probably made, was dead 
before the arrival of the different commissions at Paris. A second 
agent was named in the person of Mr. Barclay; but this gentleman 
also died before he could enter on the duties of the office. 

Algiers and Portugal had long been at war, and, though the latter 
government seldom resorted to active measures against the town of 
its enemy, it was very useful to the rest of the Christian world, by 
maintaining a strong force in the Straits of Gibraltar, rendering it 
difficult for any rover to find her way out of the Mediterranean. 
Contrary to all expectations, this war was suddenly terminated in 
1793, through the agency of the British consul at Algiers, and, as it 
was said,without the knowledge of the Portuguese government. This 
peace or truce, allowed the Algerine rovers to come again into 
the Atlantic, and its consequences to the American commerce were 
soon apparent. A squadron consisting of four ships, three xebecks, 
and a brig, immediately passed the straits, and by the 9th of October, 
1793, four more American vessels had fallen into the hands of these 
lawless barbarians. At the same time, the Dey of Algiers, who had 
commenced this quarrel without any other pretence than a demand 
for tribute, refused all accommodations, even menacing the person 
of the minister appointed by the American government, should he 
venture to appear within his dominions ! During the first cruise 
of the vessels mentioned, they captured ten Americans, and made 
one hundred and five additional prisoners. 

These depredations had now reached a pass when further sub 
mission became impossible, without a total abandonment of those 
rights, that it is absolutely requisite for every independent govern- 



1794.] NAVAL HISTORY. 149 

ment to maintain. The cabinet took the subject into grave deliber 
ation, and on the 3d of March, 1794, the President sent a message 
to Congress, communicating all the facts connected with the Algerine 
depredations. On the 27th of the same month, a law was approved 
by the executive, authorising the construction, or the purchase of 
six frigates, or of such other naval force, that should not be inferior 
to that of the six frigates named, as the President might see fit to 
order, provided no vessel should mount less than 32 guns. This law 
had a direct reference to the existing difficulties with Algiers, and it 
contained a paragraph ordering that all proceedings under its pro 
visions should cease, in the event of an accommodation of the quarrel 
with that regency. Notwithstanding this limit to the action of the 
law, the latter may be considered the first step taken towards the 
establishment of the present navy, as some of the ships that were 
eventually constructed under it are still in use, and some of the offi 
cers who were appointed to them, passed the remainder of their lives 
in the service. 

The executive was no sooner authorised to proceed by the law of 
the 27th of March, 1794, than measures were taken to build the ves 
sels ordered. The provision of the first paragraph was virtually fol 
lowed, and the six frigates were laid down as soon as possible. These 
vessels were the 

Constitution 44, laid down at Boston. 

President 44, " New York. 

United States 44, " Philadelphia. 

Chesapeake 38, " Portsmouth, Va. 

Constellation 38, " Baltimore. 

Congress 38, " Portsmouth, N. H. 

The most capable builders in the country were consulted, the 
models of Mr. Joshua Humphreys, of Philadelphia* being those ac 
cepted. On this occasion, an important and recent improvement in 
ship-building was adopted, by which frigates were increased in size 
and in efficiency, by so far lengthening them, as to give to ships on 
one deck, the metal that had formerly been distributed on two. The 
three ships first mentioned in the foregoing list, were of this class of 
vessels, being pierced for thirty twenty-four-pounders, on their gun- 
decks, while their upper-deck armaments varied with circumstances. 
On this occasion they were rated as forty-fours, a description of ves 
sel that had previously borne its guns on two decks, besides the 
quarter-deck and forecastle. The others were of the force of the 
common English thirty-eights, carrying 28 eighteens below, and as 
many lighter guns above as was deemed expedient. From a want 
of system, the Chesapeake was known in the accounts of the day as 
a forty-four, and she even figures in the reports under the law, as a 
vessel of that rate, owing to the circumstance that she was originally 
intended for a ship of that force and size. In consequence of a diffi- 

* The idea of constructing ships of heavy metal, on one deck, has been claimed for this 
architect. With whom the thought originated we do not pretend to say. The Indien, 
within the revolution, was certainly a vessel of that class, and the English had a few 
twenty -four-pounder frigates as early as the Americans. 



150 NAVAL HISTORY. [1795. 

cultyin obtaining the necessary frame, her dimensions were lessened, 
and she took her place in the navy, by the side of the two vessels last 
mentioned on the foregoing list. But so much inaccuracy existed 
at that day, and the popular accounts abound with so many errors of 
this nature, that we shall find many occasions to correct similar mis 
takes, before we reach a period when the service was brought within 
the rules of a uniform and consistent system. 

In selecting commanders for these ships, the President very natu 
rally turned to those old officers who had proved themselves fit for 
the stations, during the war of the Revolution. Many of the naval 
captains of that trying period, however, were already dead, and others, 
again, had become incapacitated by age and wounds, for the arduous 
duties of sea-officers. The following is the list selected, which took 
rank in the order in which the names appear, viz : 
John Barry, Joshua Barney, 

Samuel Nicholson, Richard Dale, 

Silas Talbot, Thomas Truxttin. 

With the exception of Captain Truxtun, all of these gentlemen 
had served in the navy during the Revolution. Captain Barry was 
the only one of the six who was not born in America, but he had 
passed nearly all his life in it, and was thoroughly identified with 
his adopted country in feeling and interests. He had often distin 
guished himself during the preceding war, and, perhaps, of all the 
naval captains that remained, he was the one who possessed the 
greatest reputation for experience, conduct and skill. The appoint 
ment met with general approbation, nor did any thing ever occur to 
give the government reason to regret its selection. 

Captain Nicholson had served with credit in subordinate situa 
tions, in command of the Hague, or Deane 32, and in one instance, 
at the head of a small squadron. This officer also commanded the 
Dolphin 10, the cutter that the commissioners sent with Captain 
Wickes, in his successful cruise in the narrow seas. 

Captain Talbot s career was singular, for though connected with 
the sea in his youth, he had entered the army, at the commencement 
of the Revolution, and was twice promoted in that branch of the ser 
vice, for gallantry and skill on the water. This gentleman had been 
raised to the rank of a captain in the navy, in 1779, but he had never 
been able to obtain a ship. Subsequently to the war, Captain Tal 
bot had retired from the sea, and he had actually served one term in 
Congress. 

Captain Barney had served as a lieutenant in many actions, and 
commanded the Pennsylvania state cruiser, the Hyder Ally, when 
she took the General Monk. This officer declined his appointment 
in consequence of having been put junior to Lieut. Colonel Talbot, 
and Captain Sever was named in his place. 

Captain Dale had been Paul Jones first lieutenant, besides seeing 
much other service in subordinate stations during the war of the Rev 
olution. 

Captain Truxtun had a reputation for spirit that his subsequent 



1796.] NAVAL HISTORY. 151 

career fully justified, and had seen much service during the Revolu 
tion, in command of different private vessels of war. 

The rank of the subordinate officers eventually appointed to these 
ships, was determined hy that of the different commanders, the senior 
lieutenant of Captain Barry s vessel taking rank of all the other first 
lieutenants, and the junior officers accordingly. 

All these preparations, however, were suddenly suspended by the 
signing of a treaty with Algiers, in Nov. 1795. By a provision of 
the law, the work was not to be prosecuted in the event of such a 
peace, and the President immediately called the attention of Con 
gress to the subject. A new act was passed, without delay, ordering 
the completion and equipment of two of the forty-fours, and of one 
of the thirty-eights, while it directed the work on the remaining three 
ships to be stopped, and the perishable portion of their materials to 
be sold. A sum which had also been voted for the construction of 
some galleys, but no part of which had yet been used, was applied to 
the equipment of these vessels ordered to be launched.* 

The President, in his annual speech to Congress, December, 1796, 
strongly recommended laws for the gradual increase of the navy. 
It is worthy of remark, that as appears by documents published at 
the time, the peace obtained from the Dey of Algiers cost the govern 
ment of the United States near a million of dollars, a sum quite suffi 
cient to have kept the barbarian s port hermetically blockaded until 
he should have humbly sued for permission to send a craft to sea. 

"While these events were gradually leading to the formation of a 
navy, the maritime powers of Europe became involved in what was 
nearly a general war, and their measures of hostility against each 

* The reader will obtain some idea of the spirit which may prevail in a nation, when it 
does not possess, or neglects to use, the means of causing its rights and character to be 
respected, by the tone of the following article, which is extracted from a journal of the 
date of 1798, and which would seem to be as much in unison with the temper of that day, 
as one of an opposite character would comport with the spirit of our own times. Algiers 
will not extort tribute again from America, but other rights, not less dear to national hon 
our, national character, and national interests, may be sacrificed to a temporising spirit, 
should not the navy be enlarged, and made the highest aim of national policy. 

" Crescent Frigate. 

"Portsmouth, Jan. 20. 

" On Thursday morning about sunrise, a gun was discharged from the Crescent frigate, 
as a signal for getting under way ; and at 10, A. M., she cleared the harbour, with a fine 
leading breeze. Our best wishes follow Captain Newman, his officers and men. May 
they arrive in safety at the place of their destination, and present to the Dey of Algiers, 
one of the finest specimens of elegant naval architecture which was ever home on the 
Piscataqua s waters. 

" Blow all ye winds that fill the prosperous sail, 
And hush d in peace be every adverse gale. 

" The Crescent is a present from the United States to the Dey, as compensation for de- 



3, look passage in the 
nited States to all the 
Barbary states. 

" The Crescent has many valuable presents on board for the Dey, and \rhen she sailed 
was supposed to be worth at least three hundred thousand dollars. 
"Twenty-six barrels of dollars constituted a part of her cargo. 

" It is worthy of remark, that the captain, chief of the officers, and many of the privates 
of the Crescent frigate, have been prisoners at Algiers." 



152 NAVAL HISTORY. [1798. 

other had a direct tendency to trespass on the privileges of neutrals. 
It would exceed the limits of this work to enter into the history of that 
system of gradual encroachments on the rights of the American peo 
ple, which distinguished the measures of both the two great belliger 
ents, in the war that succeeded the French Revolution ; or the height 
of audacity to which the cruisers of France, in particular, carried 
their depredations, most probably mistaking the amount of the influ 
ence of their own country, over the great body of the American na 
tion. Not only did they capture British ships within our waters, but 
they actually took the same liberties with Americans also. All 
attempts to obtain redress of the French government failed, and un 
able to submit any longer to such injustice, the government, in April, 
1798, recommended to Congress a plan of armament and defence, 
that it was hoped would have the effect to check these aggressions, 
and avert an open conflict. Down to this period, the whole military 
defence of the country, was entrusted to one department, that of war ; 
and a letter from the secretary of this branch of the government, to 
the chairman of a committee to devise means of protection and de 
fence, was the form in which this high interest was brought before 
the nation, through its representatives. Twenty small vessels were 
advised to be built, and, in the event of an open rupture, it was re 
commended to Congress to authorise the President to cause six ships 
of the line to be constructed. This force was in addition to the six 
frigates authorised by the law of 1794. 

The United States 44, Constitution 44, and Constellation 38, had 
been got afloat the year previous. These three ships are still in the 
service, and during the last forty years, neither has ever been long 
out of commission. 

The United States was the first vessel that was got into the water, 
under the present organisation of the navy. She was launched at 
Philadelphia, on the 10th of July, 1797, and the Constellation fol 
lowed her on the 7th of September. 

Congress acted so far on the recommendation of the secretary of 
war, as to authorise the President to cause to be built, purchased, or 
hired, twelve vessels, none of which were to exceed twenty-two guns, 
and to see that they were duly equipped and manned. To effect 
these objects $950,000 were appropriated. This law passed the 27th 
of April, 1798, and on the 30th, a regular navy department Avas 
formally created. Benjamin Stoddart of Georgetown in the District 
of Columbia, was the first secretary put at the head of this important 
branch of the government, entering on his duties in June of the same 
year. 

After so long and so extraordinary a forgetfulness of one of the 
most important interests of the nation, Congress now seemed to be 
in earnest ; the depredations of the French having reached a pass 
that could no longer be submitted to with honour. On the 4th of 
May, a new appropriation was made for the construction of galleys 
and other small vessels, and on the 28th of the same month, the 
President was empowered to instruct the commanders of the public 
vessels to capture and send into port all French cruisers, whether 



1798.] NAVAL HISTORY. 153 

public or private, that might be found on the coast, having committed, 
or which there was reason to suppose might commit, any depreda 
tions on the commerce of the country ; and, to recapture any Amer 
ican vessel that might have already fallen into their hands. Addi 
tional laws were soon passed for the condemnation of such prizes, 
and for the safe keeping of their crews. In June another law was 
passed, authorising the President to accept of twelve more vessels of 
war, should they be offered to him by the citizens, and to issue pub 
lic stock in payment. By a clause in this act, it was provided that 
these twelve ships, as well as the twelve directed to be procured in the 
law of the 27th of April of the same year, should consist of six not 
exceeding 18 guns, of twelve between 20 and 24 guns, and of six of 
not less than 32 guns. The cautious manner in which the national 
legislature proceeded, on this occasion, will remind the reader of the 
reserve used in 1775, and 1776 ; and we trace distinctly, in both in 
stances, the moderation of a people averse to war, no less than a 
strong reluctance to break the ties of an ancient but much abused 
amity. 

Down to this moment, the old treaty of alliance, formed between 
France and the United States during the war of the Revolution, and 
some subsequent conventions, were legally in existence ; but Con 
gress by law solemnly abrogated them all, on the 7th of July, 1798, 
on the plea that they had been reapeatedly disregarded by France, 
and that the latter country continued, in the face of the most solemn 
remonstrances, to uphold a system of predatory warfare on the com 
merce of the United States. 

It will be seen that an express declaration of war was avoided in 
all these measures, nor was it resorted to, at all, throughout this con 
troversy, although war, in fact, existed from the moment the first 
American cruisers appeared on the ocean. On the 9th of July, 1798, 
another law passed, authorising the American vessels of war to cap 
ture French cruisers wherever they might be found, and empowering 
the President to issue commissions to private armed vessels, convey 
ing to them the same rights as regarded captures, as had been given 
to the public ships. By this act, the prizes became liable to condem 
nation, for the benefit of the captors. 

On the llth of July, 1798, a new marine corps was established by 
law, the old one having dissolved with the navy of the Revolution, to 
which it had properly belonged. It contained 881 officers, non-com 
missioned officers, musicians and privates, and was commanded by 
a major. On the 16th of the same month, a law was passed to con 
struct three more frigates. This act was expressed in such terms as 
to enable the government immediately to complete the ships com 
menced under the law of 1794, and which had been suspended under 
that of 1796. The whole force authorised by law, on the 16th of 
July, consequently, consisted of twelve frigates ; twelve ships of a 
force between 20 and 24 guns, inclusive ; and six smaller sloops, be 
sides galleys and revenue cutters ; making a total of thirty active 
cruisers. 

Such is the history of the legislation that gave rise to the present 



154 NAVAL HISTORY. [1798. 



American marine, and which led to what is commonly called the 
quasi war against France. There appears to have heen no enact 
ments limiting the number of the officers, who were appointed ac 
cording to the wants of the service, though their stations and allow 
ances were duly regulated by law. 

While the government of the United States was taking these incip 
ient and efficient steps to defend the rights and character of the na 
tion, the better feeling of the country was entirely in its favour. 
Families of the highest social and political influence pressed forward 
to offer their sons to the service, and the navy being the favourite 
branch, nearly all of those who thus presented themselves, and whose 
ages did not preclude the probationary delay, had their names en 
rolled on the list of midshipmen. Young and intelligent seamen 
were taken from the merchant service, to receivs the rank of lieuten 
ants, and the commanders and captains were either chosen from 
among those who had seen service in the war of the Revolution, or 
who by their experience in the charge of Indiamcn, and other vessels 
of value, were accustomed to responsibility and command. It may 
be well to add, here, that the seamen of the nation joined heartily in 
the feeling of the day, and that entire crews were frequently entered 
for frigates in the course of a few hours. Want of men was hardly 
experienced at all in this contest ; and we deem it a proof that sea 
men can always be had in a war thar offers active service, by volun 
tary enlistments, provided an outlet be not offered to enterprise 
through the medium of private cruisers. Although commissions were 
granted to privateers and letters of marque, on this occasion, com 
paratively few of the former were taken out, the commerce of France 
offering but slight inducements to encounter the expense. 

During the year 1797, or previously to the commencement of hos 
tilities between the United States and France, the exports of the 
former country amounted to $57,000,000, and the shipping had in 
creased to quite 800,000 tons, while the population, making an esti 
mate from the census of 1800, had risen to near 5,000,000. The 
revenue of the year was $8,209,070. 



CHAPTER XV. 

The Ganges, Capt. Richard Dale, is brought into the service with orders to capture all 
French cruisers &c Capture of Le Croyable, by the Delaware, Capt. Decatur.... Na 
val force at sea.. ..Affair of the Baltimore and the British ship Carnatick....Five of the 
Baltimore s crew are impressed and three of her convoy captured.. ..Capt. Phillips of 
the Baltimore, dismissed from the navy. ...Different opinions respecting his conduct.... 
Capture of the Retaliation, Lieut. Bainbridtje, by the Volontaire and Insurgent.. ..Es 
cape of the Montezuma and Norfolk.. ..Return and promotion of Lieut. Bainbridge.... 
Captures of the Sans Pareil and Jaloux. 

ALTHOUGH three of the frigates were launched in 1797, neither was 
quite ready for service when the necessities of the country required 



1798.] NAVAL HISTORY 155 

that vessels should be sent to sea. The want of suitable spars and 
guns, and other naval stores, fit for the ships of size, had retarded the 
labour on the frigates, while vessels had been readily bought for the 
sloops of war, which, though deficient in many of the qualities and 
conveniences of regular cruisers, were made to answer the exigencies 
of the times. Among others that had been thus provided, was an In- 
diaman, called the Ganges. Retaining her name, this vessel was 
brought into the service, armed and equipped as a 24, and put under 
the command of Captain Richard Dale, who was ordered to sail on 
a cruise on the 22d of May. This ship, then, was the first man-of- 
war that ever got to sea under the present organisation of the navy, 
or since the United States have existed under the constitution. Cap 
tain Dale was instructed to do no more than pertains generally to 
the authority of a vessel of war, that is cruising on the coast of the 
country to which she belongs, in a time of peace ; the law that em 
powered seizures not passing until a few days after he had sailed. 
His cruising ground extended from the east end of .Long Island to 
the capes of Virginia, with a view to cover, as much as possible, the 
three important ports of Baltimore, Philadelphia, arid New York, 
and, in anticipation of the act of the 28th of May, Captain Dale was 
directed to appear off the capes of the Delaware on the 12th of June, 
to receive new orders. On that day, instructions were accordingly 
sent to him to capture all French cruisers that were hovering on the 
coast with hostile views on the American commerce, and to recapture 
any of their prizes he might happen to fall in with. 

The Constellation 38, Captain Truxtun, and the Delaware 20, 
Captain Decatur, next went to sea, early in June, under the last of 
the foregoing orders, and with directions to cruise to the southward 
of Cape Henry, as far as the coast of Florida. When a few days out, 
the Delaware fell in with the French privateer schooner Le Croyable 
14, with a crew of 70 men. Being satisfied that this vessel had 
already made several prizes, and that she was actually cruising on 
soundings, in search of more, Captain Decatur took her, and sent 
her into the Delaware. As the law directing the capture of all armed 
French vessels passed soon after her arrival, Le Croyable was con 
demned, and bought into the navy. She was called the Retaliation 
and the command of her was given to Lieutenant Bainbridge. 

Le Croyable was, consequently, not only the first capture made, 
in what it is usual to term the French war of 1798, but she was the 
first vessel ever taken by the present navy, or under the present form 
of government. 

The activity employed by the administration, as well as by the 
navy, now astonished those who had so long been accustomed to 
believe the American people disposed to submit to any insult, in 
preference to encountering the losses of war. The United States 44, 
Captain Barry, went to sea early in July, and proceeded to cruise to 
the eastward. The ship carried out with her many young gentle 
men, who have since risen to high rank and distinction in the service.* 

* The first lieutenant of the United States on this cruise, was Mr. Ross ; second lieu 
tenant, Mr. Mullony ; third lieutenant, Mr. James Barron ; fourth lieutenant, Mr. Charles 



156 NAVAL HISTORY. [1798. 

But the law of the 9th of that month, occurring immediately after 
wards, the government altered its policy entirely, and determined to 
send at once, a strong force among the West India islands, where the 
enemy abounded, and where the commerce of the country was most 
exposed to his depredations. On the llth, instructions were sent to 
Captain Barry, who now hoisted a broad pennant, to go off Cape 
Cod, with the Delaware 20, Captain Decatur, where he would find 
the Herald 18, Captain Sever, that officer preferring active service 
in a small vessel, to waiting for the frigate to which he had been ap 
pointed, and then to proceed directly to the West Indies, keeping to 
windward. 

That well known frigate, the Constitution 44, had been launched 
at Boston, September 20th, 1797; and she first got under way, July 
20th of this year, under Captain Samuel Nicholson, who, in August, 
with four revenue vessels in company, was directed to cruise on the 
coast, to the southward of Cape Henry.* These revenue vessels 
were generally brigs, between one hundred and fifty and two hundred 
tons measurement, with armaments varying from ten to fourteen 
guns, and crews of from fifty to seventy men. At the close of the 
year, many of them were taken into the navy, and we find some of 
their officers, soon after the commencement of the contest, in the 
command of frigates. The celebrated Preble is first seen in actual 
service, as the commander of one of these revenue vessels, though 
his rank was that of lieutenant commandant, and he had been pre 
viously attached to the Constitution, as one of her officers. 

Early in August, the Constellation 38, Captain Truxtun, and the 
Baltimore 20, Captain Phillips, went to the Havana, and brought 
a convoy of sixty sail in safety to the United States ; several French 
cruisers then lying in the port, ready to follow the merchantmen, 
but for this force, the presence of which prevented them from appear 
ing outside the castle. By the close of the year, the following force 
was at sea; most of the vessels being either in the West Indies, or 
employed in convoying between the islands and the United States. 

United States Skips at sea, during the year 1798, viz : 

*United States 44, Com. Barry. 

*Constitution 44, Capt. Nicholson. 

*Constellation 38, " Truxtun. 

George Wash 
ington 24, " Fletcher. 
Portsmouth 24, " M Niel. 

Merrimack 24, " Brown. 

Ganges 24, " Tingey. 

Montezuma 20, " Murray. 

Baltimore 20, " Phillips. 

Stewart. Among the midshipmen were Decatur, Somers, Caldwell, &c. &G. Messrs. 
Jacob Jones and Crane, joined her soon after. 

* It is said that the Constitution would have been the first vessel got into the water 
under the new organisation, had she not stuck in an abortive attempt to launch her, at 
an earlier day. 



1798.] 



NAVAL HISTORY. 



157 



Delaware 


20, 


a 


Decatur. 


Herald 


18, 


u 


Russel. 


Richmond 


18, 


H 


S. Barron. 


Norfolk 


18, 


U 


Williams. 


*Pinckney 


18, 


11 


Hayward. 


Retaliation 


14, 


Lieut. 


Com. Bainbridge. 


i" * Pickering 


14, 


Lieut. 


Com. Preble 




Eagle 


14, 


si 


Campbell. 




*Scammel 


H, 


it 


Adams. 


Revenue 


*Gov. Jay 


14, 


K 


Leonard. 


vessels. 


Virginia 


14, 


M 


Bright. 




*Diligence 


12, 


U 


Brown. 




*SouthCarolinal2, 


(1 


Payne. 


*Gen. Green 


10, 


It 


Price. 



Of these vessels, those marked with an asterisk, were built ex 
pressly for the public service, while the remainder, with the exception 
of the Retaliation, captured from the French, were purchased. The 
vessels rating 20 and 24 guns, were old-fashioned sloops, with gun- 
decks, and carried, in general, long nines and sixes. The smaller 
vessels were deep-waisted, like the modern corvette, and carried light 
long guns. Even the frigates had, as yet, no carronades in their 
armaments, their quarter-deck and forecastle batteries being long 
twelves and nines. The carronade was not introduced into the ser 
vice, until near the close of this contest. 

Besides the vessels named in the foregoing list, many more were 
already laid down ; and so great was the zeal of the commercial 
towns, in particular, that no less than two frigates, and five large 
sloops were building by subscription, in the different principal ports 
of the country. In addition to this force, must be enumerated eight 
large galleys, that were kept on the southern coast, to defend their 
inlets. 

The sudden exhibition of so many cruisers in the West Indies, 
appears to have surprised the British, as well as the common enemy; 
and, while the men-of-war of Great Britain, on the \vhole, treated 
their new allies with sufficient cordiality, instances were not wanting, 
in which a worse feeling was shown, and a very questionable policy 
pursued towards them. The most flagrant instance of the sort that 
took place, occurred in the autumn of this year, off the port of Ha 
vana, and calls for a conspicuous notice, in a work of this character. 

On the morning of the 16th November, 1798, a squadron of 
British ships was made from the United States sloop of war Balti 
more 20, Captain Phillips, then in charge of a convoy, bound from 
Charleston to the Havana. At the time, the Moro was in sight, 
and knowing that the English cruisers in those seas, were in the 
habit of pursuing a vexatious course towards the American mer 
chantmen, Captain Phillips, as soon as he had ascertained the 
characters of the strangers, made a signal to his convoy to carry sail 
hard, in order to gain their port, bearing up in the Baltimore, at the 
same time, to speak the English commodore. The latter was in the 



158 NAVAL HISTORY. [1798. 

Carnatick 74, with the Queen 98, Thunderer 74, Maidstone 32, and 
Greyhound 32, in company. The English ships cut off three of the 
convoy, and captured them, probably under the plea of a blockade, 
or, some of their own constructions of the rights of colonial trade. 
When the Baltimore joined the Carnatick, Captain Loring, the com 
mander of the latter ship, and the senior officer of the squadron, in 
vited Captain Phillips to repair on board his vessel. On complying 
with this invitation, a conversation ensued between the two officers, 
in which Captain Loring informed his guest that he intended to take 
all the men out of the Baltimore, that had not regular American 
protections. Captain Phillips protested against such a violation of 
his flag, as an outrage on the dignity of the nation to which he be 
longed, and announced his determination to surrender his ship, 
should any such proceedings be insisted on. 

Captain Phillips now returned on board the Baltimore, where he 
found a British lieutenant in the act of mustering the crew. Taking 
the muster-roll from his hand, Captain Phillips ordered the Car- 
natick s officer to walk to leeward, and sent his people to theii 
quarters. The American commander now found himself in great 
doubt, as to the propriety of the course he ought to pursue. Having 
a legal gentleman of some reputation onboard, he determined, how 
ever, to consult him, and to be influenced by his advice. The 
following facts appear to have been submitted to the consideration 
of this gentleman. The Baltimore had sailed without a commission 
on board her, or any paper whatever, signed by the President of the 
United States, and under instructions that " the vessels of every 
other nation (France excepted,) are on no account to be molested ; 
and I wish particularly to impress on your mind, that should you 
ever see an American vessel captured by the armed ship of any 
nation at war, with whom we are at peace, you cannot lawfully 
interfere to prevent the capture, for it is to be taken for granted, that 
such nation will compensate for such capture, if it should prove to 
have been illegally made." We have quoted the whole of this clause, 
that part which is not, as well as that which is, pertinent to the point 
that influenced Captain Phillips, in order that the reader may un 
derstand the spirit that prevailed in the councils of the nation, at that 
time. There may be some question how far a belligerent can, with 
propriety, have any authority over a vessel that has been regularly 
admitted into the convoy of a national cruiser, for it is just as rea 
sonable to suppose that a public ship of one nation would not protect 
an illegality by countenancing such a fraud, as to suppose that a 
public ship of another would not do violence to right in her seizures; 
and an appeal to the justice of America to deliver up an offending 
ship might be made quite as plausibly, as an appeal to the justice of 
England to restore an innocent ship. The papers of a vessel under 
convoy, at all events, can properly be examined nowhere but under 
the eyes of the commander of the convoy, or of his agent, in order 
that the ship examined may have the Lenefit of his protecting care, 
should the belligerent feel disposed to abuse his authority. It will 
be observed, however, that Captain Phillips had trusted more to the 



1798.] NAVAL HISTORY. 159 



sailing of his convoy, than to any principles of international law ; and 
when we inquire further into the proceedings of the British com 
mander, it will be seen that this decision, while it may not have been 
as dignified and firm as comported with his official station was 
probably as much for the benefit of the interests he was deputed to 
protect, as any other course might have been. 

Whatever may be thought of the rights of belligerents in regard to 
ships, there can be no question that the conduct of the British officer, 
in insisting, under the circumstances, on taking any of the Balti 
more s men, was totally unjustifiable. The right of impressment is 
a national, and not an international right, depending solely on mu 
nicipal regulations, and in no manner on public law; since the latter 
can confer no privileges, that, in their nature, are not reciprocal. 
International law is founded on those principles of public good which 
are common to all forms of government, and it is not to be tolerated 
that one particular community should set up usages, arising out of 
its peculiar situation, with an attempt to exercise them at the ex 
pense of those general rules which the civilised world has recognised 
as necessary, paramount, and just. No principle is better settled 
than the one which declares that a vessel on the high seas, for all the 
purposes of personal rights, is within the protection of the laws of 
the country to which she belongs ; and England has no more au 
thority to send an agent on board an American vessel, so situated, to 
claim a deserter, or a subject, than she can have a right to send a 
sheriff s officer to arrest a thief. If her institutions allow her to insist 
on the services of a particular and limited class of her own subjects, 
contrnry to their wishes, it is no affair of other nations, so long as the 
exercise of this extraordinary regulation is confined to her own juris 
diction ; but when she attempts to extend it into the legal jurisdictions 
of other communities, she not only invades their privileges by vio 
lating a conventional right but she offends their sense of justice by 
making them parties to the commission of an act that is in open 
opposition to natural equity. In the case before us, the British 
commander, however, did still more, for he reversed all the known 
and safe principles of evidence, by declaring chat he should put the 
accused to the proofs of their innocence, and, at once, assume that 
every man in the Baltimore was an Englishman, who should fail to 
establish the fact that he was an American. 

Captain Phillips, after taking time to deliberate, determined to 
submit to superior force, surrender his ship, and to refer the matter 
to his own government. The colours of the Baltimore were accor 
dingly lowered; Captain Loring was informed that the ship was at 
his disposal, and fifty -five of the crew were immediately transferred 
to the Carnatick. After a short delay, however, fifty of these men 
were sent back, and only five were retained. 

Captain Loring now made a proposition to Captain Phillips, that 
was as extraordinary as any part of his previous conduct, by stating 
that he had a number of Americans in his squadron, whom he would 
deliver up to the flag of their country, man for man, in exchange for 
as many Englishmen. These Americans, it is fair to presume, had 



160 NAVAL HISTORY. [1798 

been impressed, and the whole of these violent outrages on neutral 
rights, were closed by a proposal to surrender a certain number of 
American citizens, who were detained against their will, and in the 
face of all law, to fight battles in which they had no interest, if Cap 
tain Phillips would weaken his crew by yielding an equal number 
of Englishmen, who had taken voluntary service under the American 
flag, for the consideration of a liberal bounty and ample pay. 

It is scarcely necessary to say that this proposition was rejected ; 
the American commander possessing no more authority to give up 
any portion of his legal crew, in this manner, than he had to insist 
on the services of the Americans whom he might receive in exchange. 
The British squadron now made sail, carrying with them the five 
men and the three ships. Nothing remained for Captain Phillips 
but to hoist his colours again, and to proceed on his cruise. On his 
return to America, this officer hastened to Philadelphia, and laid the 
whole transaction before the government, and on the 10th of January, 
1799, he was dismissed from the navy without trial. 

We look back on this whole transaction with mortification, regret 
and surprise. We feel deep mortification that, after the experience 
of the contest ofthe Revolution, the American character should have 
fallen so low, that an officer of any nation might dare to commit an 
outrage as violent as that perpetrated by the commander of the 
Carnatick, for it is fair to presume that no man would incur its re 
sponsibility with his own government, who did not feel well assured 
that his superiors would think the risk of a conflict with America, 
more than compensated by the advantages that would be thus ob 
tained in manning the English fleets ; effectually proving that it must 
have been the prevalent opinion ofthe day, America was so little 
disposed to insist on her rights, that in preference to putting her 
commerce in jeopardy, she would not only yield her claim to protect 
seamen under- her flag generally, but under that pennant which is 
supposed more especially to represent national dignity and national 
honour. This opinion was undeniably unfounded, as regards the 
great majority ofthe American people, but it was only too true, in 
respect to a portion of them, who collected in towns, and sustained 
by the power of active wealth, have, in all ages and in all countries, 
been enabled to make their particular passing interests temporarily 
superior to those eternal principles on which nations or individuals 
can alone, with any due reliance, trust for character and security. 
In 1798, the contest with France was so much the more popular with 
the mercantile part ofthe community, because it favoured trade with 
England ; and some now living may be surprised to learn, that a 
numerous and powerful class in the country, were so blinded by their 
interests, and perhaps misled by prejudices of a colonial origin, as 
actually to contend that Great Britain had a perfect right to seize her 
seamen wherever she could find them; a privilege that could be no 
more urged with reason, than to insist that Great Britain had an 
equal right to exercise any other municipal power that conflicted 
with general principles, on the plea of private necessity. An act of 
spirited resistance at that moment might have put a stop to the long 



1799.] NAVAL HISTORY. 161 

train of similar aggressions that followed, and which, after an age 
of forbearance, finally produced all the evils of the very warfare that 
seem to have been so much apprehended. 

On this branch of the subject, no more need be said at present, 
than to add that while the British government did not appear dis 
posed to defend the principle involved in the act of its officer, the 
American so far forgot what was done to its real interests, as not to 
insist on an open and signal reparation of the wrong. 

The conduct of the commander of the Baltimore ought, in a 
measure, to be judged by the spirit of the day in which the event oc 
curred, and not by the better feelings and sounder notions that now 
prevail on the same subject. Still, he appears to have fallen into one 
or two material errors. The inference put on the words " no ac 
count * in his instructions, was palpably exaggerated and feeble; 
since it would equally have led him to yield his ship itself, to an at 
tack from an inferior force, should it have suited the views of the 
commander of any vessel but a Frenchman to make one ; and the 
case goes to show the great importance of possessing a corps of 
trained and instructed officers to command vessels of war, it being as 
much a,, regular qualification in the accomplished naval captain, to be 
able to make distinctions that shall render him superior to sophisms 
of this nature, as to work his ship. 

The circumstance that there was no commission, or any papei 
signed by the President ofthe United States, in the Baltimore, though 
certainly very extraordinary, and going to prove the haste with which 
the armaments of 1798 were made, ought to have had no influence 
on the decision of Captain Phillips, in the presence of a foreign ship.. 
This officer would not have hesitated about defending his convoy,. 
under his instructions alone, against a Frenchman ; and by a similar 
rule, he ought not to have hesitated about defending his people 
against an Englishman, on the same authority. Any defect in form, 
connected with his papers, was a question purely national, no foreign 
officer having aright to enter into the examination of the matter at 
all, so long as there was sufficient evidence to establish the national 
character ofthe Baltimore, which, in extremity, might have been 
done by the instructions themselves; and we see in the doubts of 
Captain Phillips on this head, the deficiencies of a man educated in a. 
merchantman, or a service in which clearances and registers are in 
dispensable to legality, instead ofthe decision and promptitude of an 
officer taught from youth to rely on the dignity and power of his 
government, and the sanctity of his flag. The commissions of her 
officers do not give to a ship of war her national character, but they 
merely empower those who hold them to act in their several stations; 
the nationality of the vessel depending on the simple facts ofthe 
ownership and the duty on which she is employed. Nations create 
such evidence of this interest in their vessels as may suit themselves, 
nor can foreigners call these provisions in question, so long as they 
answer the great ends for which they were intended. 

Different opinions have been entertained of the propriety of the 
course taken by Captain Phillips without reference to the grounds 

VOL. I. 11 



162 NAVAL HISTORY. [1798. 

of his submission. By one set of logicians lie is justified in yielding 
without resistance, on account of the overwhelming force of the Eng 
lish ; and by another condemned on the plea that a vessel of war 
should never strike her colours with her guns loaded. We think 
both of these distinctions false, as applied to this particular case ; and 
the latter, as applied to most others. When the commander of a 
vessel of war sees no means to escape from capture, nothing is gained, 
either to his nation or himself, by merely firing a broadside and haul 
ing down his colours. So far from being an act of spirit, it is the 
reverse, unless we concede something to the force of prejudice, since 
it is hazarding the lives of others, without risking his own, or those 
of his crew ; for, to pretend that Captain Phillips should not only 
have discharged his guns, but have stood the fire of Carnatick, is to 
affirm that an officer ought to consummate an act of injustice in 
others, by an act of extreme folly of his own. We think, however, 
that Captain Phillips erred in not resisting in a manner that, was com 
pletely within his power. When he took the muster-roll from the 
hands of the English lieutenant, and called his people to quarters, 
he became master of his own ship, and might have ordered the Car- 
natick sboat to leave it, with a message to Captain Loring, expressive 
of his determination to defend himself. The case was not one of 
war, in which there was a certainty that, resisting, lie would be as 
sailed, but an effort on the part of the commander of a ship belonging 
to a friendly power, to push aggression to a point that no one but 
himself could know. An attempt to board the Baltimore in boats 
might have been resisted, and successfully even, when credit instead 
of discredit would have been reflected on the service ; and did the 
Carnatick open her fire, all question of blame, as respects Captain 
Phillips, would have been immediately settled. It may be much 
doubted if the British officer would have had recourse to so extreme 
a measure, under such circumstances ; and if he had, something 
would have been gained, by at once placing the open hostility of a 
vastly superior force, between submission and disgrace. 

Neither was the course pursued by the government free from cen 
sure. It is at all times a dangerous, and in scarcely no instance a 
necessary, practice, to cashier an officer without trial. Cases of mis 
conduct so flagrant, may certainly occur, as to justify the executive 
in resorting to the prompt use of the removing power ; as for cow 
ardice in the open field, in presence of the commander-in-chief, when 
disgrace in face of the army or fleet, might seem as appropriate as 
promotion for conduct of the opposite kind ; but, as a rule, no mili 
tary man should suffer this heavy penalty without having the benefit 
of a deliberate and solemn investigation, and the judgment of those 
who, by their experience, may be supposed to be the most competent 
to decide on his conduct. The profession of an officer is the busi 
ness of a life, and the utmost care of his interests and character, is 
the especial duty of those who are called to preside over his destinies, 
in a civil capacity. In the case before us, we learn the danger of 
precipitation and misconception in such matters, the reason given 
by the secretary for the dismissal of Captain Phillips being contra- 



1798.] NAVAL HISTORY. 163 

dieted by the facts, as they are now understood. In the communica 
tion of that functionary to the degraded officer, the latter was charged 
with " tame submission to the orders of the British lieutenant, on 
board your own ship ;" whereas, it is alledged on the part of Captain 
Phillips, that he did not permit the English officer to muster his 
crew, but that the act was performed while he himself was on board 
the Carnatick. 

As recently as the year 1820, an attempt was made to revive an 
investigation of this subject, and to restore Captain Phillips to his 
rank. It is due to that officer to say, many of the facts were found 
to be much more in his favour than had been generally believed, and 
that the investigation, while it failed in its principal object, tended 
materially to relieve his name from the opprobrium, under which it 
had previously rested. Although many still think he erred in judg 
ment, it is now the general impression that his mistakes were the 
results of a want of experience, and perhaps of the opinions of the 
day, rather than of anv want of a suitable disposition to defend the 
honour of the flag. The punishment inflicted on him, appears to 
have been as unnecessarily severe, as it was indiscreet in its manner ; 
and if we may set down the outrage as a fault of the times, we may 
also add to the same catalogue of errors, most of the other distinctive 
features of the entire proceedings. 

It has been stated that the privateer Le Croyable 14, captured by 
the Delaware 20, had been taken into the service, under the name of 
the Retaliation. In November, 1798, or about the time that the 
Carnatick impressed the men of the Baltimore, the Montezuma 20, 
Captain Murray, Norfolk 18, Captain Williams, and the Retaliation 
12, Lieutenant Bainbridge,were cruising in company off Guadaloupe, 
when three sails were made to the eastward, and soon after two more 
to the westward. Captain Murray, who was the senior officer, was 
led to suppose, from circumstances, that the vessels in the eastern 
board were British, and speaking the Retaliation, he ordered Lieu 
tenant Bainbridge to reconnoitre them, while, with the Norfolk in 
company, he gave chase, himself, in the Montezurna, to the two ves 
sels to the westward. The Retaliation, in obedience to these orders, 
immediately hauled up towards the three strangers, and getting near 
enough for signals, she made her own number, with a view to ascer 
tain if they were Americans. Finding that he was not understood, 
Lieutenant Bainbridge mistook the strangers for English cruisers, 
knoAving that several were on the station, and unluckily permitted 
them to approach so near, that when their real characters were as 
certained, it was too late to escape. The leading ship, a French 
frigate, was an uncommonly fast sailer, and she was soon near enough 
to open her fire. It was not long before another frigate came up, 
when the Retaliation was compelled to lower her flag. Thus did 
this unlucky vessel become the first cruiser taken by both parties, in 
this war. The frigates by which the Retaliation was captured, 
proved to be the Volontaire 36, and the Insurgente 32, the former 
carrying 44, and the latter 40 guns. Mr. Bainbridge was put on 
board the Volontaire-, while the Insurgente, perceiving that the 



164 NAVAL HISTORY. [1798 

schooner was safe, continued to carry sail in chase of the Montezuma 
and Norfolk. As soon as a prize crew could be thrown into the Re 
taliation, the Volontaire crowded sail after her consort. The chase 
now became exceedingly interesting, the two American vessels being 
fully aware, by the capture of the schooner, that they had to deal 
with an enemy. The Insurgente was one of the fastest ships in the 
world, and her commander an officer of great skill and resolution. 
The two American vessels were small for their rates, and, indeed, 
were overrated, the Montezuma being a little ship of only 347 tons, 
and the Norfolk a brig of 200. Their armaments were merely nines 
and sixes ; shot that would be scarcely regarded in a conflict with 
frigates. The officers of the Volontaire collected on the forecastle of 
their ship to witness the chase, and the Insurgente being, by this time, 
a lon-g way ahead, Captain St. Laurent, the commander of the Vol 
ontaire, asked Mr. Bainbridge, who was standing near him, what 
might be the force of the two American vessels. With great pres 
ence of mind, Mr. Bainbridge answered without hesitation, that the 
ship carried 28 twelves, and the brig 20 nines. As this account quite 
doubled the force of the Americans, Captain St. Laurent, who was 
senior to the commander of the Insurgente, immediately threw out a 
signal to the latter to relinquish the chase. This was an unmilitary 
order, even admitting the fact to have been as stated, for the Insur 
gente would have been fully able to employ two such vessels until 
the Volontaire could come up ; but the recent successes of the Eng 
lish had rendered the French cruisers wary, and the Americans and 
English, as seamen, were probably identified in the minds of the 
enemy. The signal caused as much surprise to Captain Murray, in 
the Montezuma, as to Captain Barreault, of the Insurgente, for the 
latter, an excellent and spirited officer, had got so near his chases as 
to have made out their force, and to feel certain of capturing both. 
The signal was obeyed, however, and the Montezuma and Norfolk 
escaped. 

When the two French vessels rejoined each other, Captain Bar 
reault naturally expressed his surprise at having been recalled under 
such circumstances. An explanation followed when the ruse that had 
been practised by Mr. Bainbridge was discovered. It is to the 
credit of the French officers, that, while they were much vexed at the 
results of this artifice, they never visited the offender with their dis 
pleasure. 

It is one of the curious incidents of this singular contest, that a 
proposition was made to Mr. Bainbridge, by the Governor of Guad- 
aloupe, into which place the two French frigates went with their 
prize, to restore the Retaliation, a vessel captured from the French 
themselves, and to liberate her crew, provided he would stipulate that 
the island should remain neutral during the present state of things. 
This proposition Mr. Bainbridge had no authority to accept, and the 
termination of a long and prevaricating negotiation on the part of 
the governor, whose object was probably to enrich his particular com 
mand, or himself, by possessing for a time, a monopoly of the Amer 
ican trade, was to send the Retaliation back to America as a cartel ; 



1799.] NAVAL HISTORY. 165 

for, now that the United States had taken so bold a stand, the French 
government appeared even less anxious than our own, to break out 
into open war. On the arrival of Mr. Bainbridge in this country, 
his conduct received the approbation of the administration, and he 
was immediately promoted to the rank of master commandant, and 
appointed to the Norfolk 18, one of the vessels he had saved from 
the enemy by his presence of mind. 

The efforts of the Governor of Guadaloupe to obtain a neutrality 
for his own island, had been accompanied by some acts of severity 
towards his prisoners, into which he had suffered himself to be led, 
apparently with the hope that it might induce Mr. Bainbridge to ac 
cept his propositions ; and that officer now reported the whole of the 
proceedings to his own government. The result was an act author 
ising retaliation on the persons of Frenchmen, should there be any 
recurrence of similar wrongs. This law gave rise to some of the 
earliest of those disgraceful party dissensions which, in the end, 
reduced the population of the whole country, with very few excep 
tions, to be little more than partisans of either French or English 
aggressions. 

The United States 44, and Delaware 20, captured the privateers 
Sans Pareil 16, and Jaloux 14, in the course of the autumn, and sent 
them in. 

Thus terminated the year 1798, though the return of the Retali 
ation did not occur until the commencement of 1799, leaving the 
United States with a hastily collected, an imperfectly organised, and 
unequally disciplined squadron of ships, it is true ; but a service that 
contained the germ of all that is requisite to make an active, an effi 
cient, and a glorious marine. 



CHAPTER XVI. 

Naval force Character of the different vessels? their distribution in the service Cap 
tures made by the respective squadrons The Constitution, Com. Truxtun, captures 
1 Insurgente Critical situation of the prize crew Action of the Constitution with 
La Vengeance Loss of midshipman Jarvis Com. Truxtun receives a gold medal 
Exploit of Lieut. Hull Loss of 1 Insurgente and the Pickering with all their crews 
Captures by the Enterprise, Lieut. Comdt. Shaw by the Boston, Capt. Little Brief 
catalogue of prizes taken on the West India station Spirited engagement of the Ex 
periment, Lieut. Comdt. Maley, with the picaroons Lieut. Comdt. Stewart captures the 
Deux Amis and la Diane his unfortrnate engagement with the (British privateer) 
Louisa Bridger Capt. Bainbridge, in the George Washington, goes to Algiers with 
tribute The demands of the Dey Capt. B. s decision he forces through the Darda 
nelles his reception at Constantinople return to Algiers handsome conduct to the 
French he returns home and is transferred to the "Essex Peace concluded with 
France. 

THE year 1799 opened with no departure from the policy laid down 
by the government, arid the building and equipping of the different 
ships in various parts of the country, were pressed with as much dili- 



166 NAVAL HISTORY. [1799. 

gence as the public resources would then allow. In the course of 
this season, many vessels were launched, and most of them got to 
sea within the year. Including all, those that were employed in 1798, 
those that were put in commission early in the ensuing year, and 
those that w r ere enabled to quit port nearer to its close, the entire 
active naval force of the United States, in 1799, would seem to have 
been composed of the following vessels, viz : 

United States 44, Delaware 20, 

Constitution 44, Baltimore 20, 

Congress 38, Patapsco 20, 

Constellation 38, Maryland 20, 

Essex 32, Herald 18, 

General Greene 28, Norfolk 18, 

Boston 28, Richmond 18, 

Adams 28, Pinckney 18, 

John Adams 28, Warren 18, 

Portsmouth 24, Eagle 18, 

Connecticut 24, Pickering 14, 

Ganges 24, Augusta 14, 

Geo. Washington 24, Scammel 14, 

Mcrrimack 24, Enterprise 12. 

To these must be added a few revenue vessels, though most of this 
description of cruisers appear to have been kept on the coast through 
out this year. As yet, the greatest confusion and irregularity pre 
vailed in the rating, no uniform system appearing to have been 
adopted. The vessels built by the different cities, and presented to 
the public, in particular, were rated too high, from a natural desire to 
make the offering as respectable as possible ; and it does not appear 
to have been thought expedient, on the part of the government, pre 
maturely to correct the mistakes. But the department itself was 
probably too little instructed to detect the discrepancies, and some 
of them continued to exist as long as the ships themselves. It may 
help the reader in appreciating the characters of the different vessels, 
if we explain some of these irregularities, as a specimen of the whole. 
The United States and Constitution, as has been elsewhere said, 
were large ships, with batteries of 30 twenty-four-pounders on their 
gun-decks, and were appropriately rated as forty-fours. The Con 
gress and Constellation were such ships as the English were then in 
the practice of rating as thirty-eights, being eighteen-pounder frigates, 
of the largest size. The Essex was the only ship in the navy that 
was properly rated as a thirty -two, having a main-deck battery of 26 
twelves, though she was a large vessel of her class. The John 
Adams, General Greene, Adams, and Boston, were such ships as 
the British had been accustomed to rate as twenty-eights, and the 
two latter were small ships of this denomination. The George Wash 
ington, though she appears as only a twenty-four, while the Boston 
figured as a thirty-two, was, as near as can now be ascertained by 
the officially reported tonnage, more than a fourth larger than the 
latter ship. Indeed, it may be questioned if the Boston ought to 
have been rated higher than a twenty-four, the Connecticut which 



1799.] NAVAL HISTORY. 167 

was thus classed, being thirty tons larger. It ought, however, to be 
remarked, that differences in the rule of measuring tonnage, had 
prevailed in different colonies among the shipwrights, as they are 
known still to exist in different nations, and it is probable that some 
confusion may have entered into these reports, in consequence of the 
want of uniformity. It may be added, that the smaller vessels gen 
erally were light of their respective rates, an-d were by no means to be 
estimated by those of similar rates, at the present day. 

At the close of the year 1798, the active force in the West Indies 
had been distributed into four separate squadrons in the following 
manner. 

One squadron under Commodore Barry, who was the senior offi 
cer of the service, cruised to the windward, running as far south as 
Tobago, and consisted of the vessels about to be named, viz : 
United States 44, Com. Barry. 

Constitution 44, Capt. Nicholson. 

George Washington 24, " Fletcher. 
Merrimack 24, " Brown. 

Portsmouth 24, " M Niell. 

Herald 18, Master Com. Russel. 

Pickering 14, Lieut. Com. Preble. 

Eagle 15, Campbell. 

Scammel 14, " Adams. 

Diligence 12, " Brown. 

This force was now kept actively employed, the ships passing from 
point to point, with orders to make a general rendezvous at Prince 
Rupert s Bay. This squadron made several captures, principally 
of privateers, and as none of them were accompanied by incidents 
deserving of particular mention, they may be recorded together, 
though occurring at different periods. The United States 44, Com 
modore Barry, captured 1 Amour de la Patrie 6, with 80 men, and le 
Tartuffe 8, with 60 men. The Merrimack 24, Captain Brown, la 
Magicienne 14, with 63 men, and le Bonaparte. The Portsmouth 
24, Captain M Niell, le Fripon, and I 1 Ami 6, with 16 men. The 
Eagle 14, Captain Campbell, le Bon Pere 6, with 52 men. 

A second squadron, under the orders of Captain Truxtun, had its 
rendezvous at St. Kitts, and cruised as far to leeward as Porto Rico. 
It consisted of the 

Constellation 38, Com. Truxtun. 
Baltimore 20, Capt. Phillips. 

Richmond 18, " S. Barren. 

Norfolk 18, " Williams. 

Virginia 14, " Bright. 

The Baltimore took FEsperance, and was present at the capture 
of la Sirene 4, with 36 men. This ship was put under the command 
of Captain Barren, soon after the dismissal of Captain Phillips from 
the service, and before the close of the season was commanded by 
Captain Cowper. The Constellation took la Diligente and PUnion. 
A small force under the orders of Captain Tingey, watched the 
passage between Cuba and St. Domingo. It consisted of the 



168 NAVAL HISTORY. [1799. 

Ganges 24, Capt. Tingey. 

Pinckney 18, " Hayward. 

South Carolina 12, " Payne. 

The Ganges took le Vengcur 6, la Rabateuse, 1 Eugerie, and 1 Es- 
perance 8. 

The Delaware 20, Captain Decatur, with the revenue vessels Gov 
ernor Jay 14, and General Greene 10, was directed to cruise in the 
vicinity of the Havana, to protect the trade on the coast of Cuba. 
The Delaware captured the Marsuin 10, and the same ship, later in 
the season, under the orders of Captain Baker, took le Renard and 
1 Ocean. The Montezuma 20, Captain Murray, after the capture 
of the Retaliation, and the return of the Norfolk 18, to America, 
cruised some time alone, taking a small privateer of six guns. 

Although the year commenced with this disposition of the vessels, 
many changes occurred, as the new ships were got to sea, and par 
ticularly on account of the great mistake of shipping the crews fora 
term as short as one year. It followed, of course, that the vessels 
which sailed in July and August, 1798, for the West India station, 
if called there by no other cause, were compelled to return home in 
the summer of 1799, to discharge their crews, and to obtain others in 
their places. It was fortunate that the spirit of the times, the absence 
of privateers, and an abundance of men, in some measure, remedied 
this defect, and that the delays it caused were not as material as 
might have been otherwise apprehended. 

On the 9th of February, the Constellation 38, Commodore Trux- 
tun, was cruising on her prescribed ground, Nevis bearing W. S. W., 
distant five leagues, when she made a large ship in the southern 
board. The Constellation being to windward at the moment, Com 
modore Truxtun ran down towards the stranger, who now set Amer 
ican colours, when the private signals were shown. As the chase 
was unable to answer, he seemed to think further disguise unneces 
sary, for he hoisted the French ensign, and fired a gun to windward, 
by way of a challenge, keeping under easy sail, to invite the contest. 
This was the first opportunity that had occurred since the close of 
the Revolution, for an American vessel of war, to get alongside of 
an enemy, of a force likely to render a combat certain, and the offi 
cers and men of the Constellation displayed the greatest eagerness to 
engage. On the other hand, the stranger betrayed no desire to dis 
appoint his enemy, waiting gallantly for her to come down. When 
the Constellation had got abeam of the French frigate, and so near 
as to have been several times hailed, she opened her fire, which was 
returned promptly and with spirit The Constellation drew gradually 
ahead, both ships maintaining a fierce cannonade. The former suf 
fered most in her sails and rigging, and while under the heaviest of 
the fire of her antagonist, the fore-top-mast was badly wounded, quite 
near the lower cap. The fore-top was commanded by Mr. David 
Porter, a midshipman of great promise, and finding that his hails to 
communicate this important circumstance were disregarded, in the 
iheat of the combat, this young officer took on himself the responsi 
bility of cutting the stoppers and of lowering the yard. By thus 



1799.] NAVAL HISTORY. 169 

relieving the spar of the pressure of the sail, he prevented the fall of 
the top-mast and all its hamper. In the mean time the weight and 
effect of the fire were altogether in favour of the Constellation, and 
notwithstanding the injury she received in her fore-topmast, that 
ship was soon able to throw in two or three raking broadsides, which 
decided the combat. After maintaining a close contest, in this man 
ner, of about an hour, the Constellation shot out of the smoke, wore 
round, and hauling athwart her antagonist s stern was ready again 
with every gun to rake her, when the enemy struck. 

The prize proved to be the French frigate 1 Insurgente, Captain 
Barreault, the vessel that has already been mentioned, as having 
captured the Retaliation, and chasing the Montezuma and Norfolk, 
and one of the fastest ships in the world. She was much cut up, and 
had sustained a loss of 70 men, in killed and wounded ; 29 of the 
former, and 41 of the latter. The Constellation, besides the loss of 
the fore-top-mast, which had to be shifted, was much damaged aloft, 
suffering no material injury in her hull, however, and had only 3 men 
wounded. Among the latter, was Mr. James M Donough, a mid 
shipman, who had a foot shot off. Early in the combat, one of the 
men flinched from his gun, and he was killed by the third lieutenant, 
to whose division he belonged. I 

The Insurgerite s armament consisted of ,40 guns, French twelves, 
on her main-deck battery, and her complement of men was 409. 
She was a ship a little heavier than a regular 32, which would pro 
bably have been her rate in the English marine, although a French 
twelve-pound shot weighs nearly thirteen English pounds. On this 
occasion, the Constellation is said to have carried but 38 guns, twelve 
less than have been put upon her since the introduction of carron- 
ades, and she had a crew of 309 men. But the main-deck battery 
of the Constellation was composed of twenty-fours, a gun altogether 
too heavy for her size and strength, and from which she was relieved 
at the termination of this cruise, by exchanging her armament for 
eighteens.* 

The result of this engagement produced great exultation in Amer 
ica, and it was deemed a proof of an aptitude to nautical service, that 
was very grateful to the national pride. Without pausing to examine 
details, the country claimed it as a victory of a 38 over a 40 ; and 
the new marine was, at once, proclaimed to be equal to any in the 
world ; a decision somewhat hazardous when made on a single ex 
periment, and which was certainly formed without a full understand 
ing of the whole subject. It is due to a gallant enemy, to say that 
Captain Barreault, who defended his ship as long as there was a hope 
of success, was overcome by a superior force ; and it is also due to 
Commodore Truxtun, and to those under his command, to add that 
they did their work with an expedition and effect every way propor 
tioned to the disparity in their favour. There is scarcely an instance 
on record, (we are not certain there is one,) of a full-manned frigate, 
carrying twelves, prevailing in a contest with even a ship of eighteens ; 

*See note B, end of volume. 



170 NAVAL HISTORY. [1799. 

and, in this instance, we see that the Insurgente had twenty-fours to 
oppose. Victory was next to hopeless, under such circumstances, 
though, on the other hand, we are not to overlook the readiness with 
which a conflict with an unknown antagonist was sought, and the 
neatness and despatch with which the battle was won. 

The Insurgente struck about half past three in the afternoon, and 
Mr. Rodgers,* the first lieutenant of the Constellation, together with 
Mr. Porter,t and eleven men, were thrown on board her, to take 
possession, and to superintend the removal of the prisoners. It be 
gan to blow, and when the darkness rendered it necessary to defer the 
duty, 173 of the prize s crew were still in her. The wind continued 
to rise, and, notwithstanding every effort, the ships separated in the 
darkness. 

The situation of Mr. Rodgers was now exceedingly critical. The 
vessel was still covered with the wreck, while the wounded, and even 
the dead were lying scattered about her decks, and the prisoners early 
discovered a disposition to rise. The gratings had been thrown over 
board by the people of the Insurgente after she struck, and no hand 
cuffs could be found. Fortunately, Mr. Rodgers was a man of great 
personal resolution, and of herculean strength, while Mr. Porter, 
though young and comparatively slight, was as good a second, in 
such trying circumstances, as any one could desire. As soon as it 
was ascertained that the prisoners could not be got out of the ship that 
night, they were all sent into the lower hold, the fire-arms were 
secured, and a sentinel was placed at each hatchway, armed to the 
teeth, with positive orders to shoot every man who should attempt to 
appear on deck, without permission. In this awkward situation, 
Mr. Rodgers and his party continued three days, unable to sleep, 
compelled to manage a frigate, and to watch their prisoners, witli the 
utmost vigilance, as the latter were constantly on the look-out for an 
opportunity to retake the ship. At the end of that time, they carried 
the Insurgente, in triumph, into St. Kitts, where they found that the 
Constellation had already arrived. 

Mr. Rodgers and Mr. Cowper, the first and second lieutenants of 
the Constellation, were soon after promoted to be captains, great 
irregularity existing in the service, at that day, on subjects of this 
nature. The rank of master commandant had been established, but 
the government appeared to think that it was still organising a 
marine, and it was empowered to exercise its discretion, in trans 
ferring officers at will, from one grade to another, so long as no one 
was reduced from a former station. Captain Rodgers was appointed 
to the Maryland 20, and Captain Cowper to the Baltimore 20. 

One of the effects of the victory of the Constellation was to render 
the navy still more popular, and the most respectable families of the 
nation discovered greater anxiety than ever to get their sons enrolled 
on their lists. The new ships were put into the water as fast as pos 
sible, and, as soon as manned and equipped, were sent on the differ 
ent cruising grounds. L Insurgente was taken into the service as a 

* Late Commodore Rodgers. t Late Commodore Porter. 



1800.] NAVAL HISTORY. 171 

thirty-six, the command of her was given to Captain Murray, late of 
the Montezuma 20, and she was permitted to cruise with a roving 
commission. 

In the mean time, the care of the government appeared to extend 
itself, and it began to cast its eyes beyond the hazards of the Ameri 
can seas. 

At the close of the year, the Congress 38, Captain Sever, and Essex 
32, Captain Preble, sailed with orders to convoy vessels as far as Ba- 
tavia. The former of these vessels met with an accident to which 
all new ships are liable on quitting America in the winter. Her 
rigging having been set up in cold weather, it became slack when she 
got into the gulf stream, where she also encountered a strong south 
erly gale, and she lost not only all her masts, but her bowsprit. The 
main-mast went while Mr. Bosworth, the fourth lieutenant, w r as aloft, 
endeavouring to lower the main-topmast, by which accident that offi 
cer was lost. The crew of the top were all happily saved.* 

The Congress returned to port, for repairs, but Captain Preble 
proceeded on his cruise, carrying the pennant, for the first time, in a 
regular cruiser, to the eastward of the Cape of Good Hope. 

The active measures resorted to by the American government hav 
ing better disposed that of France to negotiate, and pledges having 1 
been given that new ministers would be received with more respect 
than had been shown to those last sent, who had met with insults and 
neglect, the United States 44, Commodore Barry, sailed from New 
port, Rhode Island, on the 3d of November, having on board envoys 
to the French Directory. Notwithstanding these measures to obtain 
peace, Congress proceeded in the legislation necessary to establish a 
marine. Many of the laws for the government of the navy were 
amended, and new regulations were introduced as substitutes for such 
of the old ones as were found defective. The appropriation for the 
support of the navy, during the year 1800, the marine corps included, 
amounted to $2,482,953 90. 

The new year consequently opened with increased efforts to con 
tinue the singular war that had now existed eighteen months. Many 
acquisitions were made to the navy, and the following is a list of the 
vessels that appear to have been employed in the course of the season, 
principally in the West Indies, viz : 

United States 44, President 44, 

Constitution 44, Constellation 38, 

Congress 38, Delaware 20, 

Chesapeake 38, Baltimore 20, 

Philadelphia 38, Maryland 20, 

* A similar accident was near occurring to the United States 44, in her first cruise, un 
der Commodore Barry. After the ship got into the gulf stream, the rigging slackened, 
when she was scudding ten knots in a gale, and rolling nearly gunwale to. While all 
on board were trembling for the masts, Mr. James Barron, the third lieutenant, proposed 
to Commodore Barry to set up the rigging, confidently declaring his ability to do so. This 
hold offer was accepted, and Mr. Barron got purchases on every other shroud, and by 
swaying together at the call, under the vigilant superintendence of the officers, this deli 
cate undertaking was accomplished with success, and the ship s masts were saved. It 
ought to be remembered that few of the masts in this war were made, but that they were 
mostly single sticks. 



172 NAVAL HISTORY. [1800 



New York 


36, 


Patapsco 


20, 


Iiisurgente 


36, 


Herald 


18, 


Essex 


32, 


Norfolk 


18, 


General Greene 


28, 


Richmond 


18, 


Adams 


28, 


Pinckney 


18, 


John Adams 


28, 


Warren 


18, 


Boston 


28, 


Eagle 


14, 


Geo. Washington 


24, 


Pickering 


14, 


Connecticut 


24, 


Augusta 


14, 


Ganges 


24, 


Scammel 


14, 


Trumbull 


24, 


Enterprise 


12, 


Portsmouth 


24, 


Experiment 


12. 


Merrimack 


24, 







By this time, the revenue vessels, with the exception of one or two, 
appear to have been retained at home, and in the foregoing list, no 
mention is made of galleys. Laws had been previously passed for 
the construction of six seventy-fours, and contracts were already made 
for the collection of the necessary materials. 

The cruising portion of the vessels were distributed in two princi 
pal squadrons, the one on the St. Domingo station under the orders 
of Commodore Talbot, whose broad pennant was flying in the Con 
stitution 44, and the other on the Guadaloupe station, under the or 
ders, first of Commodore Truxtun, in the Constellation 38, and next 
under the orders of Commodore Decatur, in the Philadelphia 38. 
The force of the former varied from seven to twelve vessels, while 
the latter, in April, consisted of thirteen sail. 

Notwithstanding this exhibition of a respectable and active force, 
the great facilities offered by the islands, and the strong temptations 
that were to be found in the American West India trade, then one of 
the most considerable of the country, induced the enemy to be con 
stantly on the alert, and the seas were still swarming with French 
cruisers, principally privateers. Guadaloupe, in particular, was dis 
tinguished for the number of captures made by its vessels ; and it 
was for this reason that we now find the heaviest American squadron 
cruising in that vicinity 

On the 1st of February, 1800, the Constellation 38, Commodore 
Truxtun, was again off the island of Guadaloupe, alone, Basseterre 
being east five leagues, when a sail was seen to the southeast, steering 
westward. Commodore Truxtun at first supposed the ship in sight 
to be a large English merchantman, from Martinico, of which he had 
some knowledge, and, unwilling to be drawn to leeward of his crui 
sing ground, he hoisted English colours, byway of inducing her to 
run down and speak him. This invitation being disregarded, sail 
was made in chase, the Constellation gaining fast on the stranger. 
As the former drew nearer, the ship to leeward was discovered to be 
a French vessel of war, when the English colours were hauled down, 
and the Constellation, cleared for action. The chase was now dis 
tinctly made out to be a heavy frigate mounting 52 guns. As her 
metal was in all probability equal to her rate, the only circumstance 
to equalise this disparity against the Constellation, was the fact that 



1800.J NAVAL HISTORY. 173 

the stranger was very deep which was accounted for by a practice of 
sending valuable articles to France, at that time, in the ships of war, 
as the safest means of transmission. Commodore Truxtun was not 
discouraged by his discovery, but continued to carry every stitch of 
canvass that would draw. Towards noon, however, the wind be 
came light, and the enemy had the advantage in sailing. In this 
manner, with variable breezes, and a smooth sea, the chase continued 
until noon on the 2d, when the wind freshened, and the Constellation 
again drew ahead. By the middle of the afternoon, the wind had 
every appearance of standing, and the chase was rising fast. It was 
eight in the evening, nevertheless, before the two ships were within 
speaking distance of each other, the stranger having come up to the 
wind a little, and the Constellation doubling on her weather quarter, 
Commodore Truxtun was about to speak to the enemy, when the 
latter opened a fire from his stern and quarter guns. In a few mo 
ments the Constellation, having drawn still more on the weather 
quarter of the chase, poured in a broadside, and the action began 
in earnest. It was a little past eight when the firing commenced, 
and it was maintained with vigour until near one in the morning, 
the two ships, most of the time, running free, side by side, when the 
stranger hauled up, and drew out of the combat. Orders were given 
on board the Constellation to brace up in chase; but at this moment, 
a report was brought to Commodore Truxtun that the main-mast 
was supported almost solely by the wood, every shroud having been 
shot away, and many of them so repeatedly cut as to render the use 
of stoppers impossible. At that time, as has been said already, masts 
vere usually, in the American navy, of single sticks, and the spars, 
when they gave way, went altogether. Aware of this danger, Com 
modore Truxtun ordered the men from the guns, to secure this all- 
important mast, with the hope of getting alongside of his enemy again, 
and, judging by the feebleness of her resistance for the last hour, with 
the certainty of taking her, could this object be effected. But no ex 
ertion, could obviate the calamity, the mast coming by the board 
within a few minutes after the enemy had sheered off. All the 
topmen, including Mr. Jarvis, the midshipman in command aloft, 
went over the side with the spars, and, that gallant young officer, 
who had refused to abandon his post, with all but one man, was lost. 

The Constellation was no longer in a situation to resume the 
action, and her enemy was in a far worse condition, with the excep 
tion that she still retained spars enough to enable her to escape. 
Finding it impossible to reach any friendly port to windward, as soon 
as the wreck was clear of his ship, Commodore Truxtun bore up for 
Jamaica, where he arrived in safety. 

In this close and hard-fought action, the Constellation had 14 men 
killed and 25 wounded, 11 of the latter dying of their injuries. Her 
antagonist afterwards got into Curaqoa, dismasted, and in a sinking 
condition, reporting herself to have had 50 of her people killed, and 
110 wounded, in an engagement with the Constellation, that had 
lasted five hours within pistol-shot. This statement is now known 
to be essentially true, and it enables us to form a comparative esti- 



174 NAVAL HISTORY. [1800. 

mate of the merits of the action. The French vessel proved to be 
la Vengeance, Captain Pitot. 

The armament of the Constellation had been changed since her 
action with the Insurgente, and her main-deck battery now consisted 
of 28 eighteens, and she had 10 tvventy-four-pound carronades on 
her quarter-deck, which were among the first, if not the very first 
guns of this description ever introduced into the American navy. 
Her crew was composed of 310 souls. 

It is said that the force of la Vengeance has been ascertained to 
have been 28 eighteens, 16 twelves, and 8 forty-two-pound carron 
ades. Her crew has been variously stated as having been between 
400 and 500 men. The metal was all according to the French mode 
of weighing, which adds one pound to every twelve.* 

There is no question that the Constellation engaged a materially 
superior force, or any doubt that she would have brought la Ven 
geance into port, but for the loss of the mast. It is even said, that 
la Vengeance did strike her colours three times, during the action, 
but finding that the Constellation continued her fire, they were re- 
hoisted. If such an event occurred, it must have arisen from the fact 
that it was not perceived in the obscurity of the night. 

Commodore Truxtun gained a great name by this action, and, on 
his return to America for repairs, he was appointed to the President 
44, then fitting for sea. Congress gave him a gold medal for his 
good conduct, and the gallantry of Mr. Jarvis was approved in rt 
solemn resolution. The Constellation was now given to Captain 
Murray, who had just returned from a short cruise in the Insurgente, 
and that officer went in her to the West Indies, where she joined the 
squadron under Commodore Talbot. 

The latter officer had been cruising for some months on the St. 
Domingo station, and about this time he planned an expedition that 
was quite in character with his own personal enterprises during the 
war of the Revolution. 

It was ascertained that a valuable French letter of marque, was 
lying in Port au Platte, a small harbour on the Spanish side of the 

* Various statements have been given of the construction of la Vengeance, as well as 
of her armament. The papers of the day contain an account of a Mr. James Howe, who 
was a prisoner on board her during the action, and who is said to have brought in with 
him a certificate from Captain Pitot, that he and the other prisoners on board, 36 in 
number, refused to fight against their country, when the ship engaged. According to 
the statement of this witness, la Vengeance carried on her gun-deck 32 eishteens, 2 of 
which were mounted aft; on hor quarter-deck, 4 long twelves and 12 thirty six-pound 
brass carronades ; and on her forecastle, 6 twelves ; making in all 54, and a broadside of 
26 guns. Her crew is stated at 400 men, including a good many passengers, all of whom 
were mustered at quarters. La Vengeance was described by Mr. Howe as having suf 
fered severely, having received 186 round shot in her hull. The slaughter on board was 
terrible. 

This account has much about it that is probable. The presence of Mr. Howe was 
authenticated by the certificate ; the stern-guns agree with Commodore Truxtun s ac 
count of the commencement of the action ; and the armament is very much what would 
have been used by a heavy French frigate of the day, on board of w hich carronades had 
been introduced. A report that she was a ship on two decks, which was current at the 
time, may very well have arisen from the circumstance of her carrying so many guns on 
her quarter-deck and forecastle ; but it is probable that Commodore Troxtun would have 
reported her as a two-decker, bad such been the fact. The number of the crew is a cir 
cumstance in which a passenger might very well be mistaken ; and it is \vcM known the 
French were in the practice of over-manning, rather than of undermannirig their ships. 



1800.] ISAVAL HISTORY. 175 

Island of St. Domingo, and as she was a dangerous ship on account 
of her sailing, Commodore Talbot determined to attempt cutting her 
out. This vessel had been the British packet the Sandwich, and 
she only waited to complete a cargo of coffee, to make a run for 
France. The legality of the enterprise was more than questionable, 
but the French picaroons received so much favour in the Spanish 
colonies, that the American officers were less scrupulous than they 
might otherwise have been. 

As soon as it was determined to make the effort, Mr. Hull, the first 
lieutenant of the Constitution went in, at night, with one of the frig 
ate s cutters, and reconnoitred. Commodore Talbot was compelled 
to defer the expedition, for want of a proper craft to avoid suspicion, 
when fortunately one was found by accident. An American sloop 
called the Sally had been employed on the coast of the island, under 
circumstances that rendered her liable to detention, and she was 
brought out of one of the small French ports, by a boat of the frigate. 
This sloop had recently left Port Platte, with an intention of soon 
returning there, and she, at once, afforded all the facilities that could 
be desired. 

Commodore Talbot, accordingly, threw a party of seamen and ma 
rines into the Sally, and giving the command to Mr. Hull, that officer 
was directed to proceed on the duty without further delay. The 
sloop was manned at sea, to escape detection, and she sailed at an 
hour that would enable her to reach Port Platte, about noon of the 
succeeding day. Tn the course of the night, while running down for 
her port, under easy sail, a shot suddenly flew over the Sally, and, 
soon after, an English frigate ranged up alongside. Mr. Hull hove 
to, and when the boarding lieutenant got on the sloop s deck, where 
he found so large a party of men and officers in naval uniforms, he 
was both startled and surprised. He was told the object of the ex 
pedition, however, and expressed his disappointment, as his own 
ship was only waiting to let the Sandwich complete her cargo, in 
order to cut her out also ! 

The Sally s movements were so well timed, as to permit her to 
arrive off the harbour s mouth at the proper hour. The Sandwich 
was lying with her broadside bearing on the approach, and there was 
a battery at no great distance to protect her. As soon as near enough 
to be seen, Mr. Hull sent most of his people below, and getting an 
anchor ready over the stern, to bring the sloop up with, he stood 
directly for the enemy s bows. So admirably was every thing ar 
ranged, that no suspicion was excited, the Sally ran the Sandwich 
aboard, the Constitution s people went into her, and carried her with 
out the loss of a man. At the same moment, Captain Carmick 
landed with the marines, entered the battery, and spiked the guns. 

Notwithstanding a great -com motion on shore, the Americans now 
went to work to secure their prize. The Sandwich was stripped to 
a girtline, and every thing was below. Before sunset she had 
royal yards across, her guns scaled, her new crew quartered, and soon 
after she weighed, beat out of the harbour, and joined the frigate. 

No enterprise of the sort was ever executed with greater steadiness, 



176 NAVAL HISTORY. [1800. 

or discipline. Mr. Hull gained great credit by the neatness with 
which he fulfilled his orders, and it was not possible for an officer to 
hav 7 e been better sustained; the absence of loss, in all cases of sur 
prise, in which the assailed have the means of resistance, being one 
of the strongest proofs not only of the gallantry and spirit, but of the 
coolness of the assailants. 

In the end, however, this capture, which was clearly illegal, cost 
the Constitution dear. Not only was the Sandwich given up, but all 
the prize money of the cruise went to pay damages. 

Early in May the Chesapeake 38, went to sea, under the com 
mand of Captain S. Barren. Her first duty was to convey a quantity 
of specie from Charleston to Philadelphia, after which she proceeded 
to cruise between the coast and the West India islands. 

The Irisurgente 36, had been given to Captain Fletcher, when 
Captain Murray was transferred to the Constellation, and in July she 
sailed on a cruise, with instructions to keep between longitudes G6P 
and 68, and to run as far south as 30 N. L. After this ship left 
the capes of Virginia, no authentic accounts, with the exception of 
a few private letters sent in by vessels spoken at sea, w ere ever re 
ceived of her. She had been ordered to cruise a short time in the 
latitude and longitude mentioned, after which her commander was 
left at liberty to pursue his own discretion, provided he returned to 
Annapolis within eight weeks. Forty-six years have elapsed and no 
further tidings of any belonging to this ill-fated ship have ever 
reached their friends. 

The Pickering 14, Captain Hillar, also sailed in August, for the 
Guadaloupe station, and never returned. As in the case of the Iri 
surgente, all on board perished, no information that could be relied 
on ever having been obtained of the manner in which these vessels 
were lost. Vague rumours were set afloat at the time, and it was even 
affirmed that they had run foul of each other in a gale, a tale that 
was substantiated by no testimony, and which was probably untrue, 
as the Pickering was sent to a station, which the Insurgente, under 
discretionary orders, would be little apt to seek, since it was known 
to be already rilled with American cruisers. These two ships swelled 
the list of vessels of war that had been lost in this manner to three, 
viz: the Saratoga 16, the Insurgente 36, and the Pickering 14; to 
which maybe added the Reprisal 16, though the cook of the latter 
sloop was saved. 

The nature of the warfare, which was now confined principally 
to chases and conflicts with small fast-sailing privateers, and a spe 
cies of corsair that went by the local name of picaroons, or with 
barges that ventured no great distance at sea, soon satisfied the 
government that, to carry on the service to advantage, it required a 
species of vessel different from the heavy, short, sloop of twenty, or 
twenty-four guns, of which so many were used in the beginning of 
the contest. Two schooners had been built with this view, and each 
of them fully proved their superiority over the old clumsy cruiser, 
that had been inherited, as it might be, from the Revolution. One of 
these vessels was called the Experiment, and the other the Enterprise, 



1800.] NAVAL HISTORY. 177 

and they were rated at twelve guns. The modern improvements, 
however, did not extend to the armaments of even these schooners, 
the old-fashioned six-pounder being still used, where an 181b. carro- 
nade would now be introduced. 

It was December, 1799, before the Enterprise got to sea, under 
the orders of Lt. Com. Shaw. This vessel joined the windward 
Island station, but falling in with the Constellation, 38, just after her 
bloody action with la Vengeance, Com. Truxtun ordered her to 
Philadelphia with his despatches. In March, however, the schooner 
was off Cape Francois, when having communicated with Com. 
Talbot, she proceeded to join Com. Truxtun who was supposed to 
be at Jamaica. Ascertaining on his way to that island, that the 
Constellation had sailed for home,Lt. Com. Shaw immediately hauled 
up for St. Kitts, where the yindward squadron had been commanded 
to rendezvous. 

When near the Mona Passage, on her way to her station, the 
Enterprise made a brig to the southward and eastward, and gave 
chase. The brig soon showed Spanish colours, the schooner keeping 
her own proper flag flying the whole time. Soon after showing her 
ensign, the brig opened on the American vessel, which had by this 
time got within gun-shot. Instead of returning this fire, which was 
continued, the Enterprise stood on, close hauled, until she had got 
well on the brig s weather quarter, when she gave a broadside in 
return. This was the commencement of a sharp conflict, which con 
tinued twenty minutes. At the end of that time, the vessels sepa 
rated as by mutual consent, the circumstance that each still kept her 
proper colours flying having probably satisfied both they were, not 
legally enemies. 

The brig mounted eighteen guns and carried heavier metal than 
her antagonist. Both vessels suffered a good deal, though little was 
said of it at the time, nor does it seem to have ever been the subject 
of any political correspondence. It was probably regarded as one 
of those accidents of the sea, to which all cruisers are more or less 
liable, and which ought to be treated as occurrences for which no one is 
responsible. The spirit manifested by Lt. Com. Shaw, nevertheless, 
obtained for him considerable reputation in his own service, and his 
little schooner was considered to have done credit to her ensign. 
This was the first of many actions that this favourite and fortunate 
vessel fought during the succeeding fifteen years. 

The Enterprise, after her rencontre with the Spanish brig, went 
into St. Thomas to refit. In that port was lying a heavy French 
lugger, which mounted twelve guns, and which was reported to have 
had a crew of 600 men; the number of guns being the same as that 
of the American vessel, while the reported crew was about twenty 
more. Shortly after his arrival, Lt. Com. Shaw received a civil 
message from the commander of this lugger, expressing a desire to 
meet him outside. The challenge was accepted, and, at the speci 
fied time, the Enterprise stood out into the offing. Here she rounded 
loin waiting for her expected antagonist, but the lugger remained at 
her anchorage. The Enterprise now fired a shot, in the direction 

VOL. j. 12 



178 NAVAL HISTORY. [1800. 



of the harbor, as a challenge to her enemy, repeating the defiance 
several times, but always without effect. The schooner remained in 
the offing, until it was too dark to see any distance, when she bore up 
and ran to leeward of St. Croix. Here she cruised a day or two, 
capturing a small letter of marque, that struck without resistance, 
and with which she proceeded to St. Kitts, agreeably to order. 

The Enterprise remained in port no longer than was necessary to 
fill up her water, and store some provisions. It was now as late as 
May, and a day or two out, she fell in with, and brought to action, a 
privateer schooner, called la Seine. This vessel mounted only four 
guns and had a crew of 54 men. She made a very gallant resistance, 
though the fire of the Enterprise soon compelled her to submit. So 
desperate was the resistance of the Frenchman, notwithstanding, and 
so destructive the fire of the American, that la Seine suffered a loss 
of 24 men. in killed and wounded, besides being cut to pieces in her 
sails and rigging. Nor did the Enterprise escape altogether unin 
jured. She had several men wounded, and sustained some damage, 
though not enough to take her into port. La Seine was sent to 
St. Kitts. 

A fortnight after this encounter, the Enterprise, which had 
gone to leeward of Guadaloupe, made and chased another of the 
enemy s privateers. This vessel proved to be la Citoyenne, 6, with 
57 men. This schooner also held out to the last, fighting so long 
as she had a ray of hope. When she struck it was found that la 
Citoyenne had 4 killed and 10 wounded. In this action, the Enter 
prise lost a marine, and had two or three men wounded. In both 
of the two last actions her loss was 1 killed and 7 wounded. The man 
ner in which these two privateers were fought was highly creditable 
to their commanders, neither yielding so long as there was the least 
chance of success. The Citoyenne was also sent to St. Kitts. 

After cruising in the vicinity of Porto Rico for a short time, the 
Enterprise followed her two prizes into port. As soon as refitted, 
she went out, again, passing between Antigua and Desirade, where 
she fell in with the very three masted lugger that had given her the 
challenge at St. Thomas. Lt. Com. Shaw recognised the vessel at 
once, and closed in expectation of a warm action, but, after receiving 
and returning a few shot, the lugger struck. This lugger had not as 
large a crew as had been reported, but she had a good many passen 
gers on board her, and amongothers a general officer belonging to the 
French army. Carrying his prize into St. Kitts, Lt. Com. Shaw, 
who had occasion for some hostages, to save the lives of two Ameri 
cans who were in the hands of the enemy, put the general and a 
captain who was with him, in close confinement, in that character. 
This measure effected the object, the general going himself on parole 
to Guadaloupe, returning by the end of the month with the prisoners 
liberated. 

The Enterprise seldom lay long at her anchors. Without waiting 
for the determination of the affair of the hostages, Lt. Com. Shaw 
took her to sea, again, as soon as ready, going off and to leeward of 
Guadaloupe. Here she fell in with another French privateer, the 



1800.] NAVAL HISTORY. 179 

vessels crossing each other on opposite tacks, the Enterprise to lee 
ward. No sooner did the vessels exchange broadsides, than Lt. 
Com. Shaw put his helm down, and came round directly in the 
wake of his opponent. This manreuvre, which was executed in the 
smoke, was so rapidly effected that the Enterprise got nearly a com 
plete raking broadside at her enemy, four of her six guns having 
discharged into the enemy s stern. As his schooner worked beauti 
fully, Lt. Com. Shaw let her come quite round, on the other tack, 
when he ran his adversary aboard, on his weather quarter, passing 
into him and taking possession without further resistance. As the 
Enterprise closed, one of her remaining guns was fired, making 
eleven in all that were discharged in the combat. 

The Americans knew that, on this occasion, they had met with a 
privateer of much celebrity on these seas. She was a brig called 
l Aigle,and she had an armament often guns, with a crew of seventy- 
eight men, a force that rendered her nominally rather than actually in 
ferior to themselves. This vessel had done much damage to both 
the American and the English commerce, and her commander had 
a high reputation for spirit and enterprise. The easy manner in 
which she was carried, therefore, at first excited some wonder among 
the captors, but it was soon explained by the condition of their prize. 
In this short, but handsome affair, 1 Aigle had 3 killed and 9 wounded. 
Among the former was her first lieutenant, through whom a six-pound 
shot had passed. The commander and second lieutenant were both 
seriously wounded ; circumstances that explain the reason why the 
crew deserted their quarters as the Americans boarded. The En 
terprise had 3 men wounded. The prize was sent into St. Kitts, and 
the schooner continued to cruise. 

In July, the Enterprise had an opportunity of still further distin 
guishing herself. While cruising to leeward she made a large pri 
vateer brig, just at evening, near which she remained during the 
night. In the morning the stranger was sweeping towards the 
schooner, in a calm. The Frenchman was allowed to approach, 
until the Enterprise got the sea breeze, when she set every thing and 
gave chase. This sudden movement gave the alarm to the briar, 
which made sail, and both vessels ran off, under studding-sails. The 
Frenchman did not actually run away, though he kept off, with a wish 
to ascertain the character of his foe. Believing himself faster on, 
than off, the wind, the privateersman gradually hauled up and board 
ed his starboard tacks, without waiting to haul down his studding- 
sails, which was not done until his vessel was close by the wind. 
The suddenness of this evolution, and the previous positions of the 
two vessels, brought the Enterprise right astern, when she hauled up 
in the wake of the enemy. In this manner the chase continued, until 
the American schooner, which was an exceedingly fast vessel, had 
so far gained on the privateer, as to come within reach of musketry, 
when the French opened a smart fire with small arms. The 
Americans returned this fire, until the vessels were quite near to 
gether, one directly in the wake of the other, when Lt. Com. Shaw 
kept off to draw more upon his enemy s beam. In doing so he re- 



180 NAVAL HISTORY. [1800. 

ceived the brig s broadside, when a sharp conflict was commenced, 
and maintained for twenty minutes, within pistol-shot, both vessels 
running free again. At the end of this period, the privateer had got 
so much the worst of it, that he attempted to escape, by hauling close 
by the wind, making sail and tacking. In endeavouring to come 
round in pursuit, the Enterprise missed stays. Trimming his sails 
anew, Lt. Com. Shaw waited until he had gathered sufficient way, 
when he got round on the same tack with his enemy. As soon as 
he could again get along side, which was not long, the action was 
renewed. Just at this moment, and when men were aloft endeav 
ouring to secure the spar, a flaw struck the brig and carried away 
her fore-top-mast. As the privateer had put his helm up in the 
squall, he ran away from his wreck; while the Enterprise, keeping 
away in chase came directly upon it. Lt. Com. Shaw, who was 
now certain of his prize, rounded-to, lowered a boat, and saved several 
of the enemy who had gone over with the spar. No sooner was this 
done, than the schooner filled, and Tanging up once more abeam of 
the privateer the latter struck. 

On this occasion, the Enterprise captured a vessel materially her 
superior in force. Her prize was le Flambeau, a cruiser of still 
greater renown than 1 Aigle, and with a commander of equal repu 
tation. Le Flambeau mounted 12 guns, the same in number as 
those of her conqueror ; but they were French nines, and she had 
110 men on board her. In this action, the Enterprise had rather 
more men than usual, mustering a crew of 83 souls, all told, the day 
of the fight. Le Flambeau had suffered severely, having 40 killed 
and wounded, while the Enterprise had 10. 

Lt. Com. Shaw carried his prize to St. Kitts, and, when con 
demned, her proceeds were given altogether to his own vessel, as 
having been captured by a cruiser of inferior force. There is no 
question this was one of the handsomest exploits of the war. Though 
it went to prove the great advantage that a public armed vessel so 
generally enjoys over one that is private. 

In August the Enterprise, then cruising in the Antigua passage 
chased and captured another of the enemy s privateers, called la 
Pauline, of 6 guns and forty men. As la Pauline made no resistance, 
no one was hurt. 

A month later, while still cruising on the same ground, this sin 
gularly fortunate schooner, after a short running fight took a letter 
of marque of 7 guns, and 45 men, called la Guadaloup6enne. On 
board this vessel was found the same general officer who had been 
taken in the lugger, and exchanged at the time of the release of the 
Americans, for whose safety he had been imprisoned as a hostage. 

Ill health now compelled Lt. Com. Shaw to relinquish his vessel, 
which was given to Lt. Com. Stewart, the former officer returning 
home in the Patapsco, Capt. Geddes, accompanied by his surgeon. 
Although Lt. Com. Shaw was not immediately promoted, there is no 
question that the services just recorded were the means of his being 
retained in the service, on the subsequent reduction of the navy, and 
of his getting a high place on the list of officers of his own rank. 



1800.] NAVAL HISTORY. 




Such was the estimate of his conduct, that he had been told to pre 
pare himself to assume the charge of le Berceau 26, which would 
have been a capital command. Events, however, occurred to defeat 
this arrangement. 

Lieutenant Shaw while in command of this schooner, recaptured 
eleven American vessels, besides taking those just mentioned, in a 
cruise of only eight months. It was a proof of the greater efficiency 
of this description of vessel than any other, in a warfare of such a 
nature, that the Enterprise, a schooner of only 165 tons, carrying an 
armament of 12 light guns, and with a crew that varied from 60 to 
83 men, destroyed more of the enemy s privateers, and afforded as 
much protection to the trade of the country, as any frigate employed 
in the war. It would seem to be certain, indeed, that this cruise of 
the Enterprise was one of the most brilliant and useful ever made 
under the American flag. 

In March, the Boston 28, Captain Little, being near the Point of 
St. Marks, having a merchant brig in tow, on her way to Port-au- 
Prince, nine barges were discovered pulling towards the vessels, com 
ing from the small island of Gonaives, with every appearance of hos 
tile intentions. The barges were large, as usual, pulled 20 oars, and 
contained from 30 to 40 men each. As soon as their characters were 
properly made out, the guns of the Boston were housed, and the ship 
was otherwise disguised. This stratagem succeeded so far as to 
draw the barges within gun-shot ; but discovering their mistake 
before they got as near as could be wished, they turned and began to 
retreat. The Boston now cast off her tow, made sail in chase, ran 
out her guns, and opened her fire. For two hours, she was enabled 
to keep some of the barges within reach of her shot, and three of 
them, with all their crews, were sunk. The remainder did not escape 
without receiving more or less injury. 

After this punishment of the picaroons, which were often guilty of 
the grossest excesses, the Boston, having been home to refit, was 
directed to cruise a short time, previously to going on the Guadaloupe 
station again, between the American coast and the West India islands. 
While in the discharge of this duty, November, 1800, in lat. 22 50 
N., and long. 51 W., she made a French cruiser, which, instead of 
avoiding her, evidently sought an encounter. Both parties being 
willing, the ships were soon in close action, when, after a plain, 
hard-fought combat of two hours, the enemy struck. The prize 
proved to be the French corvette le Berceau, Captain Senes, mount 
ing 24 guns, and with a crew a little exceeding 200 men. The 
Berceau was much cut up, and shortly after the action, her fore and 
main-masts went. Her loss in killed and wounded was never ascer 
tained, but from the number of the latter found in her, it was probably 
between 30 and 40 men. Among the former were her first lieuten 
ant, master, boatswain, and gunner. The Boston mounted eight 
more light guns than the Berceau, and had about an equal number 
of men. She had 4 killed and 11 wounded. Among the latter was 
her purser, Mr. Young, who died of his injuries. The Berceau was 
a singularly finr vessel of her class, and had the reputation of being 



182 NAVAL HISTORY. [1800. 

one of the fastest ships in the French marine. Like the combat be 
tween the Constellation and PInsurgente, the superiority of force was 
certainly in favour of the American ship, on this occasion, but the 
execution was every way in proportion to the difference. 

The year 1800 was actively employed on both sides in the West 
Indies, for while the force of the French in vessels of war seemed to 
decrease, as those of England and America increased, the privateers 
still abounded. A great many American merchantmen were cap 
tured, and the recaptures also amounted to a number that it is now 
difficult to ascertain, but which is known to have been large. Most 
of the privateers were small schooners, filled with men, sufficient to 
subdue a letter of marque by boarding ; but, as they offered no resist 
ance to any of the cruisers except the smallest, a brief catalogue of 
the prizes taken by the different large vessels, will at once give an 
idea of the nature of the service that was performed by the West India 
squadrons during this year. The Baltimore 20, Captain Cowper, 
took la Brilliante Jeunesse 12, with a crew of 62 men, and a vessel 
whose name is not known ; the Merrimack 24, Captain Brown, the 
Phenix 14, with 128 men ; the Connecticut 24, Captain Tryon, le 
Piege 2, with 50 menJ Unite 1, with 50 men, and le Chou Chou ; 
the Boston 28, Captain Little, la Fortune, 1 Heureux, and an open 
boat ; Pickering 14, Captain Hillar, la Voltigeuse 10, with 60 men, 
the Fly, and 1 Active 12, with 60 men ; Boston 28, in company with 
different vessels, the Flying Fish, la Gourde, le Pelican, and 1 Espoir; 
Herald 18 and Augusta 14, la Mutine 6, with 60 men ; John Adams 
28, Captain Cross, le Jason, with 50 men, la Decade ; the Trumbull 
24, Captain Jewett, la Peggie, la Vengeance 10 and la Tullie ; En 
terprise 12, Lieutenant Commandant Sterrett, 1 Amour de la Patrie 
6, with 72 men ; the Patapsco 18, Captain Geddes, la Dorade 6, 
with 46 men ; the Adams 28, Captain Morris, rHeurense Rencontre 
4, with 50 men, le Gambeau, 4 swivels and 16 men, la Renommee, 
the Dove, and le Massena6, with 49 men. Several of the frigates 
also made prizes of different small privateers, barges, and boats ; and 
many vessels were chased on shore, and either destroyed by boats or 
were bilged in striking. The privateers taken and brought into port, 
during the years 1798, 1799, and 1800, amounted in all to rather 
more than fifty sail. To these must be added several letters of mar 
que. But few merchant ships were taken, the French venturing but 
little on the ocean, except in fast-sailing armed vessels. Still, some 
valuable prizes of this nature were made, and several ships of this 
class were driven ashore among the islands. 

The constant changes that occurred among the commanders of 
the different vessels, render it difficult to give clear accounts of the 
movements of either. These changes were owing to the rapidity 
and irregularities of the promotions in an infant service, officers who 
went out at the commencement of the season lieutenants, in many 
instances, returning home captains, at its close. In short, the offi 
cers, like the crews, were constantly passing from vessel to vessel, 
several serving in two or three ships in ag many years. 

The Experiment 12, made her first cruise under the command of 



1800.] NAVAL HISTORY. 183 

Lieutenant Commandant Maley, and was much employed in con 
voying through the narrow passages, where the vessels were exposed 
to attacks from large barges manned from the shores. On the 1st of 
January, 1800, this schooner was becalmed in the Bight of Leogane, 
with several sail of American merchantmen in company and under 
convoy. While the little fleet lay in this helpless condition, a good 
deal scattered, ten of the barges mentioned, filled with negroes and 
mulattoes, came out against it. The barges contained from 30 to 
40 men each, who were armed with muskets, cutlasses, and pikes, 
and in some of the boats were light guns and swivels. As the Ex 
periment was partially disguised, the enemy came within reach of her 
grape before the assault was made, when Lieutenant Commandant 
Maley ran out his guns and opened his fire. This was the com 
mencement of a long conflict, in which the barges were beaten off. 
It was not in the power of the Experiment, however, to prevent the 
enemy from seizing two of her convoy, which had drifted to such a 
distance as to be beyond protection. A third vessel was also boarded, 
but from her the brigands were driven by grape, though not until they 
had murdered her master and plundered the cabin. 

The barges went twice to the shore, landed their killed and wound 
ed, and took on board reinforcements of men. The second attack 
they made was directed especially at the Experiment, there being 
no less than three divisions of the enemy, each of which contained 
three heavy barges. But, after a protracted engagement, which, 
with the intermissions, lasted seven hours, the enemy abandoned fur 
ther designs on this convoy, and retreated in disorder. The Exper 
iment endeavoured to follow, by means of her sweeps, but finding 
that some of the more distant of the barges threatened two of her 
convoy, that had drifted out of gun-shot, she was obliged to give up 
the chase. 

In this arduous and protracted engagement the Experiment was 
fought with spirit, and handled with skill. The total absence of 
wind gave the enemy every advantage ; but notwithstanding their 
vast superiority in numbers, they did not dare to close. Two of the 
barges were sunk, and their loss in killed and wounded was known 
to have been heavy, while the Experiment had but two wounded, one 
of whom was Lieutenant David Porter. 

Shortly after this affair, the command of the Experiment was given 
to Lieutenant Charles Stewart, late of the United States 44. Not 
long after he had got upon his station, this officer fell in with, and 
took, after a slight resistance, the French privateer les Deux Amis, 
of 8 guns, and between 40 and 50 men. The Deux Amis was sent in. 

About a month after this occurrence, while cruising on her station, 
the Experiment made two sail, which had the appearance of enemy s 
cruisers. The Frenchmen were a brig of 18 guns, and a three- 
masted schooner of 14, and they gave chase to the American. Lieu 
tenant Commandant Stewart, having soon satisfied himself of the 
superior sailing of his own vessel, manoeuvred in a way to separate 
the enemy, and to keep them at a distance until after dark. At 
length, finding that the Frenchmen had given up the chase, and that 



184 NAVAL HISTORY. [1800. 

the brig was about a league ahead of the schooner, he cleared for 
action, closed with the latter, by running upon her weather quarter, 
and gave her a broadside. The attack was so vigorous and close, 
that the enemy struck in a few minutes. Throwing his first lieuten 
ant, Mr. David Porter into the pri/e, Lieutenant Commandant 
Stewart immediately made sail after the brig ; but she had gained 
so much ahead, during the time lost with the schooner, that she was 
soon abandoned, and the Experiment returned to her pri/e, which 
she carried into St. Kitts. Mr. Stewart probably owed his success 
to the boldness of his manoeuvres, as the brig was of a force sufficient 
to capture him in a few minutes. 

The vessel taken by the Experiment proved to be the French 
man-of-war schooner la Diane, Lieutenant Perradeau, of 14 guns, 
and about 60 men. She was bound to France, with General Rigaud 
on board ; and in addition to her regular crew, 30 invalid soldiers 
had been put in her, having served their time in the islands. Her 
commander had been the first lieutenant of I lnsurgente, and the 
prize-officer of the Retaliation. 

Returning to her station, the Experiment now had a combat that 
was of a less agreeable nature. A suspicious sail had been made in 
the course of the day, and chase was given until dark. Calculating 
the courses and distances, Lieutenant Commandant Stewart ordered 
the Experiment to be kept in the required direction until midnight, 
when, if he did not close with the stranger, he intended to give up the 
chase. At that hour, the schooner was hauled by the wind, accord 
ingly ; but, in a few minutes, a sail was seen quite near, and to wind 
ward. The Experiment went to quarters, ran up under the stranger s 
lee, and hailed. Finding the other vessel indisposed to give an 
answer, Lieutenant Commandant Stewart ordered a gun fired into 
him, which was returned by a broadside. A sharp action now com 
menced, but, it blowing heavily, and the schooner lying over, it was 
found impossible to depress the guns sufficiently to hull the enemy. 
Planks were cut and placed beneath the trucks of the gun-carriages, 
when the shot of the Experiment told with so much effect, that her 
antagonist struck. Mr. Porter, the first lieutenant of the Experi 
ment, was now directed to take possession of the pri/e, but, on 
getting alongside, he was refused permission to board. As soon as 
this was known in the schooner, the boat was directed to pull out of 
the line of fire, with a view to recommence the action, when the 
stranger hailed to say he submitted. 

This vessel proved to be a privateer called the Louisa Uridger, out 
of Bermuda, with an armament of 8 nine-pounders, and a crew of 
between 40 and 50 men. She was much cut up, and had four feet 
water in her hold when she surrendered. Her captain was among 
the wounded. 

As soon as the nature of this unfortunate mistake was known, 
every aid was afforded the privateer, the Experiment lying by her all 
next day, to assist in repairing her damages. The Experiment 
received a good deal of injury in her rigging, and had one man killed, 
and a boy wounded. 



1800.] NAVAL HISTORY. 185 

Active negotiations had commenced, and in the autumn of 1800 
the hopes of peace became so strong, that the efforts to increase the 
navy were sensibly relaxed, and the sailing of many ships, that had 
been intended for distant stations was suspended. In May of this 
year, however, the George Washington 24,* Captain Bainbridge, 
was ordered to sail with tribute to the Dey of Algiers. We now look 
back with wonder at the fact, that a maritime people, like those of 
the United States, should consent to meet the unjust demands of a 
power as insignificant as that of Algiers, with any other answer than 
a close blockade, and a vigorous war. No better school for the edu 
cation of an efficient corps of officers could have been desired, than 
a contest with all Barbary, should the Jatter invite it, nor would the 
expense have greatly exceeded that connected \yfth the support of 
the small naval force, that nearly all parties now appeared to admit 
was indispensable to the country. Opinion had probably as much 
connexion with this want of spirit, as expediency or policy, for it 
would be easy to show, not only in this but in all other cases, that 
there is no more certain means for a nation to invite aggressions, 
than by making undue concessions, or no surer method of obtaining 
justice than by insisting on its rights. The great maritime nations 
of Europe, with England at their head, influenced by motives pecu 
liarly their own, had long been in the practice of bribing the Barbary 
States to respect the laws of nations, and it was perhaps too soon to 
expect that America, a country that had so recently been a colony, 
should step boldly out of the circle of its habits, and set the first ex 
ample of self-respect and wisdom. It was reserved for that little 
marine, which was just struggling into existence, under all the un 
favourable circumstances of a hurried organisation, defective vessels, 
a want of arsenals, docks, and system, to bring the nation up to the 
level of its own manliness and independence, at a later day, and to 
teach the true policy of the country to those whose duty it was to 
direct it. 

The George Washington arrived in the port of Algiers in Septem 
ber, and feeling that he had come on a duty that, at least, entitled 
him to the hospitalities of the Dey, Captain Bainbridge ran in and 
anchored under the mole. As soon as the tribute, or presents, which 
ever it may suit the tone of the diplomacy to term them, \vere put into 
the hands of the consul, a request was made to Captain Bainbridge 
to place his ship at the disposal of the Dey, with a sole view to the 
convenience and policy of that prince. It appears that the Sultan 
had taken offence with the regency of Algiers, on account of a treaty 
it had lately concluded with France, a power with which the Ottoman 

* In giving the rates of vessels, except in flagrant instances, such as those in which the 
Chesapeake and Philadelphia are called forty -fours, and the Adams, John Adams, and 
Boston thirty-twos, we follow the irregular rule which appears to have been laid down in 
the service at the time. The George Washington was much nearer a thirty-two in size, 
than most of the twenty -eights of the navy, though in the official reports she is called a 
twenty-four. The tonnage of this ship was 624 tons, while that of the Boston was only 
530. "She had been an Indiaman. and when sold out of service, in 1803, returned to her 
old employment. The proper rate of this ship would have made her nearer a twenty- 
eight, ;han any thing else. Her last service was to carry tribute to the Mediterranean, 
under Lieutenant Commandant Shaw. 



186 NAVAL HISTORY. [1800. 

Porte was then at war, and liis anger was to be deprecated by a 
timely application of presents. The good offices of Captain Bain- 
bridge were now solicited in conveying these offerings, with a suitable 
agent, to Constantinople. As soon as apprised of his wish, Captain 
Bainbridge sought an audience with the Dey, and having obtained 
one, he expressed his regret at not being able to comply with his 
request, as it would be disregarding the orders of his superiors at 
home. The Dey now gave his guest to understand that both he and 
his ship were in his power, and his request was put more in the shape 
of a demand. A long and spirited altercation ensued, until, influ 
enced by the representations of the consul, Mr. O Brien, the certainty 
that his ship would be otherwise seized and sent by force, the appre 
hension of a war, and the knowledge that near two hundred sail of 
merchantmen were exposed in those seas, Captain Bainbridge en 
tered into stipulations on the subject. He consented to carry the 
agent and presents of Algiers, on condition that peace should be 
maintained, that the Dey should deem the act one of friendly con 
cession on the part of the United States, and not one of right, and that, 
on his return from Constantinople, no further demands should be 
preferred. 

When the ship was about to sail from Algiers a new difficulty 
arose on the subject of the flag ; the Dey insisting that his own should 
be hoisted at the main, while that of the United States should be 
shown forward. In maintaining this claim, lie affirmed that it was 
a compliment always paid him by the English, French, and Spanish 
captains, who had been employed on similar service in his behalf. 
After a strong remonstrance, Captain Bainbridge yielded in appear 
ance, but as he refused to make any pledges on the subject, as soon 
as he was beyond the reach of the guns of the works, he set his own 
ensign as usual. Under these circumstances the George Washing 
ton sailed. 

At this distance of time from the event, a dispassionate opinion 
may perhaps be formed concerning the propriety of the course pur 
sued by the officer in command of the George Washington. On the 
one hand was the war with France, which might have rendered the 
management of a war with Algiers more difficult than common, and 
the probability that the latter would ensue in the event of a refusal. 
But, if France was at war with America, she was also at war with 
England, and the appearance of the George Washington in the 
Mediterranean was a proof that cruisers mi^ht be employed in that 
sea, although the nation was without ports, or arsenals. As opposed 
to the general ha/ards of war, and the particular risks incurred by the 
crew of the George Washington, were those common and enduring 
principles of honour and right, by maintaining which, nations, in the 
end, assert their claims in the promptest, cheapest, and most efficient 
manner. It is the peculiar province of the officers and men of a ves 
sel of war to incur risks equally of life and liberty, as on all other 
occasions, no man manifested more of the true spirit, in this respect, 
than Captain Bainbridge, the consideration of his own peculiar dan 
ger, or that of his crew, probably had no influence on his decision. 



1800-] NAVAL HISTORY. 187 

The true question is, whether an officer in his situation ought to 
have taken the responsibility of producing a war by a refusal to com 
ply with the demand of the Dey, or whether his duty pointed out the 
course pursued by Captain Bainbridge. No one can hesitate about 
saying that the first should be the decision of a commander of a ves 
sel of war, in our own time. But Captain Bainbridge was not before 
Algiers in an age when America was as ready as she is to-day to 
assert all those great principles of right which nations must maintain 
with their blood and treasure, if they are to be maintained at all. He 
had himself just been employed in transporting tribute to Algiers, 
under a solemn law of his country, and it would have been a violent 
presumption indeed, to suppose that a government, which had so far 
neglected the just feelings of national pride, and the first and simplest 
principles of policy, as to expend in tribute the money that would 
nearly, if not quite, extort justice by force, would look with favour on 
an act that should produce a war, on a naked point of honour. We 
dislike the decision of Captain Bainbridge, while we distinctly see, 
that in requiring him to have acted otherwise, we require him to have 
been in advance of the opinion of his day, and of the policy of his 
government.* 

It is understood that Captain Bainbridge was much influenced by 
the advice and opinions of Mr. O Brien, the consul. This gentleman 
had been one of the first prisoners taken by Algiers in 1785, and he 
had passed many weary years in captivity, almost abandoned by 
hope, and apparently, though not really, forgotten by his country. 
He had probably little faith in the existence of that patriotism which 
is ready to sacrifice immediate interest to future good, and saw in 
perspective a piratical warfare, and captivities like his own, which, 
unrelieved by any feelings of humanity, would be nearly allied to 
despair. This gentleman is not to be censured ; for bitter experi 
ence had taught him how little is the care taken of individual rights, 
by popular governments, when the evil does not present itself to the 
senses of bodies of men, and how strong is the desire to shrink from 
responsibility in those who are subject to their judgment and clam 
our. This is the weak side of the polity, and were it not redeemed 
by so much that is superior to the effects of all other systems, it is 
one that would totally unfit a nation to maintain the respect of man 
kind. Mr. O Brien, too, had been educated as a ship-master, and 
probably reasoned more like the agent of a commercial house, than 
the agent of a government that wanted none of the elements of great 
ness but the will. That neither he nor Captain Bainbridge, frank 
seamen, discovered much of the finesse of diplomacy, is evident ; for 
a practised negotiator, detecting the necessity of submission, would 
have anticipated the final demand, and averted the more disagreea- 

* It has been conjectured that Captain Bainbridge consented to go to Constantinople, 
with a view to show the American flag to the Ottoman Porte, and to open the way for a 
treaty, and a trade in the Black Sea ; but we know of no evidence of the truth of this 
supposition. It ought to be added, moreover, that the ships of the greatest powers of 
Europe, often performed offices like that required of Captain Bainbridge, for the Dey, 
and that the former was perfectly aware of the fact. 



188 NAVAL HISTORY. [1800. 

ble features of compulsion, by apparently conceding that to solicita 
tion, which was finally yielded to menace. 

When the Americans, feeble, scattered colonists, without military 
stores, posts, fortified towns or navy, determined to resist the usurpa 
tions of the British Parliament, they were influenced by those lofty 
principles of right, which are certain to lead to greatness. It is not 
pretended that the taxation of England bore heavily on America in 
practice, but the resistance grew out of the maintenance of a princi 
ple; arid the result of sacrificing immediate interests to the true and 
elevating policy of the right, is before the world. Even many of the 
well-disposed, who belonged to the school of those who are for con 
sulting temporary good, and whose political wisdom too often savours 
of the expedient, thought the contest premature ; but, happily, a bet 
ter temper prevailed in the country, and the nation escaped the risks 
of losing its spirit under the gradual operation of usage, as might have 
attended delay. Immediate good was sacrificed to the great objects 
of a more liberal policy, and we now find that England, so far from 
persevering in a wish to tax colonies over which she does not possess 
the right, even hesitates about taxing those, which, in the way of 
principle, lie at her mercy by conquest. 

It was the 9th of October, 1800, when the George Washington left 
Algiers. She entered the Bosphorus with a fresh breeze at the south 
ward, and on approaching the Dardanelles, where are two castles 
that command the passage, and where ships are obliged to exhibit 
passports in order to proceed, Captain Bainbridge felt some embar 
rassment as to the course he ought to take. He had no firman, his 
country was scarcely known at the Ottoman Porte, and he might be 
delayed weeks, negotiating for permission to go up to the town. 
From this dilemma he relieved himself by the happy and prompt 
expedient of a seaman. The castles stand nearly opposite each 
other, on the European and Asiatic shores, and guns carrying stone 
balls, that weigh, in some instances, eight hundred pounds, are 
pointed in a manner to command the channel. These guns, how 
ever, are stationary like mortars, and become nearly useless the mo 
ment a ship is out of their regulated ranjje. The rest of the defences, 
at that time, were very immaterial. The width of the Bosphorus, 
here, a little exceeds three thousand feet. As his ship approached 
the castle, Captain Bainbridge hauled up his courses, clewed up his 
top-gallant sails, and made the usual preparations for anchoring. 
When nearly up with them, she commenced firing a salute, which 
was instantly returned from the shore, and, at this moment, when 
the vessel was partly concealed in smoke, sail was made, and before 
the Turks recovered from their surprise, being totally unprepared for 
a thing so unusual, she was beyond their reach. 

Captain Bainbridge now pursued his way to Constantinople, where 
he arrived as much unexpected as he was unannounced and un 
known. The George Washington anchored the 9th of November, 
in the outer harbour, where she was soon visited by an officer, to 
demand under what flag she sailed. The usual reply was given, 
and the officer took his leave. An hour or two afterwards he return- 



1800.] NAVAL HISTORY. 189 

ed, to say that his government had never heard of such a nation as 
the United States of America, and to request some more explicit an 
swer. The officer was now sent back with the information that the 
George Washington belonged to the " New World," which was 
received as satisfactory, the Turkish government extending to the 
strangers much of that polished hospitality for which it is justly 
esteemed. 

The George Washington remained at Constantinople until the 
30th of December, when she again sailed for Algiers, which port she 
reached on the 21st of January, 1801. Though much solicited to 
do so, Captain Bainbridge now refused to carry his ship within the 
mole, but kept her out of the reach of the batteries. The Dey made 
a new request that he would return to Constantinople with his agent, 
and though the old threats were not exactly resorted to, the ship being 
beyond his reach, war was still held in perspective as the alternative. 
Captain Bainbridge, however, peremptorily refused to put himself 
and ship again at the mercy of the Dey. 

Having borrowed some ballast, Captain Bainbridge was about to 
have it landed in lighters, when the Dey, affecting to be indignant at 
his want of confidence, forbade the lightermen to undertake the job, 
announcing at the same time, unless the ballast was returned, that 
he would declare war. The consul again so earnestly entreated 
Captain Bainbridge to comply, that the latter, on receiving a solemn 
stipulation that no more should be said on the subject of a new voyage 
to Constantinople, took the George Washington into the mole, and 
landed the ballast, which consisted of a number of old guns. 

Captain Bainbridge soon after had an audience with the Dey, 
when the latter got into such a rage as to threaten personal violence. 
Fortunately, the Capudan Pacha had became pleased with the 
manly conduct and tine personal appearance of the American offi 
cer, while the latter was at Constantinople, and, at parting, he had 
given him a firman of protection. This paper was now presented, 
and it immediately changed the savage ferocity of a barbarian into 
expressions of friendship and offers of service. From that moment 
the tone of the Dey was altered ; and the man, whom a minute be 
fore he had threatened with irons, was converted into a person of 
influence and authority. Such was the effect of Asiatic despotism 
and a ruthless discipline. 

A good opportunity now offered to relieve some of the mortifica 
tion which Captain Bainbridge had experienced, by affording him an 
occasion to be the instrument of rescuing many Christians from 
slavery. One of the causes of quarrel between the Regency and the 
Porte, as has been stated, was the separate peace made by the for 
mer with France. To expiate for that crime, the Dey,had been com 
pelled to cut down the flag-staff of the French consul, to declare war 
against his country, and to condemn him and fifty or sixty of his 
countrymen to slavery. Notwithstanding the war which still existed 
between America and France, Captain Bainbridge interfered in be 
half of these unfortunate people, and, profiting by the unexpected 
influence of his firman, he obtained a stipulation from the Dey, that 



190 NAVAL HISTORY. [1801. 

all who could get out of his dominions within eight-and-forty hours, 
might go away, while those who could not, should be slaves. No 
other vessel offering, the George Washington was employed in this 
grateful office, and by great exertions she went to sea within the stip 
ulated time, carrying with her all the French in Algiers. The pas 
sengers were landed at Alicant, and the ship returned home, where 
the conduct of her commander, throughout these novel and trying 
circumstances, met with the fullest approbation of the government, 
and he was immediately transferred to a much finer ship, the Essex 32. 

While these events were taking place in the Mediterranean, the 
negotiations for peace with France had been going on at Paris, and 
a treaty to that effect was ratified by the Senate on the 3d of Feb 
ruary, 1801. All the necessary forms having been complied with on 
both sides, the Herald 18, Captain Russel, was sent to the West 
Indies, with orders of recall for the whole force. 

Thus ended the short and irregular struggle with France, in which 
the present marine of the United States was founded, most of the 
senior officers now in service having commenced their careers as 
midshipmen during its existence. 



CHAPTER XVII. 

Reduction of the navy The navy as reduced Vessels sold Of the war with France, 
asitaft ected the navy Gallant defence of the Louisa. 

EVERY form of government has evils peculiar to itself. In a de 
mocracy there exists a standing necessity for reducing every thing to 
the average comprehension, the high intelligence of a nation usually 
conceding as much to its ignorance, as it imparts. One of the worst 
consequences in a practical sense, of this compromise of knowledge, 
is to be found in the want of establishments that require foresight and 
liberality to be well managed, for the history of every democracy has 
shown that it has been deficient in the wisdom which is dependent on 
those expenditures that foster true economy, by anticipating evils 
and avoiding the waste of precipitation, want of system, and a want 
of knowledge. The new government of the Union was now to expe 
rience evils of this nature, that are perhaps inseparable from popular 
power, and to contend with the cry of extravagance, as extravagance 
is usually viewed by those who have not sufficient information to un 
derstand that, as in ordinary transactions, the highest pay commands 
the best services, so in public things, the expenditures made in a time 
of peace are the surest means of obtaining economy in a time of war. 

The commencement of the year 1801, was distinguished by a 
change of administration, for the first time since the adoption of the 
constitution ; Mr. Jefferson and his political friends, who were usually 
known by the name of the republican party, expelling the federalists 



1801.] NAVAL HISTORY. 191 

from power, with Mr. Adams at their head, by a large majority of 
the electoral votes. One of the charges brought against the federalist 
was an undue love for unnecessarily large and expensive establish 
ments, in imitation of the English school of politicians, while the re 
publicans were accused of a wish to deceive the ignorant, by pretend 
ing to a nakedness of legislation and an absence of precautionary 
measures, which, while they would save money at the moment, might 
involve the country in eventual ruin, and which would unfit the 
people for the great exertions certain to be required in the hour of 
danger. 

In this controversy, as is commonly the case, both parties main 
tained principles that were false, and insisted on measures, which, if 
not utterly impracticable, were at least impolitic. The federalists held 
the doctrine that the people ought to be taxed, if it were merely to 
accustom them to pay for the support of government; and the demo 
crats, or republicans applied to the management of political interests 
the notion that all that was necessary was to provide for the demands 
of the day, virtually leaving the future to attend to its own wants. 
The first theory was like that which would prescribe periodical de 
pletion to the young soldier, in order that he might be ready to shed 
his blood in the hour of trial ; while the other may be likened to the 
folly of the agriculturist who should expect a crop, without taking 
the precaution to sow the seed. 

In addition to the extremes into which political struggles are apt 
to push political controversialists, Mr. Jefferson is known to have 
been averse to most of the measures taken by his predecessor against 
France, and he probably entered into the exercise of his duties, with 
a strong disposition to erase as many of the evidences of their ex 
istence as possible, from the statutes of the nation. A president of 
the United States, however, is little more than an executive officer 
while confined to the circle of his constitutional powers, and the 
Congress that terminated on the 4th of March, 1801, the day he 
came into office, had passed a law, in some measure regulating a 
peace establishment for the navy. This law gave great discretionary 
authority to the president, it is true, for it empowered him, whenever 
he should deem it expedient, to sell any, or all of the vessels of the 
navy, with the exception of thirteen of the frigates, w r hich were named 
in the act, as in his opinion the good of the country might require. 
To this part of the law no great objections could be taken, even by 
the friends of an enlarged and liberal policy, as most of the vessels 
not exceptedhad been bought into, and were unsuited to the service, 
more especially at a period, when new improvements in naval archi 
tecture, that had been borrowed from the French, were fast super 
seding the old mode of construction. 

The law also directed the guns and stores of the vessels sold to be 
preserved, a provision that proved singularly unprofitable in the end, 
as the carronade now began to supersede the small long gun, in naval 
warfare, and two of the sloops would probably have supplied all 
the nines and sixes that have been used in the navy for the last five- 
and-thirty years. But the most capital error of this law was in the 



192 NAVAL HISTORY. [1801. 

limitation it set to the list of the different ranks of officers. The 
whole of the sea-officers, sailing-masters excepted, were confined to 
nine captains, thirty-six lieutenants, and one hundred and fifty mid 
shipmen; the rank of master commandant being abolished, should 
the president see fit to discharge those then in commission. The 
phraseology, as well as the provisions of this law, betrayed that ig 
norance of the details of the service, which has been so common in 
the legislation of the country, omitting many directions that were 
indispensable in practice, and laying stress on others that were of 
little or no moment. 

Notwithstanding all the accusations brought against it, at the time, 
the administration of 1801 exercised its authority under the statute, 
which, it will be well remembered, was enacted previously to its ac 
cession to office, with a reasonable discretion, and though it may have 
made a few of those mistakes that are incidental to the discharge of 
all such trusts, it conformed to the spirit of the law, with a due re 
gard ^to liberality. Mr. Jefferson soon discovered, as it falls to the 
lot of all strong oppositionists to discover, when they attain their 
wishes, that he must follow in the footsteps of his predecessor in 
managing most of the ordinary interests of the nation, though the 
party that went out of power did not appear to recognise the whole 
some but unanswerable truth, that, in the nature of things, all ad 
ministrations must be right in their mode of treating a vast majority 
of the concerns entrusted to their care. The selection of the officers 
to be retained was one of great delicacy and importance, as the future 
character of the navy depended more on the proper discharge of this 
duty than on that of any other. The great defect of the law, indeed, 
was the narrow limits to which the list of the superior sea-officers was 
confined, it being at all times easier to build ships than to form pro 
fessional men fit to command them. This part of his delegated du 
ties the president discharged in perfect good faith, apparently alto 
gether disregarding party considerations. We give in notes* the 
names of the superior officers who were in service, at the close of the 
war with France, as a subject of historical interest with the country, 
and we add the names of all the quarter-deck officers who were re 
tained, to which gentlemen the nation must look for those who per 
fected the school which has since reflected so much credit on the 
American name. 

Although some meritorious officers were necessarily dismissed, on 
this occasion, there is no question that the navy was greatly benefited 
by the reduction; the hurried manner in which the appointments 
were originally made, having been the means of introducing many 
persons into the service who were unfitted for its duties. There was 
also some irregularity in the mode of reduction, the name of Captain 
M Niell not appearing on the list of the retained captains, though it 
is certain that he commanded the Boston as late as 1802. This 
discrepancy can only be accounted for by supposing that a discretion 
was used in retaining a few more officers than the legal number, with 
a view to ascertain if all those who were first selected might choose 

* See Note C, Appendix. 



1801.] NAVAL HISTORY. 193 

to serve. In the case of Captain M Niell, he was on foreign service 
at the time the reduction was made. 

The law of Congress directed that thirteen vessels, named in the 
act, should not be disposed of, leaving it discretionary with the presi 
dent to sell the remainder or not. The following were the ships 
retained, viz: 

Constitution 44, New York 36, 

United States 44, Essex 32, 

President 44, General Greene 28, 

Congress 38, Boston 28, 

Constellation 38, Adams 28, 

Chesapeake 38, John Adams 28. 

Philadelphia 38, 

We have set down the rates of these ships at what they ought to 
have been, in order to give a more accurate comparative idea of the 
true force of the different vessels, taking the English system as a 
guide. The only vessel that the president desired to retain, in addi 
tion to the ships named in the law, was the Enterprise 12, and by 
adding this schooner to the list just given, the reader will obtain an 
accurate idea of the navy, as reduced in 1801. 

The remainder of the ships were sold. Wegivealistoftheir 
names and rates, marking those which were expressly built for the 
public service with an asterisk, to distinguish them from those that 
were not, viz : 

Georo-e Washington 24, Herald 18, 

Ganges 24, *Trumbull 18, 

* Portsmouth 24, * Warren 18, 

*Mrrimaek 24, *Norfolk 18, 

*C .nnecticut 24, *Richmond 18, 

Baltimore 20, *Pinckney 18, 

Delaware 20, *Eagle 14, 

Montezuma 20, *Augusta 14, 

*Maryland 18, *Scammel 14, 

*Patapsco 18, *Experiment 12, 

And nine galleys. 

While it is certain that a navy with only one small cruiser, must 
be very insufficient for a service like that of the United States, the 
government ought not to be censured for its selection though it was 
loudly condemned at the time. In nothing had the art of naval 
architecture made greater progress, within the few preceding years, 
than in the mode of constructing vessels of war below the class of 
frigates. The carronade was now fast superseding the light long 
gun every where, and it became the aim of those who were charged 
with the duty of preparing armaments, to put guns that would throw 
as heavy a shot as possible, into the sloops of war. The ships that 
rated eighteen, instead of carrying sixes, or nines, or even twelves, 
began to carry thirty -two pound carronades, and they required greater 
strength, thicker bulwarks, and larger ports than it had been the 
custom formly to give to vessels of their class. Many of the ships 
sold, had been constructed in a hurry, and of inferior timber, and it 

VOL. I. 13 



194 NAVAL HISTORY. [1801. 

is as unprofitable to continue expending money in repairs on a vessel 
with a defective frame, as it is to waste it on a house that is known 
to be without a sufficient foundation. 

The reduction of the navy, moreover, was greatly exaggerated at 
the time, so far as the vessels alone were concerned. At the peace 
with France, the cruising vessels in service were thirty-four in number, 
and of these, fourteen of the best were retained. No frigate, unless 
the George Washington could be considered one, was sold, and this 
ship had been purchased into the service, and not built for the public. 
As regards force, materially more than half, perhaps four-fifths, was 
preserved, the eight largest frigates retained being more than strong 
enough to contend with all the vessels sold. This was not the opinion 
of the day, however, for interested political clamour was directed by 
ignorance, and most men counted one gun as aixother, without re 
ference to its weight, or its disposition in the vessel. The most im 
politic of the measures of the government, and it was one of which it 
soon had reason to repent, was the law suspending the construction 
of the six ships, to carry not less than seventy-four guns each, author 
ised by the act of 1798.* 

The recklessness of political opposition soon made itself apparent, 
in its usual inconsiderate and acrimonious forms; a recommendation 
that emanated from the government, for the establishment of dry- 
docks, one of the first and most important measures in the formation 
of a serviceable marine, meeting with all the ridicule that ignorance 
and hostility could invent, even from those who professed to be the 
strongest friends of the navy. Profiting by the most vulgar associa 
tion that a want of knowledge could connect with the word " dry," 
the papers of the day kept ringing the changes on this tune, virtually 
accusing the administration of wishing to have a navy on shore! It 
is, however, just to add, that the views of the president extended a 
little beyond the common practice, his recommendation going so far 
as to advise docks for the preservation, as well as for the repairs, of 
ships. Thus did the gallant little service, which already merited so 
much from the nation, and which is so inseparably connected with 
all the great considerations of national character, national rights, and 
even of national existence, find itself compelled to struggle through 
its infancy, equally assailed by its nominal friends, who were in 
juring its vitals while loudest in their professions of amity, and dis 
trusted by those who, having made the cry of economy a stalking 
horse in their way to power, shrunk from the heavy charges that this, 
like all other complete means of national defence, must unavoidably 
entail on the public. Still it preserved its spirit, and finding itself 
relieved from the association of those who were never worthy to wear 
its livery, and believing, with truth, that in passing a peace without 
dissolution, it saw a flattering perspective of service before it, the 
gallant corps that remained, prepared itself to enter on its new duties 

* The materials collected for these vessels, principally live-oak timber, were to have 
been preserved ; but much of the latter was subsequently used in the construction of 
smaller ships, and frequently to great waste. 



1801.] NAVAL HISTORY. 195 

with the confidence and zeal of men who felt that they had fairly 
embarked in an honourable profession for life. 

This period may be deemed that which produced the crisis in the 
fate of the American navy. At the peace of 1783, the service had 
been entirely disbanded, and even the preparations commenced in 
1794, had been suspended when peace was made with Algiers, leav 
ing little besides the name of a marine behind them. The relations 
of the country with Tripoli, one of the Barbary powers, doubtless, 
had its influence on the fortunes of the service at this particular mo 
ment, the government feeling the necessity of being in readiness to 
resist the aggressions of another of those semi-pirates who then infested 
the Mediterranean. 

In the mean time, the proper officers proceeded to carry out the 
conditions of the recent treaty entered into with France, agreeably to 
the conditions of which, all the vessels of war captured on either side 
were to be restored. The Insurgente having been lost, this stipu 
lation became impracticable as regarded her; but leBerceau, and la 
Vengeance, the small cruiser taken by the Trumbull, were returned 
to the French. In the whole, eighty prizes had been brought into 
the American ports, and of these, three were the vessels of war al 
ready mentioned. Most of the remainder were privateers. Of the 
latter, eight were acquitted as illegal captures, one, le Croyable, was 
retaken, and the remaining sixty-eight were condemned and sold. 

The loss of American shipping in this war was considerable ; but 
fewer vessels were taken, in proportion, after hostilities had com 
menced on the side of this country, than had been previously seized. 
No vessel of war but the Retaliation, fell into the hands of the French, 
under any circumstances. 

On the whole, the country was satisfied with the results of the 
exertions it had made during this irregular and informal contest, and 
a strong feeling was awakened in favour of a permanent navy. 
Whatever may have been the private opinions of the new president 
on this important branch of national policy, and it is believed they 
were neither as liberal, nor as far-sighted, as comported with his 
views in general, though they were far from meriting all the re 
proaches they received, he put at the head of the department, Mr. 
Robert Smith, of Maryland, a gentleman who rendered himself justly 
popular with the service, who continued for the long space of nine 
years to serve its interests with zeal and intelligence, and who has 
left behind him, in the breasts of all who then composed the navy, a 
feeling that while their interests were in his care, they were intrusted 
to one well disposed to serve the country and themselves. 

In the war with France very few privateers went to sea, that 
country having little trade to suffer by such enterprises, though 
scarcely a merchantman sailed without an armament, and a crew at 
least double that she would have carried in a time of peace. The 
years 1798, 1799, and 1800, were virtually years of a general mari 
time war, and the English navy, that great drain of seamen for the 
entire civilized world, was as actively employed as at any previous or 
subsequent period of its teeming history. Notwithstanding these 



196 NAVAL HISTORY. [1801 

circumstances, the American government, while it suffered many in- 
conveniencies from the shortness of the enlistments, found no difficulty 
in obtaining men during this struggle, although a number but little 
short of ten thousand must have been constantly employed during 
the year 1800. At that time, the tonnage of the country was about 
half what it is to-day, as was also the total number of seamen. The 
enemy was very active, a fact that is proved by the circumstance that 
moyb French privateers were taken and destroyed by the vessels of 
the American navy alone, in the West Indies, than the country set 
cruisers to sea, at any period of the war. Including the revenue 
vessels employed in 1798 and 1799, America had at sea forty -two 
different cruisers during the three years of this contest; and their 
captures, limiting them to the vessels that were actually taken into 
port, amounted within two to double this number; and of these, con 
siderably more than half were privateers of the enemy. Still we find 
the trade but little interrupted, after the armaments were made. In 

1797, when America had not a vessel of war in commission, the ex 
ports of the country amounted to a little more than $57,000,000; in 

1798, when the coast was cleared of the French privateers, arid the 
war was carried first into the West Indies, these exports reached to 
$61,327,411; in 1799, to $78,665,528; and in 1800, to $70,971,- 
780. Some fluctuations in trade probably produced the diminution 
of the latter year, as the American coast was then nearly unapproach- 
ed by the French. This truth, indeed, quite clearly appears by the 
revenue on imports, which, in the same three years, was as follows: 
1798, $7,106,061 ; 1799, $6,610,449; 1800, $9,080,932. 

This war, like every maritime contest in which America has been 
engaged with any civilised nation, was also distinguished by many 
obstinate actions between letters of marque and cruisers of the ene 
my. The papers of the day are full of accounts of this nature, and, 
although they are not altogether free from the suspicion of exagger 
ations, or from the boastful representations of most similar ex parte 
statements, it is known that some are essentially true. Among other 
combats of this nature, was one which deserves to be mentioned, not 
only on account of the general gallantry of the defence, but of the 
presence of mind displayed at a most critical moment by a young 
man of Philadelphia, under age, who, we regret to add, was lost at 
sea, in the succeeding voyage, and, because the facts are derived from 
a source that puts them beyond dispute. 

In the course of the year 1800, a lightly armed letter of marque 
brig, belonging to Philadelphia, called the Louisa, was standing into 
Gibraltar, when several privateers came out of Algesiras, as. was the 
practice of the French in that day, to cut her off from her port. A 
long and desultory action ensued, in the course of which one latine- 
rigged vessel, full of men, pressed the Louisa hard, and made several 
bold efforts to board, in all of which, however, she was frustrated. 
The crew of the Louisa consisted of only a few men, and when their 
captain fell, with a shot through his shoulder, and the mate went be 
low for a moment to lay him in the cabin, believing that the battle 
was over, they deserted their guns in a body, going down into the 



1801.] NAVAL HISTORY. 197 

forecastle, with the exception of the man at the wheel. At that mo- 
ment the enemy was at a little distance, keeping- up his fire, and it 
was thought, making preparations for a fresh attempt to board. With 
a view to meet this effort, the quarter-deck guns of the brig had been 
properly loaded and trained, but when the mate, after an absence of 
only three or four minutes, re-appeared on deck, one passenger ex- 
cepted, there was not a soul to sustain him, while the enemy was 
luffing up under his lee quarter, with his forecastle crowded, and a 
long bowsprit lined with boarders, ready to take the leap. He knew 
if the latter gained the brig s deck, resistance would be out of the 
question, even if all on board were at their stations. This was a 
critical instant for so young a man ; but he was a seaman of Phila 
delphia, the port that then furnished the readiest, the best, and many 
of the bravest mariners that sailed out of America. He ran to the 
fore-scuttle and summoned the people up, " to get a last shot at the 
Frenchmen, before they should get out of their reach !" Such an 
appeal admitted of no delay. The men rushed on deck with cheers, 
were instantly ordered to their guns, and were in time to meet the 
enemy. A raking fire was poured in, the bowsprit was swept of its 
boarders, the privateer tacked and hauled oflf, and the brig was per 
mitted to proceed without further molestation. The Louisa entered 
the roads of Gibraltar in triumph, the engagement having been wit 
nessed by thousands on the rock. 



CHAPTER XVIII. 

Assumptions of the Bashaw of Tripoli The American flag-staff is cut down A squad- 
ronis fitted out under Com. Dale His instructions Action with, and capture of the 
ship Tripoli, by Lieut. Comdt. Sterrett Com. Dale overhauls a Greek vessel takes 
out an officer and twenty Tripolitan soldiers attempts an exchange of prisoners 
The President is near being lost Leaving the Philadelphia and the Essex, Com. Dale 
proceeds home. 

WE have now reached the period when the American marine 
assumed a fixed and permanent character. No more reductions 
were anticipated by those who understood the necessities of the coun 
try, nor have any ever been seriously attempted. Some little time 
necessarily elapsed before it could be ascertained which of the offi 
cers selected might choose; to remain in service, and resignations were 
frequent for many succeeding years, in consequence of the narrow 
limits to which the policy of the day had reduced this important 
branch of the public service, but, from that time to this, no officer has 
ever been compelled to abandon the profession, in consequence of 
the wish to retrench, or of a disposition to reduce the establishment. 
The security which this state of things tended to create has been 
gradually increasing, until it would be scarcely too much to say, that 
both the country and the navy, have got to consider the relation 



198 NAVAL HISTORY. [1801 

which exists between them as permanent and indissoluble. This 
confidence on the one hand, and fostering- policy on the other, have 
not been the work of a day, however, but are the consequences of a 
long train of historical events, that it has become our duty to record. 

It has already been said that the necessities, rather than the fore 
sight of the new government prevented it from at once incurring the 
expense of a marine, and it is probable that, in causing such ships 
to be built as those which were laid down under the law of 1794, it 
looked forward to their forming the commencement of a navy suited 
to the wants and dignity of a country, that all but those who were 
blinded by passion and malignancy, could easily see was destined 
early to become powerful. Something, notwithstanding, must be 
attributed to the peculiar condition of the relations between one or 
two of the Barbary States and the young republic, at the precise mo 
ment when peace was made with France, and in pursuing the regu 
lar chain of events connected with our subject, we are next to turn 
our eyes towards the Mediterranean and to the coast of Africa, as 
their scene. 

As early as in 1800, the Bashaw of Tripoli, Jussuf Caramalli, who 
had deposed his brother Hamet, and now sat on the throne of this 
dependency of the Porte, manifested a disposition to war. He had 
learned the concessions made to Algiers, the manner in which the 
Dey of that regency had been bribed to do justice, and, by a course 
of reasoning that was certainly plausible, if not true, he inferred that 
the government which had been induced to pay tribute to one pirate, 
miii ht be induced to pay tribute to another. The complaints on 
which this semblance of royalty grounded his justification for war, 
are such as ought to be generally known. He accused the Ameri 
can government of having bribed the subordinates of Tunis at a 
higher price than it had bribed him ; he added, that Algiers had re 
ceived a frigate, while he had received none ; and even in a letter to 
the president he said significantly, in reply to some of the usual 
diplomatic professions of friendship, " we could wish that these your 
expressions were followed by deeds, and not by empty words. You 
will therefore endeavour to satisfy us by a good manner of proceed 
ing" " But if only flattering words are meant, without performance, 
every one will act as he finds convenient. We beg a speedy answer, 
without neglect of time, as a delay on your part cannot but be pre 
judicial to your interests." 

Shortly after, the Bashaw informed the American consul at Tri 
poli, that he would wait six months for a present in money, and if it 
did not arrive within that time, he would formally declare war against 
the United States. Jussuf Caramalli was as good as his word. No 
tidings of the money haying reached Tripoli, the flag-staff of the 
American consulate was cut down on the 14th day of May, 1801, 
and war was proclaimed in the act. 

While Tripoli went so directly to work, difficulties existed with the 
other states of Barbary. Algiers complained that the tribute was in 
arrears, and Tunis found fault with the quality of various articles 
that had been sent to her. by way of bribing her not to seize Aineri- 



1801.] NAVAL HISTORY. 199 

can vessels. Certain planks and oars were too short, and guns of a 
particular description were much wanted. Morocco was also dis 
trusted, although the prince of that country had not yet deigned to 
intimate his wishes. 

Timid as was the policy of the United States, and disgraceful as 
was that of all Christendom, at that period, in reference to the Bar- 
bary powers, the former was too much flushed with its recent suc 
cesses airainst France, and too proud of its infant marine, to submit 
to all these exactions without resistance. Before it was known that 
Tripoli had actually declared war, a squadron was ordered to be 
fitted for the Mediterranean, with a view to awe the different sover 
eigns of Barbary, by its presence. The vessels selected for this pur 
pose consisted of the President 44, Captain J. Barron, Philadelphia 
38, Captain S. Barron, Essex 32, Captain Bainbridge, and Enter 
prise 12, Lieutenant Commandant Sterrett. At the head of this 
force was Captain Dale, an officer whose career we have had fre 
quent occasion to notice, in the course of past events, and who now 
hoisted his broad pennant in the President 44. 

The instructions given to Commodore Dale, directed him to pro 
ceed to Gibraltar, where he could ascertain the state of things among 
the distrusted regencies, when he was to be governed by circum 
stances. Had either power declared war, he was to act against it, 
under certain restrictions ; otherwise he was to go off Algiers, Tunis, 
and Tripoli, in succession, to deliver presents and promises at each 
place, and in the event of his succeeding in maintaining the peace, he 
was to make the circuit of the Mediterranean, in the course of the 
summer, re-appear off the ports of Tripoli, Tunis, and Algiers, and 
the peace still continuing, he was ordered to sail for home in Octo 
ber. Should either of the regencies have commenced hostilities, 
however, he had discretionary authority as to the disposition of the 
ships, but was ordered to leave the Mediterranean on the 1st of De 
cember, at the latest, it having been deemed unsafe to cruise in that 
sea in the winter. 

Soon after these orders were received, the ships rendezvoused in 
Hampton Roads, and sailed for their place of destination. On the 
1st of July they anchored at Gibraltar, where they found the 
Tripolitan admiral, a renegado of the name of Lisle, in a ship of 26 
guns, with a brig of 16, in company. There is no question that the 
timely appearance of the American squadron prevented these two 
vessels from getting into the Atlantic, where they mi<rht have struck 
a severe blow at the commerce of the country. The admiral, how 
ever, protested there was no war, though the information derived from 
other sources, induced Commodore Dale to distrust his sincerity. 
The Essex was sent along the north shore to collect the American 
trade, and to give it convoy, the Philadelphia was ordered to cruise 
in the straits to watch the two Tripolitans, while the President and 
Enterprise shaped their course towards Algiers, as ordered. The 
latter, however, soon parted company from the President on duty. 

The apperance of a ship of the President s force at Algiers and 
Tunis, had an extremely quieting effect on the resentments of their 



200 NAVAL HISTORY. [1801. 

two princes ; and Mr. O Brien, the consul at the former regency, 
gave it as his opinion, that the arrival of the squadron in the Med 
iterranean, had more weight in preserving the peace, than if the 
George Washington, which vessel was soon expected, had come in 
with the tribute. 

On the 1st of August, while running for Malta, the Enterprise 12, 
Lieutenant Commandant Sterrett, fell in with and spoke a polacre- 
rigged ship of 14 guns and 80 men, belonging to Tripoli, that was 
known to be out on a cruise against the American commerce. Run 
ning close alongside, an action was commenced within pistol-shot, 
and it continued with little intermission for three hours, when the 
Turk submitted. During the combat, however, the Tripolitan struck 
three several times, twice re-hoisting his colours, and opening his fire 
again, when he thought an advantage might be obtained by attack 
ing the Americans unprepared. Irritated by this treachery, on. the 
last occasion the Enterprise resumed her tire, with an intention to 
sink her opponent, but after some further though fruitless resistance, 
the Turkish captain appeared in the waist of his ship, and threw his 
ensign into the sea, bending his body and supplicating for quarter by 
sign*, when the fire of the schooner was stopped. 

The name of the captured ship was the Tripoli, and that of her 
rais, or commander, Mahomet Sous. Although the Turks showed 
courage, or desperation would be a better term, this first trial of skill 
with their trans-atlaiitic enemies was far from creditable to them. 
The Enterprise raked her enemy repeatedly, and the consequences 
were dreadfully apparent in the result, 50 of the corsair s people hav 
ing been killed and wounded in the battle The ship herself was a 
wreck, and her mizen-mast was shot away. On the other hand, the 
Enterprise sustained but little injury even aloft, and had not a man 
hurt. Neither did she suffer materially in her hull. 

The instructions of Lieutenant Sterrett did not permit him to carry 
the Tripoli in, and Lieutenant David Porter took possession, and 
proceeded to dismantle her. Her armament was thrown overboard, 
and she was stripped of every thing but one old sail, and a single spar, 
that were left to enable her to reach port. After attending to the 
wounded, the prize was abandoned, and it is understood a longtime 
elapsed before she got in. When her unfortunate rais appeared in 
Tripoli, even his wounds did not avail him. He was placed on a 
jackass, paraded through the streets, and received the bastinado. 
The effect of this punishment appears to have been different from 
what was expected, for it is said the panic among the sailors became 
so great, in consequence, that it was found difficult to obtain men 
for the corsairs that were then fitting for sea. One thing is certain, 
that, though this war lasted three years, and in the end became both 
spirited and active, very few Tripolitan cruisers ventured from port 
during its continuance ; or if they quitted port, they were cautious to 
an extreme about venturing from the land. 

By a message of Mr. Jefferson s, sent to Congress on the 8th of 
December, 1801, we learn the reason why the powers given in the 
instructions to Commodore Dale, did not extend to captures. In 



1801.] NAVAL HISTORY. 201 

alluding to the action between the Enterprise and the Tripoli, after 
relating the facts, the president adds " Unauthorised by the con 
stitution without the sanction of Congress, to go beyond the line of 
defence, the vessel, being disabled from committing further hostilities, 
was liberated, with its crew. The legislature will doubtless consider, 
whether, by authorising measures of offence also, it will place our 
force on an equal footing with that of its adversaries." 

It must be admitted that this was carrying the doctrine of literal 
construction to extremes. While, in the nature of things, it may 
require the consent of two independent sovereignties to change the 
legal relations of the people of different countries, from those of a 
state of warfare to those of a state of peace, it is opposed to reason 
and practice to say it is not competent for either of these sovereign 
ties, singly, to change these relations, from those of a state of peace 
to those of a state of war. The power to commence hostilities, as it 
belongs to states, depends on international law, and in no degree on 
the subordinate regulations of particular forms of government. It is 
both an affirmative and a negative right : the first, as it is used by the 
party that declares the war ; and the latter, as it vests the nation as 
sailed with all the authority and privileges of a belligerent. It surely 
cannot be contended that the American citizen who should aid a hos 
tile force sent against his country, would not be guilty of treason, be 
cause Congress had not yet declared war, though the enemy had ; 
and it is equally fallacious to maintain that one nation can carry on 
war, clothed with all the powers of a belligerent, without, by the very 
act, vesting its enemy with the same rights. The provision of the 
constitution which places the authority to declare war in Congress, 
can only allude to the exercise of the affirmative authority ; and to 
advance a contrary doctrine, is to impair that absolute and govern 
ing principle of reciprocity on which all international law depends. 
As it would be possible for a nation in Europe to declare war against 
a nation in America many weeks before the fact could be known to 
the party assailed, the former, if the doctrine of Mr. Jefferson were 
true, would evidently be enjoying a privilege all that time, to the dis 
advantage of the latter, that is equally opposed to common sense and 
justice. The error of this opinion was in supposing that, by cur 
tailing and dividing the powers of their servants, the people of the 
United States meant to limit the rights of the nation. What renders 
the course of the executive still more singular, is the fact that Com 
modore Dale had established a blockade, and actually captured neu 
trals that were entering Tripoli, as will be presently seen. 

The President appeared off Tripoli on the 24th of August, when 
an ineffectual attempt was made to establish a truce. Remaining 
eighteen days in the vicinity of the town, and discovering no move 
ment in or aloutthe port, Commodore Dale ran down the coast some 
distance, when he crossed over to Malta, in order to water his ship. 
As soon as this necessary duty was performed, the President returned 
to Tripoli, and on the 30th of August, she overhauled a Greek ship 
bound in, with a cargo of merchandise and provisions. On board 
this vessel was an officer and twenty Tripolitan soldiers besides 



202 NAVAL HISTORY. 1801. 



twenty other subjects of the regency. All these persons were taken 
on board the frigate, and an attempt was made, by means of this 
lucky capture, to establish a system of exchange. The negotiations 
were carried on through Mr. Nissen, the Danish consul, a gentleman 
whose name, by means of his benevolence, philanthropy, and pro 
bity, has become indissolubly connected with the history of the Amer 
ican marine. 

It was soon discovered that the Bashaw cared very little about his 
subjects, as he declared that he would not exchange one American 
for all the soldiers. There was a little of the art of the negotiator in 
this, however, as he agreed in the end, to give three Americans for all 
the soldiers, the officer included, and three more for eight of the 
merchants, disclaiming the remaining six merchants as his subjects. 
Commodore Dale appears tQ have become disgusted with this un 
worthy mode of bargaining, for he sent his prisoners on board the 
Greek again, and allowed the ship to go into Tripoli, relinquishing 
his claim on the merchants altogether as non-combatants, and con 
senting to take the three Americans for the soldiers. 

Finding it necessary to go down to Gibraltar, the commodore now 
left Tripoli, and proceeded direct to the former place. He was soon 
succeeded by the Essex, which also appeared off" the different Bar- 
bary posts. 

In the mean time, the two Tripolitan cruisers at Gibraltar, on its 
being ascertained that it was impossible for them to get out while they 
were so closely watched, were dismantled, and their crews were 
privately sent across to Tetuan in boats, to find their way home by 
land ; just men enough being left to take care of the ships, and to 
navigate them, should an opportunity occur to get to sea. The 
Bashaw complained loudly of the blockade, as an innovation on the 
received mode of warfare, and the governments of Algiers and Tunis, 
which appeared to distrust the precedent, manifested a disposition to 
join in the protest. The Dey of Algiers even went so far as to ask 
passports for the crews of the two vessels at Gibraltar, with a view to 
aid his neighbour ; but the request was denied. 

While passing, in the manner described, from one port to another, 
an accident occurred, by which the President came near being lost. 
She had gone into Mahon, and the pilot, miscalculating his draught 
of water, struck a rock on the starboard hand of that narrow passage, 
in quitting the harbour. The ship had five or six knots way on her 
at the time, and she ran up three or four feet before her motion was 
lost. It was a breathless instant, and the first impression was very 
general, that she must infallibly go down. Rolling heavily, the hull 
settled off towards the passage, slid from the rock, and again floated. 
These are moments that prove the training of the sea-officer, as much 
as the more brilliant exploits of battle. The commodore instantly 
appeared on deck, and issued his orders with coolness and discretion. 
The ship stood through the narrow outlet, and having got room, she 
was brought to the wind, until the extent of the danger could be 
ascertained. On sounding the pumps, no more than the usual 
quantity of water was found, and confidence began to be restored. 



1802.] NAVAL HISTORY. 203 

Still it was deemed imprudent to run off the land, as the working of 
so large a ship, in a heavy sea, might open seams that were yet tight. 
But the elements were against the vessel, for heavy weather set in, 
and that night it blew a gale of wind. Under the circumstances, 
Commodore Dale decided to run for Toulon, as the most eligible port 
in which to repair his damages. This place was reached in safety, 
when the ship was stripped, lightened, hove out, and examined. 

As soon as a view was obtained of the stem as low as its junction 
with the keel, every one became conscious of the danger that the ves 
sel had run. A large piece forward had been literally twisted off, 
and a part of the keel, for several feet, was broomed like a twig. 
Nothing saved the ship but the skilful manner in which the wood- 
ends had been secured. Instead of the ends of the planks having 
been let into a rabbetting grooved in the stem itself, they had been 
fastened into one made by the junction of the apron-piece and the 
stem, so that when the piece was wrenched off, the seams of the wood- 
ends remained tight. The French officers, who discovered great 
science and mechanical skill in making the repairs, expressed their 
delight at the mode of fastening that had been adopted, which it is 
believed was then novel, and they were so much pleased with the 
model of the frigate generally, that they took accurate measurements 
of all her lines.* 

It has been said that the return of Commodore Dale s squadron 
was ordered to take place on the 1st of December, at the latest, but 
discretionary powers appear to have been subsequently given to him, as 
he left the Philadelphia and Essex behind him, and proceeded home 
with his own ship and the Enterprise. The practice of entering men 
for only a twelvemonth still prevailed, and it was often imperative 
on vessels to quit stations at the most unfortunate moments. The 
Philadelphia was left to watch the Tripolitans, making Syracuse in 
Sicily her port of resort, while the Essex was kept at the straits, to 
blockade the two vessels at Gibraltar, and guard the passage into the 
Atlantic. Both ships gave convoys when required. 

Thus ended the first year of the war with Tripoli. Although little 
had been effected towards bringing the enemy to terms, much was 
done in raising the tone and discipline of the service. At Gibraltar, 
Malta, and other ports, the finest cruisers of Great Britain were con 
stantly met, and the American ships provingto be entirely their equals, 
in construction, sailing, and manoauvring, a strong desire was soon 
excited to render them, in all other respects, as good as those that 
were then deemed the model-ships of the world. A similar opportu 
nity had occurred while cruising in the West Indies ; but then a large 
proportion of the vessels employed were of inferior qualities, and 

* On this occasion, the President was hove out on one s <ie only. In order to fasten, 
carulk, and copper underneath the keel, the following ingenious plan was adopted : A 
deep punt, or scow, was sunk, by means of ballast, until its upper edge was brought 
nearly a-wash. This scow had three compartments, one in the centre to hold the ballast, 
and one in each end to contain a workman. When sufficiently down in the water, the 
scow was floated beneath the keel, and as the workman stood erect, and had sufficient 
room to use his limbs and his tools, it is evident that he could execute his task as readily 
as any ordinary shipwright on a staging, who was obliged to work above his own head. 



204 NAVAL HISTORY. [1802. 

some of the officers were unfit to hold commissions in any service. 
All the purchased ships had now been sold, and the reduction law 
had cleared the lists of those who would be likely to lessen the am 
bition, or alarm the pride of an aspiring and sensitive marine. Each 
day added to the knowledge, tone, esprit de corps, and seamanship 
of the younger officers ; and as these opportunities continued to 
increase throughout the whole of the Mediterranean service, the navy 
rapidly went on improving, until the commander of an American 
ship was as ready to meet comparisons, as the commander of any 
vessel of war that floated. 



CHAPTER XIX. 

Mediterranean squadron, under Com. Morris Resignation of Com. Truxtnn Sketch 
of his life The Boston, Capt. M Niell, carries out Mr. Livingston minister to France 
joins the Mediterranean squadron Notice of Capt. M Niell Attack on gun-boats off 
Tripoli Explosion on board the New York Intrepid conduct of Capt. Chamicey 
The John Adams, Capt. Rodgers, blockades Tripoli detains the Meshouda Bravery 
of Capt. Porter at Old Tripoli description of the town and port Unsuccessful attempt 
to negotiate a peace Attack on a Tripolitan corsair, by Capt. Rodgers After a smart 
cannonade she blows up Recall of Com. Morris He is dismissed from the navy 
Remarks Sketch of his life Notice of Com. Barry of Com. Dale. 

EARLY in the year 1802, Congress enacted laws that obviated all 
the constitutional scruples of the executive, and which fully author 
ised the capture and condemnation of any Tripolitan vessels that 
might be found. It is worthy of remark, that this law itself did not 
contain a formal declaration of war, while it provided for all the 
contingencies of such a state of things, even to empowering the presi 
dent to issue commissions to privateers and letters of marque; and it 
may be inferred from the fact, that it was supposed the act of the 
enemy was sufficient to render the country technically a belligerent. 
One of the sections of this law, however, was of great service to the 
navy, by enabling crews to be shipped for two years. 

As the President and Enterprise had returned home, and the time 
of service of the people of the two ships that were left in the Mediter 
ranean was nearly up, preparations were now made to send out a 
relief squadron. For this service the following ships were commis 
sioned, viz. the Chesapeake 38, Lieutenant Chauncey, acting cap 
tain ; Constellation 38, Captain Murray ; New York 36, Captain 
James Barren ; John Adams 28, Captain Rodgers ; Adams 28, 
Captain Campbell ; and Enterprise 12, Lieutenant Commandant 
Sterrett. Commodore Truxtun was selected to command this 
squadron, and he had proceeded to Norfolk for that purpose, 
when a question arising about allowing him a captain in the flag 
ship, he was induced to resign.* Commodore Morris was ap- 

* Thomas Truxtun, who will appear no more in our pages, was born on Lone: Island, 
New York, February the 17th, 1755, and went early to sea. At the commencement of 



1802.] NAVAL HISTORY. 205 

pointed to succeed Commodore Truxtun, and shortly after he hoisted 
his broad pennant in the Chesapeake. 

The vessels fitting for the Mediterranean being in different states 
of forwardness, and there existing a necessity for the immediate ap 
pearance of some of them in that sea, they did not sail in a squadron, 
but as each was ready. The Enterprise was the first that left home, 
sailing in February, and she was followed, in March, by the Con 
stellation. The Chesapeake did not get out until April, and the 
Adams followed her in June. The two other ships were detained 
until September. There was, however, one other vessel at sea, all 
this time, to which it will be necessary to make a brief allusion. 

Shortly after his accession to office, in 1801, Mr. Jefferson ap 
pointed Mr. Robert R. Livingston minister to France, and the Boston 
28, Captain M Niell, was directed to carry the new envoy to his 
place of destination. This duty performed, the ship had been or 
dered to join the squadron in the Mediterranean, for service in that 
sea. The departure of the Boston was so timed as to bring her on 
the station under both commands, that of Commodore Dale, and that 
of Commodore Morris. This cruise has become memorable in the 
service, on account of the eccentricities of the officer in command of 
the ship. After encountering a heavy gale of wind in the Bay of 
Biscay, in which he discovered perfect seamanship, and the utmost 
coolness, under circumstances particularly trying, Captain M Niel 1 
landed his passengers, and proceeded to the Mediterranean. Here 
he cruised for some time, avoiding his senior officers, whenever he 
could, passing from port to port, appearing off Tripoli, and occasion 
ally affording a convoy. After a time, the Boston returned home, 
and was put out of commission, her commander quitting the service 

the Revolution, he entered on board a heavy-armed privateer, in the capacity of a lieu 
tenant, and was frequently engaged with the enemy s letters of marque and privateers. 
In 1777, he commanded a private cruiser, called the Independence, with success, and 
shortly after, he was transferred to the Mars, a ship of some force, in -which he made 
many captures. In 1782, he sailed for France, in the letter of marque St. James, with an 
American agent on board, and had a combat with a heavier vessel, that had been 
expressly sent out of New York to capture him, which ship he beat off with loss. Captain 
Truxtun commanded Indiamen after the peace of 1783, and in 1794, he was commissioned 
in the navy, as the fifth captain, and ordered to superintend the construction of the Con 
stellation 38, then just laid down at Baltimore. In tins ship he went to sea, in the war 
against France, and in 1799, he captured 1 Insurgente 36. The following year, he had 
the well-known and bloody combat with la Vengeance ; and soon after, he was trans 
ferred to the President 44. In this vessel, Commodore Truxtun made cruises in the West 
Indies until the warciided. 

Commodore Truxtun twice commanded on the Guadaloupe station; previously to 
quitting the Constellation, and subsequently to his hoisting his broad pennant in the 
President. At one time, he had as many as ten vessels under his orders ; a force that he 
directed with zeal, efficiency and discretion. He was a good seaman, and a very brave 
man. To him belongs the credit of having fought the first battle under the present or 
ganisation of the navy, in which he acquitted himself skillfully and with success. The 
action with la Vengeance has always been considered one of the warmest combats be 
tween frigates that is on record ; and there is not the smallest doubt that he would have 
brought his enemy into port, but for the loss of his main-mast. Congress awarded him 
a gold medal for his conduct on that occasion. 

It is said Commodore Truxtun did not intend to resign his commission in the navy, in 
1802, but simply the command of the squadron to which he had been appointed. The 
construction put upon his communication by the department, however, was opposed to 
this idea, and he consequently retired to private life. 

After his resignation. Commodore Truxtun filled one or two civil offices. He died 
in 1822, aged 67". 



206 NAVAL HISTORY. [1802. 



under the reduction law.* The Essex and Philadelphia also re 
turned home, as soon as relieved. 

We have now reached the summer of 1802, and must confine the 
narrative of events to the movements of the different vessels that 
composed the squadron under the orders of Commodore Morris. In 
some respects, this was the best appointed force that had ever sailed 
from America. The ships were well officered and manned, and the 
crews had been entered for two years, or double the usual period. 
The powers given to the commanding officer, appear to have been 
more ample than common; and so strong was the expectation of the 
government that his force was sufficient to bring the enemy to terms, 
that Commodore Morris was associated with Mr. Cathcart, the late 
consul at Tripoli, in a commission to negotiate a peace. He was 
also empowered to obtain gun-boats, in order to protect the American 
trade in the Straits of Gibraltar. 

As there were no means of bringing the Bashaw of Tripoli to terms 
but blockade and bombardment, two material errors seem to have 
been made in the composition of the force employed, which it is 
necessary to mention. There was no frigate in this squadron that 
carried a long gun heavier than an eighteen-pounder, nor was there 
any mortar vessel. Heavy carronades had come into use, it is true, 
and most ships carried more or less of them; but they are guns un- 
suited to battering under any circumstances, and were particularly 
unfitted for an assault on works that it is difficult to approach very 
near, on account of reefs of rocks. There was also a singular defi 
ciency in small vessels, without which a close blockade of a port like 
Tripoli, was extremely difficult, if not impossible. It will be remem 
bered, that the schooner Enterprise was the only vessel left in the 
navy by the reduction law, that was not frigate-built, and none had 
yet been launched to supply the defect. The government, however, 
had become aware of the great importance of light cruisers, and 
several were laid down in the summer of this year, under authority 
granted for that purpose. 

As has been seen, the Enterprise 12, Lieutenant Commandant 
Sterrett, was the first vessel of the new squadron that reached the 
Mediterranean. She was soon followed by the Constellation 38, 
Captain Murray, which ship arrived off Tripoli early in May, where 
she found the Boston 28, Captain M Niell, blockading the port. 
The latter ship, in a few days, quitted the station, and never re- 

* The eccentricities of Captain M Niell have become traditional in the service. While 
at Sicily during this cruise, a band belonging to one of the regiments quartered at 
Massina, was sent on board the ship, and he brought the musicians to America, it is said, 
without their consent. A portion of these men were on their way back in the Chesapeake, 
in 1807, when that ship was attacked by the Leopard. On another occasion he is said 
to have sailed from Toulon, leaving three of his own officers on shore, and carrying off 
three French officers who had been dining on board, -with a view to keep up his com 
plement ! The latter were carried across to the African coast, and put in a fishing vessel : 
but many months elapsed before all his own officers could rejoin their ship. Captain 
M Niell subsequently commanded a revenue cutter, and performed a gallant thing in the 
war of 1812. He is said to have been the son of the Captain M Niell who commanded 
the Boston 24, in the war of the Revolution, though we possess no other evidence of this 
fact than common report. Neither his seamanship, nor his gallantry, was ever questioned. 



1802.] NAVAL HISTORY. 207 

appeared on it. A Swedish cruiser was also off the port, assisting 
to blockade.* 

After being- off the port some time, the Constellation was lying 
three or four leagues from the town, when the look-out aloft reported 
several small vessels to the westward, stealing along shore. The 
wind was quite light, and the Swedish frigate, at the moment, was a 
longdistance outside. Sail was got on the Constellation, and towards 
noon the strangers were made out to be seventeen Tripolitan gun 
boats, which, as it was afterwards ascertained, had gone out at night, 
with the intention of convoying into port, an American prize that 
was expected from Tunis, but which had failed to appear. Fortu 
nately the wind freshened as the Constellation drew in with the land, 
and about one o clock, hopes were entertained of cutting off all, or a 
portion of the enemy. The latter were divided into two divisions, 
however, and that which led, by pulling directly to windward, effected 
its escape. The division in the rear, consisting often boats, was less 
fortunate, the Constellation being enabled to get it, for a short time, 
under her fire. 

The wind blew nearly from the direction of the town, and the 
Tripolitans still endeavoured to cross the bows of the ship, as she 
was standing in ; but Captain Murray, having run into ten fathoms, 
opened upon the enemy, time enough to cut off all but one boat of 
the rear division. This boat, notwithstanding a hot discharge of 
grape, succeeded in getting to windward, and was abandoned to 
attend to the remainder. The enemy now opened a fire in return, 
but the Constellation having, by this time, got the nearest boats fairly 
under her broadsides, soon compelled the whole nine to bear up, 
and to pull towards the shore. Here they got into nooks behind the 
rocks, or in the best places of refuge that offered, while a large body 
of cavalry appeared on the sand-hills above them, to prevent a landing. 
Deeming it imprudent to send in the boats of a single frigate against 
so formidable a force, Captain Murray wore and stood offshore, soon 
after speaking the Swede, who had not been able to close in time to 
engage. 

. This little affair was the first that occurred off the port of Tripoli, 
in this war, and it had the effect of rendering the enemy very cautious 
in his movements. The gun-boats were a good deal cut up, though 
their loss was never ascertained. The cavalry, also, suffered ma 
terially, and it was said that an officer of high rank, nearly allied to 
the Bey, was killed. The Constellation sustained some trifling 
damage aloft, but the gun-boats were too hard pressed to render their 
fire very serious. The batteries opened upon the ship, also, on this 
occasion, but all their shot fell short. 

After waiting in vain for the re-appearance of the Boston, Captain 
Murray was compelled to quit the station for want of water, when 
Tripoli was again left without any force before it. 

The Chesapeake 38, Acting Captain Chauncey, wearing the broad 
pennant of Commodore Morris, reached Gibraltar May 25th, 1802, 

* Sweden was at war with Tripoli, at this time, also, but peace was made in the course 
of the summer. 



208 NAVAL HISTORY. [1803. 



where she found the Essex 32, Captain Bainbridge, still blockading 
the Tripolitan cruisers. The latter vessel was sent home, and the 
Chesapeake, which had need of repairs, having sprung her mainmast, 
continued in the straits, for the purpose of refitting, and of watching 
the enemy. Commodore Morris also deemed it prudent to observe 
the movements of the government of Morocco, which had manifested 
a hostile disposition. The arrival of the Adams 28, Captain Camp 
bell, late in July, however, placed the flag-ship at liberty, and she 
sailed with a convoy to various ports on the north shore, having the 
Enterprise in company This long delay below, of itself, almost de 
feated the possibility of acting efficiently against the town of Tripoli 
that summer, since, further time being indispensable to collect the 
different vessels and to make the necessary preparations, it would 
bring the ships before that place too late in the season. The fault, 
however, if fault there was, rested more with those who directed the 
preparations at home, than with the commanding officer, as the delay 
at Gibraltar would seem to have been called for, by circumstances. 
The Chesapeake, following the north shore, and touching at many 
ports, anchored in the roads of Leghorn, on the 12th of October. At 
Leghorn the Constellation was met, which ship shortly after returned 
home, in consequence of a discretionary power that had been left 
with the commodore.* Orders were now sent to the different vessels 
of the squadron to rendezvous at Malta, whither the commodore pro 
ceeded, with his own ship. Here, in the course of the month of 
January, 1803, were assembled the Chesapeake 38, Acting Captain 
Chauncey; New York 36, Captain J. Barron; John Adams 28, 
Captain Rodgers, and Enterprise 12, Lieutenant Commandant 
Sterrett. Of the remaining.vessels that had been put under the orders 
of Commodore Morris, the Constellation 38, Captain Murray, had 
gone into a Spanish port to repair some damages received in a gale 
of wind, and she shortly after sailed for home; the Boston 28, Cap 
tain M Niell had not joined, and the Adams 28, Captain Campbell 
was cruising off Gibraltar. On the 30th of January, 1803, the ships 
first named left Malta with an intention to go off Tripoli, but a se 
vere gale coming on, which lasted eleven days, the commodore was 
induced to bear up, and to run down to Tunis, where it was under- 

* While the ships lay at Leghorn, it blew a gale. The officers of the Constellation 
were on the quarter-dqck just at dusk, and they observed a boat of the Enterprise going 
off to the schooner, carrying sail in a way that was thought dangerous. At that moment, 
the gentlemen were summoned to their supper, and while at table, an alarm was given, 
of a man overboard. A man, in fact, was found hanging to the rudder chains, and he 
was got in nearly exhausted. All he could utter was " Sterrett s boat." This recalled 
the boat that had been seen, and three cutters immediately left the ship to search for the 
rest of the crew. Lieutenants went in the boats, viz. the present Commodore Stewart, 
the present Commodore J. Jones, and the regretted Caldwell. The niirht was very dark, 
h blew furiously, and the object was almost hopeless. The boats pulled ofF in different 
directions, and Mr. Jones picked tip a man outside the ship. Mr. Caldwell, after a long 
pull, found no one. Mr. Stewart went a mile to leeward, and found a man swimming 
towards the Melora, and on returning, agninst the wind and sea, he met another, sense 
less, floating with his arms over an oar. Thus were three almost miraculously saved, 
but the midshipman, Mr. Innes, and three others were drowned. The last man picked 
up was found by the boat s accidentally hitting the oar that kept him from sinking ! The 
circumstance proves the usefulness of exertions, at such a moment, however hopeless 
they may appear. 



1803.] NAVAL HISTORY. 209 

stood the presence of the squadron would be useful. On the llth of 
March he left Tunis, touched at Algiers, and anchored again at 
Gibraltar on the 23d of the month. 

The reason assigned for carrying the ships below, when it had been 
the original design to appear olf the enemy s port, was the want of 
provisions, as well as to make the transfers and arrangements de 
pendent on shifting the pennant of the commanding officer, from the 
Chesapeake to the New York, the former ship having been ordered 
home by the navy department. The squadron was now reduced to 
the New York 36, the Adams 28, the John Adams 28, and the En 
terprise 12. Acting Captain Chauncey accompanied the commodore 
to the first of these vessels, and Captain Barren was transferred to 
the Chesapeake. The Adams was despatched with a convoy, with 
orders to go off Tripoli, as soon as the first duty was performed. 

On the 10th of April the New York, John Adams, and Enterprise 
sailed, to touch at Malta on their way to the enemy s port. While 
making this passage, just as the music had been beating to grog, a 
heavy explosion was heard near the cock-pit of the flag-ship, and the 
lower part of the vessel was immediately filled with smoke. It was 
an appalling moment, for every one on board was aware that a quan 
tity of powder must have exploded, riot far from the magazine, that 
fire was necessarily scattered in the passages, that the ship was in 
flames, and in all human probability, that the magazine was in dan 
ger. Acting Captain Chauncey was passing the drummer when the 
explosion occurred, and he ordered him to beat to quarters. The 
aiarm had not been given a minute, when the men were going steadily 
to their guns, and other stations, under a standing regulation, which 
directed this measure in the event of a cry of fire, as the most certain 
means of giving the officers entire command of the ship, and of pre 
venting confusion. The influence of discipline was well exhibited 
on this trying occasion ; for, while there is nothing so fearful to the 
seaman as the alarm of fire, the people went to their quarters, as 
regularly as in the moments of confidence. 

The sea being smooth, and the weather moderate, the commodore 
himself now issued an order to hoist out the boats. This command, 
which had been given under the influence of the best feelings of the 
human heart, was most unfortunately timed. The people had no 
sooner left the guns to execute it, than the jib-boom, bow-sprit, sprit- 
sail-yard, knight-heads, and every spot forward was lined with men, 
under the idea of getting as far as possible from the magazine. 
Some even leaped overboard and swam for the nearest vessel. 

The situation of the ship was now exceedingly critical. With a 
fire known to be kindled near the magazine, and a crew in a great 
measure disorganised, the chances of escape were much diminished. 
But Acting Captain Chauncey rallied a few followers, and reminding 
them that they might as well be blown up through one deck as three, 
he led the way below, into passages choked with smoke, where the 
danger was rapidly increasing. There, by means of wetted blankets, 
taken from the purser s store-room, and water thrown by hand, he 
began to contend with the fire., in a spot where a spark scattered 

VOL. i. 14 



210 NAVAL HISTORY. [1803. 

even by the efforts made to extinguish the flames, might, in a single 
instant, have left nothing of all on board, but their names. Mr. Da 
vid Porter, the first lieutenant, who meets us in so many scenes of 
trial and danger, had ascended from the ward-room, by means of a 
stern ladder, and he and the other officers seconded the noble efforts 
of their intrepid commander. The men were got in from the spars 
forward, water was abundantly supplied and the ship was saved. 

This accident was supposed to have occurred in consequence of a 
candle s having been taken from a lantern, while the gunner was 
searching some object in a store-room that led from the cock-pit. A 
quantity of marine cartridges, and the powder-horns used in priming 
the guns, and it is thought that some mealed powder, exploded. Two 
doors leading to the magazine passage were forced open, and nearly 
all the adjoining bulkheads were blown down. Nineteen officers and 
men were injured, of whom, fourteen died. The sentinel at the mag 
azine passage, was driven quite through to the filling-room door. 

After the panic caused by quitting the guns to hoist out the boats, 
all the officers and people of the ship, appear to have behaved well. 
The order to hoist out the boats, might be explained by natural affec 
tion ; but we have recorded the whole transaction, as it is replete 
with instruction to the young officer, on the subject of system, sub 
mission to orders, and the observance of method.* 

The ships appear to have been detained some time at Malta by the 
repairs that were rendered necessary in consequence of the accident 
just mentioned. On the 3d of May, however, the John Adams was 
sent off Tripoli, alone, with orders to blockade that port. Shortly 
after this ship reached her station, she made a sail in the offing, which 
she intercepted. This vessel proved to be the Meshouda, one of the 
cruisers that had been so long blockaded at Gibraltar, and which was 
now endeavouring to get home under an assumed character. She 
had been sold by the Bashaw to the Emperor of Morocco, who had 
sent her to Tunis, where she had taken in supplies, and was now 
standing boldly for the harbour of Tripoli. The reality of the trans 
fer was doubted, and as she was attempting to evade a legal blockade, 
the Meshouda was detained. 

About the close of the month, Commodore Morris hove in sight, 
in the New York, with the Adams and Enterprise in company. As 
the flag-ship neared the coast, several small vessels, convoyed by a 
number of gun-boats, were discovered close in with the land, making 
the best of their way towards the port. Chase was immediately 
given, and finding themselves cut off from the harbour, the merchant 
vessels, eleven in all, took refuge in Old Tripoli, while the gun-boats, 
by means of their sweeps, were enabled to pull under the batteries of 
the town itself. No sooner did the vessels, small latine-rigged 

* It is a tradition of the service, we know not on what foundation, that, when an order 
was given to a quarter-master to hoist the signal of " a fire on hoard," in the hurry of the 
moment he bent on a wrong flag, and the signal for " a mutiny on board," was shown. 
Captain Rodgers of the John Adams, observing an alarm in the New York, and perceiv 
ing smoke issuing from her ports, beat to quarters, and ranged up under the stern of the 
commodore, with his guns trained, in readiness to fire. The threatened consummation to 
i. calamity that was already sufliciently grave, was prevented by explanations. 



1803.] NAVAL HISTORY. 211 

coasters loaded with wheat, get into Old Tripoli, than preparations 
were made to defend them. A large stone building stood on a bank 
some twelve or fifteen feet from the shore, and it was occupied by a 
considerable body of soldiers. In the course of the night breast 
works were erected on each side of this building, by means of the 
sacks of wheat which composed the cargoes of the feluccas. The 
latter were hauled upon the beach, high and dry, immediately beneath 
the building, and a large force was brought from Tripoli, to man the 
breast-works. 

Mr. Porter, the first lieutenant of the flag-ship, volunteered to go 
in that night, with the boats of the squadron, and destroy the enemy s 
craft ; but, unwilling to expose his people under so much uncer 
tainty, the commodore decided to wait for daylight, in order that the 
ships might co-operate, and in the hope of intimidating the Tripoli- 
tans by a show of all his force. Mr. Porter, however, went in alone 
and reconnoitered in the dark, receiving a heavy fire from the mus 
ketry of the troops when discovered. 

Next. morning, the offer of Mr. Porter was accepted, and sustained 
by Lieutenant James Lawrence of the Enterprise, and a strong party 
of officers and men from the other ships, he went boldly in, in open 
day. As the boats pulled up within reach of musketry, the enemy 
opened a heavy fire, which there was very little opportunity of return 
ing. Notwithstanding the great superiority of the Turks in numbers, 
the party landed, set fire to the feluccas, and regaining their boats, 
opened to the right and left, to allow the shot of the ship to complete 
the work. The enemy now appeared as desperately bent on pre 
serving their vessels as their assailants, a few minutes before had 
been bent on destroying them. Regardless of the fire of the ships, 
they rushed on board the feluccas, succeeded in extinguishing the 
flames, and, in the end, preserved them. 

This attack was made in the most gallant manner, and reflected 
high credit on all engaged. The parties were so near each other, 
that the Turks actually threw stones at the Americans, and their fire 
was sharp, heavy and close. The loss of the enemy could never be 
ascertained, but a good many were seen to fall. Of the Americans, 
12 or 15 were killed and wounded ; and among the latter, was Mr. 
Porter, who received a slight wound in the right, and a musket-ball 
through the left thigh, while advancing to the attack, though he con 
tinued to command to the last. Mr. Lawrence was particularly dis 
tinguished, as was Mr. John Downes, one of the midshipmen of the 
New York.* 

Commodore Morris determined to follow up this attack on the 
wheat vessels, by making one on the gun-boats of the enemy. The 
harbour of Tripoli is formed by an irregularly shaped indentation 
of the coast, which opens to the north. The greatest depth is about 
a mile and a half, and the width maybe a little more. On its western 
side, this indentation runs off at an angle of about 25 degrees with 

* It is worthy of remark, that this is rte fifth instance in which we have had occasion to 
record the good conduct of Lieutenant David Porter, in four years and the third time he 
was wounded. 



212 NAVAL HISTORY. [1803. 

the coast, while on the eastern, the outline of the bay melts into that 
of the main shore much less perceptibly, leaving the anchorage within 
a good deal exposed to northeast winds. But at the point where the 
western angle of the bay unites with the main coast, there is a small 
rocky peninsula that stretches off in a northeast direction a consider 
able distance, forming a sort of natural mole, and, at the end of this 
again, an artificial mole has been constructed in a line extending 
nearly east-south-east. It is scarcely necessary to add, that the real 
port is behind this mole, in which there is water for galleys, and 
where vessels are sufficiently protected from any winds. The town, 
which is small, crowded, and walled, stretches along the shore of this 
port, for less than a mile, then retires inland about a thousand feet, 
and following the general direction of the wall along the harbour, i* 
strikes the sea again at the distance of about a quarter of a mile from 
the angle at the point of junction between the bay and the coast. Of 
course, the town extends the latter distance along the open sea. The 
shore, however, is rocky, though low, and rocks lie in sight at some 
distance from the beach. On one of these rocks, in front of the end 
of the town that lies exposed to the sea, a work has been built some 
distance off in the water, which is called the French Fort. On the 
natural mole are batteries, one of which is in two tiers ; at the end 
of the artificial mole is another, and several are distributed along the 
walls of the place. 

Near the southeastern angle of the town, and immediately on the 
shore of the port, stands the Bashaw s castle ; the entrance into the 
inner harbour, or galley mole, lying necessarily between it and the 
mole-head ; the distance between the two being about a quarter of a 
mile. The advanced peninsula, which forms what we have termed 
the natural mole, is surrounded by broken rocks, which show them 
selves above the water, but which suddenly cease within pistol-shot 
of its batteries. At a distance of a few hundred feet, however, the 
line of these rocks re-appears, stretching off in a northeasterly direc 
tion, about a mile further. These rocks are broken, and have many 
small passages between them through which it is possible for boats to 
pull. They form a sort of breakwater to the bay, and the eastern 
portion of the latter being covered with shoals, the two together make 
a tolerably safe anchorage within. 

A little east of south, from the northeasterly extremity of the rocks, 
stands Fort English, distant rather more than a mile, on an angle of 
the coast, that may be said to form the eastern point of the bay, 
though it is by no means as much advanced as the western. The 
main entrance is between the end of the rocks and the shoals towards 
Fort English, the water being deep, and the passage near half a mile 
wide. Thus a vessel coming from sea, would steer about southwest 
in entering, and would be exposed to a raking fire from the castle, the 
mole, and all the adjacent batteries, and a cross fire from Fort Eng 
lish. There is, however, an entrance by the passage between the 
natural mole and the rocks, or through the open space already men 
tioned. This is called the western, or the little entrance ; it may be 
six or eio-ht hundred feet in width ; and the vessels using it are oblig- 



1803.] NAVAL HISTORY. 213 

ed to pass close to the batteries of the natural and the artificial moles. 
As they round the mole-head, they open those of the castle and of 
the town also. 

In addition to the fixed batteries of the place, were the gun-boats 
and galleys. These boats were large vessels of their class, latine- 
rigged, capable of going to sea on emergencies, as one of their princi 
pal occupations had been to convoy along the coast. Several that 
were subsequently examined by the American officers, had a brass 
gun llj feet long, with a bore to receive a shot that weighed 29 
pounds, mounted in the bows, besides two brass howitzers aft. The 
guns were fine pieces, and weighed 6600 pounds. When not other 
wise engaged, the gun-boats were commonly moored just within the 
rocks, and without the artificial mole, where they answered the pur 
pose of additional batteries to command the entrance. By this dis 
position of his means of defence, the Bashaw could, at all times open 
afire of heavy guns afloat, on any vessel that ventured close in, in 
addition to that of his regular works. There were two or three light 
cruisers moored in the upper part of the harbour, that could be of 
little use except as against attacks within the rocks, and two galleys. 
On emergencies, the smaller vessels could take shelter behind the 
rocks, where they were nearly protected from fire. 

At the time of which we are writing, the gun-boats were stationed 
well out, near the rocks and the mole, in a manner to admit of their 
giving and receiving a fire ; and on the afternoon of the 28th of May, 
the preparations having been previously made, a signal was shown 
from the New York, for the John Adams to bear down upon the en 
emy and commence an attack. Captain Rodders obeyed the order 
with promptitude, taking a position within reach of grape, but owing 
to the lightness of the wind, the two other ships were unable to second 
her, as was intended. In consequence of these unforeseen circum 
stances, the attack proved a failure, in one sense, though the boats 
soon withdrew behind the rocks, and night brought the affair to an 
end. It is believed that neither party suffered much on this occasion. 

The next day Commodore Morris made an attempt to negotiate a 
peace, through the agency of M. Nissen, the Danish consul, a gen 
tleman who, on all occasions, appears to have been the friend of the 
unfortunate, and active in doing good. To this proposal the Bey 
listened, and one of his ministers was empowered to meet the Amer 
ican commander on the subject. Having received proper pledges 
for his safe return, Commodore Morris landed in person, and each 
party presented its outlines of a treaty. The result was an abrupt 
ending of the negotiation. 

This occurred on the 8th of June, and on the 10th, the New York 
and Enterprise left the station, for Malta. At the latter place, Com 
modore Morris received intelligence concerning the movements of the 
Algerine and Tunisian corsairs, that induced him to despatch the 
Enterprise, with orders to Captain Rodgers to raise the blockade of 
Tripoli, and to join him, as soon <xs circumstances would permit, a*" 
Malta. 

After the departure of the flag-ship, the John Adams 28, Captnin 



214 NAVAL HISTORY. [1803. 

Rodgers, and the Adams 28, Captain Campbell, composed the force 
left before the enemy s port. The speedy return of the Enterprise 
12, which was then commanded by Lieutenant Commandant Hull, 
who had succeeded Lieutenant Commandant Sterrett, added that 
light vessel to the squadron. Some movements in the harbour, on 
the evening of the 21st of June, induced Captain Rodgers, the senior 
officer present, to suspect that it was intended to get a cruiser to sea 
that night, or to cover the return of one to port. With a view to 
defeat either of these plans, the Adams was sent to the westward, the 
Enterprise to the eastward, while the John Adarns remained in the 
offing. 

On the following morning, about 7 o clock, the Enterprise was 
seen to the southward and eastward with a signal flying of an enemy. 
At that moment, the John Adams was a few leagues out at sea, and 
it was 8 o clock before the two vessels could speak each other. Cap 
tain Rodgers now found that a large ship belonging to the Bashaw, 
had run into a deep narrow bay, about seven leagues to the eastward 
of Tripoli, where she had taken a very favourable position for defence, 
and anchored with springs on her cable. At the same time it was 
ascertained that nine gun-boats were sweeping along the shore, to 
aid in defending her, while, as usual, a large body of cavalry was 
hovering about the coast, to resist any attack by means of boats. The 
ship was known to be the largest of the Bey s remaining corsairs, 
mounting 22 guns, and she was very full of men. 

Captain Rodgers owed the opportunity that now offered to attack 
his enemy, to the steadiness and gallantry of Lieutenant Command 
ant Hull, who, on making his adversary at daylight, had cut him off 
from the town, with a spirit that did infinite credit to that officer. 
The Tripohtan was treble the force of the Enterprise, and had he 
chosen to engage the schooner, Mr. Hull would, probably, have been 
obliged to sacrifice his little vessel, in order to prevent his enemy from 
getting into port. 

The dispositions of Captain Rodgers were soon made. He stood 
in, with the Enterprise in company, until the John Adams was within 
point-blank shot of the enemy, when she opened her fire. A smart 
cannonade was maintained on both sides, for forty-five minutes, when 
the people of the corsair abandoned their guns, with so much pre 
cipitation, that great numbers leaped overboard, and swam to the 
sljore. The John Adams was now in quarter-less-five, by the lead, 
and she wore with her head off shore. At the same time, the En 
terprise was ordered to occupy the attention of the enemy on the 
beach, while boats could be got out to take possession of the aban 
doned ship. But a boat returning to the corsair, the John Adams 
tacked and renewed her fire. In a few minutes the colours of the 
corsair were hauled down, and all her guns were discharged ; those 
which were pointed towards the Americans, nnd those which were 
pointed towards the land. At the next moment she blew up. 

The explosion was very heavy, and it tore the hull of the Tripoli- 
tan entirely to pieces. The two after-masts were forced into the air 
to twice their usual height, with all the yards, rigging, and hamper 



1804.] NAVAL HISTORY. 215 

attached. The cause of this explosion is unknown, though it might 
have been thought intentional, were it not for the fact that the people 
of the boat that had returned to her, were blown up in the ship, none 
having left her after their arrival. As the shot of the John Adams 
were seen to hull the enemy repeatedly, the corsair is also supposed 
to have sustained a severe loss before her people first abandoned her. 

The John Adams and Enterprise attempted to cut off the division 
of gun-boats, but found the water shoal too far to seaward of them, 
to render the fire of their guns effective. Knowing the whole coast 
intimately, the latter were enabled to escape. 

The ships before Tripoli, in obedience to the orders of Commodore 
Morris, now sailed for Malta to join that officer, when the whole 
squadron proceeded to different ports in Italy, together. From Leg 
horn, the John Adams was sent down to the straits with a convoy ; 
the Adams to Tunis and Gibraltar, and the Enterprise back to Malta, 
in quest of despatches. Soon after, the New York, herself, wen* 
below, touching at Malaga, where Commodore Morris found letters 
of recall. The command was left temporarily with Captain Rodgers, 
who hoisted a broad pennant in the New York, while Commodore 
Morris took charge of the Adams, to proceed to America. Captain 
Campbell, late of the Adams, was transferred to the John Adams. 

Commodore Morris reached home on the 21st of November, 1803; 
and the government, which professed great dissatisfaction at the 
manner in which he had employed the force intrusted to his discre 
tion, demanded the usual explanations. These explanations no* 
proving satisfactory, a Court of Inquiry* was convened, by order of 
the department, dated March 10th, 1804, and the result was an opin 
ion that this officer had not discovered due diligence and activity in 
annoying the enemy, on various occasions, between the 8th of Janu 
ary, 1803, and the period of the expiration of his command. In 
consequence of the finding of the Court of Inquiry, the president dis 
missed Commodore Morris from the navy. 

Whatever may be thought of the justice of the opinion of the 
court, there can be little question that the act of the executive, in this 
instance, was precipitate and wrong. The power of removal from 
office is given to the president to be exercised only on important 
occasions, and for the public good ; and it has been much question 
ed, whether the power itself is salutary, in the cases of military men. 
The civilian who does not do his duty, must be replaced immedi 
ately, or the office virtually becomes vacant, but no such pressing 
necessity exists in the army and navy, as subordinates are always 
ready temporarily to discharge the duties of their superiors. In the 
navy, this necessity is still less striking than in the army, since offi 
cers of the same rank are never wanting to fill vacancies. 

But there is a far higher consideration why no military man should 
ever be deprived of his commission, except in very extraordinary 
instances, unless by a solemn trial and a formal finding of a court. 
His profession is the business of a life ; his conduct is at all times 

* Thi.s court consisted of Captain S. Barron, President ; Captain Hugh G. Campbell, 
and Lieutenant John Cassin. Walter Jones, Jun. Esquire, Judge Advocate. 



216 NAVAL HISTORY. [1804. 

subject to a severe and exacting code, and dismission infers disgrace. 
So general, indeed, is the opinion that every officer is entitled to be 
tried by his peers, that greater disgrace is apt to attach itself to an 
arbitrary dismission, by an exercise of executive power, than to the 
sentence of a court itself, since the first ought only to proceed from 
conduct so flagrantly wrong, as to supersede even the necessity of 
trial. There was another motive that ought to have weighed with 
the government, before it resorted to the use of so high a power. 
The gentlemen who composed the Court of Inquiry on Commodore 
Morris, were his juniors in rank, and one was his inferior. Although 
the characters of these officers were above suspicion, as to motives, 
the accused, on general principles, had a perfect right to the benefit 
of the exception, and was entitled to demand all the forms of the ser 
vice, before he was finally condemned. 

It has, more or less, been a leading defect of the civil administra 
tion of the military affairs of the American government, that too little 
of professional feeling has presided in its councils, the men who are 
elevated to political power, in popular governments, seldom entering 
fully into the tone and motives of those who are alive to the sensibil 
ities of military pride. One of the consequences of this influence of 
those who have merely the habits of civilians, on the fortunes of men 
so differently educated, is to be traced in the manner in which the 
executive authority just alluded to has been too often wielded ; pre 
senting on one side exparte decisions that have been more character 
ised by precipitation and petulance, than by dignity, justice, or dis 
cretion ; and on the other, by a feebleness that has too often shrunk 
from sustaining true discipline, by refusing to confirm the decisions 
of courts that have deliberately heard and dispassionately sentenced. 

The death of Commodore Barry,* the resignations of Commodore 
Dale,t and Commodore Truxtun, with the dismissals of Commodore 

* John Barry was a native of the county of Wexford, Ireland, where he was born in 
1745. He came to America a youth, having adopted the life of a seaman as a profession. 
Circumstances early brought him into notice, and he was one of the first officers appoint 
ed to a command in the navy of the united colonies. In command of the Lexington 14, 
he took the Edward tender, after a smart action, in 1776. In 1777, he performed ahand- 
some exploit in the Delaware, at the head of four boats, carrying an enemy s man-of-war 
schooner without the loss of a man. For a short time, he also served with the army, 
during the eventful campaign in New Jersey, In 1778, he made a most gallant resistance 
against a superior force, in the Raleiorh 32, losing his ship, but saving most of his crew. 
In 1781, in the Alliance 32, he look the Atalanta and Trepassy, after a bloody combat, in 
which he was severely wounded. In 1782, he fought a close battle with an English ship 
in the "West Indies, being driven oft by a superior force that was in sight. At the estab 
lishment of the new marine, under the present government in 1794, Captain Barry was 
named the senior officer, in which station he died. 

Commodore Barry, as an officer and a man, ranked very high. His affection to his 
adopted country was never doubted, and vos put to the proof, as the British government 
is said to have bid high to detach him from its service, during the Revolution. He died 
childless and greatly respected, September 18th, 1803, in the city of Philadelphia, where 
he had made his home, from the time of his arrival in the country, and where he had 
married. 

t Richard Dale was born in the year 1757, at a short distance from Norfolk in the col 
ony of Virginia. He went to sea young, and was mate of a vessel in 1775. After serv 
ing a short lime irregularly Mr. Dale joined the United States brig Lexington in July, 
1776, as a midshipman. When the Lexington was taken by the Pearl, Mr. Dale was left 
in the brig, and he was active in her recapture. The succeeding year he sailed, as a mas- 
ter s mate, in the Lexington ; was in her, in her cruise round Ireland, and was captured 
in her by the Alert, after a long action. Mr. Dale escaped from Mill prison in February, 



1804.] NAVAL HISTORY. 217 

Morris,* and Captain M Niell, reduced the list of captains to nine, 
the number named in the reduction law, for tha-t act does not appear 
to have been rigidly regarded from the moment of its passage. After 
the death of Commodore Barry, Commodore S. Nicholson became 
the senior officer of the service, making the second member of the 
same family who had filled that honourable station. 

1778, was retaken in London, and sent back to confinement. For an entire year he 
remained a captive, when he escaped a second time, and succeeded in reaching France. 
Here he joined the celebrated squadron fitting under Paul Jones, an officer who soon 
discovered his merit, and made him first lieutenant of his own ship, the Bon Homme 
Richard. The conduct of Mr. Dale in that capacity, is recorded in the text. After the 
cruise in the squadron he went through the British Channel with his commander in the 
Alliance 32, and subsequently came to America with him in the Ariel 20, in 1780. Mr. 
Dale was not yet twenty-three years old, and he appears now to have first obtained the 
commission of a lieutenant in the navy from the government at home, that under which 
he had previously acted having been issued in Europe. 

Mr. Dale does not appear to have served any more, in public vessels, during the war 
of the Revolution, but in 1794, he was commissioned as the fourth captain, in the present 
marine. Captain Dale commanded the Ganges 20, the first vessel that -went to sea un 
der the new organisation. He continued but a short time in this ship, getting a furlough 
in 1799, to make an East India voyage. In 1801, he made the cruise in the Mediterrane 
an which has been related in the body of this work, as commander of the squadron, and 
the following year he resigned. 

Few men passed youths more chequered with stirring incidents than Commodore 
Dale, and few men spent the evening of their days more tranquilly. On quitting the 
navy, he remained in Philadelphia, in the enjoyment of a spotless name, a competency, 
and a tranquil mind, up to the hour of his death, which event occurred February 24th, 
1826, in the 69th year of his age. 

Commodore Dale had the reputation of being both a good officer and a good seaman. 
He was cool, brave, modest, and just. Notwithstanding his short service in the present 
marine, he has left behind him a character that all respected, while none envy. 

* Richard Valentine Morris belonged to one of the historical families of the country, 
which ha been seated a century and a half at Morrissania, in "West Chester county, New 
York. He was the youngest son of Lewis Morris, of Morrissania, who was one of the 
signers of the Declaration of Independence, and he early adopted the sea as a profession. 
Without having had an opportunity of seeing much service, the great influence and fair 



pretensions of his family, caused him to be appointed to the station of the ninth captain 
in the new navy, his commission haA 



iving been dated June 7th, 1798. Captain Morris was 

probably the youngest man, among those originally named to the rank he held, but he 
acquitted himself with credit, in the command of the Adams 28, during the war with 
France. At the reduction of the navy, in 1801, Captain Morris was retained as the fifth 
in rank, and his selection to command the Mediterranean squadron was due to his place 
on the list ; the age and state of health of the few officers above him, rendering them in 
disposed to actual service of the nature on which he was sent. 

The fault of Commodore Morris in managing the force entrusted to him, was merely 
one of judgment, for neither his zeal nor his courage was ever questioned. Had he been 
regularly tried by a court-martial, a reprimand, in all probability, would have been the 
extent of the punishment ; and it is due to his character, to add, that his dismissal from 
the navy has usually been deemed a high-handed political measure, rather than a mili 
tary condemnation. He lived respected, and died in his original position in life, while 
attending the legislature at Albany, in 1814. He was considered a good officer, in gen 
eral, and was a seaman of very fair pretensions. 



218 NAVAL HISTORY. [1803 



CHAPTER XX. 

Four small cruisers built Mediterranean squadron, under Com. Preble -Capt. Bain- 
bridge takes the Barbary crniser, Meshboha afterwards re-takes her prize the Celia 
of Boston Difficulties with Morocco settled Remarks on the appointment of Com. 
Preble Anecdote respecting him. 

THE government soon became aware of the necessity of possess 
ing some light cruisers, which to a marine, are what the eyes and 
nerves are to men. Without vessels of this character, a commander 
could never conduct a vigorous blockade, like that required before 
Tripoli, in particular ; and a law passed February, 1803, authorising 
the construction of two brigs arid two schooners. In the course of 
the spring of that ^ear, these vessels were built, and the navy received 
an addition to its list, of the Argus 16, Siren 16, Nautilus 12, and 
Vixen 12. The two former were beautiful and very efficient brigs, 
mounting 16 twenty-four-pound carronades, and 2 long twelves ; 
and the two latter were schooners, carrying 12 eighteen-pound car 
ronades, and 2 light long guns, each. They were all finely mod 
elled and serviceable vessels of their size, and are intimately associated 
with the earlier traditions of the navy. There was a singular con 
formity in their fates, also, the whole. four in the end, falling into the 
hands of their enemies. 

When Commodore Morris was recalled, the necessity of sending 
out a new squadron was foreseen, the time of the crews belonging to 
the ships left under the orders of Commodore Rodgers being so 
nearly up. Indeed the latter officer, when he hoisted his broad 
pennant, was notified that a successor must necessarily soon arrive. 
The new squadron was so differently organised from the two which 
had preceded it, as to leave little doubt that the administration had 
discovered the error which had been made in sending so many light 
frigates on this service ; vessels that were nearly useless in a bom 
bardment, while they could not command the shores, and that had 
no other quality particularly suited to the warfare in which they were 
engaged, than a fitness to convoy. For the latter employment, even, 
the same force distributed in twice the number of vessels, would have 
been much more efficient and safe. 

The ships now selected to carry on the war against Tripoli, were 
of an entirely different description. They consisted of the Constitu 
tion 44, Philadelphia 38, Argus 16, Siren 16, Nautilus 12, Vixen 
12, and Enterprise 12. The latter was already on the station, and it 
was intended to keep her there, by sending out men to supply the 
places of those who declined to enter anew. As usual, these vessels 
sailed as they were ready ; the Nautilus 12, Lieutenant Commandant 
Somers, being the first that got to sea. This schooner reached 
Gibraltar on the 27th of July, 1803. She was soon followed by the 
Philadelphia 38, Captain Bainbridge, which anchored at the same 
place, August 24th. The Constitution 44,bearing the broad pennant 



1803.] NAVAL HISTORY. 219 

of Commodore Preble, who had been chosen to command the squad 
ron, arrived September 12th ; the Vixen 12, Lieutenant Command 
ant Smith, September 14th ; the Siren 16, Lieutenant Command 
ant Stewart, October 1st, and the Argus 16, Lieutenant Command 
ant Decatur, November 1st. When the last fell in with the Enterprise, 
Mr. Decatur took command of that schooner, giving up the brig, by 
arrangement, to Mr. Hull, who was his senior officer. 

The Philadelphia barely touched at Gibraltar, but hearing that 
two Tripolitans were cruising off Cape de Gatt, Captain Bainbridge 
proceeded, without dely, in quest of them. On the night of the 26th 
of August, blowing fresh, two sail were made from the Philadelphia, 
under Cape de Gatt ; the largest of which, a ship, was carrying noth 
ing but a fore course. On running alongside this vessel, and hailing, 
with a good deal of difficulty, Captain Bainbridge learned that the 
stranger was a Barbary cruiser. Further examination discovered 
that this vessel belonged to the Emperor of Morocco, and that she 
was the Meshboha 22, commanded by Ibrahim Lubarez, and had a 
crew of one hundred and twenty men. 

The Moors were made to believe that the Philadelphia was an 
English frigate, and they admitted that the brig in company was an 
American. The suspicions of Captain Bainbridge were now awak 
ened, for he could not well account for the brig being under so little 
sail, and he sent Mr. Cox, his first lieutenant, on board the Moor, to 
ascertain if there were any prisoners in his ship. When the boat, 
with the ordinary unarmed crew, reached the Meshboha, the Moors 
refused to let the officer come over the side. Captain Bainbridge 
now directed an armed force to go into the boat, when Mr. Cox suc 
ceeded in executing his orders, without further opposition. 

Below deck, the boarding officer found the master and crew of the 
brig in company, which was ascertained to be the Celia of Boston, 
a pri/e to the Meshboha. The brig had been captured near Malaga, 
nine days before ; and there was no doubt that the Moors were 
waiting for other vessels, Cape de Gatt being a headland commonly 
made by every thing that keeps the north shore of the Mediterranean 
aboard. 

Captain Bainbridge on receiving this intelligence, did not hesitate 
about taking possession of the Meshboha. Her people could not all 
be removed until near daylight ; and during the time that was occu 
pied in transferring them to the frigate, the brig had disappeared. On 
the afternoon of the 27th, however, she was seen doubling the cape, 
coming from the eastward, and hugging the land, while she steered 
in the direction of Almeria, probably with the hope of getting to the 
westward of the ships, in order to run to Tangiers. Owing to light 
winds, it was midnight before she could be re-taken. 

It was now all important to discover on what authority this capture 
had been made. The Moorish commander, at first, stated that he 
had taken the Celia, in anticipation of a war, a serious misunder 
standing existing between the Emperor and the American consul, 
when he left port. This story seemed so improbable that it was not 
believed, and Captain Bainbridge could only get at the truth by 



220 NAVAL HISTORY. [1803. 

threatening to execute his prisoner as a pirate, unless he showed his 
commission. This menace prevailed, and Ibrahim Lubarcz pre 
sented an order from the Governor of Tangiers, to capture all Amer 
icans that he might fall in with. 

The Philadelphia returned to Gibraltar with her prizes, and leav 
ing the latter, she went off Cape St. Vincent, in quest of a Moorish 
frigate that was said to be cruising there. Not succeeding in finding 
the Moor, Captain Bainbridge ran through the straits again, and 
went aloft. While at Gibraltar, Mr. David Porter joined him as first 
lieutenant.* 

Shortly after the Philadelphia had gone to her station off Tripoli, 
the New York 36, Commodore Rodgers, and the John Adams 28, 
Captain Campbell, reached Gibraltar, in the expectation of meeting 
the new flag-ship. In a day or two the Constitution came in, as did 
the Nautilus, which had been giving convoy up the Mediterranean. 
As soon as Commodore Preble was apprised of the facts connected 
with the capture of the Meshboha, he saw the necessity of disposing 
of the question with Morocco, before he left the entrance of the Med 
iterranean again open, by going off Tripoli. Commodore Rodgers 
was the senior officer, and his authority in those seas had properly 
ceased, but, in the handsomest manner, he consented to accompany 
Commodore Preble to Tangiers, leaving the latter his power to act, 
as negotiator and commander-in-chief. Accordingly the Constitution 
44, New York 36, John Adams 28, and Nautilus 12, went into the 
Bay of Tangiers, October the 6th, 1803. Commodore Preble, on 
this occasion, discovered that promptitude, spirit and discretion, 
which were afterwards so conspicuous in his character ; and after a 
short negotiation, the relations of the two countries were placed on 
their former amicable footing. The commodore had an interview 
with the Emperor, which terminated in the happiest results. On the 
part of Morocco, the act of the Governor of Tangiers was disavowed; 
an American vessel that had been detained at Mogadore, was 
released ; and the Emperor affixed his seal anew to the treaty of 
1786. The commodore then gave up the Meshboha, and it was also 
agreed to return the Meshouda, the ship taken by the John Adams. 
Congress, in the end, however, appropriated an equivalent to the 
captors of those two vessels, in lieu of prize-money. 

As soon as the difficulties with Morocco were settled, Commodore 
Rodgers sailed for America; and Commodore Preble devoted him 
self with energy and prudence in making his preparations to bring 
Tripoli to terms. The latter had an arduous task before him; and 
its difficulties were increased by the circumstance that lie was per 
sonally known to scarcely an officer under his command. During 
the war with France, the ships had been principally officered from 
the states in which they had been built, and Captain Preble, a citizen 
of New Hampshire, had hitherto commanded vessels under these 
circumstances. He had sailed for the East Indies in 1800, in the 
Essex 32, and had been much removed from the rest of the navy, in 

"While the ship lay at Gibraltar, tliroo broad pennants were flying on board them, 
that of Commodore Preble, that of Commodore Morris, and that of Commodore Rodgers. 



1803.] NAVAL HISTORY. 221 

the course of his service. By one of those accidents that so often in 
fluence the affairs of life, all the commanders placed under the orders 
of Commodore Preble, with the exception of Mr. Hull, came from 
the middle or the southern states ; and it is believed that most of them 
had never even seen their present commander, until they went in 
person to report themselves and their vessels. This was not only 
true of the commanders, but a large portion of the subordinate officers, 
also, were in the same situation; even most of those in the Consti 
tution herself, having been personally strangers to the commander 
of the squadron.* The period was now approaching when the force 
about to be employed before Tripoli, was to assemble, and a service 
was in perspective that promised to let the whole squadron into the 
secret of its commander s character. Previously to relating the 
events that then occurred, however, it will be necessary to return to 
the movements of the Philadelphia 38, Captain Bainbridge. 



CHAPTER XXI. 

Blockade of Tripoli resumed Loss of the Philadelphia on a reef Captain Bainbridge 
and all his crew made prisoners List of the officers names Humane conduct of Mr. 
Nissen, the Danish consul The Philadelphia is got off by the enemy her guns and 
anchors -weighed Capture of the ketch Mastico, by Lieut. Comdt. Decatur His 
unsuccessful attempt to destroy the Philadelphia His second attempt Mr. Charles 
Morris is the first on her deck She is recaptured and burnt Lieut. Comdt. Decatur 
is raised to the rank of Captain. 

IT has been seen that the Philadelphia captured the Meshboha, on 
the night of the 26th of August, 1803. The return to Gibraltar, the 
run off Cape Vincent, and the passage up the Mediterranean brought 
it late in the season, before that ship could reach her station. Here 
the Vixen 12, Lieutenant Commandant Smith, which schooner had 
arrived at Gibraltar about the middle of September, appeared also, 

* Commodore Preble was a man of high temper, and a rigid disciplinarian. At first 
he was disliked in his own ship ; the younger officers in particular, feeling the effect of 
his discipline without having yet learned to respect, the high professional qualities for 
which he afterwards became so distinguished. One night while the Constitution was 
near the Straits of Gibraltar, she suddenly found herself alongside a large ship. Some 
hailing passed, without either party s giving an answer. Commodore Preble now hailed 
himself, saying, " I now hail you for the last time ; if you do not answer, I ll fire a shot 
into you!" "If you fire, I ll return a broadside," was the reply. "I should like to 
catch you at that ! I now hail for an answer what ship is that ?" " This is H. B. M. 
S. Donegal 84, Sir Richnrd Strachan, an English commodore. Send a boat on board." 
To which Preble answered, " This is the U. S. S. Constitution 44, Edward Preble, an 
American commodore, and 1 11 be d d if I send a boat on board any ship. Blow your 
matches, boys!" After a short pause, Preble next told the stranger he doubted his 
statement, and should lie by him, until morning, in order to ascertain his real character. 
He was as good as hid word, but in a short time a boat came from the other vessel to ex 
plain. It was the English frigate, Maidstone, and the Constitution had got so suddenly 
and unexpectedly alongside of her, that the hesitation about answering, and the fictitious 
name, proceeded from a desire to gain time, in order to clear the ship, and to get to 
quarters. The spirit of Commodore Preble on this occaion, produced a very favourable 
impression in his own ship; the young men pithily remarking, that if he was wrong in 
his temper, be was right in his heart. 



222 NAVAL HISTORY. [1803. 

and the blockade was resumed by these two vessels, the Enterprise 
having gone below. Unfortunately, soon after his arrival, Captain 
Bainbridge sent the schooner in quest of a Tripolitan cruiser, that he 
learned from the master of a neutral had got to sea a short time pre 
viously. This left the frigate alone, to perform a very delicate ser 
vice, the blockading vessels being constantly compelled to chase 
in-shore. 

Towards the last of the month of October, the wind, which had 
been strong from the westward, for some time previously, drove the 
Philadelphia a considerable distance to the eastward of the town, 
and on Monday, October the 31st, as she was running down to her 
station again, with a fair breeze, about nine in the morning, a vessel 
was seen in-shore and to windward, standing for Tripoli. Sail was 
made to cut her off. Believing himself to be within long gun-shot a 
little before eleven, arid seeing no other chance of overtaking the 
stranger in the short distance that remained, Captain Bainbridge 
opened a fire, in the hope of cutting something away. For near an 
hour longer, the chase and the fire were continued; the lead, which 
was constantly kept going, giving from seven to ten fathoms, and the 
ship hauling up and keeping away, as the water shoaled or deepened. 
At half past eleven, Tripoli then being in plain sight, distant a little 
more than a league, satisfied that he could neither overtake the chase, 
nor force her ashore, Captain Bainbridge ordered the helm a-port, to 
haul directly off the land into deep water. The next cast of the 
lead, when this order was executed, gave but eight fathoms, and this 
was immediately followed by casts that gave seven, and six and a 
half. At this momment, the wind was nearly abeam, and the ship 
had eight knots way on her. When the cry of " half-six" was heard, 
the healm was put hard down, and the yards were ordered to be 
braced sharp up. While the ship was coming up fast to the wind, 
and before she had lost any of her way, she struck a reef forwards, 
and shot up on it, until she lifted between five and six feet. 

This was an appalling accident to occur on the coast of such an 
enemy, at that season of the year, and with no other cruiser near ! It 
was first attempted to force the vessel ahead, under the impression 
that the best water was to sea-ward; but on sounding around the ship, 
it was found that she had run up with such force, as to lie nearly 
cradled on the rocks, there being only 14 feet of water under the 
fore chains, while the ship drew^ before striking, 18 J feet forward. 
Astern there were not 18 feet of water, instead of 20J, which the 
frigate needed. Such an accident could only have occurred by the 
vessel s hitting the reef at a spot where it sloped gradually, and where, 
most probably the constant washing of the element, had rendered the 
surface smooth; and by her going up, on the top of one of those 
long, heavy, but nearly imperceptible swells, that are always agi 
tating the bosom of the ocean. 

The vessel of which the Philadelphia had been in chase was a large 
xebeck, and her commander, acquainted with the coast, stood on, 
inside of the reef, doubled the edge of the shoal, and reached Tripoli 
in safety. The firing, however, had brought out nine gun-boats, 



1803.] NAVAL HISTORY. 223 



which now appeared, turning to windward. Not a moment was to 
be lost, as it would shortly be in the power of these vessels to assail 
the frigate, almost with impunity. Finding, on further examination, 
deep water astern, the yards were next braced aback, and the guns 
were run aft, in the equally vain hope of forcing the ship astern, or to 
make her slide off the sloping rocks on which she had run so hard. 
It was some time, before this project was abandoned, as it was the 
most practicable means of getting afloat. 

On a consultation with his officers, Captain Bainbridge next gave 
orders to throw overboard the guns, reserving a few aft, for defence; 
the anchors, with the exception of the larboard bower, were cut from 
the bows. Before this could be effected the enemy came within gun 
shot, and opened his fire. Fortunately, the Tripolitans were igno 
rant of the desperate condition of the Philadelphia, and were kept a* 
a respectful distance, by the few guns that remained ; else they miglr 
have destroyed most of their crew, it being certain that the colour" 
would not be struck, so long as there was any hope of getting the ship 
afloat. The cannonade, which was distant and inefficient, and the 
business of lightening the frigate went on at the same time, and oc 
cupied several hours. 

The enemy finally became so bold, that they crossed the stern of 
the frigate, where alone they were at all exposed to her fire, and took 
a position on her starboard, or weather quarter. Here it was im 
possible to touch them, the ship having heeled to port, in away to 
render it impracticable to bring a single gun to bear, or, indeed, to 
use one at all, on that side. 

Captain Bainbridge now called another council of his officers, and 
it was determined to make a last effort to get the vessel off. The 
water casks, in the hold, were started, and the water was pumped 
out. All the heavy articles that could be got at, were thrown over 
board, and finally the fore-mast was cut away, bringing down with it 
the main-top-gallant-mast. Notwithstanding all this, the vessel re 
mained as immovable as the rocks on which she lay. 

The gun-boats were growing bolder every minute, others were ap 
proaching, and night was at hand. Captain Bainbridge, after con 
sulting again with his officers, felt it to be an imperious duty to haul 
down his flag, to save the lives of the people. Before this was done, 
however, the magazine was drowned, holes were bored in the ship s 
bottom, the pumps were choked, and every thing was performed that 
it was thought would make sure of the final loss of the vessel. About 
five o clock the colours were lowered. 

It is a curious circumstance that this was the second instance in 
which an American vessel of war had been compelled to haul down 
her flag, since the formation of the new marine, and that in each case 
the same officer commanded. After the accounts given in this work, 
it is unnecessary to add that on both occasions an imperious neces 
sity produced this singular coincidence. 

The ship had no sooner struck than the gun-boats ran down along 
side of her, and took possession. The barbarians rushed into the 
vessel and began to plunder their captives. Not only were the 



224 NAVAL HISTORY. [1803. 

clothes which the Americans had collected in their bags and in bun 
dles, taken from them, but many officers and men were stripped half 
naked. They were hurried into boats, and sent to Tripoli, and 
even on the passage the business of plundering went on. The 
officers were respected little more than the common men, and, while 
in the boat, Captain Bainbridjje himself, was robbed of his epaulets, 
gloves, watch, and money. His cravat was even torn from his neck. 
He wore a miniature of his wife, and of this the Tripolitans endeav 
oured to deprive him also, but, a youthful and attached husband, he 
resisted so seriously that the attempt was relinquished. 

It was near 10 o clock at night, when the boats reached the town. 
The prisoners were landed in a body, near the bashaw s palace, and 
they were conducted to his presence. The prince received his cap 
tives in an audience hall, seated in a chair of state, and surrounded 
by his ministers. Here Captain Bainbridge was formally presented 
to him, as his prisoner, when the bashaw himself, directed all the 
officers to be seated. The minister of foreign affairs, Mohammed 
D Ghies, spoke French, and through him, the bashaw held a conver 
sation of some length witli Captain Bainbridge. The latter was 
asked many questions concerning the Philadelphia, the force of the 
Americans in the Mediterranean, and he was civilly consoled for 
his captivity, by being reminded that it was merely the fortune of war. 

When the conversation had ended, the officers were conducted to 
another apartment, where a supper had been provided, and as soon 
as this meal had been taken by those who had the hearts to eat, they 
were lead back to the audience hall, and paid their parting compli 
ments to the bashaw. Here the captives were informed that they 
were put under the special charge of Sidi Mohammed D Ghies, who 
conducted them to the house that had lately been the American 
consulate. The building was spacious and commodious, but almost 
destitute of furniture. It was one o clock in the morning, but at that 
late hour even, appeared Mr. Nissen, the Danish consul, bringing 
with him the consolations of sympathy and hope. This benevolent 
man, was introduced to Captain Bainbridge, by Mohammed D Ghies, 
as his personal friend, and as one on whose honour, humanity and 
good faith, full reliance might be placed. Mohammed D Ghies, 
himself, was known by reputation to Captain Bainbridge, and he 
had shown delicacy and feeling in the exercise of his trust. His 
recommendation, which was pointedlv significant, coupled with the 
manner of Mr. Nissen, excited a confidence that in the end proved to 
be most worthily bestowed. Every thing that could be devised at. 
that unseasonable hour, was done by Mr. Nissen. This was but the 
commencement of a series of indefatigable and unwearying kindness 
that endured to the last moment of the captivity of the Americans. 

The misfortunes that befell the Philadelphia, made a material dif 
ference in the state of the war. Until this moment, the bashaw had 
received but little to compensate him for the inconvenience to which 
he was put by the blockade, and for the loss of his different cruisers. 
His corsairs had captured but very few merchant vessels, and they 
ran the greatest risks, whenever they appeared out of their own ports. 



1803.] NAVAL HISTORY. 225 

As yet, it is true, nothing had been attempted against his town, but 
he knew it was at any time liable to a bombardment. It was thought, 
therefore, that he was not indisposed to peace when accident threw 
the crew of the Philadelphia so unexpectedly into his power. 

The bashaw, however, had now a hold upon his enemy, that, 
agreeably to the usages of Barbary, enabled him to take much higher 
ground in proposing his terms. In his previous negotiations, he had 
asked a large sum as the price of the few captives he then held, but 
the demand had been rejected as unreasonable and exorbitant. On 
board the Philadelphia were three hundred and fifteen souls, and 
among them were no less than twenty-two quarter-deck officers,* 
gentlemen in whose fortunes the bashaw well knew there would be a 
lively interest felt, to say nothing of the concern that a government 
like that of America was expected to manifest for the fate of its sea 
men. Under these circumstances, therefore, the divan of Tripoli 
felt strongly encouraged to continue the war, in the hope of receiving 
a high ransom for the prisoners, and in the expectation of holding a 
check on the measures of its enemy, by its means of retaliation. 

The Philadelphia ran on a reef on the 31st of October, and her 
people were landed during the night of the same day. The Tripoli- 
tans set about their arrangements to get the ship off, next morning, 
and as they were near their own port, had so many gun-boats and 
galleys at their disposal, and were unmolested by any cruiser, it was 
announced to the bashaw that there were hopes of saving the frigate. 
In the course of the 2d of November, it came on to blow fresh from 
the northwest, and the wind forcing the water up on the African coast, 
while it bore on the larboard quarter of the ship, her stern was driven 
round, and she floated, in part, though she continued to thump, a 
the seas left her. Anchors were now carried out, all the disposable 
force of the town was applied, and on the 5th November, the Phila 
delphia was got into deep water. The same day, she was brought 
within two miles of the city, where she was compelled to anchor, on 
account of the state of the weather. Here she was kept afloat by 
means of pumping, while men were employed in stopping the leaks. 
The business of scuttling appears to have been but imperfectly per 
formed, a few holes having been merely bored in the bottom of the 
ship, instead of cutting through the planks, as had been ordered. 
The weather continuing remarkably fine, the Turks finally suc 
ceeded in not only getting the frigate into port, but in weighing all 
her guns and anchors, which lay in shallow water on the reef, as well 
as in getting up nearly every thing else that had been thrown over 
board. The ship was partially repaired, her guns were remounted, 

* William Bainbridge, Captain; David Porter, first lieutenant; Jacob Jones, second 
do. ; Theodore Hunt, third do. ; Benjamin Smith, fourth do.; William Osborn, lieutenant 
of marines ; John Ridgely, surgeon ; J. Cowdery, do. mate ; Nicholas Harwood, do. do. ; 
Keith Spence, purser; and Barnard Henry, James Gibbon, Benjamin Franklin Reed, 
James Fu n^haw, Wallace Wormley, Robert Gamble, James Biddle, Richard R. Jones, 
Daniel T. Patterson, Simon Smith, and William Cutbush, midshipmen ; William An 
derson, captain s clerk. Of these gentlemen, Messrs. J. Jones, Renshaw, and Biddle, 
are still in service, and have all worn broad pennants. Dr. Cowdery is the oldest sar 
geon now in the navy. 

VOL. J. 15 



226 NAVAL HISTORY. [1803. 

and she was moored off the town, about a quarter of a mile from the 
bashaw s castle. 

Leaving Captain Bainbridge, and his fellow-sufferers, to endure 
the privations and hardships of a captivity in Barbary, it is now 
necessary to return to the other vessels of the American squadron, to 
do which we must go back a few days in the order of time. 

Commodore Preble, on his return from Tangiers to Gibraltar, on 
the 15th of October, went round to Cadiz ; soon after, he re-appeared 
at the former place, made a formal announcement of the blockade 
of Tripoli, on the 12th of November, on which day the ship he be 
lieved to be in the active execution of that duty, was in the possession 
of the enemy, and on the 13th he sailed for Algiers. After landing 
a consul at the latter place, he proceeded to Malta, off which port he 
arrived on the 27th of November. Here he was met by letters from 
Captain Bainbridge, and he obtained a confirmation of the loss of 
the Philadelphia, a rumour of which event had reached him lower 
down the coast. The Constitution sailed immediately for Syracuse, 
and got in next day. 

On the 17th of December, 1803, Commodore Preble, after making 
his preparations and disposing of his force in different ways, sailed 
for Tripoli, with the Enterprise in company, off which place he now 
appeared for the firsttime. The 23d of the month, the Enterprise 12, 
Lieutenant CommandantDecatur, fell in with and captured a ketch, 
called the Mastico, with seventy souls on board. The Mastico had 
been a French gun-vessel in Egypt, that had been taken by the 
English and had passed into the hands of the Tripolitans. She was 
now bound to Constantinople, with a present of female slaves for the 
Porte. A few days after this prize was taken, it came on to blow 
heavily from the northeast, and finding the frigate in danger of being 
lost on the coast, at that tempestuous season, Commodore Preble 
returned to Syracuse; not, however, until he had reeonnoitered his 
enemy, and formed his plan of operations for the future. Means had 
been found to communicate with Captain Bainbridge, also, and 
several letters were received from that officer, pointing out different 
methods of annoying the enemy. 

In a letter of the date of the 5th of December, 1803, Captain Bain 
bridge suggested the possibility of destroying the Philadelphia, which 
ship was slowly fitting for sea, there being little doubt of her being 
sent out as a cruiser, as soon as the mild season should return. Com 
modore Preble listened to the suggestion, and being much in the 
society of the commander of the vessel that was most in company 
with the Constitution, Lieutenant Stephen Decatur, he mentioned 
the project to that spirited officer. The expedition was just suited 
to the ardour and temperament of Mr. Decatur, and the possession 
of the Mastico at once afforded the means of carrying it into effect. 
The ketch was accordingly appraised, named the Intrepid, and taken 
into the service, as a tender. About this time, Lieutenant Com 
mandant Stewart, of the Siren, the officer who was then second in 
command in the Mediterranean, and who had just arrived from below, 
offered to cut out the Philadelphia with his own brig ; but Commo- 



1804.] NAVAL HISTORY. 227 

dore Preble was pledged to Mr. Decatur, who, at first, had proposed 
to run in with the Enterprise and carry the ship. The more experi 
enced Preble rejected the propositions of both these ardent young 
men, substituting a plan of his own. 

Although Commodore Preble declined the proposal of Mr. Deca- 
tur to carry in the Enterprise, the projected service whs assigned to 
the commander and crew of that schooner. It being necessary, how 
ever, to leave some of her own officers and people in her, a selection 
of a few gentlemen to join in the expedition, was made from the flag 
ship, and orders to that effect were issued accordingly. These orders 
were dated February the 3d, 1804, and they directed the different 
gentlemen named to report themselves to Lieutenant Commandant 
Decatur, of the Enterprise. As it was intended that the crew of the 
schooner should furnish the entire crew of the ketch, it was not 
thought proper to add any men to this craft. In short, the duty was 
strictly assigned to the Enterprise, so far as her complement could 
furnish the officers required. On the afternoon of the 3d, according 
to the orders they had just received, Messrs. Tzard, Morris, Laws, 
Davis, and Rowe, midshipmen of the Constitution, went on board the 
schooner, and reported themselves for duty to her commander. All 
hands were now called in the Enterprise, when Lieutenant Com 
mandant Decatur acquainted his people with the destination of the 
ketch, and asked for volunteers. Every man and boy in the schooner 
presented himself, as ready, and willing to go. Sixty-two of the 
most active men were selected, and the remainder, with a few officers, 
were left to take care of the vessel. As the orders to destroy the 
frigate, and not to attempt to bring her out, were peremptory, the 
combustibles, which had been prepared for this purpose, were imme 
diately sent on board the Intrepid, her crew followed, and that 
evening the ketch sailed, under the convoy of the Siren 16, Lieuten 
ant Commandant Stewart, who was properly the senior officer of the 
expedition, though, owing to the peculiar nature of the service, Mr. 
Decatur was permitted to conduct the more active part of the duty, 
at his own discretion. 

The party in the ketch consisted of Lieutenant Commandant De 
catur ; Lieutenants Lawrence, Bainbridge, and Thorn; Mr. Thomas 
M Donough,* midshipman, and Dr. Heerman, surgeon ; all of the 
Enterprise ; Messrs. Izard, Morris, Laws, Davis, and Rowe, mid 
shipmen, of the Constitution ; and Salvatore Catalano the pilot, with 
sixty-two petty officers and common men, making a total of seventy- 
four souls. 

It is scarcely necessary to say that the accommodations were none 
of the best, with so many persons cooped up in a vessel of between 
forty and fifty tons ; and to make the matter worse, it was soon found 
that the salted meat put on board was spoiled, and that there was 
little besides bread and water left to subsist on. The weather, how 
ever, was pleasant, and the wind favourable, and the two vessels got 
in sight of Tripoli on the afternoon of the 9th. To prevent suspi- 



* Mr. Thomas M Donough, afterwards so distinguished, had belonged t 
hia, but escaped captivity by being left at Gibraltar in the prize Meshbol 



to the Philadel 
phia, hnt Rsr.anfid cantivitv bv beins left at (iibraltar in the onze Mesh Doha. 



228 NAVAL HISTORY. [1804. 



cions, the Intrepid now went ahead of the Siren ; and a little after 
dark, she had stretched in quite near to the coast, with a breeze at 
southwest, anchoring about a mile to windward of the town. Shortly 
after, the Siren, disguised brought-to a little to seaward of her. The 
night came on dark and threatening, but it was in some respects so 
favourable to the enterprise, that Mr. Decatur was reluctant to Jet it 
pass without making the attempt. The pilot, however, pronounced 
it extremely hazardous to venture in among the rocks at that mo- 
moment, as he thought the sea must be breaking across the entrance, 
by which it was proposed to pass. Under the circumstances, Mr. 
Decatur, who displayed as much conduct and prudence as daring 
gallantry throughout this whole affair, sent Mr. Morris and the pilot, 
in a boat with muffled oars, to reconnoitre. This young officer 
pulled close up to the western passage, and ascertained that the sea 
was so high that it was, in fact, breaking entirely across the entrance; 
when he returned and reported that it would be hazardous to go in, 
and that to come out would be impossible. 

The report was scarcely needed, for, by this time, the wind had 
risen so high, and so much sea had got up, that in hoisting in the 
boat, it was stove, and when the anchor was weighed, for it was 
necessary to get off the land as soon as possible, it was found to be 
broken. The Siren had anchored a little without the ketch, and had 
hoisted out and armed her boats, which were to cover the retreat, but 
she, too, was compelled to get under way, by the increasing violence 
of the wind. Several hours were employed in a vain attempt to get 
her anchor, the brig rolling gunwales-to, and a good many of her 
people, together with Lieutenant Commandant Stewart, were hurt 
by the capstan s running away with the bars. In the end, the 
weather came on so bad, and the danger of being seen as the day 
dawned was so much increased, that the anchor and cable were left, 
the latter having been cut. 

So sudden and violent was the gale, that there had been no com 
munication between the two vessels, the Siren having no other intima 
tion of the departure of the ketch, than by seeing her light as she 
stretched out to sea. Luckily, the wind was well to the westward, 
and both vessels got an offing before they were seen from Tripoli. 
Here they lay to, with their heads off shore, certain of being far 
enough to leeward, to be out of sight in the morning. The wind 
began to haul to the northward, and the gale lasted six days, during 
which time great fears were entertained of the ketch s foundering at 
sea, or of her being, at least, driven on the coast, the change in the 
wind having brought the vessels on a lee shore. Before the wind 
abated, they were driven up into the Gulf of Sydra, where they were 
fairly embayed. 

On the 15th the weather moderated, and the brig and ketch, which 
had kept in company, notwithstanding the gale, endeavoured to fetch 
in with the land, and in the course of the night they got so near, as 
to reconnoitre and ascertain their position. Finding themselves too 
far to the eastward to effect any thing that night, they hauled off 
again, in order to escape detection. The next day, about noon, cal 



1804.] NAVAL HISTORY. 229 

dilating that they were abreast of the town, and the wind and weather 
being, in all respects, favourable, both vessels kept away, the ketch 
leading some distance, in order that the enemy might not suppose 
her a consort of the Siren s although the latter was so much disguised, 
as to render it impossible to recognise her. The wind was fair, but 
light, and every thing looking favourable, Mr. Decatur now seriously 
made his dispositions for the attack. Apprehensive that they might 
have been seen, and that the enemy had possibly strengthened the 
party on board the frigate, Lieutenant Commandant Stewart sent a 
boat and eight men from the Siren, to the ketch, under the orders 
of one of his midshipmen, Mr. Anderson, which reinforcement 
increased the numbers of the intended assailants to eighty-two, all 
told. 

The orders of Lieutenant Commandant Decatur were clear and 
simple. The spar-deck was first to be carried, then the gun-deck ; 
after which the following distribution of the party was made, in order 
to set fire to the ship. Mr. Decatur, with Messrs. Izard and Rowe, 
and fifteen men, was to keep possession of the upper deck. Mr. 
Lawrence, with Messrs. Laws and M Donough and ten men, was to 
repair to the berth-deck and forward store-rooms. Mr. Bainbridge, 
with Mr. Davis and ten men, was to go into the ward-room and 
steerage ; Mr. Morris, with eight men, was to go into the cockpit 
and after store-rooms ; Mr. Thorn, with the gunner and surgeon, 
and thirteen men, was to look after the ketch ; to Mr. Izard was as 
signed the command of the launch should she be needed, and Mr. 
Anderson, with the Siren s cutter, was to secure all boats alongside 
of the ship, and to prevent the people from swimming ashore, with 
directions, however, to board as soon as the first duty was performed. 

Fire-arms were to be used only in the last extremity, and the first 
object of every one was to clear the upper-deck and gun-deck of the 
enemy. The watch-word was " Philadelphia." These arrange 
ments were plain and judicious. 

As the ketch drew in with the land, the ship became visible. She 
lay not quite a mile within the entrance, riding to the wind, and 
abreast of the town. Her fore-mast, which had been cut away while 
she was on the reef, had not yet been replaced, her main and mizen- 
top-rnasts were housed, and her lower yards were on the gunwales. 
Her lower standing rigging, however, was in its place, and, as was 
shortly afterwards ascertained, her guns were loaded and shotted. 
Just within her, lay two corsairs, with a few gun-boats, and a galley 
or two. 

It was a mild evening for the season, and the sea and boy were 
smooth as in summer ; as unlike as possible to the same place a few 
days previously, when the two vessels had been driven from the en 
terprise by a tempest. Perceiving that he was likely to get in too 
soon, when about five miles from the rocks, Mr. Decatur ordered 
buckets and other drags to be towed astern, in order to lessen the way 
of the ketch, without shortening sail, as the latter expedient would 
have been seen from the port, and must have awakened suspicion. 
In the mean time the wind gradually fell, until it became so light as 



230 NAVAL HISTORY [1804. 

to leave the ketch but about two knot s way on her, when the drags 
were removed. 

About 10 o clock the Intrepid reached the eastern entrance of the 
bay, or the passage between the rocks and the shoal. The wind was 
nearly east, and, as she steered directly for the frigate, it was well 
abaft the beam. There was a young moon, and as the bold adven 
turers were slowly advancing into the hostile port, all around them 
was tranquil and apparently without distrust. For near an hour 
they were stealing slowly along, the air gradually failing, until their 
motion became scarcely perceptible. 

Most of the officers and men of the ketch had been ordered to lie 
on the deck, where they were concealed by low bulwarks, or weath 
er-boards, and by the different objects that belong to a vessel. As it 
is the practice of those seas, to carry many men even in the smallest 
craft, the appearance often or twelve would excite no alarm, and this 
number was visible. The commanding officer, himself, stood near 
the pilot, Mr. Catalano,* who was to act as interperter. The quarter 
master at the helm, was ordered to stand directly for the frigate s 
bows, it being the intention to lay the ship aboard in that place, as 
the mode of attack which would least expose the assailants to her tire. 

The Intrepid was still at a considerable distance from the Phila 
delphia, when the latter hailed. The pilot answered that the ketch 
belonged to Malta, and was on a trading voyage ; that she had been 
nearly wrecked, and had lost her anchors in the late gale, and that 
her commander wished to ride by the frigate during the night. This 
conversation lasted some time, Mr. Decatnr instructing the pilot to 
tell the frigate s people with what he was laden, in order to amuse 
them, and the Intrepid gradually drew nearer, until there was every 
prospect of her running foul of the Philadelphia, in a minute or two, 
and at the very spot contemplated. But the wind suddenly shifted, 
and, took the ketch aback. The instant the southerly puff struck 
her, her head fell off, and she got a stern-board, the ship, at the same 
moment, tending to the new current of air. The effect of this unex 
pected change was to bring the ketch directly under the frigate s 
broadside, at the distance of about forty yards, where she lay be 
calmed, or, if any thing, drifting slowly astern, exposed to nearly 
every one of the Philadelphia s larboard guns. 

Not the smallest suspicion appears to have been yet excited on 
board the frigate, though several of her people were looking over the 
rails, and notwithstanding the moonlight. So completely were the 
Turks deceived, that they lowered a boat, and sent it with a fast. 
Some of the ketch s men, in the mean time, had got into her boat, 
and had run a line to the frigate s fore chains. As they returned, 
they met the frigate s boat, took the fast it brought, which came from 
the after part of the ship, and passed it into their own vessel. These 
fasts were put into the hands of the men, as they lay on the ketch s 
deck, and they began cautiously to breast the Intrepid alongside of 
the Philadelphia, without rising. As soon as the latter got near 

"Late a sailing-master in the navy 



1804.] NAVAL HISTORY. 231 



enough to the ship, the Turks discovered her anchors, and they 
sternly ordered the ketch to keep off, as she had deceived them ; 
preparing, at the same time, to cut the fasts. All this passed in a 
moment, when the cry of " Amerikanos" was heard in the ship. 
The people of the Intrepid by a strong pull, brought their vessel 
alongside of the frigate, where she was secured, quick as thought. 
Up to this moment, not a whisper had betrayed the presence of the 
men concealed. The instructions had been positive to keep quiet 
until commanded to show themselves, and no precipitation, even in 
that trying moment, deranged the plan. 

Lieutenant Commandant Decatur was standing ready for a spring, 
with Messrs. Laws and Morris quite near him. As soon as close 
enough, he jumped at the frigate s chain-plates, and while clinging 
to the ship himself, he gave the order to board. The two midship 
men were at his side, and all the officers and men of the Intrepid 
arose and followed. The three gentlemen named were in the chains 
together, and Lieutenant Commandant Decatur and Mr. Morris 
sprang at the rail above them, while Mr. Laws dashed .at a port. 
To the latter would have belonged the honour of having been first in 
this gallant assault, but wearing a boarding-belt, his pistols were 
caught between the gun and the side of the port. Mr. Decatur s 
foot slipped in springing, and Mr. Charles Morris first stood upon 
the quarter-deck of the Philadelphia. In an instant, Lieutenant 
Commandant Decatur and Mr. Laws were at his side, while heads 
and bodies appeared coming over the rail, and through the ports in 
all directions. 

The surprise appears to have been as perfect, as the assault was 
rapid and earnest. Most of the Turks on deck crowded forward, and 
all ran over to the starboard-side, as their enemies poured in on the 
larboard. A few were aft, but as soon as charged, they leaped into 
the sea. Indeed, the constant plunges into the water, gave the assail 
ants the assurance that their enemies were fast lessening in numbers 
by flight. It took but a minute or two to clear -the spar-deck, though 
there was more of a struggle below. Still, so admirably managed 
was the attack, and so complete the surprise, that the resistance was 
but trifling. In less than ten minutes Mr. Decatur was on the quar 
ter-deck again, in undisturbed possession of his prize. 

There can be no doubt that this gallant officer now felt bitter 
regrets, that it was not in his power to bring away the ship he had so 
nobly recovered. Not only were his orders on this point peremptory, 
however, but the frigate had not a sail bent, nor a yard crossed, and 
she wanted her foremast. It was next to impossible, therefore, to 
remove her, and the command was given to pass up the combusti 
bles from the ketch. 

The duty of setting fire to the prize, appears to have been exe 
cuted with as much promptitude and order, as every other part of 
the service. The officers distributed themselves, agreeably to the 
previous instructions, and the men soon appeared with the necessary 
mean?. Each party acted by itself, and as it got ready. So rapid 
were they all in their movements, that the men with combustibles hao 



232 NAVAL HISTORY. [1804. 

scarcely time to get as low as the cock-pit and after-store-rooms, 
before the fires were lighted over their heads. When the officer en 
trusted with the duty last mentioned, had got through, he found the 
after-hatches filled with smoke, from the fire in the ward-room and 
steerage, and he was obliged to make his escape by the forward ladders. 

The Americans were in the ship from twenty to twenty-five min 
utes, and they were literally driven out of her by the flames. The 
vessel had got to be so dry in that low latitude, that she burnt like 
pine ; and the combustibles had been as judiciously prepared, as 
they were steadily used. The last party up, were the people who 
had been in the store-rooms, and when they reached the deck, they 
found most of their companions already in the Intrepid. Joining 
them, and ascertaining that all was ready, the order was given to 
cast. off. Notwithstanding the daring character of the enterprise in 
general, Mr. Decatur and his party now ran the greatest risk they 
had incurred that night. So fierce had the conflagration already 
become, that the flames began to pour out of the ports, and the head- 
fast having been cast off, the ketch fell astern, with her jigger flapping 
against the quarter-gallery, and her boom foul. The fire showed 
itself in the window, at this critical moment ; and beneath, was all 
the ammunition of the party, covered with a tarpaulin. To increase 
the risk, the stern-fast was jammed. By using swords, however, 
for there was not time to look for an axe, the hawser was cut, and the 
Intrepid was extricated from the most imminent danger, by a vigor 
ous shove. As she swung clear of the frigate, the flames reached the 
rigging, up which they went hissing, like a rocket, the tar having 
oozed from the ropes, which had been saturated with that inflamma 
ble matter. Matches could not have kindled with greater quickness. 

The sweeps were now manned. Up to this moment, every thing 
had been done earnestly, though without noise, but as soon as they 
felt that they had got command of their ketch again, and by two or 
three vigorous strokes had sent her away from the frigate, the 
people of the Intrepid ceased rowing, and as one man, they gave 
three ckeers for victory. This appeared to arouse the Turks from 
their stupor, for the cry had hardly ended, when the batteries, the 
two corsairs, and the galley, poured in their fire. The men lay hold 
of the sweeps again, of which the Intrepid had eight of a side, and 
favoured by a light air, they went rapidly down the harbour. 

The spectacle that followed, is described as having been both 
beautiful and sublime. The entire bay was illuminated by the con 
flagration, the roar of cannon was constant, and Tripoli was in a 
clamour. The appearance of the ship was, in the highest degree, 
magnificent ; and to add to the effect, as her guns heated, they began 
to go off. Owing to the shift of wind, and the position into which 
she had tended, she, in some measure, returned the enemy s fire, as 
one of her broadsides was discharged in the direction of the town, 
and the other towards Fort English. The most singular effect of 
this conflagration was on board the ship, for the flames having run up 
the rigging and masts, collected under the tops, and fell over, giving 
the whole the appearance of glowing columns and fiery capitals. 



1804.1 NAVAL HISTORY. 233 



Under ordinary circumstances, the situation of the ketch would 
still have been thought sufficiently perilous, but after the exploit they 
had just performed, her people, elated with success, regarded all 
that was now passing, as a triumphant spectacle. The shot con 
stantly cast the spray around them, or were whistling over their heads, 
but the only sensation they produced, was by calling attention to the 
brilliant jets cVe.au that they occasioned as they bounded along the 
water. But one struck the Intrepid, although she was within half a 
mile of many of the heaviest guns for some time, and that passed 
through her top-gallant sail. 

With sixteen sweeps, and eighty men elated with success, Mr. 
Decatur was enabled to drive the little Intrepid ahead with a velocity 
that rendered towing useless. Near the harbour s mouth, he met the 
Siren s boats, sent to cover his retreat, but their services were scarcely 
necessary. As soon as the ketch was out of danger, he got into one, 
and pulled aboard the brig, to report to Lieutenant Commandant 
Stewart, the result of his undertaking. 

The Siren had got into the offing some time after the Intrepid, 
agreeably to arrangements, and anchored about three miles from the 
rocks. Here she hoisted out the launch and a cutter, manned and 
armed them, and sent them in, under Mr. Caldwell, her first lieuten 
ant. Soon after the brig weighed, and the wind having entirely 
failed outside, she swept into eight fathoms water, and anchored 
again, to cover the retreat, should the enemy attempt to board the 
Intrepid, with his gun-boats. It will readily be supposed that it was 
an anxious moment, and as the moon rose, all eyes were on the 
frigate. After waiting in intense expectation near an hour, a rocket 
went up from the Philadelphia. It was the signal of possession, and 
Mr. Stewart ran below to get another for the answer. He was gone 
only a moment, but when he returned, the fire was seen shining 
through the frigate s ports, and in a few more minutes, the flames 
were rushing up her rigging, as if a train had been touched. Then 
followed the cannonade, and the dashing of sweeps, with the ap 
proach of the ketch. Presently a boat was seen coming alongside, 
and a man, in a sailor s jacket, sprang over the gangway of the brig. 
It was Decatur, himself, to announce his victory ! 

The ketch and brig lay near each other, for about an hour, when 
a strong and favourable wind arose, and they made sail for Syracuse, 
which port they reached on the 19th. Here the party was received 
with salutes and congratulations, by the Sicilians, who were also at 
war with Tripoli, as well as by their own countrymen. 

The success of this gallant exploit laid the foundation of the name 
which Mr. Decatur subsequently acquired in the navy. The country 
applauded the feat generally ; and the commanding officer was 
raised from the station of a lieutenant to that of a captain. Most of 
the midshipmen engaged, were also promoted, and Lieutenant Com 
mandant Decatur received a sword.* 

* Notwithstanding his merit, the propriety of making Mr. Decatur a captain was mnch 
questioned. When the news reached America, his name was before the senate, under 
nomination, as the youngest master and commander of eight, but, on receiving the intel 
ligence of his success, it was withdrawn, and sent in for a captain s commission. 



NAVAL HISTORY. [1804. 



The Philadelphia was a frigate of the class that the English termed 
a thirty-eight, previously to the war of 1812. Her armament con 
sisted of 28 eighteens, on her gun-deck, and of 16 carronades and 
chase guns, above; or of 44 guns in the whole. No correct estimate 
has probably ever been made of the number of men in her, When she 
was re-captured. Twenty were reported to have been killed, and 
one boat loaded with Turks is said to have escaped; many also 
swam ashore, or to the nearest cruisers. Some, no doubt, secreted 
themselves below, of whom the greater part must have perished in 
the ship, as the party that set fire to the after-store-rooms had diffi 
culty in escaping from the flames. But one prisoner was made, a 
wounded Turk, who took refuge in the ketch. On the part of the 
Americans but a single man was hurt.* 

In whatever light we regard this exploit it extorts our admiration 
and praise; the boldness in the conception of the enterprise, being 
even surpassed by the perfect manner in which all its parts were 
executed. Nothing appears to have been wanting, in a military 
point of view; nothing was deranged; nothing defeated. The hour 
was well chosen, and no doubt it was a chief reason why the corsairs, 
jrun-boats, and batteries, were, in the first place, so slow in com 
mencing their fire, and so uncertain in their aim when they did open 
on the Americans. In appreciating the daring of the attempt, we 
have only to consider what might have been the consequences had 
the assault on the frigate been repulsed. Directly under her guns, 
with a harbour filled with light cruisers, gun-boats, and galleys, and 
surrounded by forts and batteries, the inevitable destruction of all in 
the Intrepid must have followed. These were dangers that cool 
steadiness and entire self-possession, aided by perfect discipline, could 
alone avert. In the service, the enterprise has ever been regarded 
as one of its most brilliant achievements, and to this day, it is deemed 
a high honour to have been among the Intrepid s crew. The effect 
on the squadron then abroad can scarcely be appreciated, as its sea 
men began to consider themselves invincible, if not invulnerable, and 
were ready for any service in which men could be employed. 

* It would seem that the bottom of the Philadelphia floated to the rocks, where what 
remains still lies. In 1844, the Cumberland 44, Capt. Breese, visited Tripoli, when that 
officer caused some portions of the wreck to be brought off. A leaf-cutter made of this 
interesting relick, has been presented to the author, by his old friend the Commander 
of the Cumberland. 



1804.1 NAVAL HISTORY. 235 



CHAPTER XXII. 

The Mediterranean squadron is re-inforced Capture of the Transfer, by llie Siren, 
Lieut. Comdt. Stewart Assistance obtained from tbe Two Sicilies First bombard 
ment of Tripoli Attack on the enemy s gun-boats Fierce combat and capture of 
two boats, by Lieut. Comdt. Decatur Lieut. James Decatur, of the Nautilus, killed 
Gallant conduct of Lieut. Trippe he captures one of the largest gun-boats Rally of 
the enemy they are driven back. 

THUS opened the year 1804. The great distance, however, that 
lay between the seat of war and the country, as well as the infre- 
quericy of direct communications, prevented the government at home, 
from getting early information of what was passing in the Mediterra 
nean. As a consequence, at the very moment when Commodore 
Prehle was beginning to show that energy for which he was so re 
markable, the department was making preparations for superseding 
him in the command, not from dissatisfaction, but, as was then be 
lieved, from necessity. There were but three captains in the navy 
junior to Preble, and one of these was a captive in Tripoli. The loss 
of the Philadelphia had rendered it indispensable to send out another 
frigate, at least, and the administration had now begun to take so 
serious a view of the state of the relations of the country with all the 
Barbary powers, as to see the importance of exhibiting a force that 
should look down any further attempts on a trade, which, in conse 
quence of the general war that prevailed in Europe, was beginning to 
whiten the seas of the old world with American canvass. The Em 
peror of Morocco, who was said to be a relative of the Bashaw of 
Tripoli, was distrusted in particular, and many little occurrences had 
served to prove the interest that the former felt in the affairs of the 
latter. 

As soon as the president was apprised of the loss of the Philadel 
phia, therefore, orders had been given to prepare the required addi 
tional force. So little, however, had the real government of the 
country attended to this all-important branch of public defence, that 
it was far easier to command the equipment of a single frigate, than 
to get her to sea, within a reasonable time. In 1804, the mercantile 
tonnage of the United States was actually about 1,000,000 tons, and 
yet the country did not possess a single dock, public or private, be 
tween Maine and Georgia. The unmeaning clamour against all 
improvements of this nature, which had commenced with "the exist 
ence of the new administration, was still continued, and, as is too 
often witnessed in the indiscriminate and unprincipled strife of parties, 
they who professed to be the warmest advocates of an active and 
growing marine, were the loudest in declaiming against those very 
measures, without which no navy can ever be efficient, or even 
moderately useful. In the actual state of the public mind, the direct 
method of procuring those indispensable requisites of a marine, dock 
yards, were not attempted, but very insufficient substitutes had been 
obtained by putting a liberal construction on the law authorising the 
building of the six seventy-fours, for which purpose building yards 



236 NAVAL HISTORY. U804. 

were thought to be necessary. In this manner, as many navy yards, 
as they were called, for neither had a dock, were purchased, and an 
humble commencement of these indispensable establishments was 
made at Gosport, Washington, Philadelphia, Brooklyn, Charlestown, 
and Portsmouth, N. H. Thus, in the great interests connected with 
a navy, as in every thing else in a country that is so eminently prac 
tical, and in which few have sufficient leisure to cultivate theories, 
the facts were still leading opinion, and the gallant men who were 
slowly fighting themselves into favour, were merely performing an 
office that would seem to be inseparable from the advancement of 
every free people in civilisation. 

The ships that it was now decided to send into the Mediterranean, 
were the President 44, Congress 38, Constellation 38, and Essex 32. 
They were put in commission early in the season, and as soon as 
the choice was made, Commodore Preble was apprised of it, and of 
the necessity that existed of sending out two officers who were his 
seniors in rank. About the same time, Mr. Decatur was made a 
captain, for the destruction of the Philadelphia, and the service re 
ceived an important impulse in the revival of the rank of masters and 
commanders, which, it will be remembered, had been dropped alto 
gether, urider the reduction law of 1801. At the time the Phila 
delphia was retaken and burnt, there were six lieutenants in the 
Mediterranean acting as lieutenants-commandant, Messrs. Stewart, 
Hull, Smith, Somers, Decatur, and Dent, and of these, four were 
senior to the one just promoted. As Lieutenant Commandant Stew 
art was the second in command in the Mediterranean, as well as the 
oldest lieutenant of the service, and as he had actually accompanied 
the expedition in person, aiding with his counsel, and ready to act 
on an emergency, it was thought that something more ought to have 
been done for the gentlemen over whose heads Mr. Decatur had been 
elevated. When raised to be a captain, Mr. Decatur was the eighth 
officer of his station in the navy, and it would have been more in 
conformity with the practices of old and well established marines, to 
have promoted all his seniors, as they were all known to be qualified, 
and several had already distinguished themselves, even in commands. 
But it was premature to expect this systematic justice in a service so 
young, and which might still be said to be struggling for its existence, 
and the class of masters and commanders was simply re-established, 
Messrs. Charles Stewart, Isaac Hull, Andrew Sterrett, John Shaw, 
Isaac Chauncey, John Smith, Richard Somers, and George Cox, 
being the gentlemen who were first appointed to this rank after it 
had been renewed in the service. These promotions, which were 
connected with the establishment of a new rank, were dated in 
May, 1804, although all of the gentlemen concerned, who were 
abroad, continued to serve in their old capacities, until quite near the 
close of the season.* 

r It is a fact worthy of being mentioned, that this rank was revived purely on executive 
responsibility, and it is believed totally without law. The commissions, though issued 
in the name of the President, were not signed by that functionary, nor was the Senate 
consulted in the matter. In short, it may be questioned if one of the promotions was 
legal, thouqh the right of the parties to command was indisputable, as the relative rank 
was not disturbed. 



1804.] NAVAL HISTORY. 237 

The Siren and Intrepid returned to Syracuse, after the successful 
attempt on the Philadelphia, on the 19th of February of this year. 
On the 2d of March, Commodore Preble who had so divided his 
force as to keep some of the small vessels off Tripoli blockading, 
proceeded to Malta, and on his return, he sailed again, on the 21st, 
for the station off the enemy s port. The Siren 16, Lieutenant Com 
mandant Stewart, and Nautilus 12, Lieutenant Commandant Somers, 
were the blockading vessels at this time, and, early one morning, 
while coming from the eastward to recover lost ground, a vessel with 
the appearance of a brig of war was seen lying-to in the offing. As 
soon as he made the Americans, the stranger endeavoured to beat 
back into the harbour again, out of which he had lately come, but, 
the Nautilus being sent close in to employ the gun-boats, should 
they attempt to come out, the Siren cut him off from the port, and 
soon got alongside. This vessel proved to be the Transfer, a privateer 
out of Malta, with a British commission, and she had an armament 
of 16 carronades, and a crew of 80 men. When the Siren ran along 
side, the Transfer s people were at quarters, but no resistance being 
attempted, she was captured for a violation of the blockade. Subse 
quent information induced Commodore Preble to believe that she 
belonged, in fact, to the Bashaw of Tripoli, and that the commission 
under which she sailed was obtained by means of the Tripolitan 
consul in Malta, who was a native of that island, and for whose 
appearance on board the brig was actually waiting when taken. 

As the Transfer had been an English gun-brig, and was equipped 
for war, Commodore Preble sent her to Syracuse, where she was 
appraised, manned, and taken into the service for the time being. 
She was called the Scourge, and the command of her was given 
to Lieutenant Commandant Dent, the acting captain of the 
Constitution.* 

Remaining off Tripoli, a few days, Commodore Preble was next 
actively employed in running from port to port, in order to look into 
the affairs of the different regencies, to communicate with the cap 
tives in Tripoli, and to make his arrangements for pursuing a war 
fare better suited to bringing the bashaw to terms. The king of the 
Two Sicilies being at war with Tripoli, also, in furtherance of the 
latter duty, the Constitution went to Naples, in order to obtain some 
assistance in executing these projects. Here an order for two bomb- 
vessels and six gun-boats was obtained, with the necessary equip 
ments, and Commodore Preble sailed for Messina, where the different 
craft lay. From this time until the middle of July, he was as actively 
engaged as ever, in providing for the wants of the captives, in settling 
a serious difficulty with Tunis, and in preparing for an attack on 
Tripoli ; and we shall quit him, for a moment, to return to move 
ments before that place. 

* Mr. Jefferson is said to have carried his hostility to blockades so far, as to refuse to 
Buffer the Transfer to be regularly condemned, although, after her arrival in America, 
she was sold, and the money was put in the treasury. In the war of 1812, eight or ten 
years after her capture, the brig was legally condemned, and the prize-money was 
paid in 181f>! 



238 NAVAL HISTORY. [1804. 

In April, the Siren, Lieutenant Commandant Stewart ; Argus, 
Lieutenant Commandant Hull ; Enterprise, Lieutenant Command 
ant Decatur ; Vixen, Lieutenant Commandant Smith, and Scourge, 
Lieutenant Commandant Dent, composed the blockading force, 
when a felucca was seen stealing along shore, coming from the west 
ward, with a view to enter the harbour in a fog. A general chase 
ensued, and the felucca took refuge behind a reef of rocks, about ten 
miles to the westward of Tripoli, where she was run upon a beach 
of sand. The Siren now made a signal for the boats to go in, in 
order to destroy the enemy. Mr. Caldwell, the first lieutenant of 
the Siren, being nearest in, went ahead with the launch and cutter 
of that briir, while the others followed as the vessels came up. As 
he approached the shore, the boat of Mr. Caldwell got on a sunken 
rock, and the enemy, who had begun to collect in force, particularly 
in cavalry, opened a sharp fire of musketry. Several of the Ameri 
cans were killed and wounded, and perceiving that the enemy were 
both too strong and too well posted to be attacked by so feeble a force, 
Mr. Caldwell returned, directing the different boats, as he met them, 
to retire also. 

The Argus and schooners now obtained positions where they could 
throw their shot into the felucca, which was soon rendered nnsea- 
worthy. While this was doing, the Siren ran down, opened a ravine 
in which the Turks were posted, and dislodged them by a smart dis 
charge of grape. Afterwards, a broadside or two were thrown in 
among a strong body of cavalry, which had the effect of rendering 
them cautious in their operations on the coast. This little affair 
illustrates the nature of the ordinary warfare that was then carried 
on, the Tripolitans sending out bodies of soldiers to cover any vessel 
that was expected with supplies. On this occasion, the felucca was 
said to be loaded with salt, an article that then bore an enormous 
price in Tripoli. 

It was July the 21st, 1804, when Commodore Preble was able to 
sail from Malta, with all the force he had collected, to join the vessels 
cruising off Tripoli. The blockade had been kept up with vigour 
for some months, and the commodore felt that the season had now 
arrived for more active operations. He had with him the Constitu 
tion, Enterprise, Nautilus, the two bomb-vessels and the six gun 
boats. The bomb-vessels were only of thirty tons measurement, and 
carried a thirteen-inch mortar each. In scarcely any respect were 
they suited for the duty that was expected of them. The gun -boats 
were little better, being shallow, unseaworthy craft, of about twenty- 
five tons burthen, in which long iron twenty-fours had been mounted. 
Each boat had one gun, and thirty-five men ; the latter, with the 
exception of a few Neapolitans, being taken from the different vessels 
of the squadron. The Tripolitan gun-boats, which have already 
been described, were altogether superior, and the duty should have 
been exactly reversed, in order to suit the qualities of the respective 
craft ; the boats of Tripoli having been built to go on the coast, while 
those possessed by the Americans were intended solely for harbour 
defence. In addition to their other bad qualities, these Neapolitan 



1804.1 NAVAL HISTORY. 239 



boats were found neither to sail nor to row even tolerably well. It 
was necessary to tow them, by larger vessels, the moment they got 
into rough water ; and when it blew heavily, there was always danger 
of towing them under. In addition to this force, Commodore Preble 
had obtained six long tvventy-six-pounders for the upper-deck of the 
Constitution, which were mounted in the waist. 

When the American commander assembled his whole force before 
Tripoli, on the 25th of July, 1804, it consisted of the Constitution 
44, Commodore Preble; Siren 16, Lieutenant Commandant Stewart; 
Argus 16, Lieutenant Commandant Hull; Scourge 14, Lieutenant 
Commandant Dent ; Vixen 12, Lieutenant Commandant Smith; 
Nautilus 12, Lieutenant Commandant Somers ; Enterprise 12, Lieu 
tenant Commandant Decatur ; the two bomb-vessels, and six gun 
boats. In some respects this was a well appointed force for the duty 
required, while in others it was lamentably deficient. Another 
heavy ship, in particular, was wanted, and the means for bombarding 
had all the defects that may be anticipated. The two heaviest brigs 
had armaments of twenty-four-pound carronades ; the other brig, 
and two of the schooners, armaments of eighteen-pound carronades ; 
while the Enterprise retained her original equipment of long sixes, 
in consequence of her ports being unsuited to the new guns. As 
the Constitution had a gun-deck battery of thirty long twenty- 
fours, with six long twenty-sixes, and some lighter long guns above, 
it follows that the Americans could bring twenty-two twenty-fours 
and six twenty-sixes to bear on the stone walls of the town, in addi 
tion to a few light chase-guns in the small vessels, and the twelve- 
pounders of the frigate s quarter-deck and forecastle. On the whole, 
there appears to have been in the squadron, twenty-eight heavy long 
guns, with about twenty lighter, that might be brought to play on the 
batteries simultaneously. Opposed to these means of offence, the 
bashaw had one hundred and fifteen guns in battery, most of them 
quite heavy, and nineteen gun -boats that, of themselves, so far as 
metal was concerned, were nearly equal to the frigate. Moored in 
the harbour were also two large galleys, two schooners, and a brig, 
all of which were armed and strongly manned. The American 
squadron was manned by one thousand and sixty persons, all told, 
while the bashaw had assembled a force that has been estimated as 
high as twenty-live thousand, Arabs and Turks included. The only 
advantages possessed by the assailants, in the warfare that is so soon to 
follow, were those which are dependent on spirit, discipline, and 
system. 

The vessels could not anchor until the 28th, when they ran in, 
with the wind at E. S. E., and came-to, by signal, about a league 
from the town. This was hardly done, however, before the wind 
carne suddenly round to N. N. W., thence to N. N. E., and it began 
to blow strong, with a heavy sea setting directly on shore. At 6 P. M., 
a signal was made for the vessels to weigh, and to gain an offing. 
Fortunately, the wind continued to haul to the eastward, or there 
would have been great danger of towing the gun-boats under, while 
carrying sail to claw off the land. The gale continued to increase 



240 NAVAL HISTORY. [1804. 

until the 31st, when it blew tremendously. The courses of the Con 
stitution were blown away, though reefed, and it would have been 
impossible to save the bomb-vessels and gun-boats, had not the wind 
hauled so far to the southward as to give them the advantage of a 
weather shore, and of comparatively smooth water. Fortunately, 
the gale ceased the next day. 

On the third of August, 1804, the squadron ran in again and got 
within a league of the town, with a pleasant breeze at the eastward. 
The enemy s gun-boats and galleys had come outside of the rocks, 
and were lying there in two divisions ; one near the eastern, and the 
other near the western entrance, or about half a mile apart. At the 
same time, it was seen that all the batteries were manned, as if an 
attack was not only expected, but invited. 

At half-past 12, the Constitution wore with her head offshore, and 
showed a signal for all vessels to come within hail. As he came up, 
each commander was ordered to prepare to attack the shipping and 
batteries. The bomb-vessels and gun-boats were immediately 
manned, and such was the high state of discipline in the squadron, 
that in one hour, everything was ready for the contemplated service. 

On this occasion, Commodore Preble made the following distribu 
tion of that part of his force, which was manned from the other ves 
sels of his squadron. 

One bombard was commanded by Lieutenant Commandant Dent, 
of the Scourge. 

The other bombard by Mr. Robinson, first lieutenant of the Con 
stitution. 

First Division of gun-boats. 
No. 1. Lieut. Com. Somers, of the Nautilus. 
" 2. Lieut. James Decatur, of the Nautilus. 
" 3. Lieut. Blake, of the Argus. 

Second division of gun-boats. 
No. 4. Lieut. Com. Decatur, of the Enterprise. 
" 5. Lieut. Bainbridge, of the Enterprise. 
" 6. Lieut. Trippe, of the Vixen. 

At half past one, the Constitution wore again, and stood towards 
the town. At two, the gun-boats were cast off, and formed in ad 
vance, covered by the brigs and schooners, and half an hour later, 
the signal was shown to engage. The attack was commenced by 
the two bombards, which began to throw shells into the town. It 
was followed by the batteries, which were instantly in a blaze, and 
then the shipping on both sides opened their fire, within reach of grape. 

The eastern, or most weatherly division of the enemy s gun-boats, 
nine in number, as being least supported, was the aim of the Ameri 
can gun-boats. But the bad qualities of the latter craft were quickly 
apparent, for, as soon as Mr. Decatur steered towards the enemy, 
with an intention to come to close quarters, the division of Mr. Som 
ers, which was a little to leeward, found it difficult to sustain him. 
Every effort was made by the latter officer, to get far enough to wind 
ward to join in the attack, but finding it impracticable, he bore up, 
and ran down alone on five of the enemy to leeward, and engaged 



1804.] NAVAL HISTORY. 241 

them all within pistol-shot, throwing showers of grape, cannister, and 
musket-balls among them. In order to do this, as soon as near 
enough, the sweeps were got out, and the boat was backed astern to 
prevent her from drifting in among the enemy. No. 3 was closing 
fast, but a signal of recall* being shown from the Constitution, she 
hauled out of the line to obey, and losing ground, she kept more aloof, 
firing at the boats and shipping in the harbour, while No. 2, Mr. 
James Decatur, was enabled to join the division to windward. No. 
5, Mr. Bainbridge, lost her latine-yard, while still in tow of the Siren, 
but, though unable to close, she continued advancing, keeping up a 
heavy fire, and finally touched on the rocks. 

By these changes, Lieutenant Commandant Decaturf had three 
boats that dashed forward with him, though one belonged to the 
division of Mr. Somers, viz. No. 4, No. 6, and No. 2. The officers 
in command of these three boats, went steadily on, until within the 
smoke of the enemy. Here they delivered their fire, throwing in a 
terrible discharge of grape and musket-balls, and the order was given 
to board. Up to this moment, the odds had been as three to one 
against the assailants, and it was now, if possible increased. The 
brigs and schooners could no longer assist. The Turkish boats were 
not only the heaviest and the best in every sense, but they were much 
the strongest manned. The combat now assumed a character of 
chivalrous prowess and of desperate personal efforts, that belongs to 
the middle ages, rather than to struggles of our own times. Its de 
tails, indeed, savour more of the glow of romance, than of the sober 
severity that we are accustomed to associate with reality. 

Lieutenant Commandant Decatur took the lead. He had no 
sooner discharged his shower of musket-balls, than No. 4 was laid 
alongside the opposing boat of the enemy, and he went into her, fol 
lowed by Lieutenant Thorn, Mr. M Donough, and all the Americans 
of his crew. The Tripolitan boat was divided nearly in two parts,, 
by a long open hatchway, and as the people of No. 4 came in on one 
side, the Turks retreated to the other, making a sort of ditch of the 
open space. This caused an instant of delay, and, perhaps, fortu 
nately, for it permitted the assailants to act together. As soon as- 
readv, Mr. Decatur charged round each end of the hatchway, and 
after a short struggle, a portion of the Turks were piked and bayo 
neted, while the rest submitted, or leaped into the water.J 

No sooner had Mr. Decatur <rot possession of the boat first assailed; 
than he took her in tow, and bore down on the one next to leeward. 
Running the enemy aboard, as before, he went into him, with most 
of his officers and men. The captain of the Tripolitan vessel was a 
large powerful man, and Mr. Decatur personally charged him with a 
pike. The weapon, however, was seized by the Turk, wrested from 

* This signal was bent on by mistake, and was abroad ? moment only, but tbe fact that 
it was shown, was established before a Court of Inquiry, which exonerated Mr. Blake 
from censure. 

t He was Captain Decatur at the time, but the fact was not yet known in the squadron. 

t It is probable that the crew of this boat was in a measure staggered by tbe close fire 
of the arun. as No. 4 approached, her cantain having received no fewer then fourteen 
musket-balls in bis body, by that one discharge. 
VOL. I. 16 



242 NAVAL HISTORY. [1804. 



the hands of the assailant, and turned against its owner. The latter 
parried a thrust, and made a blow with his sword at the pike, with a 
view to cut off its head. The sword hit the iron, and broke at the 
hilt, and at the next instant the Turk made another thrust. Noth 
ing was left to the gallant Decatur, but his arm, with which he so far 
averted the blow, as to receive the pike through the flesh of one breast. 
Pushing the iron from the wound, by tearing the flesh, he sprang 
within the weapon, and grappled his antagonist. The pike fell be 
tween the two, and a short trial of strength succeeded, in which the 
Turk prevailed. As the combatants fell, however, Mr. Decatur so 
far released himself as to lie side by side with his foe on the deck. 
The Tripolitan now endeavoured to reach his poniard, while his 
hand was firmly held by that of his enemy. At this critical instant, 
when life or death depended on a moment well employed, or a mo 
ment lost, Mr. Decatur drew a small pistol from a pocket, passed the 
arm that was free round the body of the Turk, pointed the muzzle in, 
and fired. The ball passed entirely through the body of the Mussel- 
man, and lodged in the clothes of his foe. At the same instant, 
Mr. Decatur felt the grasp that had almost smothered him relax, and 
he was liberated. He sprang up, and the Tripolitan lay dead at his 
feet. 

In such a melie it cannot be supposed that the struggle of the two 
leaders would go unnoticed. An enemy raised his sabre to cleave the 
skull of Mr. Decatur, while he was occupied by his enemy, and a 
young man of the Enterprise s crew interposed an arm to save him. 
The blow was intercepted, but trie limb was severed to a bit of skin. 
A fresh rush was now made upon the enemy, who was overcome 
without much further resistance. 

An idea of the desperate nature of the fighting that distinguished 
this remarkable assauJt, may be gained from the amount of the loss. 
The two boats captured by Lieutenant Commandant Decatur, had 
about eighty men in them, of whom fifty-two are known to have been 
killed and wounded ; most of the latter very badly. As only eight 
prisoners were made who were not wounded, and many jumped over 
board, and swam to the rocks, it is not improbable that the Turks 
suffered still more severely. Lieutenant Commandant Decatur him 
self being wounded, he secured his second prize, and hauled off to 
rejoin the squadron ; all the rest of the enemy s division that were 
not taken, having by this time, run into the harbour, by passing 
through the openings between the rocks. 

While Lieutenant Commandant Decatur was thus employed to 
windward, his brother, Mr. James Decatur, the first lieutenant of the 
Nautilus, was nobly emulating his example in No. 2. Reserving his 
fire like No. 4, this young officer dashed into the smoke, and was on 
the point of boarding, when he received a musket ball in his forehead. 
The boats met and rebounded ; and in the confusion of the death 
of the commanding officer of No. 2, the Turk was enabled to escape, 
under a heavy fire from the Americans. It was said, at the time, 
that the enemy had struck before Mr. Decatur fell, though the fact 



1804.] NAVAL HISTOK.Y. 243 

must remain in doubt. It is, however, believed that he sustained a 
very severe loss. 

In the mean time, Mr. Trippe, in No. 6, the last of the three boats 
that were able to reach the weather division, was not idle. Reserv- 
in<r his fire, like the others, he delivered it with deadly effect, when 
closing, and went aboard of his enemy in the smoke. In this 
instance, the boats also separated by the shock of the collision, leav 
ing Mr. Trippe, with Mr. J. D. Henley, and nine men only, on 
board the Tripolitan. Here, too, the commanders singled each other 
out, and a severe personal combat occurred, while the work of death 
was going on around them. The Turk was young, and of a large- 
athletic form, and he soon compelled his slighter but more active foe 
to fight with caution. Advancing on Mr. Trippe, he would strike a 
blow and receive a thrust in return. In this manner, he gave the 
American commander no less than eight sabre wounds in the head, 
and two in the breast ; when, making a sudden rush, he struck a 
ninth blow on the head, which brought Mr. Trippe upon a knee. 
Rallying all his force in a desperate effort, the latter, who still retain 
ed the short pike with which he fought, made a thrust that passed 
the weapon through his gigantic adversary, and tumbled him on his 
back. As soon as the Tripolitan officer fell, the remainder of his 
people submitted. 

The boat taken by Mr. Trippe, was one of the largest belonging 
to the bashaw. The number of her men is not positively known, 
but, living and dead, thirty-six were found in her, of whom twenty- 
one were either killed or wounded. When it is remembered that but 
eleven Americans boarded her, the achievement must pass for one 
of the most gallant on record.* 

All this time the cannonade and bombardment continued without 
ceasing. Lieutenant Commandant Somers, in No. 1, sustained by 
the brigs and schooners, had forced the remainingboats to retreat, and 
this resolute officer pressed them so hard, as to be compelled to ware 
within a short distance of a battery of twelve guns, quite near the 
mole. Her destruction seemed inevitable, as the boat came slowly 
round, when a shell fell into the battery, most opportunely blew up 
the platform^ and drove the enemy out, to a man. Before the guns 
could be again used the boat had got in tow of one of the small 
vessels. 

There was a division of five boats and two galleys of the enemy, 
that had been held in reserve within the rocks, and these rallied their 
retreating countrymen, and made two efforts to come out and inter 
cept the Americans and their prizes, but they were kept in check by 
the fire of the frigate and small vessels. The Constitution maintained 
a very heavy fire, and silenced several of the batteries, though they 

* While Mr. Trippe was so hard pressed by his antagonist, a Turk aimed a blow at 
him, from behind, but just before the latter struck, Sergeant Meredith, of the marines, 
passed a bayonet through his body. While the prizes were hauling off, no one had 
thought, intiie confusion of such a scene, of lowering the flag of the Tripolitan boat, and 
she was seen advancing with the enemy s ensign set. The Vixen gave her a broadside, 
which brought down colours, mast, latine-yard, and all. Fortunately, no one was hurt. 



244 NAVAL HISTORY. [1804. 

re-opened as soon as she had passed. The bombards were covered 
with the spray of shot, but continued to throw shells to the last. 

At half past four, the wind coming round to the northward, a 
signal was made for the gun-boats and bomb-vessels to rejoin the 
small vessels, and another to take them and the prizes in tow. The 
last order was handsomely executed by the brigs and schooners, 
under cover of a blaze of fire from the frigate. A quarter of an 
hour later, the Constitution herself hauled oft , and ran out of gun-shot. 

Thus terminated the first serious attack that was made on the 
town and batteries of Tripoli. Its effect on the enemy, was of the 
most salutary kind ; the manner in which their gun-boats had been 
taken, by boarding, having made a lasting and deep impression. 
The superiority of the Christians in gunnery, was generally admitted 
before, but here was an instance in which the Turks had beeri over 
come, by inferior numbers, hand to hand, a species of conflict in 
which they had been thought particularly to excel. Perhaps no 
instance of more desperate fighting of the sort, without defensive 
armour, is to be found in the pages of history. Three gun-boats 
were sunk in the harbour, in addition to the three that were taken, 
and the loss of the Tripolitans by shot, must have been very heavy. 
About fifty shells were thrown into the town, but little damage 
appears to have been done in this way, very few of the bombs, on 
account of the imperfect materials that had been furnished, exploding. 
The batteries were a good deal damaged, but the town suffered no 
essential injury. 

On the part of the Americans, only 14 were killed and wounded in 
the affair, and all of these, with the exception of one man, belonged 
to the gun-boats. The Constitution, though under fire two hours, 
escaped much better than could have been expected. She received 
one heavy shot through v her main-mast, had a quarter-deck gun 
injured,* and was a good deal cut up aloft. The enemy had calcu 
lated his range for a more distant cannonade, and generally overshot 
the ships. By this mistake, the Constitution had her main-royal 
yard shot away. 

On the occasion of the battle of the 3d of August, the officers who 
had opportunities of particularly distinguishing themselves, were 
Lieutenants Commandant Decatur and Soiners; Lieutenants Trippe, 
Decatur, Bainbridge, and Thorn, and Messrs. M Donough, Henley, 
Ridgely, and Miller. But the whole squadron behaved well; and 
the Constitution was handled, under the fire of the batteries, with the 
steadiness of a ship working into a roadsted. 

* A shot came in aft, hit the gnn, and broke in several pieces. Commodore Preble 
was directly in its range, but he escaped by the shot s breaking. One of the fragments 
took oif the tip of a marine s elbow, quite near him. 



1804.] NAVAL HISTORY. 245 



CHAPTER XXIII. 

Capt. Morris boards and carries a French privateer by surprise Three captured gun 
boats brought into service Second bombardment Gun-boat, No. 8, blown up Lieut. 
Caldwell and Mr. Kennedy among the killed Notice of Mr. Kennedy Arrival of the 
John Adams, Gapt. Chauncey The Bashaw is disposed to treat his propositions 
rejected Third bombardment, without effect Fourth bombardment does much 
injury to the town Capt. Bainbridge (a prisoner in the castle) is wounded in his befd 
by the rebound of a shot Fifth bombardment New disposition of the forces The 
enemy s batteries silenced by the brisk fire of the Constitution. 

THE vessels hauled off and anchored ahovit two leagues from 
Tripoli, to repair their damages. On the morning of the 5th, the 
Argus brought-to a small French privateer that had just got out of 
the harbour, and Commodore Preble induced her commander to 
return and carry in all the badly wounded among his prisoners.* 
From the captain of this vessel, he learned that the enemy had suf 
fered even more than had been expected in the attack of the 3d, 
particularly in and about the port. On the 7th, the privateer came 
out, bringing a letter from the French consul, stating that the 
bashaw was much more disposed to treat than previously to the late 
affair, and advising the commodore to send in a flag of tnice, with 
a view to negotiate. As the castle made no signal to support this 
proposition, it was not regarded. 

Between the 3d and the 7th, the squadron was occupied in altering 
the rig of the three captured gun-boats, and in putting them in a con 
dition for service. As soon as the latter were equipped, they were 
numbered 7, 8, and 9, and the command of them was given to Lieu 
tenants Crane, Caldwell, and Thorn. At 9 A. M., on the 7th, the light 
vessels weighed, and the bombards proceeded to take a position in a 
small bay to the westward of the town, where they were not much 
exposed to shot. At half past 2, the bombards, having gained their 
anchorage, commenced throwing shells, and the gun-boats opened a 
heavy fire on the batteries. The effect on the latter was soon 
apparent, and many of their guns were rendered useless, hi the 
height of the cannonade, a strange vessel appeared in the offing, and 
the Argus was sent in chase. The enemy now began to get his 
galleys and gun-boats in motion, and once or twice they advanced 
toward the opening between the rocks, and commenced a fire ; but 
the Constitution, Nautilus, and Enterprise, heing stationed to wind 
ward to cut them off, and the Siren and Vixen lying near the American 
gun-vessels to cover the latter, the enemy, after the lesson received on 
the 3d, were afraid to venture. 

At half past 3, or after the action had lasted about an hour, a shot 
psssed through the magazine of No. 8, Lieutenant Caldwell, the boat 
taken by Mr. Trippe in the affair of the 3d, and she immediately blew 
up. When the smoke cleared away, all the after part of the boat 

* Mr. Morris of the Argus was rowing guard, close in, when he found himself unex 
pectedly alongside of a strange sail. Without hesitating, he boarded and carried her by 
surprise, when she proved to be the privateer in question. 



246 NAVAL HISTORY. [1804 



was under water, while Mr. Robert T. Spence, of the Siren, and 11 
men, were forward, loading the long twenty-six-pounder that formed 
her armament. This gun was loaded, and fired, and its gallant crew 
gave three cheers, as their vessel sunk beneath them. Mr. Spence, 
who could not swim, saved himself on an oar, while the rest of the 
people got on board the different boats, where they continued to fight 
during the remainder of the action. 

No. 8, when she blew up, had a crew of 28 persons in all, of whom 
10 were killed and 6 wounded. Among the former was Mr. Cald- 
well, her commander, the first lieutenant of the Siren, ai d Mr. 
Dorsey, a midshipman of the same vessel. These two officers 
were greatly regretted, as both bade fair to be ornaments to their 
profession.* 

At half past 5, or after the cannonade had lasted nearly three hours, 
the Constitution made a signal for the brigs and schooners to take 
the bombards and gun-boats in tow, and the squadron hauled off for 
its anchorage again. Just at this time, the Argus made a signal that 
the sail in sight was a friend. 

The gun-boats, in this attack, suffered considerably. ID conse 
quence of the wind s being on-shore, Commodore Preble had kept the 
frigate out of the action, and the enemy s batteries had no interruption 
from the heavy fire of that ship. Several of the American boats had 
been hulled, and all suffered materially in their sails and rigging. 
No. 6, Lieutenant Wadsworth, had her latine-yard shot away. The 
killed and wounded amounted to 18 men. 

At 8 o clock in the evening, the John Adams 28, Captain Chaun- 
cey, from America, came within hail of the Constitution, and reported 
herself. By this ship, Commodore Preble received despatches in 
forming him of the equipment of the vessels that were to come out 
under Commodore Barron, and of the necessity, which was thought 
to exist, of superseding him in the command. Captain Chauncey 
also stated the probability of the speedy arrival of the expected ships, 
which were to sail shortly after his own departure. As the John 
Adams had brought stores for the squadron, and had put most of her 
gun-carriages in the other frigates to enable her to do so, .she could 
be of no immediate use ; and the rest of the vessels being so soon 
expected, Commodore Preble was induced to delay the other attacks 
he had meditated, on the ground of prudence. 

* Mr. Edmund P. Kennedy, one of the gunner s crew belonging to the Siren, was the 
captain of the gun, on board No. 8, when she blew lip. Mr. Kennedy was a young gen 
tleman of Maryland, -who had quilted school in quest of adventure, nnd, having been 
impressed into the British navy, on obtaining his discharge in the Mediterranean, he 
entered under the flag of his country. In consequence of his good conduct on this 
occasion, and from a desire to place him in a station better suited to his pn tensions, 
Commodore Preble made Mr. Kennedy an acting midshipman. The appointment wa& 
confirmed at home, and the gentleman in question has since worn a broad pennant. It 
is believed that this officer and one other, have been the only two in the navy who could 
beast of having gone through all the gradations of the service, from forward, aft. 

During the attack of the 7th, Lieutenant Commandant Somcrs was standing leaning 
against the flag-staff of No. 1, as the boat advanced to her station. Ho saw a shot coming 
directly in a tine with his head, and stooped to avoid it. The shot cut the flag-stali in 
two, and, after the affair, Mr. Somers stood op against the stump, when it was found that, 
had he not been so quick in his movements, the shot would have hit his chin. 



1804.] NAVAL HISTORY. 247 

By the John Adams, intelligence reached the squadron of the 
re-establishment of the rank of masters and commanders, and the 
new commissions were brought out to the officers before Tripoli, who 
had been promoted. In consequence of these changes, Lieutenant 
Commandant Decatur was raised to the rank of captain, and became 
the second in command then present ; while Lieutenants Command 
ant Stewart, Hull, Chauncey, Smith, and Somers, became masters 
commandant, in the order in which they are named. Several of the 
young gentlemen were also promoted, including most of those who 
had a share in the destruction of the Philadelphia. 

The bashaw now became more disposed than ever to treat, the 
warfare promising much annoyance, with no corresponding benefits. 
The cannonading did his batteries and vessels great injuries, though 
the town probably suffered less than might have been expected, being 
in a measure protected by its walls. The shells, too, that had been 
procured at Messina, turned out to be very bad, few exploding when 
they fell.* The case was different with the shot, which did their 
work effectually on the different batteries. Some idea may be formed 
of the spirit of the last attack, from the report of Commodore Preble, 
who stated that nine guns, one of which was used but a short time, 
threw 500 heavy shot, in the course of little more than two hours. 

Although the delay caused by the expected arrival of the reinforce 
ment, was improved to open a negotiation, it was without effect. The 
bashaw had lowered his demands quite half, but he still insisted on a 
ransom of $500 a man for his prisoners, though he waived the usual 
claim for tribute, in future. These propositions were rejected, it 
being expected that, after the arrival of the reinforcement, the treaty 
might be made on the usual terms of civilised nations. 

On the 9th of August, the Argus, Captain Hull, had a narrow 
escape. That brig having stood in towards the town, to reconnoitre 
with Commodore Preble on board, one of the heaviest of the shot 
from the batteries, raked her bottom, for some distance, and cut the 
plank half through. An inch or two of variation in the direction 
of this shot, would infallibly have sunk the brig, and that probably 
in a very few minutes. 

No intelligence arriving from the expected vessels, Commodore 
Preble about the 16th, began to make his preparations for another 
attack, sending the Enterprise, Lieutenant Commandant Robinson, 
to Malta, with orders for the agent to forward transports with water, 
the vessels being on a short allowance of that great essential. On 
the night of the 17th, Captains Decatur and Chauncey went close 
in, in boats, and reconnoitered the situation of the enemy. These 
officers, on their return, reported that the vessels of the Tripolitan 
flotilla were moored abreast of each other, in a line extending from 
the mole to the castle, with their heads to the eastward, which was 

* According to the private journal of Captain Bainbridge, then a prisoner in the town, 
out of forty-eight shells thrown by the two bombards in the attack of the 7th, but one 
exploded. Agreeably to the records made by this officer at the time, the bombs on no 
occasion did much injury, and the town generally suffered less by shot even than was 
commonly supposed. 



248 NAVAL HISTORY. [1804. 

making a defence directly across the inner harbour or galley-mole. 

A gale, however, compelled the American squadron to stand off 
shore on the morning of the 18th, which caused another delay in the 
contemplated movements. While lying to, in the offing, the vessels 
met the transports from Malta, and the Enterprise returned, bringing 
no intelligence from the expected reinforcement. 

On the 24th, the squadron stood in towards the town again, with a 
light breeze from the eastward. At 8 P. M., the Constitution an 
chored just out of gun-shot of the batteries, but it fell calm, and the 
boats of the different vessels were sent to tow the bombards to a po 
sition favourable for throwing shells. This was thought to have 
been effected by 2 A. M., when the two vessels began to heave their 
bombs, covered by the gun-boats. At daylight, they all retired, 
without having received a shot in return. Commodore Treble ap 
pears to have distrusted the result of this bombardment, the first 
attempt at night, and there is reason to think it produced but little 
effect.* 

The weather proving very fine and the wind favourable, on the 
28th, Commodore Preble determined to make a more vigorous assault 
on the town and batteries, than any which had preceded it, and his 
dispositions were taken accordingly. The gun-boats and bombards 
requiring so many men to manage them, the Constitution and the 
small vessels had been compelled to go into action short of hands, in 
the previous affairs. To obviate this difficulty, the John Adams had 
been kept before the town, and a portion of her officers and crew, 
and nearly all her boats, were put in requisition, on the present 
occasion. Captain Chauncey, himself, with about 70 of his people, 
went on board the flag-ship, and all the boats of the squadron were 
hoisted out and manned. The bombards were crippled and could 
not be brought into service, a circumstance that probably was of no 
great consequence, on account of the badness of the materials they 
were compelled to use.t These two vessels, with the Scourge, 
transports, and John Adams, were anchored well off at sea, not being 
available in the contemplated cannonading. 

Every thing being prepared, a little after midnight the folloAving 
gun-boats proceeded to their stations, viz : No. 1, Captain Somers ; 
No. 2, Lieutenant Gordon ; No. 3, Mr. Brooks, master of the Argus ; 
No. 4, Captain Decatur; No. 5, Lieutenant Lawrence; No. 6 
Lieutenant Wadsworth ; No. 7, Lieutenant Crane ; and No. 9 
Lieutenant Thorn. They were divided into two divisions, as before 
Captain Decatur having become the superior officer, however, by his 
recent promotion. About 3 A. M. the gun-boats advanced close to 
the rocks at the entrance of the harbour, covered by the Siren, Cap 
tain Stewart, Argus, Captain Hull, Vixen, Captain Smith, Nautilus, 
Lieutenant Reed, and Enterprise, Lieutenant Commandant Robin- 

* Captain Bainbridge, in his private journal, says that all the shells thrown on this 
occasion fell short. 

t It is stated that Commodore Prehle subsequently discovered lead in the fuse-holes 
of many of the bombs. It was supposed that this had been done by treachery, by means 
of French agents in Cicily, the shells having been charged to resist the French invasion 



1804.] NAVAL HISTORY. 249 

son, and accompanied by all the boats of the squardon. Here they 
anchored, with springs on their cables, and commenced a cannonade 
on the enemy s shipping, castle, and town. As soon as the day 
dawned, the Constitution weighed and stood in towards the rocks, 
under a heavy fire from the batteries, Fort English, and the castle. 
At this time, the enemy s gun-boats and galleys, thirteen in number, 
were closely and warmly engaged with the eight American boats; and 
the Constitution, ordering the latter to retire by signal, as their ammu 
nition was mostly consumed, delivered a heavy lire of round and 
grape on the former as she came up. One of the enemy s boats was 
soon sunk, two were run ashore to prevent them from meeting a sim 
ilar fate, and the rest retreated. 

The Constitution now continued to stand on, until she had run in 
within musket-shot of the mole, when she brought-to, and opened 
upon the town, batteries, and castle. Here she lay three quarters of 
an hour, pouring in a fierce fire, with great effect, until finding that 
all the small vessels were out of gun-shot, she hauled ofT. About 
700 heavy shot were hove at the enemy, in this attack, besides a good 
many from the chase-guns of the small vessels. The enemy sus 
tained much damage, and lost many men. The American brigs and 
schooners were a good deal injured aloft, as was the Constitution. 
Although the latter ship was so lonij within reach of grape, many of 
which shot struck her, she had not a man hurt ! Several of her 
shrouds, back-stays, trusses, spring-stays, chains, lifts, and a great 
deal of running rigging were shot away, and yet her hull escaped 
with very trifling injuries. A boat belonging to the John Adams, 
under the orders of Mr. John Orde Creighton, one of that ship s 
master s mates, was sunk by a double-headed shot, which killed three 
men, and badly wounded a fourth, but the officer and the rest of the 
boat s crew were saved. 

In this attack a heavy shot from the American gun-boats struck 
the castle, passed through a wall, and rebounding from the opposite 
side of the room, fell within six inches of Captain Bainbridge, who 
was in bed at the moment, and covered him with stones and mortar, 
from under which he was taken, considerably hurt, by his own offi 
cers. More injury was done to the town in this attack, than in either 
of the others, the shot appearing to have told on many of the houses. 

From this time to the close of the month, preparations were mak 
ing to use the bombards again, and for renewing the cannonading, 
another transport having arrived from Malta, without bringing any 
intelligence of the vessels under the orders of Commodore Barron. 
On the 3d of September, every thing being ready, at half past two 
the signal was made for the small vessels to advance. The enemy 
had improved the time as well as the Americans, and they had raised 
three of their own gun-boats that had been sunk in the affairs of the 
3d and of the 28th of August. These craft were now added to the 
rest of their flotilla. 

The Tripolitans had also changed their mode of fighting. Hith 
erto, with the exception of the affair of the 3d, their galleys and gun- 
Doats had lain either behind the rocks, in positions to fire over them, 



250 NAVAL HISTORY. [1804. 

or at the openings between them, and they consequently found them 
selves to leeward of the frigate and small American cruisers, the 
latter invariably choosing easterly winds to advance with, as they 
would permit crippled vessels to retire. On the 3d of August, the 
case excepted, the Turks had been so roughly treated by being 
brought hand to hand, when they evidently expected nothing more 
than a cannonade, that they were not disposed to venture again out 
side of the harbour. On the 3d of September, however, the day at 
which we have now arrived, their plan of defence was judiciously 
altered. No sooner was it perceived that the American squadron 
was in motion, with a fresh design to annoy them, than their gun 
boats and galleys got underway, and worked up to windward, until 
they had gained a station on the weather side of the harbour, directly 
under the fire of Fort English, as well as of a new battery that had 
been erected a little to the westward of the latter. 

This disposition of the enemy s force, required a corresponding 
change on the part of the Americans. The bombards were directed 
to take stations and to commence throwing their shells, while the 
gun-boats, in two divisions, commanded as usual by Captains Deca- 
tur and Somers, and covered by the brigs and schooners, assailed 
the enemy s flotilla. This arrangement separated the battle into two 
distinct parts, leaving the bomb vessels very much exposed to the 
fire of the castle, the mole, crown, and other batteries. 

The Tripolitan gun-boats and galleys stood the fire of the Ameri 
can flotilla until the latter had got within reach of musketry, when 
they retreated. The assailants now separated, some of the gun 
boats following the enemy, and pouring in their fire, while the others, 
with the brigs and schooners, cannonaded Fort English. 

In the mean while, perceiving that the bombards were suffering 
severely from the undisturbed fire of the guns to which they were 
exposed, Commodore Preble ran down in the Constitution, quite 
near the rocks, and within the bomb vessels, and brought-to. Here 
the frigate opened as warm a fire as probably ever came out of the 
broadside of a single-decked ship, and in a position where seventy 
heavy guns could bear upon her. The whole harbour, in the vicinity 
of the town, was glittering with the spray of her shot, and each 
battery, as usual, was silenced ns soon as it drew her attention. Af 
ter throwing more than three hundred round shot, besides grape and 
cannister, the frigate hauled off, having previously ordered the other 
vessels to retire from action, by signal. 

The gun-boats, in this affair, were an hour and fifteen minutes 
engaged, in which time they threw four hundred round shot, besides 
grape and cannister. Lieutenant Trippe, who had so much distin 
guished himself, and who had received so many wounds that day 
month, resumed the command of No. 6, for this occasion. Lieuten 
ant Morris, of the Argus, was in charge of No. 3. All the small 
vessels suffered, as usual, aloft, and the Argus sustained some damage 
in her hull. 

The Constitution was so much exposed in the attack just related, 
that her escape can only be attributed to the weight, of her own fire. 



1804.] NAVAL HISTORY. 251 



It had been found, in the previous affairs, that so long as this ship 
could play upon a battery, the Turks could not be kept at its guns ; 
and it was chiefly while she was veering, or tacking, that she suffered. 
But, after making every allowance for the effect of her own cannon 
ade, and for the imperfect gunnery of the enemy, it creates wonder 
that a single frigate could lie opposed to more than double her own 
number of available guns, and these too, principally, of heavier metal, 
while they were protected by stone walls. On this occasion, the 
frigate was not supported by the gun-boats at all, and she became 
the sole object of the enemy s aim after the bombards had withdrawn. 

As might have been expected, the Constitution suffered more in 
the attack just recorded, than in any of the previous affairs, though 
she received nothing larger than grape in her hull. She had three 
shells through her canvass, one of which rendered the main-top-sail 
momentarily useless. Her sails, standing and running rigging were 
also much cut with shot. Captain Chauncey, of the John Adams, 
and a party of his officers and crew, served in the Constitution again 
on this day, and were of essential use. Indeed, in all the service 
which succeeded her arrival, the commander, officers, and crew of 
the John Adams were actively employed, though the ship herself 
could not be brought before the enemy, for the want of gun-carriages. 

The bombards, having been much exposed, suffered accordingly. 
No. 1, was so much crippled, as to be unable to move, without being 
towed, and was near sinking when she was got to the anchorage. 
Every shroud she had was shot away. Commodore Preble expressed 
himself satisfied with the good conduct of every man in the squadron. 
All the vessels appear to have been well conducted, and efficient in 
their several stations. Of the effect of the shells, there is no account 
to be relied on, though it is probable that, as usual, many did not ex^ 
plode. There is no doubt, however, that the bombs were well 
directed, and that they fell into the town. 

While Commodore Preble was thus actively employed in carrying 
on the war against the enemy, the attack just related having been 
the fifth made on the town within a month, he was meditating another 
species of annoyance, that about this time was nearly ready to be 
put in execution. 



252 NAVAL HISTORY. [1804. 



CHAPTER XXIV. 

New species of annoyance to the enemy The " Infernal" Equipment of the ketch 
Intrepid she is sent into the harbour of Tripoli she blows up with all her crew Prob 
able causes of the disaster Private journal of Capt. Bainbridge The President, Com. 
Barrou, rejoins the squadron The command is transferred to Com. B. Capture 
of two sail loaded with wheat Com. Preble returns to the United States Capt. 
Richard Somers sketch of his life. 

THE ketch Intrepid, that had been employed by Mr. Decatur in 
burning the Philadelphia, was still in the squadron, having been 
used of late as a transport between Tripoli and Malta. This vessel 
had been converted into an " infernal," or, to use more intelligible 
terms, she had , been fitted as a floating mine, with the intention of 
sending her into the harbour of Tripoli, to explode among the ene 
my s cruisers. As every thing connected with the history of this 
little vessel, as well as with the enterprise in which she was now to be 
employed, will have interest with the public, we shall be more partic 
ular than common in giving the details of this affair, as they have 
reached us through public documents, and oral testimony that is 
deemed worthy of entire credit. 

A small room or magazine had been planked up in the hold of 
the ketch, just forward of her principal mast. Communicating with 
this magazine was a trunk or tube, that led aft, to another room 
filled with combustibles. In the planked room, or magazine, were 
placed one hundred barrels of gunpowder in bulk, and on the deck 
immediately above the powder, were laid fifty thirteen and a half 
inch shells, and one hundred nine inch shells, with a large quantity 
of shot, pieces of kentledge, and fragments of iron of different sorts. 
A train was laid in the trunk, or tube, and fuses were attached in 
the proper manner. In addition to this arrangement, the other small 
room mentioned was filled with splinters and light wood, which, 
besides firing the train, were to keep the enemy from boarding, as 
the flames would be apt to induce then to apprehend an immediate 
explosion. 

The plan was well laid. It was the intention to profit by the first 
dark night that offered, to carry the ketch as far as possible into the 
galley-mole, to light the fire in the splinter-room, and for the men 
employed, to make their retreat in boats. 

The arrangements for carrying this project into effect appear to 
have been made with care and prudence. Still the duty, on every 
account, was deemed desperate. It was necessary, in the first place, 
to stand in by the western or little passage, in a dull-sailing vessel, 
and with a light wind, directly in the face of several batteries, the fire 
of which could only be escaped by the enemy s mistaking the ketch 
for a vessel endeavouring to force the blockade. It would also be 
required to pass quite near these batteries, and, as the ketch ad 
vanced, she would be running in among the gun-boats and galleys 
of the enemy. It is not necessary to point out the hazards of such an 



1804.] NAVAL HISTORY. 253 

exploit, as a simple cannonade directed against a small vessel filled 
with powder, would of itself be, in the last degree, dangerous. After 
every thing had succeeded to the perfect hopes of the assailants, there 
existed the necessity of effecting a retreat, the service being one in 
which no quarter could be expected. 

Such a duty could be confided to none but officers and men of 
known coolness and courage, of perfect self-possession, and of tried 
spirit. Captain Somers, who had commanded one division of the 
gun-boats in the different attacks on the town that have been related, 
in a manner to excite the respect of all who witnessed his conduct, 
volunteered to take charge of this enterprise, and Lieutenant Wads- 
worth, of the Constitution, an officer of great merit, offered himself 
as the second in command. It being unnecessary to send in any more 
than these two gentlemen, with the few men needed to manage the 
ketch and row the boats, no other officer was permitted to go, though 
it is understood that several volunteered. 

The night of the 4th September, or that of the day which suc 
ceeded the attack last related, promising to be obscure, and there 
being a good leading wind from the eastward, it was selected for the 
purpose. Commodore Preble appears to have viewed the result of 
this expedition with great anxiety, and to have ordered all its prepar 
ations, with the utmost personal attention to the details. This 
feeling is believed to have been increased by his knowledge of the 
character of the officers who were to go in, and who, it was under 
stood, had expressed a determination neither to be taken, nor to per 
mit the ammunition in the ketch to fall into the enemy s hands. The 
latter point was one of great importance, it being understood that the 
Tripolitans, like the Americans, were getting to be in want of pow 
der.* In short, it was the general understanding in the squadron, 
before the ketch proceeded, that her officers had determined not to 
be taken. Two fast-rowing boats, one belonging to the Constitution, 
that pulled six oars, and one belonging to the Siren, that pulled four 
oars, were chosen to bring the party off, and their crews were volun 
teers from the Constitution and Nautilus. At the last moment, Mr. 
Israel, an ardent young officer, whose application to go in had been 
rejected, found means to get on board the ketch, and, in considera 
tion of his o-allantry, he was permitted to join the party. 

When all was ready, or about 8 o clock in the evening of the day 
just mentioned, the Intrepid was under way, with the Argus, Vixen, 
and Nautilus in company. Shortly after, the Siren also weighed, 
by a special order from the commodore, and stood in towards the 
western passage, or that by which the ketch was to enter, where she 
remained to look out for the boats. 

The Nautilus, Captain Somers own vessel, accompanied the ketch 
close in, bur, on reaching a position where there was danger of her 

*A day or two before the ketch was ready, the commodore himself was try ing a port 
fire in the cabin of the Constitution, in the presence of Captain Somers, and of one or two 
other officers, and finding that one burned a particular time, by the watch, he remarked 
that he thought" it burned longer than was necessary, as the time might enable the ene 
my to approach and extinguish it before the train would be fired." " I ask for no port- 
tire at all," was the quiet answer of Captain Somers. 



254 NAVAL HISTORY. [1804. 

creating suspicions by being seen, she hauled off, to take her station, 
like the othei small vessels, near the rocks, in order to pick up the 
retreating boats. The last person of the squadron who had any com 
munication with Captain Somers, was Mr. Washington Reed, the 
first lieutenant of his own schooner, the Nautilus, who left him about 
9 o clock. At that time all was calm, collected, and in order on 
board the ** infernal." The general uneasiness was increased by the 
circumstance that three gun-boats lay near the entrance ; and some 
of the last words of the experienced Decatur, before taking leave of 
his friend, were to caution him against these enemies. 

The sea was covered with a dense haze, though the stars were visi 
ble, and the last that may be said to have been seen of the Intrepid, 
was the shadowy forms of her canvass, as she steered slowly, but 
steadily, into the obscurity, where the eyes of the many anxious 
spectators fancied they could still trace her dim outline, most prob 
ably after it had totally disappeared. This sinking into the gloom 
of night, was no bad image of the impenetrable mystery that has 
veiled the subsequent proceedings of the gallant party on board her. 

When the Intrepid was last seen by the naked eye, she was not 
a musket-shot from the mole, standing directly for the harbour. One 
officer on board the nearest vessel, the Nautilus, is said, however, to 
have never lost sight of her with a night-glass, but even he could 
distinguish no more than her dim proportions. There is a vague 
rumour that she touched on the rocks, but it does not appear to rest 
on sufficient authority to be entitled to absolute credit. To the Jsst 
moment, she appears to have been advancing. About this time the 
batteries began to fire. Their shot are said to have been directed 
towards every point where an enemy might be expected, arid it is not 
improbable that some were aimed against the ketch. 

The period between the time when the Intrepid was last seen, and 
that when most of those who watched without the rocks learned her 
fate, was not long. This was an interval of intense, almost of breath 
less expectation, and it was interrupted only by the flashes and roar 
of the enemy s guns. Various reports exist of what those who gazed 
into the gloom beheld, or fancied they beheld ; but one melancholy 
fact alone would seem to be beyond contradiction. A fierce and 
sudden light illuminated the panorama, a torrent of fire streamed up 
ward, and a concussion followed that made the cruisers in the offing 
tremble from their trucks to their keels. This sudden blaze of light 
was followed by a darkness of twofold intensity, and the guns of the 
batteries became mute, as if annihilated. Numerous shells were seen 
in the air, and some of them descended on the rocks, where they 
were heard to fall. The fuses were burning, and a few exploded, 
but much the greater part were extinguished in the water. The 
mast, too, had risen perpendicularly, with its rigging and canvass 
blazing, but the descent veiled all in night. 

So sudden and tremendous was the eruption, and so intense the 
darkness which succeeded, that it was not possible to ascertain the 
precise position of the ketch at the moment. In the glaring, but 
fleeting light, no person could say that he had noted more than the 



1804.] NAVAL HISTORY. 255 

material circumstance, that the Intrepid had not reached the point at 
which she aimed. The shells had not spread for, and those which 
fell on the rocks were so many proofs of this important truth. There 
was no other fact to indicate the precise spot where the ketch explod 
ed. A few cries arose from the town, hut the subsequent and deep 
silence that followed was more eloquent than any clamour. The 
whole of Tripoli was like a city of tombs. 

If every eye had been watchful previously to the explosion, every 
eye now became doubly vigilant to discover the retreating boats. 
Men got over the sides of the vessels, holding lights, and placing 
their ears near the water, in the hope of detecting the sounds of even 
muffled oars ; and often was it fancied that the gallant adventurers 
were near. They never re-appeared. Hour after hour went by, 
until hope itself became exhausted. Occasionally, a rocket gleamed 
in the darkness, or a sullen gun was heard from the frigate, as signals 
to the boats ; but the eyes that should have seen the first, were sight 
less, and the last tolled on the ears of the dead. 

The three vessels assigned to that service hovered around the har 
bour until the sun rose, but few traces of the Intrepid, and nothing 
of her devoted crew could be discovered. The wreck of the mast 
lay on the rocks near the western entrance, and here and there a 
fragment was visible nigh it. One of the largest of the enemy s gun 
boats was missing, and it was observed that two others, which ap 
peared to be shattered, were being hauled upon the shore. The 
three that had lain across the entrance had disappeared. It was 
erroneously thought that the castle had sustained some injury from 
the concussion, though, on the whole, the Americans were left with 
the melancholy certainty of having met with a serious loss, without 
obtaining a commensurate advantage. 

It is now known tliat the bottom of the ketch grounded on the north 
side of the rocks, near the round battery at the end of -the mole, and 
as the wind was at the eastward, this renders it certain that the explo 
sion took place in the western entrance to the harbour, and fully a 
quarter of a mile from the spot that it was intended the ketch should 
reach. In the wreck were found two mangled bodies, and four more 
were picked up on the 6th, floating in the harbour, or lodged on the 
shore. These bodies were in the most shocking state of mutilation, 
and, though Captain Bainbridge and one or two of his companions 
were taken to see them, it was found impossible to distinguish even 
the officers from the men. It is understood that six more bodies 
were found, the day after the explosion, on the shore to the south 
ward of the town, and that a six-oared boat, with one body in it, had 
drifted on the beach to the westward.* 

These statements account for all those who went in the ketch, and 
furnish conjectural clues to facts that would otherwise be veiled in 
impenetrable mystery. The spot where the boat was found, was a 
proof that the ketch had not got very far into the passage, or the 
cutter could not have drifted clear of the natural mole to the west- 

"Captain Bainbridge s private journal. 



256 NAVAL HISTORY. [1804. 

ward. The reason that the boat and the ketch s bottom were no* 
found near the same spot, was probably because the first was acted 
on more by the wind, and the last by the current; and the fact that a 
boat may have drifted through rocks, with which the shore is every 
where more or less lined, that would have brought up the wreck. 

As there was but one body found in the boat, we are left to sup 
pose it was that of the keeper. Of the four-oared boat, or that which 
belonged to the Siren, there does not appear to have been any tidings, 
and it was either destroyed by the explosion, sunk by the fall of 
fragments, or privately appropriated to himself by some Tripolitan. 

From the fact of there being but a single man in the Constitution s 
cutter, there is reason to infer that most of the officers and men were 
on board the ketch, herself, when she blew up. No person is under 
stood to say that any of the enemy s vessels were seen near the ketch, 
when she exploded, and with these meagre premises, we are left to 
draw our inferences as to the causes of the disaster. 

That Captain Somers was as capable of sacrificing himself, when 
there was an occasion for it, as any man who ever lived, is probably 
as true as it is certain that he would not destroy himself, and much 
less others, without sufficient reason. It has been supposed that the 
ketch was boarded by the enemy, and that her resolute commander 
fired the train in preference to being taken. The spirit created by 
the chivalrous exploits of Decatur, and the high-toned discipline and 
daring of Preble, had communicated to all under their orders, as lofty 
sentiments of duty and zeal as probably were ever found among an 
equal body of generous and ardent young men ; but it is not easy to 
discover a motive why the explosion should have been an intentional 
act of the Americans, and it is easy to discover many why it should 
not. 

There would be but one sufficient justification for an officer s sac 
rificing himself or his people under such circumstances, and that was 
the impossibility of preventing the ketch from falling into the hands 
of the enemy, by any other means. Neither the evidence of eye 
witnesses, so far as it is available, nor the accounts of the Tripolitans 
themselves, would appear to show, that when the Intrepid exploded. 
any enemy was near enough to render so desperate a step necessary. 
According to the private journal of Captain Bainbridge, neither the 
town nor the Turks suffered materially, and he was carried to the 
beach to see the dead bodies, on the 8th, or two days after the affair. 
This alone would prove that the ketch did not reach the mole. If 
the object were merely to destroy the powder, the men would have 
been previously ordered into the boats, and, even under circum 
stances that rendered a resort to the fuse inexpedient, the train would 
have been used. That only one man was in the largest boat, is 
known from the condition in which she was found, and this could 
hardly have happened, under any circumstances, had the magazine 
been fired intentionally, by means of the train. Every contingency 
had, doubtless, been foreseen. One man was as able as twenty to 
apply the match, and we can see but one state of things, besides be 
ing boarded by surprise, that would render it likely that the match 



1804. _, NAVAL HISTORY. 257 

would have been used until the people were in their boats, or that it 
would have been applied at any other spot, than at the end of a train, 
or aft. A surprise of the nature mentioned, would seem to have 
been impossible, for, though the night was misty, objects might still 
be seen at some little distance, and it is probable, also, that the party 
had glasses. 

From weighing these circumstances, it is the most rational opinion 
that the Intrepid was not intentionally blown up. She was under 
fire at the time, and though it is improbable that the enemy had any 
shot heated to repel an attack so unexpected, a cold shot might easily 
have fired a magazine in the situation of that of the Intrepid. The 
deck of the ketch moreover, was covered with loaded shells, and one 
of these might have been struck and broken. Some other unforeseen 
accident may have occurred. On the other hand, it is necessary to 
state, that Commodore Preble firmly believed that his officers blew 
themselves up, in preference to being made prisoners ; an opinion in 
which it would not be difficult to coincide, were there proof that they 
were in any immediate danger of such a calamity. It was also the 
general conjecture in the squadron then before Tripoli, that such had 
been the fate of these bold adventurers, but it would seem to have 
been formed at the time, rather on an opinion of what the party that 
went in was capable of doing, than on any evidence of what it had 
actually done. 

As it is the province of the historian to present all the leading facts 
of his subject, we shall add, on the other hand, that many little col 
lateral circumstances appear to have occurred, which may be thought 
to give force to the truth of the common impression. One of the 
best authenticated of these, is connected with what was seen from a- 
vessel that was watching the ketch though it was not the schooner 
nearest in. On board this vessel a light was observed moving on a 
horizontal line, as if carried swiftly along a vessel s deck by some 
one in hurried motion, and then to drop suddenly, like a lantern 
sinking beneath a hatchway. Immediately afterwards the ketch ex 
ploded, and at that precise spot, which would seem to leave no doubt 
that this light was on board the Intrepid. But even this by no means 
establishes the fact that the explosion was intentional. The splin 
ters, that were to keep the enemy aloof, had not been lighted, and 
this movement with the lantern may have been intended to fire them, 
and may have had some accidental connexion with the explosion. 

In addition to this appearance of the light, which rests on testi 
mony every way entitled to respect, there was a report brought off 
by the prisoners, then in Tripoli, when liberated, from which another 
supposition has been formed as to the fate of this devoted vessel, that 
is not without plausibility. It was said that most of the bodies found 
had received gun-shot wounds, especially from grape. One body, 
in particular, was described as having had the small remains of nan 
keen pantaloons on it, and it was also reported that the hair* was of 
a deep black. Through this person, according to the report, no less 

* It is possible certainly that this mark may have been observed, but it is more prob 
able that the hair would have been consumed. Still a hat may have saved it. 
VOL. I. 17 



258 NAVAL HISTORY. [1804. 

than three grape-shot had passed. This has been supposed to have 
been the body of Captain Somers himself, who was the only one of 
the party that wore nankeen, and whose hair was of a deep black. 
On die supposition that the proofs of the grape-shot wounds actually 
existed, it has been conjectured that, as the ketch advanced, she was 
fired into with grape, most of her people shot down, and that the 
magazine was touched off by the two whose bodies were found in the 
wreck, and who were probably below when the Intrepid exploded. 

That a close fire was opened when the ketch appeared, is beyond 
doubt, and that she was quite near the mole and crown batteries when 
the explosion occurred, is known, not only by means of the glass, 
but by the parts of the wreck that fell on the rocks. Indeed, the situ 
ation of the latter would give reason to suppose there might he some 
truth in the rumour that she had grounded, in which case her destruc 
tion by means of shot would have been rendered certain. 

The prevalent opinion that the Intrepid was boarded by one or 
more of the gun-boats that lay near the entrance, would scein to have 
been entertained without sufficient proof. These vessels lay some 
distance within the spot where the ketch blew up, and it was not 
probable that they would have advanced to meet a vessel entering 
the harbour ; for did they suppose her a friend, there would have been 
no motive, and did they suppose her an enemy, they would have 
been much more likely to avoid her. So shy, indeed, had the Tri- 
politans became, after the burning of the Philadelphia, and the 
boarding of their boats, that it was found extremely difficult to get 
their small vessels within the range of musket-balls. Captain Som 
ers was known to have felt no apprehensions of being boarded by 
these three boats, for, when cautioned by his friend Decatur on that 
head his answer was, " they will be more likely to cut and run." In 
this opinion that cool and observant officer was probably right. Had 
there been any vessel near the Intrepid when she blew up, the light 
of the explosion would have permitted her also to be seen ; some 
portions of her wreck would have been visible next day ; and her 
masts and sails would probably have been flying in the air, as well as 
those of the ketch. 

But the fact that only thirteen bodies are spoken of in the private 
journal of Captain Bainbridge, is almost conclusive on the subject 
that no Tripolitan vessel was blown up on this occasion. This entry 
was made at the time, and before the nature of the expedition, or the 
number of those who had been sent in the ketch, was known to the 
Americans in Tripoli. The thirteen bodies account exactly for all 
on board, and as they came ashore in a most mutilated state, with 
out clothes, in some instances without legs, arms, or heads, it was 
impossible to say whether they were the mangled remains of friends, 
or enemies. Had a Tripolitan blown up in company, there must 
have been many more bodies in the same state, instead of t^e precise 
number mentioned, and Captain Bainbridge would have been as 
likely to be taken to see a dead Turk, as to see a dead American. 

The missing gun-boat of which Commodore Preble speaks in his 
report, may have been sunk by a falling shell ; she may have been 



1804.] NAVAL HISTORY. 259 

shattered and hauled into the galley-mole, out of sight ; or, she may 
have removed in the darkness, and been confounded next morning 
with others of the flotilla. Observations made, by means of glasses, 
in a crowded port, at a distance of two or three rniles, are liable to 
many errors. In short, it would seem to be the better opinion, that, 
from some untoward circumstance, the Intrepid exploded at a point 
where she did little or no injury to the enemy.* 

One of three things seems to be highly probable, concerning this 
long-disputed point. The ketch has either exploded by means of the 
enemy s shot, than which, nothing was easier in the situation where 
she lay ; the men have accidentally fired the magazine, while pre 
paring to light the splinters below, or it has been done intentionally, 
in consequence of the desperate condition to which the party was 
reduced, by the destruction caused by grape. Of the three, after 
weighing all the circumstances, it is natural to believe that the first 
was the most probable, as it was certainly easier to cause a vessel 
like the Intrepid, with a hundred barrels of loose powder in her 
magazine, to explode by means of shot, than to cause a vessel like 
No. 8, which is known to have been blown up, in this manner, in the 
action of the 7th of August. As regards the grape-shot wounds, it 
will be seen that Captain Bainbridge is silent. 

A sad and solemn mystery, after all our conjectures, must foruver 
veil the fate of these fearless officers and their hardy followers. In 
whatever light we view the affair, they were the victims of that self- 
devotion which causes the seaman and soldier, to hold his life in 
his hand, when the honour or interest of his country demands the 
sacrifice. The name of Soniers has passed into a battle-cry, in the 
American marine, while those of Wadsworth and Israel are associated 
with all that can ennoble intrepidity, coolness, and daring. 

The war, in one sense, terminated with this scene of sublime 
destruction. Commodore Preble had consumed so much of his 
powder, in the previous attacks, that it was no longer in his power 
to cannonade; and the season was fast getting to be dangerous to 
remain on that exposed coast. The guns, mortars, shells, &c., were 
taken out of the small vessels, on account of the appearance of the 
weather, the day after the loss of the Intrepid, and on the 7th, the 

* The entry in the private journal of Captain Bainbridge is as follows : " Was inform 
ed that the explosion that we heard last night proceeded from a vessel (which the Amer 
icans attempted to send into the harbour,) blowing up; which unfortunate scheme did 
no damage -whatever to the Tripolitans ; nor did it even appear to heave them into con 
fusion." " On the 8th, by the bashaw s permission, with Lieutenant , went to 

the beach of the harbour, and there saw six persons in a most mangled and burnt con 
dition, lying on the shore ; whom we supposed to have been part of the unfortunate crew 
of the fire-vessel, the bottom of which grounded on the north side of the rocks near the 
round battery. Two of these distressed-looking objects were fished out of the wreck 
From the whole of them being so much disfigured, it was impossible to recognise any 
known feature to us, or even to distinguish an officer from a seaman. , who ac 
companied us, informed me that he saw six others yesterday, on the shore to the south 
ward, which were supposed to have come from the same vessel. He also informed me 
that an American six-oared boat, with one man in her, was found drifted on the beach to 
the westward." 

On tl i subject of Commodore Treble s impressions of the fate of the Intrepid, it may 
be well to say, that the Constitution left Tripoli soon after the ketch was blown up, and 
that his letter was dated at Malta, September 18th. Owing to this circumstance, he 
must necessarily have been ignorant of facts that were subsequently ascertained. 



260 NAVAL HISTORY. [1804. 

John Adams, Siren, Nautilus, Enterprise, and Scourge, were directed 
to take the bombards and gun-boats in tow, and to proceed to Syra 
cuse ; while the Constitution, with the Argus and Vixen, in company, 
maintained the blockade. It is not known that another shot was 
fired at Tripoli. 

Three days later, on the 10th of September, 1804, the President 
44, wearing the broad pennant of Commodore Barron, hove in sight, 
with the Constellation 38, Captain Campbell, in company, when the 
command was regularly transferred to the former officer. On the 
12th, two sail were cut off, while attempting to enter Tripoli, loaded 
with wheat. On the 17th, the Constitution reached Malta, with the 
two prizes ; and subsequently, Commodore Preble went to Syracuse 
in the Argus. At a later day, he came home in the John Adams, 
where he arrived on the 26th of February, 1805. In the mean time, 
Captain Decatur proceeded to Malta and took command of the Con 
stitution, which was the first frigate this celebrated officer ever had 
under his orders. 

The country fully appreciated the services of Commodore Preble. 
He had united caution and daring in a way to denote the highest 
military qualities ; and his success in general, had been in proportion. 
The attack of the Intrepid, the only material failure in any of his 
enterprises, was well arranged, and had it succeeded, it would 
probably have produced peace in twenty-four hours. As it was, the 
bashaw was well enough disposed to treat, though he seems to have 
entered into some calculations in the way of money, that induced him 
to hope the Americans would still reduce their policy to the level of 
his own, and prefer paying ransom, to maintaining cruisers so far 
from home. Commodore Preble, and all the officers and men under 
his orders, received the thanks of Congress, and a gold medal was 
bestowed on the former. By the same resolution, Congress expressed 
the sympathy of the nation in behalf of the relatives of Captain 
Richard Somers,* Lieutenants Henry Wadsworth, James Decatur, 
James R. Caldwell, and Joseph Israel, and Mr. John Sword Dorsey, 
midshipman ; the officers killed off Tripoli. 

* Very little is known of Captain Somers beyond his professional career. He was 
born iu Cape May county, New Jersey, and was the son of Colonel Somers, an officer 
of the Revolution. He went early to sea, and had commanded a small vessel, even 
previously to the formation of the navy in 1798. His first cruise was in the United 
States, under Commodore Barry ; and he appears early to have attracted attention by his 
seamanship, zeal, and chivalry. Decatur was bis messmate, and both having been at 
sea previously to joining the navy, they were made lieutenants at the same time, the 
commission of Somers having been dated the 2d, and that of his friend on the 3d of June, 
1799. The reader will better understand the tie which united the young commanders 
that served under Preble before Tripoli, when he finds that Stewart was the first lieu- 
tenant of the United States at this time, Somers the third, and Decatur the fourth. Aftet 
the French war, Mr. Somers served in the Boston 28, Captain M Niell, and made the 
singular cruise to which there has been allusion in the text. He was the officer first 
appointed to command the Nautilus when she was launched, and continued in that 
station until the time of his death. 

Captain Somers was a warm-hearted friend, amiable and mild in his ordinary associa 
tions, a trained seaman, and a good officer. His loss was regretted by all who knew 
him, and, for a time, it cast a gloom over the little service of which he was so conspicuous 
and fa vourite a member. There existed a close intimacy between Decatur and Somers, 
though in many respects, their characters were unlike. In a chivalrous love of enter 
prise, a perfect disregard of danger, and in devotion to the honours of the flag, however 



1804.] NAVAL HISTORY. 261 



CHAPTER XXV. 

Force of the American squadron under Com. Barron A vigourous blockade keptup 
Movement by land Hamet Caramalli, brother of the Bashaw, unites with the Ameri 
cans under General Eaton Attack on Derne Its submission The authority of 
Caramalli partially acknowledged General Eaton presses Com. Barron for rein 
forcements to march on Tripoli he is denied The decision of Com. Barron con 
sidered He formally transfers the command to Capt. John Rodgers The entire force 
under this new disposition Peace concluded with Tripoli Influence of the war on 
the fortunes and character of the navy. 

THE squadron left in the Mediterranean, under the orders of Com 
modore Barron, after the departure of Commodore Preble,was much 
the strongest force that the country had then assembled in that sea. 
It was, indeed, the strongest force that had ever been collected under 
the orders of any single officer beneath the American flag; and small 
as it was, in efficiency it was probably more than equal to all the 
active vessels employed at any one period of the war of the Revolu 
tion. Keeping this fact in view, we look back with surprise, at 
what might then be deemed the greatest effort of a country, that 
possessed 1,000,000 tons of shipping in its mercantile marine, and 
which, with diminished duties, derived an income of $11,098,565, 
from its imports alone. The force in question, consisted of the 
following vessels, viz: 

President 44, Capt. Cox ; Com. Barron. 

Constitution 44, " Decatur. 

Congress 38, " Rodders. 

Constellation 38, " Campbell. 

Essex 32, " J. Barron. 

Siren 16, " Stewart. 

Argus 16, " Hull. 

Vixen 12, " Smith. 

Enterprise 12, Lieut. Com. Robinson. 

Nautilus 12, " " Dent. 

The Scourge 14, went home about this time, and was sold out of 
service, and the bombards and gun- boats borrowed from Naples^ as 
a matter of course, were returned to that government. The Ameri 
cans, however, retained the two prizes taken from the Tripolitans. 
The John Adams 28, Captain Chauncey, also returned to the station 
shortly after landing Commodore Preble in New York ; and two 
vessels were purchased, one at Trieste, and the other at Malta, to be 

th^y had but one heart ; and a generous emulation urged both to renewed exertions, in 
the peculiar stations in which they had been placed by their commander. 

While serving on the Meditterranean station, Mr. Somers, accompanied by two other 
officers, was walking in the dusk of the evening, a short distance from Syracuse, when 
five Sicilian soldiers made an assault on them with drawn swords, the intention being 
to rob. There was one dirk among the Americans, and no other arms. The officer 
who had this weapon, soon disposed of his assailant, but Mr. Somers was compelled to 
seize the sword of the soldier who attacked him, and to close. In doing so he was badly 
wounded in the hand, but he succeeded in disarming the assassin, plunged the weapon 
into his body, when the other three Sicilians fled. The two dead bodies were carried 
into town and recognised, but their comrades were never discovered. 



262 NAVAL HISTORY. [1804. 

converted into bombards. They were never used in that capacity, 
however, two arriving from America before the season for action had 
returned. The vessel purchased at Malta was converted into a sloop, 
armed and manned, and put under the command of Lieutenant 
Evans. She was called the Hornet. 

The long delay in the appearance of the reinforcement, appears to 
have been owing to some of those intrigues among the Barbary 
powers, which it has been found has always induced them to co-ope 
rate in this, if in no other manner, whenever there was a war with the 
Christians. Commodore Barron was met at the Straits by rumours 
of the bad disposition of the Emperor of Morocco, and he found it 
necessary to employ part of his force in that quarter in order to 
overawe the Moors. When he went aloft, the Essex was left below, 
and a cruiser or two appears to have been kept constantly on the 
lower station throughout the winter. 

The blockade of Tripoli was maintained by different vessels during 
the bad season of 1804-5; but no attack was attempted, although 
preparations were made to renew the war in the spring. One of the 
first measures of Commodore Preble, on reaching America, was to 
urge upon the government the necessity of building suitable bomb- 
ketches, and a few gun-boats fitted to cannonade a place like Tri 
poli. His advice was followed, the vessels being immediately laid 
down, but it being found impossible to have the ketches ready in 
time, the two vessels before mentioned, were purchased, strengthened, 
and equipped as bombards. 

In November, Captain Rodgers, as the senior officer was put in 
command of the Constitution, while Captain Decatur was transferred 
to the Congress. The winter and spring passed in this manner, the 
blockade being maintained with vigour, most of the time, though no 
event worthy of note occurred off the port. While matters remained 
in this state with the ships, a movement by land, was in the course of 
execution, that must now be recorded, as it is intimately connected 
with the history of the war. 

It has been said already, that Jussuf Caramalli, the reigning 
pacha, or bashaw of Tripoli, was a usurper, having deposed his elder 
brother Hamet, in order to obtain the throne. The latter had escaped 
from the regency, and after passing a wandering life, he had taken 
refuge among the Mamelukes of Egypt. It had often been suggested 
to the American agents, that the deposed prince might be made useful 
in carrying on the war against the usurper, and at different times, 
several projects had been entertained to that effect, though never with 
any results. At length, Mr. Eaton, the consul at Tunis, who had 
been a captain in the army, interested himself in the enterprise ; and 
coming to America, he so far prevailed on the government to lend 
itself to his views, as to obtain a species of indirect support. Com 
modore Barron was directed to co-operate with Mr. Eaton, as far as 
he might deem it discreet. 

When the new squadron arrived out, it was accordingly ascer 
tained where the ex-bashaw was to be found, and Mr. Eaton at once 
commenced his operations. Two or three days after Commodore 



1805.] NAVAL HISTORY. 263 

Barren had assumed the command before Tripoli, he sent the Argus 
16, Captain Hull, with that gentleman to Alexandria, where he 
arrived on the 26th of November. On the 29th, Mr. Eaton, accom 
panied by Lieutenant O Bannon, of the marines, and Messrs. Marin 
and Danielson, two midshipmen of the squadron, proceeded to 
Rosetta, and thence to Cairo. The viceroy of Egypt received them 
with favour, and permission was obtained for the prince of Tripoli 
to pass out of the country unmolested, though he had been fighting 
against the government, with the discontented Mamelukes. 

As soon as Hamet Caramalli received the proposals of Mr. Eaton, 
he separated himself from the Mamelukes, attended by about forty, 
followers, and repaired to a point twelve leagues to the westward of 
the old port of Alexandria. Here he was soon joined by Mr. Eaton, 
at the head of a small troop of adventurers, whom he had obtained 
in Egypt. This party was composed of all nations, though Mr. 
Eaton expressed his belief, at the time, that had he possessed the 
means of subsistence, he might have marched a body of 30,000 men 
against Tripoli, the reigning bashaw having forced so many of his 
subjects into banishment. Soon after the junction agreed upon, Mr. 
Eaton, who now assumed the title of general, inarched in the direction 
of Derne, taking the route across the Desert of Barca. This was 
early in 1805. 

The Argus had returned to Malta for orders and stores, and on 
the 2d of April, she re-appeared off Bomba, with the Hornet 10, 
Lieutenant Commandant Evans, in company. Cruising on this 
coast a few days, without obtaining any intelligence of General Eaton 
and the bashaw, Captain Hull steered to the westward, and, a few 
leagues to the eastward of Derne, he fell in with the Nautilus, Lieu 
tenant Commandant Dent. On communicating with this vessel, 
which was lying close in with the shore, Captain Hull ascertained that 
the expedition was on the coast, and that it waited only for the arms 
and supplies that had been brought to attack Derne, from which 
town it was but a league distant. A field-piece was landed, together 
with some stores and muskets, and a few marines appear to have 
been put under the orders of Mr. O Bannon, of the corps, when the 
vessels took their stations to aid in the attack. 

It was 2, P. M., on the 27th of April, 1805, that this assault, so 
novel for Americans to be engaged in, in the other hemisphere, was 
commenced. The Hornet, Lieutenant Commandant Evans, having 
run close in, and anchored with springs on her cables, within pistol- 
shot of a battery of eight guns, opened her fire. The Nautilus lay 
at a little distance to the eastward, and the Argus still further in the 
same direction, the two latter firing on the town and battery. In 
about an hour, the enemy were driven from the work, when all the 
vessels directed their guns at the beach, to clear the way for the ad 
vance of the party on shore. The enemy made an irregular but 
spirited defence, keeping up a heavy fire of musketry, as the assailants 
advanced, from behind houses and walls. At half-past 3, however, 
Lieutenant O Bannon and Mr. Mann stormed the principal work, 
hauling down the Tripolitan ensign, and, for the first time in the 



264 NAVAL HISTORY. [1805. 

history of the country, hoisting that of the republic on a fortress of 
the old world. The enemy were driven out of this work with so 
much precipitation, that they left its guns loaded, and even primed. 
The cannon were immediately turned upon the town, and Hamet 
Caramalli having made a lodgment on the other side, so as to bring 
the enemy between two fires, the place submitted. At 4 o clock, 
the boats of the vessels landed with ammunition for the guns and to 
bring off the wounded, Derne being completely in possession of the 
assailants. 

In this affair, only 14 of the assailants were killed and wounded, 
General Eaton being among the latter. The attack was made by 
about 1200 men, while the place was supposed to be defended by 
three or four thousand. One or two attempts were made by the 
Tripolitans, to regain possession, but they were easily repulsed, and 
on one occasion, with some loss. The deposed bashaw remained 
in possession of the town, and his authority was partially recognised 
in the province. General Eaton now earnestly pressed Commodore 
Barron for further supplies and reinforcements, with a view to march 
on Tripoli ; but they were denied, on the ground that Hamet 
Caramalli was in possession of the second province of the regency, 
and if he had the influence that he pretended to, he ought to be 
able to effect his object by means of the ordinary co-operation of the 
squadron. 

This decision of Commodore Barron was the subject of much 
political and military criticism at the time, that officer having been 
censured for not sustaining a successful partisan, who certainly 
promised to terminate the war in a manner much beyond the most 
sanguine hopes of the country. It is not easy to decide on the merits 
or demerits of measures of this nature, without being in possession 
of all the distinctive facts that must govern every enterprise, and it is 
proper to abstain from venturing an opinion, that might not be enter 
tained at all, when intimately acquainted with circumstances. The 
nature of the fighting at Derne shows that little had as yet been over 
come, and, as the force of the reigning bashaw was known to be not 
less than 20,000 men, in some measure inured to war, it would have 
been the height of imprudence to have advanced against the capital, 
at the head of the insignificant and ill-organised force that was col 
lected at Derne. On the other hand, did it appear, that, by merely 
supplying arms and ammunition, with hospital stores and other 
military supplies, a column offeree could have been marched in front 
of Tripoli, with reasonable hopes of obtaining a support from the 
population, there would have been an error in judgment in denying 
the request. Whatever may have been the true character of the 
decision taken, however, Commodore Barron would seem to have 
had but little concern with it, as that excellent officer and highly 
respectable gentleman was in extremely ill health at the time, with 
:but faint hopes of recovery, and on the 22d of May, he formally 
transferred the command of the squadron in the Mediterranean, as 
.well as of the vessels expected, to Captain John Rodgers, the officer 



1805.] 



NAVAL HISTORY. 



265 



next in rank to himself. The entire force under this new disposition, 
when the vessels known to be about to sail should arrive, would be as 
follows : 

Constitution 
President 
Constellation 
Congress 
Essex 

John Adams 
Siren 
Argus 
Vixen 
Nautilus 
Enterprise 
Hornet 
i Vengeance 
( Spitfire 
CNo. 2 
3 



Bombs. 



Gun-boats. 



44, 


Com. Rodgers. 


44, 


Capt. Cox. 


38, 


" Campbell. 


38, 


" Decatur. 


32, 


44 J. Ban-on.- 


28, 


44 Chauncey. 


16, 


44 Stewart. 


16, 


44 Hull. 


12, 


44 Smith. 


12, 


Lieut. Com. Dent. 


12, 


44 " Robinson. 


12, 


44 " Evans. 




44 Lewis. 




44 M Niell. 


1 gun, 


44 Izard. 


2 " 


44 Maxwell. 


2 " 


44 J. D. Henley. 


2 " 


44 Harrison. 


2 " 


44 Lawrence. 


2 " 


44 Harraden. 


2 " 


44 Elbert. 


2 " 


44 Carter. 


1 " 


it 


1 " 


(t _______ 



4 

5 

6 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 



The bombards mentioned in the foregoing list, were the two ves 
sels purchased in America and fitted for the purpose ; and gun-boats 
Nos. 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 9, and 10, were large of their class, having been 
regularly and carefully constructed at home. They were long, low, 
narrow vessels, principally sloop-rigged, and most of them mounted 
two heavy thirty-two-pounders, one at each end. As they were ready 
to sail in the mild season, it was thought by putting their guns be 
low, they might be carried across the Atlantic, although their gun 
wales, when the vessels were ready for service, were scarcely two feet 
from the water. They sailed at different times, and all arrived 
safely but one. No. 7, Lieutenant Ogilvie, sailed May 14, 1805, but 
springing her mast, she returned to New York to refit. She sailed 
a second time, June the 20th, and was never heard of afterwards. 
No. 7 made the fourth American cruiser that had thus disappeared 
within thirty years.* It is worthy of remark, that the remaining 
eight boats arrived at Syracuse within forty-eight hours of each other. 
Lieutenant James Lawrence took No. 6 to the Mediterranean, arriv 
ing safely. "When near the Western Islands, he fell in with the 
British frigate Lapwing 28, Captain Upton, which ran for him, un 
der the impression that the gun-boat was some wrecked mariners on 

"Saratoga 16, 1 Insurgente 36, Pickering 14, and No. 7. 



266 NAVAL HISTORY. [1805. 

a raft, there being a great show of canvass, and apparently no hull. 
On the 12th of June, No. 6 fell in Avith the fleet of Admiral Colling- 
wood, off Cadiz, and while Mr. Lawrence was on board one of the 
British ships, a boat was sent and took three men out of No. 6, under 
the pretence that they were Englishmen. On his return to his own 
vessel, Mr. Lawrence hauled down his ensign, but no notice was 
taken of the proceeding by the British. It is a fitting commentary 
on this transaction, that, in the published letters of Lord Colling- 
wood, where he speaks of the impressment of Americans, he says 
that England would not submit to such an aggression for an hour ! 
Shortly after assuming the command, Commodore Rodgers trans 
ferred Captain J. Barron from the Essex 32, to the President 44, 
giving the former ship to Captain Cox, who was only a master and 
commander. 

Negotiations for peace now commenced in earnest, Mr. Lear hav 
ing arrived off Tripoli, for that purpose, in the Essex, Captain Bar 
ron. After the usual intrigues, delays, and prevarications, a treaty 
was signed on the 3d of June, 1805. By this treaty, no tribute was 
to be paid in future, but $60,000 were given by America, for the ran 
som of the remaining prisoners, after exchanging the Tripolitans in 
her power, man for man. 

It is not easy to express approbation of the terms of this peace. 
America had been contending for the usages of civilisation, and the 
rights of nations, and the ransom was a direct abandonment of both. 
When we remember the force that was about to assemble before 
Tripoli, the season of the year, the fact that Derne was occupied by 
Hamet Caramalli, and the disposition that so generally prevailed in 
the squadron to renew the attacks on the enemy, we find it difficult 
to believe that better terms might not have been obtained. How far 
the course of the negotiator was compelled by his instructions, we 
have no means of saying, but the treaty was approved and ratified. 
While many condemned it as unwise, all, however, rejoiced that it 
was the means of restoring so many brave men to their country. It 
is no more than liberal, moreover, to believe that the situation of these 
unfortunate officers and men, had a deep influence in inducing the 
government to forego abstract considerations, with a view to their 
relief. 

Thus terminated the war with Tripoli, after an existence of four 
years. It is probable that the United States would have retained in 
service some officers, and would have kept up a small force, had not 
this contest occurred, but its influence on the fortunes and character 
of the navy is incalculable. It saved the first, in a degree at least, 
and it may be said to have formed the last. Perhaps no service, 
either in the way of ships or officers, ever had so large a proportion 
of what was excellent in it, and so small a proportion of that which 
was defective, as the navy of the United States, the day peace was 
signed with Tripoli. A stern discipline, a high moral tone, rare 
models in seamanship, active warfare, the means of comparison, and 
a spirit of emulation that is certain to carry the national character to 
the highest level, whenever the national energies can be permitted to 



1805.] NAVAL HISTORY. 267 

exhibit themselves, had conspired to produce this end. The petulant 
and always questionable proofs of private rencontres, which are so 
apt to sully the renown of infant services, had disappeared in a chiv 
alry that seemed to have forgotten all but the country and her honour. 
Not a duel was fought during the command of Preble ; the brave 
men assembled under his orders, regarded each other as brothers, 
and the honour of one appeared to be connected with the honour of 
all. An admirable esprit de corps was created, and the button, which 
bore the emblem of the common profession, was deemed a signal of 
the presence of a friend. Men had stood by each other in moments 
of severe trial, and even the body of the nation, which is so little ad 
dicted to the sentimental, or the abstract, began to regard the flag 
with open pride. In a word, the tone, discipline, pride, emulation, 
and spirit, that the navy derived from this remote and, in one sense, 
unimportant war, prepared it for another and a severer trial that was 
at hand. The impression produced in the Mediterranean was also 
favourable, and the head of the Romish church is said to have pub 
licly declared, that America had done more for Christendom, against 
the barbarians, than all the powers of Europe united. 



APPENDIX. 



NOTE A. 

Agreement between Captain John Paul Jones and the Officers of the 

Squadron. 

[Translation.] 

AGREEMENT between Messrs. John Paul Jones, Captain of the 
Bon Homme Richard ; Pierre Landais, Captain of the Alliance ; 
Dennis Nicolas Cottineau, Captain of the Pallas; Joseph Varage, 
Captain of the Stag (le Cerf) ; and Philip Nicolas Ricot, Captain 
of the Vengeance; composing a squadron, that shall be commanded 
by the oldest officer of the highest grade, and so on in succession, 
in case of death or retreat. None of the said commanders, whilst 
they are not separated from the said squadron, by order of the min 
ister, shall act but by virtue of the brevet which they shall have 
obtained from the United States of America; and it is agreed that 
the flag of the United States shall be displayed. 

The division of prizes to the superior officers and crews of said 
squadron, shall be made agreeably to the American laws ; but it is 
agreed, that the proportion of the whole, coming to each vessel of 
the squadron, shall be regulated by the minister of the marine depart 
ment of France, and the minister plenipotentiary of the United 
States of America. 

A copy of the American laws shall be annexed to the present 
agreement, after having been certified by the commander of the Bon 
Homme Richard ; but as the said laws cannot foresee nor determine 
as to what may concern the vessels and subjects of other nations, it 
is expressly agreed, that whatever may be contrary to them shall be 
regulated by the minister of the French marine, and the minister of 
the United States of America. 

It is likewise agreed, that the orders given by the minister of the 
French marine, and the minister plenipotentiary of the United States, 
shall be executed. 

Considering the necessity there is for preserving the interests of 
each individual, the prizes that shall be taken shall be remitted to the 
orders of Monsieur le Ray de Chaumont, Honorary Intendant of the 
Royal Hotel of Invalids, who has furnished the expenses of the 
armament of said squadron. 



270 APPENDIX. 



It is agreed, that M. le Ray de Chaumont be requested not to give 
up the part of the prizes coming to all the crews, and to each individ 
ual of the said squadron, but to their order, and to be responsible for 
the same in his own proper name. 

Whereas the said squadron has been formed for the purpose of 
injuring the common enemies of France and America, it has been 
agreed that such armed vessels, whether French or American, may 
be associated therewith, as by common consent shall be found suita 
ble for the purpose, and that they shall have such proportion of the 
prizes which shall be taken, as the laws of their respective countries 
allow. 

In case of the death of any one of the before mentioned command 
ers of vessels, he shall be replaced agreeably to the order of the tariff, 
with liberty, however, to choose whether he will remain in his own 
ship, or give up to the next in order the command of the vacant ship. 

It has moreover been agreed, that the commander of the Stag 
(le Cerf ) shall be excepted from the last article of this present agree 
ment, because, in case of a disaster to M. de Varage, he shall be 
replaced by his second in command, and so on by the other officers 
of his cutter, the Stag (le Cerf). 

J. P. JONES, 
P. LANDAIS, 

DE COTTINEAU, 

VARAGE, 

P. RlCOT, 

LE RAY DE CHAUMONT. 

(Spark s Diplomatic Correspondence, page 205, vol. iii.) 



NOTE B. 

IN consequence of the infancy of the arts in America, both the 
soldiers and seamen have had to contend with their enemies, in the 
wars that are passed, under the disadvantages of possessing inferior 
arms, powder, and even shot. How far these deficiencies in the guns 
and shot may have been felt in the Revolution, it is not easy to say, 
as a large portion of the military supplies were obtained either from 
the enemy himself, or from Europe. After the Revolution, however, 
down to the close of the last war with England, the navy in particu 
lar laboured under great disadvantages on account of defective arma 
ments and stores. In many of the actions, more men were injured 
by the bursting of guns than by the fire of the enemy, and the shot, 
from improper casting, frequently broke when they struck. Another 
consequence of this defective casting was a diminution in weight, 
and consequently, in momentum. The latter fact having been allud 
ed to, in the course of the war, the writer, with a view to this work, 
personally weighed a quantity of shot, both English and American. 



APPENDIX. 271 



and made a note of the results. It was found that the old shot, or 
those with which the ships were supplied at the commencement of 
the war of 1812, were comparatively lighter than those which had 
been cast at a later day; but in no instance was an American shot 
even then found of full weight. On the other hand, the English shot 
were uniformly of accurate weight. Some of the American 32 pound 
shot, weighed but 30 pounds ; and a gentleman present on the occa 
sion, assured the writer that, a few years earlier, he had met with 
many which did not much exceed 29 pounds. The heaviest weigh 
ed was 31 pounds 3 ounces. An average of four, all of which were 
of the later castings, gave 30 pounds i ounces. The average of the 
18 pound shot was about 17 pounds ; but, it was understood, as this 
examination occurred several years after the peace, that the shot, as 
well as the guns, were then materially better than they had been 
previously to and during the war. 

The reader will bear in mind that twelve French pounds make 
nearly thirteen English. Thus, while the gun-deck batteries of 
1 Insurgente were nominally twelves, the shot weighed about 13 
pounds. On the other hand, the gun-deck batteries of the Constella 
tion were nominally twenty-fours, but the shot probably weighed 
about 22 pounds. 

In the action with la Vengeance, the two ships had the same nom 
inal weight of metal on their gun-decks, viz. eighteen pounders. 
But the eighteen-pound shot of the Vengeance must have weighed 
nearly 19 j English pounds, while those of the Constellation did not 
probably weigh 17 pounds, if indeed they weighed more than 16 
pounds. 

It has been asserted that the English shot were over-weight, but 
the writer weighed a good many himself, and he found them all sur 
prisingly accurate. 

NOTE C. 

List of the Officers of the Navy, before the Peace Establishment 
Law of 1801 was passed. 

CAPTAINS. 

John Barry, Samuel Barren, 

Samuel Nicholson, Moses Brown, 

Silas Talbot, Moses Tryon, 

Richard Dale, Richard Derby, 

Thomas Truxtun, George Little, 

James Sever, John^Rodgers, 

Stephen Decatur, Edward Preble, 

Christopher R. Perry, John Mullowny, 

Richard V. Morris, James Barron, 

Alexander Murray, Thomas Baker, 

Daniel M Niell, Henry Geddes, 

Thomas Tingey, Thomas Robinson, 



272 



APPENDIX. 



Patrick Fletcher, 
George Cross, 



William Bainbridj*e, 
Hugh G. Campbell. 



MASTERS COMMANDANT. 



Cyrus Talbot, 
David Jewett, 
William Cowper, 
Richard Law, Jr. 



Charles C. Russell, 
Benjamin Hillar, 
John A. Spots\vood. 



List of Officers retained on the Peace Establishment. 

We have set opposite to every name, the ultimate station each 
individual attained as far as can be ascertained, and as a means of 
showing the average fortunes of those who have been engaged in the 
hardy service of the sea. 

CAPTAINS. 

- died at the head of the navy, in 1803. 

do. do. do. do. in 1811. 

- resigned in 1802. 

do. in 1802. 

- dismissed without trial, 1804. 

- died at the head of the service, in 1821. 

- died 1810. 

- died at the head of the service, in 1838. 

- .died in 1807. 

- died at the head of the service, in 1851. 

- died in 1833. 

- died in 1820. 



John Barry, 
Samuel Nicholson, 
Richard Dale, 
Thomas Truxtun, 
Richard V. Morris, 
Alexander Murray, 
Samuel Barron, 
John Rodgers, 
Edward Preble, 
James Barron, 
William Bainbridge, 
Hugh G. Campbell, 



Charles Stewart, - 
Isaac Hull, 
Andrew Sterrett, - 

John Shaw, 
John M Rea, 
Isaac Chauncey, - 
Robert W. Hamilton, 
John Ballard, 
John Rush, 
John Smith, 
Freeborn Banning, 
Richard Somers, - 
Stephen Decatur, 
George Cox, 
John H. Dent, 
Thomas Robinson, Jr. 
John Cowper, 
JohnT. R. Cox, - 



LIEUTENANTS. 

At the head of the service, 1856. 
died a captain, 1843. 
resigned, a master commandant, in 
1805. 

died a captain, in 1823. 
resigned 1803. 

died a captain, 1840. 
resigned 1802. 

resigned 1801. 

resigned 1802. 

died a captain, in 1815. 

resigned 1802. 

killed in battle, a master com., in 1804. 

killed in a duel, a captain, in 1820. 

resigned, a master com., in 1808. 

died, a captain, in 1823. 
resigned, a master com., in 1809. 
resigned in 1801. 

resigned in 1804. 



APPENDIX. 



273 



William C. Jenks, 
David Porter, 
John Cassin, 
Samuel Evans, 
George G. Lee, 
Charles Gordon, - 
Richard II. L. Lawson, 
Godfrey Wood, 
Edward Wyer, 
Geo. W. Tew, 
Henry Vandyke, - 
John M. Claggett, 
Phil. C. Wederstrandt, 
Joshua Blake, 
Joseph Tarbell, 
James R. Caldwell, 
Lewis C. Bailey, - 

Jacob Jones, 



Wm. Henry Allen, 
Samuel Angus, 

Thos. O. Anderson, 
William Butler, 
Joseph Bainbridge, 
William Burrows, 
William Blake, - 
Samuel G. Blodgett, 
Clement Biddle, 
James Biddle, 
P. C. Blake, 
Edward Bennett, - 
Johnston Blakely, 
Thomas T. Beall, 
Walter Boyd, 
Peter E. Bentley, 
James Bic^s, 
E. R. Blaiue, 
Thomas Brown, 
Michael B. Carrol, 
George Calder, 
Edward N. Cox, - 
Aaron F. Cook, 
William Campbell, 
William M. Crane, 
Stephen Cassin, 
J. Orde Crcighton, 

VOL. I. 



dismissed in 1804. 
resigned, a captain, in 1826. 
died, a captain, in 1822. 
died, a captain, in 1824. 
resigned in 1805. 
died, a captain, in 1817. 
resigned in 1804. 
resigned in 1802. 
resigned in 1805. 

died on the Mediterranean station, 1803. 
killed in a duel, in 1803. 
lost in the Bay of Gibraltar, 1801. 
resigned, a master com., 1810. 
resigned in 1806. 
died, a captain, in 1815. 
killed in battle, in 1804. 
dropped subsequently, under the re 
duction law. 
died, a captain, in 1850. 

MIDSHIPMEN. 

killed in battle, a master com., 1814. 
dismissed and subsequently pensioned 

a captain, in 1824. 
resigned, a lieutenant, 1807. 
resigned 1807. 
died, a captain, in 1824, 
killed in battle, a lieut. com., in 1813. 
did not join, and was dropped, 
drowned, a lieutenant, in 1810. 
resigned 1804. 
died, a captain, in 1848. 
resigned 1804. 
died, a lieutenant, in 1810. 
lost at sea, a mast, com., in 1814. 
resigned 1803. 
dismissed in 1810. 
resigned 1802. 
resigned 1803. 
resigned in 1804. 
died, a captain, in 1828. 
resigned, a master commandant, 
resigned 1802. 

resigned, a lieutenant, in 1809. 
permitted to retire, in 1801. 
resigned 1802. 
died, a captain, in 1846. 
second captain, in 1856. 
died, a captain, in 1838 

18 



274 



APPENDIX. 



II. P. Casey, 
William Cutbush, 
Henry J. Cobb, - 
J. P. D. H. Craig, 
Richard Carey, 

Charles Coomb, - 
Winlock Clark, - 
James Decatur, 
William Duncanson, 
John Dorsey, 
Daniel S. Dexter, 
John Davis, 
David Deacon, 
George Dabney, - 
John Downes, 
Samuel Elbert, 
John Gallaway, 
James Gibbon, 

J. M. P. Gardner, 
Sloss II. Grinnell, 
Ed. Giles, 
Allen J. Green, 
Jno. Goodwin, Jr. 
Geo. H. Geddes, - 
Wm. Gregory, 
Jas. S. Higginbotham, 
Alex. C. Harrison, 
Bernard Henry, 
George Hackley, - 
James Haight, 
Sewal Handy, 
Thos. R. Hardenburgh, 
Philip Henop, 
A. J. Hinton, 

John D. Henley, - 
Seymour Hooe, 
Alfred Hazard, 
John Hartley, 
J. Montresor Haswell, 
Theodore Hunt, - 
Daniel C. Heath, - 
Robert Henley, 
Ralph Izard, 
Joseph Israel, 
Robert Innes, 
A. R. Kearney, 
Charlesfc^udlow, - 



retired in 1805. 

resigned 1805. 

resigned 1803. 

retired in 1805. 

retired under peace establishment law, 
in 1801. 

died in 1804. 

drowned, a lieutenant, in 1810. 

killed in battle, a lieutenant, in 1804. 

dropped from list. 

killed in battle, in 1804. 

died, a master and commander, 1818. 

died, a lieutenant, in 1818. 

died a captain, 1841. 

resigned 1805. 

died, a captain, 185-1. 

died, a lieutenant, in 1812. 

died in 1804. 

burnt in Richmond theatre, a lieuten 
ant, in 1811. 

died, a master commandant, in 1815. 

retired, a lieutenant, in 1807. 

resigned 1804. 

resigned 1803 

died in 1804. 

resigned, a lieutenant, in 1811. 

did not accept. 

died, a lieutenant, in 1808. 

died, a lieutenant, in 1809. 

resigned, a lieutenant, in 1812. 

died" in 1805. 

resigned 1802. 

resigned 1804. 

did not join, and was dropped. 

resigned 1801. 

subsequently discharged under reduc 
tion law. 

died, a captain, in 1835. 

resigned 1801. 

dismissed in 1809. 

resigned 1802. 

resigned, a lieutenant, in 1810. 

resigned, a master com., in 1811. 

resigned, a lieutenant, in 1805. 

died, a captain, in 1828. 

resigned, a lieutenant, io 1810. 

killed in battle, in 1804. 

drowned on service, in 1802. 

resigned, a lieutenant, in 1808. 

resigned, a master com., in 1813. 



APPENDIX. 



275 



James T. Leonard, 
James Lawrence, 
William Livingston, 
A. B. Lord, 
Daniel M Niell, Jr. 
Joseph Murdock, 
Louis M Lane, 

William Miller, - 
Joseph Maxwell, - 
Charles Mills, 
Daniel Murray, 
Geo. A. Marcellin, 
Charles Morris, 
Charles Moore, 
George Merrill, 
Archibald M Call, 
William M Intosh, 
George Mitchell, - 
James Mackay, 
Thomas M Donough, 
Humphrey Magrath, 
George Mann, 
W. R. Nicholson, 
Jno. B. Nicholson, 
James Nicholson, 
William F. Nicholls, 
William Newman, 
Edward O Brien, 
Peter S. Ogilvie, - 
Francis Patton, 
Daniel Polk, 
Oliver H. Perry, - 
Benj. Page, 
Octavius A. Page, 
Henry Page, 
Daniel T. Patterson, 
George Parker, 
Stephen Proctor, 
States Rutledge, - 
Charles G. Ridgely, 
Heathcote J. Reed, 
George W. Reed, 
Charles Reed, 
Benj. F. Read, 
Jos. Richardson, - 
John Rowe, 
James Renshaw, - 
Charles Robinson, 
Benjamin Smith, 



died, a captain, in 1832. 

killed in battle, a captain, in 1813. 

resigned, a lieutenant, in 1804. 

unknown. 

retired, a lieutenant, in 1807. 

died in service. 

resigned in 1802 ; afterwards secreta 

ry of state, &c. 
retired in 1807. 
died, a lieutenant, in 1806. 
resigned 1804. 

resigned, a lieutenant, in 1811. 
died, a lieutenant, in 1810. 
died, a captain, 1856. 
died in service early, 
died, a lieutenant, 1822. 
resigned 1802. 

resigned, a lieutenant, in 1808. 
fate unknown, 
resigned 1803. 
died, a captain, in 1825. 
resigned, a lieutenant, in 1809. 
resigned, a lieutenant, in 1811. 
killed in a duel, in 1805. 
resigned, a lieutenant, in 1810. 
resigned 1804. 
resigned 1804. 
resigned 1803. 
retired in 1804. 

lost at sea, a lieutenant, in 1805. 
resigned, a lieutenant, in 1806. 
resigned 1804. 

died at sea, a captain, in 1818. 
resigned 1803. 
died, a lieutenant, in 1813. 
resigned 1803. 
died a captain, 1841. 
died at sea, a master com., in 1814. 
resigned 1803. 
resigned 1802. 
died, a captain, in 1848. 
died, a lieutenant, in 1812. 
died, a master com., in 1813. 
resigned 1806. 

died, a lieutenant com., in 1812. 
resigned 1803. 

resigned, a lieutenant, in 1808. 
died, a captain, in 1846. 
resigned 1807. 
died, a lieutenant, in 1807. $ 



276 



APPENDIX. 



Arthur Sinclair, 
Robert Stewart, 
William Scallen, - 
John Sh attack, 
G. W. Spottswood, 
Maurice Simons, - 
Daniel Simms, 
John Shore, 
H. Savage, 
W. P. Smith, 
Sidney Smith, 
Thomas Swartwout, Jr. 
Robert T. Spence, 
Simon Smith, 
W. M. Smith, 
Richard Thomas, 
John Trippe, 
Rob. L. Tilghman, 
William Thorn, - 
Edward Trenchard, 
Jonathan Thorn, - 
Benjamin Turner, 
Jacob R. Valk, 
Jacob Vickery, 
Sybrant Van Schaick, 
A. Woodruff, 
Daniel Wurts, 
E. Willis. 
Henry Wadsworth, 
John Wood, 
Walter Winter, 
Liewis Warrington, 
Charles Wilson, 
M. T. Woolsey, - 
Wallace Wormley, 
Samuel Woodhouse, 



died, a captain, in 1831. 

drowned, a lieutenant. 

resigned 1806. 

fate unknown, a lieutenant. 

resigned 1803. 

declined. 

resigned 1804. 

resigned 1803. 

resigned 1801. 

resigned, a lieutenant, in 1808. 

died, a master com., in 1827. 

killed in a duel, in 1801. 

died, a captain, in 1827 

died at sea, in 1806. 

declined. 

resigned 1802. 

died, a lieutenant com., in 1810. 

resigned 1802. 

retired in 1805. 

died, a captain, in 1824. 

blown up, a lieutenant, in 1810. 

killed in a duel, a lieut., in 1807 

resigned in 1808. 

declined. 

resigned, a lieutenant, in 1807. 

resigned in 1803. 

resigned in 1802. 

drowned in Bay of Gibraltar, 1800 

killed in battle, a lieut., in 1804. 

resigned in 1804. 

drowned, a lieutenant, 1813. 

died, a captain, in 1851. 

resigned 1803. 

died, a captain, in 1838. 

entered marine corps. 

died, a captain, 1842. 



END OF VOL. I. 



HISTORY 

OF 



THE NAVY 

OF THE 

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, 



VOL. II. 



CONTENTS TO VOL. II. 



CHAPTER I. 

Change in policy of government, as resngcts ijis Rarbary powers^^^cm. -Rodger hgfgjj 
Tunis Rank of Master Commandant restored Promotions Commencement of gun 
boat system Equipment of the Chesapeake 38, for the Mediterranean, her departure 
and action with English ship Leopard 50 Trial of Com. Barron ; its results and 
merits. Page 7. 

CHAPTER II. 

Strange policy of government, as shown in the embargo More vessels put in commis 
sion Developement of gun-boat system Commencement of armaments on the Lakes 
Affair of the President and Little Belt the merits of that occurrence, and the feel 
ing of the country The question of the right of Impressment considered. - - 22. 

CHAPTER III. 

Events just preceding the war Constitution at Portsmouth at Cherbourg, &c State o 
jhe^nayjr ; n Ifil Q- r *T H" Q Corps Policy of the government in reference to the navy nT 
the event of war Peeling of the country on the subject. .... 35. 

CHAPTER IV. 

War declared against England Vessels sail on a cruise Chase of the BelvideraSd ; 
and action with that ship Cruise of Cora. Rodgers Constitution sails under Capt. 
Hull Her brilliant escape from an English squadron Essex 32, Capt. Porter, sails ou / 
a cruise captures the Alert 15 Constitution captures the Guerriere Effect of the vie- / 
tory Promotion of Lt. Morris to be a captain. ..... 43 ^ 

CHAPTER V. 

^rVr^fj[iiiiipJii| firm jim Com. Rodgers second cruise United States captures 
in^Macedonian Cruise of the Argus Cruises of the Wasp and the combat with 
the Frolic. , 60. 

CHAPTER VI. 

Squadron of Com. Bainbridge He sails with only two of his ships Challenge to the 
Bonne Citoyenne Action between the Constitution and Java Action between Hor 
net and Peacock Congress determines to increase the navy Bainbridge quits the 
Constitution Lawrence promoted. - .......67 

CHAPTER VII. 

Essex sails to join Com. Bainbridge Captures the Nocton Nocton recaptured Touch 
es at different places without meeting the Commodore Capt. Porter deterimines to 
go round the Horn reaches Valparaiso Captures a Peruvian corsair makes several 
prizes of enemy s whalers equips a cruiser, called the Georgiana 16 ; Lieut. Com. 
Downes Paints and refits his own ship, at sea, living on the enemy. - - 75 

CHAPTER VIII. 

Cruise of the Essex and Georgiana Captures of the British whalers Atlantic and Green 
wich by the Essex Capture of the British whale ships Catherine and Rose by the 
Georgiana Sharp combat with and capture of the Hector by the same The Georgi 
ana is despatched for America, with oil Lieut. Downes and crew transferred to the 
prize ship Atlantic, (Essex Junior) The Essex captures the English whalers Charl- 
ton, Seringapatam and New Zealander The prisoners of the Essex are sent in the 
Charlton to Rio Janeiro, on parole The Rose is given up to the prisoners of the Geor 
giana, and sent to St. Helena The ship Sir Andrew Hammond taken by the Essex 
Capt. Porter proceeds to the Marquesas to refit. 82. 



IV CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER IX. 

Capt. Porter, with his ships, puts in at Nooaheevah to overhaul Brief notice of the Essex 
and her service The New Zealander, with oil despatched for America Fort built at 
Nooaheevah and Lieut. Gamble put in command The Essex and Essex Junior de 
part for the coast of South America Arrival of the British ships Pho?be and Cherub, 
while anchored at Valparaiso Putting out to sea, the Essex is struck by a squall 
She regains the port Attack on the Essex by the Phoebe and Cherub Surrender of 
the EssexThe Essex Junior proceeds to America as a cartel Fate of the party left 
at Nooaheevah. ........... Page 87. 

CHAPTER X. 

of the Constellation she is 



edby al5rin?n*TOeTaTTfampT?W?Ocms Skilful preparations for her defence, 
by Capt. Stewart Compliment paid him by the British officers He is transferred to 
the Constitution Cruise of the Chesapeake, Capt. Evans she captures four mer 
chantmen Change in the policy of the enemy with regard to the eastern states 
Contemplated cruise of the Chesapeake, Capt. Lawrence Disaffection among her 
crew Her action with and capture by the British ship Shannon Death of Capt. 
Lawrence Sketch of his life. ......... 98. 

CHAPTER XI. 

The Vixen, Capt. Reed, is captured by the Southampton Both vessels are soon after 
wrecked Cruise of the Siren, Captain Parker Death and notice of Capt. P. The 
Siren, Lieut. Nicholson, is captured by the Medway The Enterprise, Lieut. Blakely, 
captures the privateer Fly Under Lieut. Comdt. Burrows, her action with and cap- 

^ ture of the British brig Boxer Commanders of both ships are killed Notice of Lieut. 
B. Under Lieut. Renshaw, the Enterprise captures the British privateer Mars 
Capture of the Rattlesnake, Lieut. Comdt. Renshaw, by the Leander. - - 107. 

CHAPTER XII. 

Six new sloops of war added to the navy Cruise of the Argus, Capt. Allen, on the 
coast of England, and Ireland she captures twenty sail of merchantmen Her action 
with and capture by the Pelican Death of Capt. Allen sketch of his life The En 
terprise summary of her services. ........ 112. 

CHAPTER XIII. 

Attack on the British ship Narcissus, by the gnn-boats in Hampton Roads Attack on 
Craney Island Notice of Mr. Sigourney, killed on board the Asp Blockadjustf && 
United States, Macedonian, and Hornet Capture of the American brig Viper, Lieut. 
Henley Loss of the schooner FerretLieut. Kearny Attack on the Alligator, sail 
ing-master Basset she beats oft her assailants Mr. Basset is promoted The Alligator 
is sunk in a gale on the coast of Georgia Loss of all but sixteen of her crew She is 
afterwards raised Exploits of Capt. Kearny Notice of his services Gallant de 
fence of gun-boat No. 160, by sailing-master Paine his promotion "Warfare in the 
Delaware Capture of gun-boat No. 121, by the enemy s ships Junon and Martin. 116 

CHAPTER XIV. 

Launch of the Guerriere, Independence, and Java Capture of the Frolic, Capt. Bain- 
bridge, by the frigate Orpheus The Adams cut down and lengthened her cruise 
under Capt. Morris she captures the Woodbridge is burnt at Penobscot Cruise of 
the Wasp, Capt. Blakely she captures the Reindeer cuts out a vessel with military 
stores her action with and destruction of the Avon she captures the brigs Three 
Brothers, Bacchus, and Attalanta her uncertain fate Notice of Capt. Blakely The 
Peacock, Capt. Warrington, captures the Epervier she cruises in the enemy s seas, 
and captures fourteen merchantmen Capture of the Highflyer by the President, Com. 
Rodgers. ............. 123. 

CHAPTER XV. 

Capt. Barney s flotilla in the Chesapeake Skirmishes with the enemy Advance of the 
enemy upon Washington City Defensive movements Captains Barney and Miller 
woundrd and taken prisoners Vessels destroyed, and city taken Attack on Balti 
moreDeath of Gen. Ross Retreat of the enemy Failure of the attack by water- 
Exchange of Capt. Barney Sketch of his life. ...... 133 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER XVI. 

The enemy s fleet, Admiral Cockrane, appears off the mouth of the Mississippi New 
OrleansMovements of the enemy Commencement of hostilities Handsome resis 
tance of Lieut. Jones Action on Lake Borgne Surrender of Lieut. Jones s flotilla, 
after a gallant defence Landing of the British troops below New Orleans, under Gen. 
Keane Gen. Jackson marches against the enemy Assistance of the Carolina, Capt. 
Patterson, in the defence She blows up Battle of New Orleans Naval otiicers who 
distinguished themselves. Page 141. 

CHAPTER XVII. 

British and American force on Lake Ontario Resources of the two countries Attack 
on Sackett s Harbour Lieut. \Voolsey defends against six British vessels Appoint 
ment of Com. Chauncey Six schooners purchased and equipped Forces compared 
Upper Lakes Attack on, and capture of the British brigs Detroit and Caledonia, 
by Lieut. Elliott he receives a sword from Congress Part of the John Adams crew 
reach Buffalo Com. Chauncey puts out in squadron The Royal George retires un 
der the batteries of the enemy Accident on board the Pert Captures by the Hamilton 
and Growler Descent upon the British ports on Niagara river Gallant conduct 
of Lieut. Angus The enemy s batteries carried, guns spiked and barracks burned 
Marvelous escape of Messrs. Dudley, Holdup and Wragg. .... 147. 

CHAPTER XVIII. 

The new ship Madison launched at Sackett s Harbour Two ships laid down at Presque 
Isle Launch of the Lady of the Lake Embarkation of the squadron under Com. 
Chauncey Attack on York (Toronto) its reduction General Pike killed Capture 
of the schooner Duke of Gloucester, and a vessel of twenty guns (nearly finished) de 
stroyed Attack on Fort George Retreat of the enemy Evacuation of the Niagara 
frontier by the BritfsTL - - - 159. 

CHAPTER XIX. 

The enemy effect a landing on Horse Island Under Sir George Prevost, they attack 
Sackett s Harbour, and are repulsed, with loss Launch of the General Pike Promo 
tions in the navy Captures by the enemy on Lake Champlain Depredations at 
Pittsburgh Capture of the Lady Murray, with military stores Movements of the 
enemy on Lake Ontario The American squadron makes a second attack on York 
Ineffectual attempts to meet the enemy Loss of the Hamilton and Scourge in a squall 
Capture of the Growler and Julia Notice of Mr. Trant. .... 165. 

CHAPTER XX. 

Meeting and fruitless manffiuvring of the hostile squadrons Launch of the Sylph at 
Sackett s Harbour Changes and promotions Unavailing cmise of six days Escape 
of the enemy in a running fight Action on the Lake Chase The American squad 
ron haul off for the Niagara Capture of six British transports Review of the ope 
rations. 176. 

CHAPTER XXI. 

Operations on Lake Erie Force of the enemy The Lawrence and Niagara got over 
the bar at Presque Isle Force of the squadron under Capt. Perry General action, 
and capture of the whole British fleet Captains Perry and Elliott receivegold medals 
Result of this victory Capt. Perry resigns the command to Capt. Elliott Promotion 
of Capt. Perry, and appointment to the command of the Java. - . - 186. 

CHAPTER XXII. 

Operations on Lake Ontario Three new ships laid down at Sackett s Harbour Sick 
ness, and state of the service Capt. Sinclair appointed to command on the upper lakes 
Launch of the Superior Force ofSir James Yeo Oswego Descent of the British 
Spirited though hopeless defence under Lieut. Col. Mitchell Loss of the Growler 
Blockade of Sackett s Harbour Reinforcements from the sea-board Attempt on 
Sandy Creek, with loss Launch of the Mohawk Lieut. Gregory captures a gun 
boat, and destroys the enemy s cruiser, building at Presque Isle American force 
The British run the Charwell ashore and blow" her up Sir James Yeo is six days 
blockaded in Kingston Capture of Lieut. Gregory and crew Attempts to draw the 
nemy <>ut The enemy s new ship St. Lawrence Attempt to blow her up. - 200. 



VI CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER XXIII. 

Operations on Lake Charnplain Attempts of the British to fill up the channel of Otter 
Creek Launch of ihe schooner Eagle Sir George Prevost advances against Platts- 
burg Disposition of the hostile forces Battle of Phittsburg Bay Promotion of Capt. 
M Donough medal from Congress, &c. &c. Glorious character of the battle. - 211. 

CHAPTER XXIV. 

Operations on the upper Lakes Com. Sinclair repulsed in his attempt on Michilimack- 
inac The Ohio and Somers surprised and captured by the British The Tigress and 
Scorpion taken by surprise Notice of Henry Eckford Resources and successes of 
the American and British forces on the Lakes. ...... 225. 

CHAPTER XXV. 

Cruise of the Constitution, Capt. Stewart Capture of the man-of-war Pictou Her 
second cruise She makes two prizes is chased by two British vessels engages both, 
and captures the Cyane She pursues and captures the Levant The Cyane, Lieut. 
Hoffman, sails for America The Constitution and the Levant chased by a British 
squadron off Port Praya The Levant is pursued into port where she strikes to the ene 
my The Constitution returns home her services and character as a" lucky ship." 2:29. 

CHAPTER. XXVI. 

Chase and capture of the President, Com. Decatur, by a British squadron off New 
York The Hornet, Capt. Biddle, captures the Penguin is chased inufiiictually by the 
British ship Cornwallis Capture of the cruiser Nautilus, by the Peacock The buy. 
ing or building of twoaquadrona of small vessels ordered -Eivi of the war Character 
of tho American ^""^ "" 




NAVAL HISTORY 



OP THE 



UNITED STATES. 



CHAPTER I. 

Change in policy of government, as respects the Barhary powers Com. Rodgers before 
Tunis Rank of Master Commandant restored Promotions Commencement of gun 
boat system Equipment of the Chesapeake 38, for the Mediterranean, her departure 
and action with English ship Leopard 50 Trial of Com. Ban-on; its result and 
merits. 

PEACE was no sooner made with Tripoli, than Commodore Rodg 
ers gave his attention to Tunis, with which regency there was now 
every prospect of a speedy war. In April, while blockading, the 
Constitution had captured a xebeck belonging to the Bey, which, in 
company with two prizes, was endeavouring to get into Tripoli. 
These vessels had been demanded, and the consul had been notified 
that hostilities would immediately follow a refusal. Mr. Davis, who 
was then at Tunis, informed the Bey that the captured vessels could 
not be released, and the whole matter was referred to the naval offi 
cer in command. A correspondence ensued, and Commodore 
Rodgers felt himself, not only compelled, but, without forgetting pru 
dence, able to tell the government of Tunis, that it was his settled 
intention to maintain the rights of his flag, and the law of nations. 

When this reply was received at Tunis, the Bey, who was not yet 
accustomed to consider America a nation of importance, and who 
appeared to think that his anger must be a source of serious appre 
hension to her people, used the loftiest language, expressly announc 
ing an intention to commence hostilities unless the vessels were 
instantly restored. But times had changed. The temporary con 
trol of events had been taken out of the hands of timid politicians at 
a distance, and had passed into those of men on the spot, who desir 
ed nothing better than to teach the barbarians justice. The Ameri 
can merchant ships had ceased to apprehend capture, and the idea, 
which had just before been so terrible, of a rover s getting into the 
Atlantic, appears to have been forgotten. In short, a very moderate 
application of that dormant power, which, when properly applied, 
can at any time give the republic a commanding influence in the 



8 NAVAL HISTORY. [1805. 

general concerns of the world, had at least disposed of all questions 
of this nature, that were connected with states as insignificant as 
those of Barbary. The Bey of Tunis, moreover, had selected a most 
unfortunate moment for his bravado, the force under Commodore 
Rodders being at the time nearly all in the Mediterranean. The 
gun-boats had arrived, and the ketches were hourly expected. In 
short, the menace was most inopportunely made for the Bey, since it 
was uttered to those who would not have regretted an attempt to put 
it in execution. 

The business at Tripoli was no sooner completed, therefore, than 
Commodore Rodgers sailed with thirteen vessels, gun-boats included, 
and anchored in Tunis Bay on the 1st of August. As soon as the 
consul had repaired on board and communicated the state of things 
in the regency, a council of war was called. The result was a letter 
to the Bey, demanding to know if a declaration made to the consul, 
in which he had said that the appearance of the American squadron 
off his port would be considered as the commencement of hostilities, 
was to be taken literalJy or not. In this letter the Bey was given to 
understand, in the plainest manner, that hostilities would commence 
on the part of the Americans, within thirty-six hours, did he decline 
answering, or neglect the application. 

It may be useful to the reader, if we pause a moment, and review 
the changes that four short years had produced in the tone of the 
American agents. In 1801, after capturing a Tripolitan rover, Com 
modore Dale had been compelled to send her into her own port, 
through the doubts and misgivings of a feeble and temporising pol 
icy at home. The administration had used the cry of economy as a 
means of defeating its adversaries, and, as is too often the case, this 
appeal had been made without a just discrimination between that 
liberal saving, which anticipates future waste by present expenditure, 
and that which can be no better described than by the homely axiom 
of " penny wise and pound foolish." But the force of things, always 
a salutary corrective of the errors of men, had compelled an arma 
ment, and no better illustration of the expediency of being prepared 
for war, need be required than is to be found in the facts of this case. 

The Bey, accustomed to regard the Americans as tributaries, had 
been seeking a cause for war, when he was suddenly met by this high 
tone on the part of those whom he had hitherto found so much dis 
posed to temporise. At first he appeared to place no faith in the 
demonstration, and the required answer was not immediately sent. 
Commodore Rodgers, in consequence, directed Captain Decatur to 
land, to demand an audience of the Bey, and to obtain an unequivo 
cal solution of the question of peace or war. 

It is probable that the Bey regarded this mission as one of a doubt 
ful nature, also, for he refused to receive Captain Decatur in the 
character in which he had been sent. That spirited officer, little 
accustomed to temporising, declined being admitted in any other. 
As soon as the intentions of both parties had been explained, Cap 
tain Decatur returned on board, when " the royal breast" of the Bey 
appeared to be panic struck." A letter was sent to the commo- 



1805.] NAVAL HISTORY. 9 

dore, signed by the pacha himself, in which he expressed a desire to* 
treat, and using the most pacific language. Shortly after he an 
nounced a wish to send a minister to Washington. This moderated 
tone put an end to the threatened hostilities, and after a negotiation 
that lasted nearly a month, the affair was arranged with the regency, 
to the satisfaction of one of the parties at least. The xebeck and 
her prizes were not given up. In September, a Tunisian ambassa 
dor embarked in the Congress 38, Captain Decatur, and in due time 
he was landed at Washington. 

Commodore Rodgers remained in Tunis Bay more than a month, 
literally negotiating under the muzzles of his guns, and the result 
proved the wisdom of the course he had taken. The navy, the ablest 
of all negotiators in such matters, had completely reversed the an 
cient order of things, for, instead of an American agent s being com 
pelled to solicit the restoration of prizes, illegally taken, in Africa, an 
African agent was now" soliciting the restoration of prizes legally 
captured in America. At a later day, the xebeck and her consorts 
were given up, as of no moment ; but when the Tunisian minister 
added a demand Yor tribute, agreeably to former usage, he met with 
an explicit denial. After a short residence, he returned to his master 
with the latter answer, but the Bey did not see fit to take any steps 
in consequence. The impression made by the attacks on Tripoli, 
and of the appearance of the American squadron before his own 
town, would seem to have been lasting. 

After the settlement of the dispute with Tunis, the vessels in the 
Mediterranean were gradually reduced, though it was still deemed 
necessary to keep a small squadron in that sea. The government 
also became better apprised of the nature of the force that was 
required, in carrying on a war with the Barbary states, and several 
new vessels were put into the water about this time, among which 
were two regularly constructed bombards, the Etna and the Vesu 
vius. Two sloops of war, of the most approved models, were also 
built, and became active cruisers on the peace establishment. These 
vessels were the Wasp 18, and the Hornet 18, the former being a 
ship and the latter a brig. These two beautiful and efficient sloops 
had no gun-decks, poops, or top-gallant forecastles, but were con 
structed after the designs of the French, and they had armaments of 
16 thirty-two pound carronades, and 2 long twelves each. 

In April, 1806, a law was passed which authorised the President 
to employ as many of the public vessels as he might deem necessary, 
but limiting the number of the officers and seamen. By this act the 
list of the captains was increased to thirteen, that of the masters and 
commanders to eight, and that of the lieutenants to seventy-two. 
The rank of masters and commanders was re-established in 1804, 
as has been already shown, and, of the thirty-six lieutenants retained 
in 1801, fifteen had been promoted, thirteen had resigned, one had 
died on service, one had been drowned on service, one had been 
killed in battle, one had been killed in a duel, one had beeji dis 
missed, and three still remained on the list of lieutenants. Of those 



10 NAVAL HISTORY. [1805. 

that had been promoted, one* had resigned, and onet had been killed 
in battle. It follows, that, in order to complete the new list to seventy- 
two, sixty-nine midshipmen were raised to the rank of lieutenants. 

The list of captains, under the new law, and after the changes 
just named, consisted of the following gentlemen, viz: 

1 Samuel Nicholson, 8 Hugh G. Campbell, 

2 Alexander Murray, 9 Stephen Decatur, 

3 Samuel Barron, 10 Thomas Tingey, 

4 John Rodders,- 11 Charles Stewart, 

5 Edward Preble, 12 Isaac Hull, 

6 James Barron, 13 John Shaw, 

7 William Bainbridge, 14 Isaac Chauncey. 

The list of masters and commanders at the same period, were as 
follows, viz: 

1 John Smith, 5 David Porter, 

2 George Cox, 6 John Cassin, 

3 John H. Dent, 7 Samuel Evans, 

4 Thomas Robinson, 8 Charles Gordon. 

The condition of the navy may be said to have been negative at 
the period of which we are now writing, for while all who reflected 
seriously on the subject, felt the necessity of greatly increasing this 
branch of the national defence, nothing efficient was attempted, or, 
apparently contemplated. Ships of the line, without which it would 
be impossible to prevent any of even the secondary maritime states 
of Europe from blockading the ports of the country, were now 
scarcely mentioned, and the materials that had been collected for 
that object, in 1800, were rapidly disappearing for the purposes of re 
pairs and re-constructions. It is, indeed, difficult to imagine a policy 
as short-sighted and feeble, as that pursued by Congress at this partic 
ular juncture. With political relations that were never free from the 
appearances of hostilities, a trade that covered all the seas of the 
known world, and an experience that was replete with lessons on the 
necessity of repelling outrages by force, this great interest was treated 
with a neglect that approached fatuity. To add to this oversight, 
and to increase the despondency of the service, as well as of all those 
whose views extended to the future necessities of the country, the 
government appears to have adopted a policy, in connexion with the 
defence of the harbours, bays, and sounds of the coast, that was 
singularly adapted to breaking down the high tone that the navy had 
acquired in its recent experience. This plan, which has been gen 
erally known as the " gun-boat policy," originated as far back as the 
year 1803, though it did not become of sufficient moment to be par 
ticularly noticed until the time at which we are now arrived, in the 
regular order of events. 

In February, 1803, the relations of the country with Spain, in con 
sequence of a denial of a place of deposit at New Orleans, had an 
aspect so threatening, that a law was passed appropriating $50,000 

* Sterrett. t Somers. 



1806.] NAVAL HISTORY. 11 

for the construction of gun-boats. In consequence of the acquisition 
of Louisiana, by treaty, however, this money was never used, 
although steps had been taken to procure models of the gun-boats of 
Spain and Naples, nations whose naval histories, for the previous 
century, offered out questionable examples for the imitation of a 
people as singularly maritime as that of America. 

In 1804, gun-boats were obtained in Naples to cannonade Tripoli, 
the position of the rocks before that town admitting of their use under 
circumstances of advantage. The Neapolitan boats proving defec 
tive a few were built at home, and this species of vessel first appeared 
afloat in 1805. The hardy manner in which they were carried across 
the ocean and returned, has already been mentioned. The law 
under which these boats had been built, contemplated their future 
use, as an auxiliary means of permanent harbour defence. 

Motives had been gradually accumulating, however, to induce the 
executive to extend this policy. The English had set up new 
doctrines on the subject of blockades and the colonial trade, in oppo 
sition to doctrines of France, that were equally opposed to common 
sense, obvious justice, and usage ; and, as the former possessed a 
numerous and active marine, these conflicting practices resulted in a 
species of indirect and half-way blockade of the entire American 
coast. English cruisers were constantly hovering around the most 
frequented of the ports of the country, while privateers under French 
commissions, were occasionally guilty of the grossest excesses. In 
short, we have now reached the commencement othat extraordinary 
state of things, when each of the great European belligerents appear 
ed to think that an act of aggression by its enemy on a neutral, was 
an ample justification for retaliating on the unoffending and suffering 
party. 

The gun-boats, at first, were well received in the service, since it gave 
enterprising young officers commands ; and the vessels originally 
constructed, were of an equipment, size and force, which in a meas 
ure, removed the objections that young sea-officers would be apt to 
urge against serving in them. At the close of the year 1806, the 
President announced to Congress that the gun-boats already author 
ised by a law of April of the same year, 50 in number, were so far 
advanced -as to put it in the power of the government to employ them 
all, the succeeding season, and the message contained a recommen 
dation to extend the system. 

An event soon occurred that not only stimulated this policy, but 
which induced the government to resort to new measures to protect 
the country, some of which were as questionable, as they were novel. 
A few ships had been kept in the Mediterranean, as stated, and it is 
worthy of being noted, that, with a commerce that, in 1807, employ 
ed 1,200,000 tons of shipping, this was the only foreign station on 
which an American cruiser was ever seen ! Neither was there any 
proper home squadron, notwithstanding the constant complaints that 
were made of the wrongs inflicted by English and French cruisers, 
particularly the former, at the very mouths of the harbours of the 
country. 



12 NAVAL HISTORY. [1806. 

On the 25th of April, 1800, the British ship Lcander 50, Captain 
Whitby, in endeavouring to cut off a small coaster, that was running 
for Sandy Hook, fired a shot into her, which killed one of her peo 
ple ; and, as this outrage occurred quite near the shore, it excited a 
strong feeling of indignation, in a portion of the country, at least. 
But, unfortunately, party spirit had, at that period, taken the worst, 
most dangerous, and least creditable form, in which it can exist in a 
free country. By neglecting to place the republic in an attitude to 
command respect, the government had unavoidably been reduced to 
appeal to arguments and principles, in those cases in which an appeal 
to force is the only preservative of national rights, and, in so doing, 
it opened the door to the admission of sophisms, counter-arguments 
and discussions, that, in the end, effectually arrayed one half of the 
community against the other, and this too, on matters in which 
foreign nations were the real parties on one side, and the common 
country on the other. In a word, the great mistake was made of 
admitting of controversy concerning interests that all wise govern 
ments hold to be beyond dispute. There will presently be occasion 
to advert to some of the consequences of this extraordinary state of 
things, that are more peculiarly connected with our subject. 

While the feelings, policy, and preparations of the United States 
were in the condition just mentioned, the Chesapeake 38, was order 
ed to be put in commission, with a view of sending her to the Medi 
terranean, as the relief-ship, the time of the people of the Constitu 
tion 44, the flag-ship on that station, being nearly up. Captain 
Charles Gordon, the youngest master-commandant on the list, was 
attached to the Chesapeake as her captain, and Captain James Bar- 
ron was selected to hoist a broad pennant in her, as commander of 
the squadron. Both these officers enjoyed high characters in the 
service; Commodore Barren, in particular, being deemed one of the 
most ingenious and ready seamen that America had ever produced. 
* The Chesapeake was lying at the navy yard Washington, and was 
put in commission early in 1807. By an order of the date of Feb 
ruary 22d of that year, Captain Gordon was first attached, but the 
specific orders to Commodore Barron do not appear to have been 
given until May the loth. The ship remained at Washington, taking 
in her masts and stores, and receiving officers and men-, until the 
close of the spring. During this time the English minister informed 
the government that three deserters from his B. M. ship Melampus, 
had enlisted among the crew of the Chesapeake, and he requested 
that they might be given up. Although the right to demand desert 
ers is not recognised by the laws of nations, there is usually a dispo 
sition between friendly governments to aid each other in securing 
these delinquents, especially when it can be done under circumstan 
ces that produce no direct injury, and the matter was referred to 
Commodore Barron, for investigation, by the navy department. 
The inquiry appears to have been made in a proper temper, and 
with a sincere wish to dismiss the men, should they actually prove to 
be what was represented, though it might be questioned whether the 
President himself legally possessed any power to give them up to 



1807.] NAVAL HISTORY. 13 

their own officers. Commodore Barron directed Captain Gordon to 
inquire into the matter with care, and to make his report. It was 
ascertained that the three men were actually deserters from the ship 
named, but they all claimed to be impressed Americans, who had 
availed themselves of the first opportunity that offered on landing in 
their native country, to make their escape from illegal and unjust 
detention. One of these men was said to be a native of the Eastern 
Shore, a part of the country in which Captain Gordon was born, and 
that officer, after a careful examination, appears to have been satisfied 
with the truth of his account. Another was a coloured man, and 
there was hardly a doubt of the truth of his allegations ; while the 
case of the third seaman, though in part established, was not entirely 
clear. Under the circumstances, however, a seaman found in the 
country, and demanding the protection of its laws as a native, could 
not be given up to a service that was known constantly to violate the 
rights of individuals, on the naked demand of that service, and in the 
absence of all affirmative proof of its being in the right. The Eng 
lish minister received the report, and he appears to have been satis 
fied, as no more was said on the subject. 

Although Captain Gordon was attached to the Chesapeake in 
February, he does not appear to have actually taken the command 
of the ship until the 1st of May, as she was still in the hands of the 
mechanics. About the beginning of June she sailed from Washing 
ton for Norfolk. At this time, there were but twelve guns on board ; 
and, as it is customary for all vessels of war to fire a salute in passing 
Mount Vernon, it was discovered, on that occasion, that some of the 
equipments of the guns were imperfect. Orders were issued by Cap 
tain Gordon in consequence, though the circumstance probably ex 
cited less attention than would otherwise have been the case, on 
account of the unfinished state of the vessel. The Chesapeake arriv 
ed in Hampton Roads on the 4th of June, and on the 6th, Commo 
dore Barron paid her a short visit. 

Between the 6th of June and the 19th, the remainder of the guns 
and stores were received on board the Chesapeake, her crew was 
completed to about 375 souls, and, on the latter day, Captain Gor 
don reported her to Commodore Barron, as ready for sea. Up to the 
6th of June, the people had not even been quartered at all, and be 
tween that day and the time of sailing, they had been at quarters but 
three times ; on neither of which occasions were the guns exercised. 

About 8 A. M., June 22d, 1807, the Chesapeake 38, Captain Gor 
don, bearing the broad pennant of Commodore Barron, got under 
way, from Hampton Roads, bound to the Mediterranean. At that 
early day, the armament of the ship consisted of 28 eighteen-pound- 
erson her gun-deck, and of 12 carronades above, making a total of 
40 guns. She was a roomy and convenient vessel, but was thought 
to be weak for her dimensions, and her sailing was remarkable 
neither way. 

A squadron of British ships of war, varying constantly in numbers 
and vessels, had been watching some French frigates that lay at 
Annapolis, several months ; and it was their practice to lie in Lynn- 

VOL. II. 1 



14 NAVAL HISTORY. [1807. 

haven, or, occasionally, to cruise in the offing. On the 21st of June, 
this squadron had consisted of three vessels, one of which was the 
Bellona 74, and another the Melampus 38, the ship from which the 
three seamen, already mentioned, had deserted. On the evening o f 
the same day, a fourth vessel, which was afterwards ascertained to 
be the Leopard 50, Captain Humphreys, came in and anchored. 
The Leopard was a small two-decker, had a lower-deck battery of 
twenty-fours, and is said to have mounted 56 guns. When the 
Chesapeake weighed, up at Hampton Roads, the Leopard lifted her 
anchor, and preceded the American frigate to sea by several miles. 
The wind was light, at northwest ; and as the Leopard got an offing, 
she disappeared behind Cape Henry. 

A little after 12 o clock, the Chesapeake was up with the cape, 
when the wind shifted to the southward and eastward. As she 
opened the offing, the Leopard was seen a few miles distant to wind 
ward, heading to the eastward, with apparently very little air. She 
soon took the new wind, however, when both ships made stretches 
to get free of the land, there being a good working breeze and per- 
feotly smooth water. The Leopard tacked with the Chesapeake, 
though the latter ship appears to have closed with her, the distance 
between the two vessels gradually lessening. By some accounts the 
English ship shortened sail in order to allow this. Up to this mo 
ment, however, it is the better opinion, thatthere was nothing unusual, 
or suspicious, in her movements. The British cruisers were in the 
habit of standing out in this manner, and the Leopard obtained the 
weather gage altogether by the shift of wind. 

About 3 o clock, both vessels having an offing of some six or eight 
miles, the Chesapeake tacked to the eastward again, and the Leopard, 
then about a mile to windward, wore round and came down upon 
her weather quarter, when she hailed, informing Commodore Barron 
that she had despatches for him. In all this there was nothing 
unusual, despatches having been put on board the Wasp 18, Captain 
Smith, from the Bellona 74, a few days previously, the American 
ship being bound to Europe. Commodore Barron answered that he 
would heave to, and receive a boat. Both vessels now came to, the 
Chesapeake by laying her main-topsail to the mast, while the accounts 
appear uncertain, whether the Leopard backed her forward or her 
after sails. At this time, it was observed by some of the officers on 
board the Chesapeake, however, that the English ship had her lower 
ports triced up, and the tompions out of her guns. It does not 
appear that the latter fact, the only one of moment, was reported to 
either Captain Gordon or Commodore Barron. 

In a few minutes, a boat from the Leopard came alongside of the 
Chesapeake, and her officer was shown into the cabin, where he was 
received by Commodore Barron. Here the English lieutenant pro 
duced an order, signed by Vice-Admiral Berkeley, datt \ Halifax, 
June 1st, and addressed to all the captains of the ships inder his 
command, directing them, should they fall in with the Chesapeake, 
out of the waters of the United States, and at sea, to show her com 
mander this order, to " require to search for deserters," and, " to pro- 



1807.] NAVAL HISTORY. 15 

ceed and search for the same,"* offering at the same time, to allow 
of a similar search on board their own vessels. Accompanying this 
order, was a note from the commander of the Leopard, addressed to 
the commander of the Chesapeake, referring to the order of the vice- 
admiral, and expressing a hope " that every circumstance respecting 
them (the deserters) may be adjusted in a manner that the harmony 
subsisting between the two countries may remain undisturbed." To 
this note, Commodore Barren returned an answer, stating that he 
knew of no such deserters as described. He added, that his recruit 
ing officers had been particularly instructed by the government, not 
to enter any deserters from the English ships, and that his orders 
would not allow him to suffer his people to be mustered by any offi 
cer but their own. 

By referring to this correspondence, which will be found in the 
appendix, it will be seen that neither the order of Vice-Admiral 
Berkeley, the note of Captain Humphreys, nor the answer of Com 
modore Barren, was perfectly explicit on the important points, of 
whether force would be used, if the alleged deserters were not given 
up, or whether they would be refused, could it be shown, by any 
other means than that of being mustered by foreign officers, that the 
men required were among the Chesapeake s crew. In a word, the 
order and note were vague and general; and the answer, as far as it 
went, the most direct document of the three, appears to have been 
framed in a similar spirit. The British officer was ordered to " re 
quire" of the captain of the Chesapeake, " to search his ship for 
deserters," &c., and " to proceed and search for the same," &c. 
Nothing is said of compelling a search ; and though the term " re 
quire" was a strong one, the whole phraseology of the order was such 
as might very well raise doubts, under the peculiar circumstances, 
how far a party, who made professions of a desire to preserve the 
harmony of the two nations, might feel disposed to violate public 
law, in order to enforce its object. The note of Captain Humphreys 
was just as explicit, and just as vague as the order, being a mere echo 
of its spirit. Commodore Barron very clearly refused to permit a 
British officer to search for a deserter, while he did not touch the 
general principle, or what he might do, could it be shown by less 
objectionable means, that there was a British deserter, of the sort 
mentioned in the order, on board the Chesapeake,! and the demand 
on the partof the English officers to search in person, was abandoned. 
Had there even existed a clause in the treaty between England and 
America, rendering it obligatory on the two nations to deliver up each 
other s deserters, the requisition of Vice-Admiral Berkeley, taken as 
an order to search in person, would have so far exceeded the probable 
construction of reason, as to justify an officer in supposingthat noth 
ing beyond a little well-managed intimidation was intended, since 
nations do not usually permit their treaties to be enforced by any 

*See cote A, end of volume. 

T It would have been illegal for Commodore Barron to give tip a man regularly enter, 
ed among his crew, as a deserter. He might have returned a deserter that came on 
board his ship, but nothing more. 



16 NAVAL HISTORY. [1807. 



but their own agents. While there was something very equivocal, 
beyond doubt, in the whole procedure of the British, it was so high 
handed a measure to commence a demand for deserters, by insisting 
on a right to search a foreign vessel of war in person for them, that it 
would be very difficult to believe any design to enforce a demand so 
utterly out of the regular course of things, could be seriously enter 
tained. It ought to be added, that the deserters alluded to in the 
order of Vice-Admiral Berkeley, were not those from the Melampus, 
already spoken of, but men from other ships, who were supposed to 
have entered on board the Chesapeake at a much later day.* 

The English lieutenant was on board the Chesapeake some time ; 
the accounts of the length of his visit varying from 15 to 45 minutes. 
It is probable he was fully half an hour in the cabin. His stay 
appears to have been long enough to excite uneasiness on board his 
own ship, for, while Commodore Barren was deliberating on the 
course he ought to pursue, information was sent below that a signal 
was flying on board the Leopard, which her officer immediately 
declared to be an order for the return of the boat. Soon after this 
signal was shown, the answer of Commodore Barron was delivered. 

Commodore Barron now sent for Captain Gordon, and told him 
to get the gun-deck clear, a duty that had been commenced an hour 
or two before, without reference to the Leopard. He then went on 
deck. Soon after the English officer had passed out of the ship into 
his own boat, by the larboard, or lee-gangway, Commodore Barron 
appeared in the starboard, or weather-gangway, to examine the 
Leopard. Here it would seem that the latter was forcibly struck 
with the appearance of preparation on board the English ship, and 
the idea that recourse might be had to force began to impress him 
seriously. He issued an order to Captain Gordon, to hasten the 
work on the gun-deck, and to go to quarters. In consequence of 
the latter order, a few taps were beaten on the drum, but that instru 
ment was stopped by directions of Commodore Barron, and instruc 
tions were given to get the people to their quarters with as little noise 
and parade as possible, in order to gain time, if the Leopard really 
meditated hostilities. 

It is not easy to imagine a vessel of war in a more unfortunate situ- 
tion, than that of the Chesapeake at this particular moment. With 
a ship of superior force within pistol-shot, on her weather quarter 
her guns trained, matches burning, people drilled, and every thing 
ready to commence a heavy fire, while she herself was littered and 
lumbered, with a crew that had not yet exercised her guns, and which 
had been only three times even mustered at their quarters. The 
business of coiling away her cables, which had lain on the gun-deck 
until after 2 o clock, was still going on, while the cabin bulk-head, 
cabin furniture, arid some temporary pantries were all standing aft. 

* It is said that one man in particular who had run from the Halifax sloop of war, had 
been seen by his old captain in Norfolk, and that he had insulted the latter in the street. 
This was the person the English officers were the most anxious to obtain. It does not 
appear, however, that any men, but those from the Melampus, had ever been formally 
demanded of the proper authorities, though something may have passed on the subject 
between subordinates. 



1807.] NAVAL HISTORY. 17 

A good deal of the baggage of the passengers in the ship was also on 
the gun-deck. It would seem, however, that some of the lieutenants 
had regarded the movements of the Leopard with distrust from the 
beginning ; and the vessel being particularly well officered, these 
gentlemen soon made an active commencement towards getting the 
ship clear. The guns were all loaded and shotted, but on examina 
tion, it was found that there was a deficiency in rammers, wads, 
matches, gun-locks, and powder-horns. While things were in this 
awkward condition, Commodore Barren continued in the gangway 
examining the Leopard. The boat of the latter was about five 
minutes in pulling back to that vessel, and as soon as the people were 
out of her, she was dropped astern, where most of her boats were 
towing, and the English ship hailed. Commodore Barron answered 
that he did not understand the hail, when the Leopard fired a shot 
ahead of the Chesapeake. In a few seconds this shot was followed 
by an entire broadside. By this discharge, in addition to other 
injuries done the ship, Commodore Barron, who continued in the 
gangway, and his aid, Mr. Broom, were wounded. The Leopard 
was now hailed, and some answer was returned, but the noise and 
confusion rendered all attempts at a communication in this mode 
useless. A boat was shortly after ordered to be lowered, to be sent 
to the Leopard, but it did not proceed. 

Every exertion was making all the while, to get the batteries ready, 
and with the exception of the forward gun below, the port of which 
was still down on account of the anchor, it appears that one broad 
side might have been fired, had not the means of discharging the 
guns been absolutely wanting. For some time, there was no priming 
powder, and when an insufficient quantity did finally arrive, there 
were no matches, locks, or loggerheads. Some of the latter were 
brought from the galley, however, and they were applied to the prim 
ing, but were yet too cold to be of use. In the mean while, the 
Leopard, in an excellent position, and favoured by smooth water, 
was deliberately pouring in her whole fire upon an unresisting ship. 
This state of things lasted from twelve to eighteen minutes, when 
Commodore Barron, having repeatedly desired that one gun at least, 
might be discharged, ordered the colours to be hauled down. Just 
as the ensign reached the taffrail, one gun was fired from the second 
division of the ship.* 

The Chesapeake immediately sent a boat on board the Leopard, 
to say that the ship was at the disposal of the English captain, when 
the latter directed his officers to muster the American crew. The 
three men claimed to be deserters from the Melampus, and one that 
had run from the Halifax sloop of war, were carried away. Com 
modore Barron now sent another note to Captain Humphreys to 
state his readiness to give up his ship ; but the latter declining to take 
charge of her, a council of the officers was called, and the Chesa 
peake returned to Hampton Roads the same evening. 

* This gun was discharged by means of a coal brought from the galley, which wag 
applied by Lieutenant Allen, the officer of the division,\vith his fingers, after an unsuO" 
cessful attempt to make use of a loggerhead. 



18 NAVAL HISTORY. [1807. 

In this affair, the Leopard, of course, suffered very little. The 
single shot that was fired, it is understood hulled her, but no person 
was injured. Not so with the Chesapeake, although the injuries she 
sustained, were probably less than might have been expected. The 
accounts of the duration of the firing, vary from seven to twenty 
minutes, though the majority of opinions place it at about twelve 
But three men were killed on the spot ; eight were badly, and ten 
were slightly wounded ; making- a total of twenty-one casualties 
The Leopard appears to have thrown the weight of her grape int 
the lower sails, the courses and fore-topmast stay-sail having beer 
riddled with that description of shot. Twenty-one round shot struck 
the hull. As it is known that the first broadside, when vessels are 
near and in smooth water, usually does as much injury as several of 
the succeeding-, and as all the firing of the Leopard, in one sense a fc 
least, may be said to have possessed this advantage, the execution she 
did cannot be considered as any thing remarkable. All three of the 
lower masts of the American frigate were injured, it is true, and a good 
deal of rigging was cut ; still the impression left by the occurrence 
went to convince the American service, that English fire was not so 
formidable as tradition and rumour had made it. 

The attack on the Chesapeake, and its results, created a strong 
and universal sensation in America. At first, as ever happens while 
natural feeling and national sentiment are uninfluenced by calcula 
tions of policy, there was but one voice of indignation and resent 
ment, though, in a short time, the fiend of party lifted his head, and 
persons were not wanting who presumed to justify the course taken 
by the English vice-admiral. Notwithstanding these exceptions, the 
general effect was certainly very adverse to the British cause in 
America, and the injury was not fairly forgotten, until it had been 
effaced from the public mind by many subsequent victories. 

It is scarcely necessary to say that wounded national feeling 
eagerly sought for some palliative, and, as usually happens in such 
cases, the commanding officer of the Chesapeake soon became the 
subject of those inconsiderate and unjust comments, which ever 
accompany popular clamour, when the common self-esteem is les 
sened. A court of inquiry sat, as a matter of course, and the results 
were courts-martial on Commodore Barron, Captain Gordon, Cap 
tain Hall, the commanding marine officer on board, and the gunner. 

The charges produced against Commodore Barron were four, 
viz: 1st. "For negligently performing the duty assigned him." 
Under this charge the specifications alleged that he had not .suffi 
ciently visited and examined the ship, previously to sailing. 2d. 
" For neglecting, on the probability of an engagement, to clear his 
ship for action." There were six specifications under this charge, 
all tending to the same point. 3d. " Failing to encourage, in his 
own person, his inferior officers and men to fight courageously." 
Ten specifications were made under this charge, all, more or less, 
implicating the military judgment and personal courage of the ac 
cused. 4th. "For not doing his utmost to take or destroy the 



1807.] NAVAL HISTORY. 19 

Leopard, which vessel it was his duty to encounter." Five specifi 
cations supported this charge. 

There is little question that the government, nation, and we might 
almost add, the navy, felt a predisposition to condemn Commodore 
Barron, previously to the trial, for it is the natural and most common 
refuge of masses of men, to seek a victim whenever they find them 
selves in any manner implicated in their characters or conduct. 
The court was well composed, and its hearing was solemn and digni 
fied. It has been said that this tribunal first set the example of a 
rigid adherence to principles, forms, and precepts in its proceedings, 
and it has always been spoken of with respect for its impartiality and 
motives. Of the four charges made, Commodore Barron was en 
tirely acquitted of the first, third, and fourth, and found guilty under 
the second. Several of the specifications of the other charges were 
found to be true, but the court decided that they did not involve the 
guilt implied in the accusations. It was the final decision, that Com 
modore Barron was guilty of the 5th and 6th specifications of the 
2d charge, which were in the following words : " 5th. In that, the 
said James Barron did receive from the commanding officer of the 
Leopard, a communication clearly intimating, that if certain men 
were not delivered up to him, he should proceed to use force, and 
still, the said James Barron neglected to clear his ship for action." 
Gth. " In that, the said James Barron did verily believe from the 
communication he received from the commanding officer of the said 
ship Leopard, that the said ship would fire upon the said frigate Ches 
apeake, or take by force, if they could not be obtained by other 
means, any British deserters that could be found on board the Ches 
apeake, and still the said James Barron neglected to clear his ship 
for action." On these two specifications, under the charge of neg 
lect of duty, Commodore Barron was sentenced to be suspended for 
five years, without pay or emoluments. 

It may be questioned if the order of Vice-Admiral Berkeley and 
the note of Captain Humphreys will be thought, by all persons, to 
be " communications clearly intimating" an intention to resort to 
force, under the peculiar circumstances of the case. The first would 
seem to have been framed with great art, expressing nothing very 
clearly, and coupled with the fact of its containing instructions to 
show the order itself to the American captain, it might very well be 
supposed to have been no more than an expedient ingeniously de 
vised to obtain the ends of the British officers by intimidation. 
Could the Chesapeake have been prepared for action, for instance, 
and the English lieutenant detained, and Commodore Barron, 
assuming that the order of Admiral Berkeley was an act of hostility, 
as, in effect, was assumed by the court, attacked and subdued the 
Leopard, the world would probably have heard the complaints of 
England for a violation of good faith, under the plea that to " require 
to search his ship for deserters," with an offer to submit to a similar 
search on board the British ship, was not necessarily an act of hos 
tility, and that the additional order " to proceed and search for the 



20 NAVAL HISTORY. [1807. 

same," was merely given under the supposition that the demand 
contained in the requisition would have been amicably granted. 

If the testimony fully sustained the 6th specification, there can be 
no doubt that Commodore Barron was guilty of culpable neglect, 
but it may be thought that this point, also, admits of some qualifica 
tion. It appears, by the finding of the court, that it made up its de 
cision on this specification from two facts, viz. expressions in a note 
accompanying the official report made of the affair by Commodore 
Barron to the navy department, and expressions he had used in con 
versation prior to the attack. As regards the first, Commodore Bar 
ron tells the secretary, that the purport of Vice-Admiral Berkeley s 
order was to take the men by force, in the event of no other means 
offering; a statement that is certainly not borne out by the order 
itself, as it has since been given to the world. On his trial, Commo 
dore Barron explains this discrepancy between the fact and his own 
statement, and which appears to have militated so much against his 
own interests, by saying that he wrote the note after the affair had 
occurred, under much bodily suffering from wounds, and great men 
tal agitation, and that he must have confounded the impressions left 
by events, with opinions formed previously to their occurrence. On 
examining this part of the subject, it will be seen that the answer is 
not without much force. 

The second fact rests on the testimony of Captain Gordon, who 
informed the court that, while at dinner, an hour or two before the 
Leopard closed, Commodore Barron said he distrusted her move 
ments. As respects verbal declarations, they are always to be taken 
with great allowances, the ordinary language of men being so much 
qualified by the circumstances under which it is uttered, and they 
have always been held questionable evidence, except when used in 
cases of gravity and solemnity. A remark of this nature may have 
been made without suspecting hostilities, since a demand for deser 
ters, by no means would infer an intention to resort to force, OD 
receiving a denial. 

In his defence, Commodore Barron says that he expected another 
communication from Captain Humphreys, which would have allowed 
ample time to clear the ship for action, had she been in a condition 
to engage at all. In short, after carefully reviewing the testimony 
and the finding of the court, most persons will be led to believe that 
Commodore Barron was punished to the fullest extent of his offence, 
and, whatever may be the dictations of a rigid military code, and the 
exactions of stern military principles, that he was the victim of cir 
cumstances, rather than of any unpardonable error of his own. It 
would have been safer, wiser, and more in conformity with naval 
rules, to have gone to quarters as the ships approached each other; 
and, as soon as the letter of Captain Humphreys was received, it 
would seem that what before was only expedient became imperative ; 
but the case admits of so much extenuation, that general rules will 
hardly apply to it. It is highly satisfactory to be able to add, that a 
court composed of men who, in so many instances, have shown their 
own devotion to the honour of the flag, closed its finding on the sub- 



1807.] NAVAL HISTORY. 21 

ject of the personal conduct of the accused, in the following im 
pressive language : " No transposition of the specifications, or any 
other modification of the charges themselves, would alter the opinion 
of the court as to the firmness and courage of the accused. The 
evidence on this point is clear and satisfactory." 

The trial of Captain Gordon resulted in his being found guilty of 
negligently performing his duty, in connexion with some trifling 
informalities in the gunner s reports, and in those of the marine offi 
cer. He was sentenced to be privately reprimanded. 

Captain Hall, of the marines, fared still better, his offence being 
purely technical ; and in sentencing him to be also privately repri 
manded, the court added that if it could have discovered a lighter 
punishment, it would have inflicted it. 

The gunner was cashiered, chiefly because he had neglected to fill 
a sufficient number of the priming horns, notwithstanding a direct 
order had been given to that effect, which he had reported executed. 

It is not easy to discover any defects in the three last decisions of 
the court, which would seem to have been justified by the testimony, 
although it was clearly established by the evidence of nearly all the 
sea-officers examined, that had they succeeded in firing the guns that 
were loaded, the means were wanting to discharge a second broadside. 

The revelations made by these courts-martial, contain matter for 
grave reflection ; and it may well be questioned, if any impartial 
person, who coolly examines the whole subject, will not arrive at the 
conclusion, that the real delinquents were never put on their trial. 
It must be remembered that in the year 1807, America possessed 
the experience of three naval wars ; that by the force of things, she 
had created a corps of officers, which, small as it was, had no supe 
rior, in any other country ; that her artisans put on the ocean as fine 
vessels of their classes as floated, and that the conviction of the neces 
sity of an efficient marine was deep and general. In the face of all 
these striking facts, it is seen that four months were required to fit a 
single frigate for sea, at a yard immediately under the eyes of Con 
gress, and this too at a moment when there existed a pressing 
necessity for hastening the preparations.* Under such circumstan 
ces, we find that this frigate did not receive all her guns until a few 
days before she sailed ; that her crew was coming on board to the 
latest hour ; that her people had been quartered but three days before 
the ship went to sea, and that the responsible officer was acquitted 
of neglect, on the plea of the imperious necessity under which he had 
acted, although it was admitted that when a foreign vessel of war 
came alongside of his ship to offer, not only an indignity to his flag, 
but direct violence to his men, his people had never been exercised 
at their guns. A public cruiser had been sent out in face of those, 
who, armed at all points, sought her destruction, as unceremoniously, 
hurriedly, and negligently, as if her employment was merely that of 
a passenger-hoy. When it was found that the nation had been dis- 

* The Chesapeake was destined to relieve the Constitution ,- and the crew of the latter 
ship was actually in a state of mutiny, if they can be called mutineers who were illegally 
detained, because their times were up, and they were entitled to their discharges. 



22 NAVAL HISTORY. [1807. 

graced, so unsound was the state of popular feeling, that the real 
delinquents were overlooked, while their victims became the object 
of popular censure. 

It is an axiom, as true as it is venerable, that a " divided power be 
comes an irresponsible power." Such, in fact, is the nature of the 
authority wielded by the national legislature, the neglect of which, 
in the way of military and naval preparations, would long since have 
ruined most of the statesmen of the country, had they been guilty of 
the same omissions, as individuals, that they had sanctioned as bodies 
of men. We may lament the infatuation, condemn the selfishness, 
and denounce the abandonment of duty, which impel ambitious pol 
iticians to convert the legislative halls into arenas for political contro 
versies that ought never to degrade their deliberations, or impair the 
sanctity of their oaths; but when we find the consequences of such 
unconstitutional innovations putting in jeopardy the Jives and hon 
ours of those who are subject to martial law, a solemn arid reproving 
sentiment must mingle with the views of every honest citizen, as he 
maturely considers the hardships of the case. 

The act of Vice-Admiral Berkeley was disavowed by the English 
government, and reparation was made for the wrong.* That officer 
was recalled from the American station ; though the people of tlie 
republic found just cause of complaint, in the circumstance that he 
was shortly after sent to a command that was considered more im 
portant. It was, perhaps, fortunate that the attack on the Chesa 
peake occurred at a moment when the relations between the two 
countries were rather more amicable than they had been for several 
years, or it might have led to an immediate declaration of war. 



CHAPTER II. 

Strange policy of government, as shown in the embargo More vessels put in commis 
sion Developement of gun-boat system Commencement of armaments on the Lakes 
Affair of the President and Little Belt the merits of that occurrence, and the feel 
ing of the country The question of the right of Impressment considered. 

THE assault of the Leopard on the Chesapeake, was replete with 
political lessons for the people of the United States. It showed the 
insults and outrages to which nations render themselves liable, when 
they neglect the means of defence ; it demonstrated how boldly their 
great commercial rivals calculated on the influence of that spirit of 

* Although the Melampus was not one of the ships mentioned in the order of Vice- 
Admiral Berkeley, the three deserters from that ship, as has been seen, were taken away, 
with one from the Halifax. Two of the former were returned, and the third died. The 
two men returned, were delivered on the deck of the ship from which they had been 
violently taken away. It is understood that the deserter from the Halifax was hanged, 
before orders could be received from England to deliver him up. It is also said that 
Captain Humphreys was never again employed, in consequence of its being thought that 
he had exceeded his instructions. 



1807.] NAVAL HISTORY. 23 

gain which was thought to predominate in the councils of the repub 
lic ; and it exhibited a determination on the part of the English 
agents, if not on that of the government, to insist on claims that can 
never be yielded by independent nations, without a concession of a 
portion of their sovereign rights. But humiliating as all these con 
siderations make the case, and extraordinary as were the conduct 
and feeling of the English, the policy pursued by the American gov 
ernment, as a means of punishing the aggressors, and of vindicating 
the rights of the country, was quite as much out of the ordinary chan 
nel of correct reasoning. With a foreign trade that employed 700,- 
000 tons of American shipping alone, Congress passed a law on the 
22d day of December, 1807, declaring an unlimited embargo, for all 
the purposes of foreign commerce, on every port in the Union ; an 
ticipating a large portion of the injuries that might be expected from 
an open enemy, by inflicting them itself! 

This extraordinary measure was not avowedly taken in conse 
quence of the attack on the Chesapeake, for the English government 
early professed a readiness to atone for that outrage, but it originated 
in the feelings it engendered. The national pride had been wound 
ed, and the injury rankled the deeper, because all intelligent men 
felt that the nation was not in a condition to resent the insult. The 
squadron that then lay in Lynnhaven, was probably equal to block 
ading the entire naval force of the United States of America, and 
this too, it ought never to be forgotten, in a country that met its cur 
rent expenses and extinguished an ancient debt, with the duties on 
its imports alone, which possessed the amount of shipping already 
mentioned, and had nearly 100,000 registered seamen. 

Congress was convened on the 26th of October, and, as soon as 
there had been time to deliberate on what had passed, the President 
by his proclamation, interdicted all British vessels of war from enter 
ing the American waters. When the national legislature assembled, 
a proposition to increase the number of gun-boats was laid before it. 
Without a sufficient naval force to raise a blockade that shoqld be 
sustained by three ships of the line ; with all the experience of the 
war of the Revolution fresh in their recollections ; and with the 
prospect of a speedy contest with a people that scarcely hesitated 
about closing the ports of the Union in a time of peace, the states-** 
men of the day misdirected the resources of a great and growing 
country, by listening to this proposition, and creating a species of 
force that, in its nature, is merely auxiliary to more powerful means, 
and which is as entirely unfitted to the moral character of the people, 
as it is to the natural formation of the coast. On the 18th of De 
cember, a law was passed authorising the construction of 188 gun 
boats, in addition to those already built, which would raise the total 
number of vessels of this description in the navy to 257. This was 
the developement of the much-condemned " gun-boat system ," which, 
for a short time, threatened destruction to the pride, discipline, tone, 
and even morals of the service. 

There can be no question, that, in certain circumstances, vessels 
of this nature may be particularly useful, but these circumstances are 



24 NAVAL HISTORY. [1808. 

of rare occurrence, as they are almost always connected with attacks 
on towns and harbours. As the policy is now abandoned, it is un 
necessary to point out the details by which it is rendered particularly 
unsuitable to this country, though there is one governing principle 
that may be mentioned, which, of itself, demonstrates its unfitness. 
The American coast has an extent of near two thousand miles, and 
to protect it by means of gun-boats, even admitting the practicability 
of the method, would involve an expenditure sufficient to create a 
movable force in ships, that would not only answer all the same pur 
poses of defence, but which would possess the additional advantage 
of acting, at need, offensively. In other words, it was entailing on 
the country the cost of an efficient marine, without enjoying its 
advantages. 

At the time when the laws of nations and the flag of the United 
States were outraged, in the manner related in the preceding chap 
ter, the government was empowered to employ no more than 1425 
seamen, ordinary seamen and boys, in all the vessels of the navy, 
whether in commission or in ordinary. The administration felt that 
this number was insufficient for the common wants of the service, and 
early in 1808, the secretary asked for authority to raise 1272 addi 
tional men. to be put on board the gun-boats that were now ready to 
receive them. The necessary law, however, was withheld. 

The near approach of a war, that succeeded the attack of the 
Leopard, appears to have admonished the English government of 
the necessity of using some efficient means of settling the long-pend 
ing disputes between the two nations, and negotiations were carried 
on during the year 1808, in a temper that promised a pacific termin 
ation to the quarrel, and in strict conformity with a practice, (it would 
be an abuse of terms to call it a policy,) that has long prevailed in 
the country, the time that should have been actively employed in 
preparations, was irreclaimably lost, in the idle expectation that they 
would not be needed. No act was passed, nor any appropriation 
made, either for the employment of more men, or for the placing in 
commission any additional vessels, until the last of January, 1809, 
when the President was directed to equip the United States 44, Pres 
ident 44, Essex 32, and John Adams 24 ; the latter vessel having 
been cut down to a sloop of war.* By the same law, the navy was 
greatly increased in efficiency, as respects the officers and men, the 
President being authorised to appoint as many additional midship 
men as would make a total of 450, and to employ in all, 5025 sea 
men, ordinary seamen, and boys. By adding the remaining officers, 
and the marine corps, the whole service could not have contained a 

* This ship, which was built at Charleston, South Carolina, has undergone many 
changes. She was constructed for a small frigate, carrying 24 twelves on her gun- deck ; 
wag then cut down to a sloop ; next raised upon to be a frigate, and finally once more 
cut down. It is p;ti:l that the ship was built by contract, and that the original contractor, 
let out one side of her to a sub-contractor, who in a spirit of economy, so much reduced 
her moulds that the ship had actually several inches more beam onone side, than on the 
other. As a consequence, she both bore her canvass and sailed better on one tack than 
on the other. The John Adams was rebuilt entirely, a few years since ; and the present 
vessel is one of the most beautiful ships of her class that floats 



1810.] NAVAL HISTORY. 25 

total of less than 7000 persons, when the act was carried into exe 
cution. 

The equipment of the ships just mentioned, and the active em 
ployment of all the small vessels of the service, probably saved the 
navy of the United States from a total disorganisation. It was the 
means of withdrawing a large portion of the officers from the gun 
boats, and of renewing that high tone and admirable discipline which 
had distinguished it, at the close of the Tripolitan war. By this time, 
nearly all the midshipmen who had been before Tripoli, were lieuten 
ants ; and there was already one instance in which an officer, who 
had entered the navy as a midshipman, commanded the frigate in 
which he had first served.* 

About this time, too, the government seriously turned its attention 
towards those inland waters on which its future policy might render 
the employment of vessels of war necessary. Both England and 
France had used cruisers on the great lakes, in the early history of 
the country, though the settlements of the former did not extend to 
their shores, until after the conquest of Canada. In the war of the 
Revolution, vessels were built on LakeChamplain, by both the belli 
gerents, though in no instance, had any American naval officer ever /| 
yet been employed in the interior waters. In the course of the sum 
mer of 1608, however, it was thought prudent to make a commence 
ment towards the employment of a force in that quarter, England 
already possessing ships on Ontario arid Erie. 

There being no especial law for such an object, advantage was 
taken of the discretionary powers granted to the President under the 
act for building gun-boats. A few officers were placed under the 
orders of Lieutenant M. T. Woolsey, and that gentleman was em 
powered to make contracts for the construction of three vessels, one 
of which was to be built on Lake Ontario, and the other two on Lake 
Champlain. The two vessels constructed on Lake Champlain were 
merely ordinary gun-boats, but that constructed on Lake Ontario 
was a regular brig of war. The latter was of about two hundred and 
forty tons measurement, was pierced for sixteen guns, and when 
delivered by the contractors, in the spring of 1809, to the sea-officers 
ordered to receive her, she mounted 16 twenty-four pound carron- 
ades. In consequence of an arrangement that was made, about this 
time, with England, but which was not ratified in Europe, this ves 
sel, which was called the Oneida, was not equipped and sent upon 
the lake till the following year. 

This was a period of vacillating policy in both nations, England, 
at times, appearing disposed to arrange amicably the many different 
points that had arisen with America, and the latter country acting, 
at moments, as if it believed war to be impossible, while at others, it 
seemed to be in earnest with its preparations. Thus passed the 
years 1808, 1809, and 1810, the embargo having been raised, follow 
ed by a non-intercourse law with Great Britain, and succeeded by an 
absence of all restrictions. 

Captain Decatur. 



26 NAVAL HISTORY. [1811. 

During this period of doubt, the vessels of the navy that were in 
commission, were principally employed on the coast, or they kept 
up the communications with the different diplomatic agents in 
Europe, by carrying despatches. There is no question that these 
were important years to the service, for, since the attack on the 
Chesapeake, the utmost vigilance prevailed, and every commander 
watched jealously for an opportunity to wipe out the disgrace, real 
or imaginary, of that unfortunate affair. No more vessels were sent 
to the Mediterranean, but the whole maritime force of the republic 
was kept at home. The country had now in active service the 
following vessels, viz : 

President 44, Hornet 18, 

Constitution 44, Argus 16, 

United States 44, Siren 16, 

Essex 32, Nautilus 12, 

John Adams 28, Enterprise 12, 

Wasp 18, Vixen 12. 

In addition to these cruisers, were a great number of gun-boats, 
which were principally commanded by sailing-masters, who had 
been selected from among the officers of merchant vessels. The 
Nautilus and Vixen had both been rigged into brigs ; the Enter 
prise soon after was altered in the same manner, and there proving 
an occasion to rebuild the Hornet, she was converted into a ship, 
and pierced for two more guns, making twenty in all. But, un 
happily, the opportunity was lost, of building and equipping a force 
that could prevent blockades. 

The English increased their cruisers on the American coast, in 
proportion to the Americans themselves, though their vessels no 
longer lay off the harbours, impressing men, and detaining ships. It 
was seldom that a British cruiser was now seen near the land, the 
government probably cautioning its commanders to avoid unneces 
sary exhibitions of this sort, with a view to prevent collisions. Still 
they were numerous, cruised at no great distance, and by keeping 
up constant communications between Bermuda and Halifax, may be 
said to have intercepted nearly every ship that passed from one 
hemisphere to the other. 

Such in effect, was the state of things in the spring of the year 
1811, when information was received by the senior officer of the 
navy afloat, Commodore Rodgers, that a man had been impressed 
from an American brig, at no great distance from Sandy Hook, by 
an English frigate that was supposed to be the Guerriere 38, Captain 
Dacres. The broad pennant of Commodore Rodgers was flying on 
board the President 44, Captain Ludlow, which ship was then 
anchored off Annapolis. Repairing on board his vessel, he got 
under way with an intention of proceeding off New York to inquire 
into the facts, on the 10th of May, passing (he capes shortly after. 

On the 16th of May, at noon, a sail was made from the President, 
which ship was then about six leagues from the land, to the south 
ward of New York. It was soon perceived that the stranger was a 
vessel of war, by the squareness of his yards, and the symmetry of 



1811.] NAVAL HISTORY. 27 

his sails, and the American frigate stood for him, with an intention 
to get within hail. At 2 the President set her broad pennant and 
ensign. The stranger now made several signals, but finding they 
were not answered, he wore and stood to the southward. Although 
the President gained upon the chase, the wind lessened, and night 
set in before she could get near enough to distinguish her force. It 
was past 7 o clock in the evening when the stranger took in his 
studding-sails, hauled up his courses, and came by the wind on the 
starboard tack. He now set an ensign at his gaff, but it was too 
dark to discover the nation. As he came to the wind, he necessarily 
showed his broadside, and was taken for a small frigate. 

The President continuing to stand down, the chase wore four 
several times, in order to prevent the American frigate from getting 
a position to windward. It was consequently near half past 8 be 
fore Commodore Rodgers could bring to, as he had desired, on the 
weather bow of the stranger, or a little forward of his beam, when, 
being within a hundred yards, he hailed, and demanded "what ship 
is that V No answer was given to this question, but it was repeated, 
word for word, from the stranger. After a short pause the question 
was again put, when the stranger fired a gun, the shot from which 
cut away a breast-back-stay, and entered the main-mast. Commo 
dore Rodgers was on the point of ordering a shot to be returned, 
when one of the guns was discharged from the second division of 
the President. The stranger now fired three guns in quick succes 
sion, and then, after a short pause, the remainder of his broadside 
and all his musketry. The President, as a matter of course, deliv 
ered her broadside in return. In a few minutes, however, it was 
perceived on board the American vessel, that they were engaged with 
an adversary so inferior as to render her resistance very feeble, and 
orders were sent to the different divisions to stop their fire. 

The guns of the President were soon silent, when, to the surprise 
of all on board her, the stranger opened anew. The fire of the 
American frigate recommenced, but it was again stopped in the 
course of a very few minutes, in consequence of the crippled con 
dition of her antagonist, who lay nearly end on, and apparently 
unmanageable. The American now hailed again, and got an 
answer that her adversary was a British ship of war, though the 
name was inaudible, on account of the wind, which had increased. 
Satisfied that his late opponent was disabled, and having no desire 
to do more than had already been accomplished, Commodore 
Rodgers gave the name of his own ship, wore round, and running a 
short distance to leeward, he hauled by the wind again, with a view 
to remain nigh the English vessel during the night. The President 
kept lights displayed, in order to let her late antagonist know her 
position, and wore several times to remain near her. 

When the day dawned the English ship was discovered some dis 
tance to leeward, her drift in the night having been considerable. 
The President bore up under easy canvass, and running down to 
her, a boat was lowered, and Mr. Creighton, the first lieutenant, was 
sent on board, with an offer of services. The stranger proved to be 



28 NAVAL HISTORY. [1811. 

his Britannic majesty s ship Little Belt 18, Captain Bingham. The 
Little Belt was a vessel of twenty-two guns, but having a light spar- 
deck above, on which no guns were mounted, she had the external 
appearance of a small frigate. She had suffered severely by the fire 
of the President, and thirty-one of her people had been killed and 
wounded. As Captain Bingham declined receiving any assistance, 
the vessels parted, each making the best of her way to a port of her 
own nation. 

This occurrence gave rise to much angry discussion in America, 
and widened the breach which already existed between the English 
and the American nations. The account given by Captain Bingham 
differed essentially from that of Commodore Rodgers, and official 
investigations were made on both sides. On that of the Americans 
a formal court of inquiry was held, and every sea-officer that was in 
the ship was examined, as well as a great many of the petty officers 
The testimony was very clear, and it was in a great measure free 
from the discrepancies that usually distinguish the accounts of battles, 
whether by sea or land. The fact that the Little Belt fired the first 
gun was established by the oath of the officer who ordered the gun 
fired in return, as this gentleman distinctly testified that he gave the 
command, under a standing order of the ship, and in consequence 
of having seen the flash and heard the report of the Little Belt s gun. 
He not only testified that he heard the report of the gun, but that he 
also heard the noise made by the shot which entered the mast. Other 
officers and men corroborated this account, and in a way to render 
their evidence not only consistent with itself, but with probability. 
As the President was very fully officered, the number and respecta 
bility of the witnesses, put all cavilling about the facts at rest in the 
country. 

It is believed that there was no proper court of inquiry held on the 
conduct of Captain Bingham, though affidavits of most of his officers 
were published. By that gentleman s official account, as it has been 
given to the world, as well as by the affidavits mentioned, it is af 
firmed that the President commenced the action by firing, not a 
single gun, but an entire broadside. He also intimated that the 
action lasted three quarters of an hour, and appeared desirous of 
leaving the impression that the President had sheered off. 

As between the two governments, the question was reduced to one 
of veracity. If the account of the American officer was true, that 
of the English officer was untrue. Each government, as commonly 
happens, seeming disposed to believe its own officer, contrary to 
what might have been expected, no political consequences followed 
this rencontre. The President sustained little injury, no round shot 
besides the one in her main-mast, and another in her fore-mast, 
having struck her, and, of her people, one boy alone was slightly 
wounded by a musket-ball. The Little Belt, on the otlier hand, 
having suffered even out of proportion to the disparity of force be 
tween the vessels, the American government was satisfied with the 
punishment already inflicted on the assailants; while the English 
government could not well demand reparation, without demanding 



1811.] NAVAL HISTORY. 29 

that the American functionaries would not believe their own officer, 
After some communications on the subject, and an exchange of the 
testimony that had been given, nothing further appears to have been 
done, or contemplated, by eitner government. 

Not so, however, with the people of the two nations. In England 
the account of Captain Bingham was generally believed, and it 
served to increase a dislike that was so little concealed as to attract 
general comment. In America there were two parties, one of which 
as blindly defended, perhaps, as the other blindly condemned their 
own officer. A strong feeling existed in the towns, and among a 
certain portion of the rural population, in favour of what was called 
the English cause, as the struggles of Great Britain were connected 
with the general war, arid party feeling had blinded so many to the 
truth, that the country had a great number of persons who, without 
stopping to examine into facts, were disposed to believe their own 
government and all its agents wrong, whenever they came at all in 
collision with that of England. This portion of the community, 
influenced by the remains of colonial dependence, fostered by the 
prejudices and influence of English merchants settled in the towns, 
and strengthened by the acrimony of party, was bitter in its denun 
ciations against Commodore Rodgers ; and it may be doubted if that 
officer ever regained, in the public estimation, the standing that was 
lost by means so equivocal. They who judge of military life merely 
by its brilliancy and parade, in moments of display, know little of 
the privations of the soldier and sailor. Obliged to live under laws 
that are peculiar to himself, weighed down with a responsibility that 
makes no show to casual observers, and placed in situations to decide 
and act in cases in which the principles are contested even by the 
most acute minds, the officer of rank is entitled to receive every in 
dulgence which comports with justice and reason. Most of all ought 
he to be protected against the calumnies arid assaults of the enemy, and 
of the disaffected of his own nation. That his country s enemies 
should assail him wrongfully, though unjustifiable, is perhaps to be 
expected; but when the blow comes from those who should ever 
listen coldly to hostile accusations, bitter indeed is the draught that 
he is made to swallow. 

In the case of Commodore Rodgers, much sophistry, in addition 
to some arguments that were not without their force, was used to 
show that tie was wrong in chasing the Little Belt, and in not ans 
wering her hail, instead of insisting on receiving a reply to his own. 
As the case is connected with general principles that are in constant 
use in the intercourse between vessels, it may be useful to give them 
a brief examination. 

Those who condemned Commodore Rodgers, insisted that it was 
the duty of a neutral not to chase a belligerent, but to submit to be 
chased by her; and, as a neutral could have no inducement to con 
ceal her name, he was bound to make a prompt answer when hailed 
by the Little Belt, the latter being a belligerent. These two positions 
were supported by quotations from some of the writers on interna 
tional law, who have laid down opinions to this effect. 

VOL. n. 2 



30 NAVAL HISTORY. [1811. 

The laws of nations are merely a set of rules that have grown out 
of necessity, and which, like the common law, are founded in reason. 
The received commentators on this code, while they have confined 
themselves to principles, have been remarkable for their knowledge, 
and the justice of their deductions ; but, in many cases in which they 
have descended to details, they betray the ignorance which distin 
guishes the mere man of theory, from him who has been taught in 
the school of practice. Without the right to chase, a vessel of war 
would be perfectly useless in a time of peace, and pirates, smugglers, 
mutineers, and even those vessels which, by being subject to the 
laws of the same country, are properly amenable to the supervision 
of a man-of-war, would escape by steering in a direction different 
from that of the cruiser. No military duty, whatever, could be 
discharged at sea, without the right to chase ; nor is it usual among 
seamen, to consider the mere act of chasing an act of hostility. Ves 
sels chase each other, even when the object is to ask succour, nor is 
it possible to deliver despatches, to communicate news, to ask for 
information, or to do any thing which requires that ships should be 
near each other, without chasing, when one of the parties sees fit to 
steer in a wrong direction. 

Neither is the right to hail a purely belligerent right, since, like the 
right to chase, it is clearly a step in communicating, after vessels are 
near enough to speak. Ifa hail necessarily brought a true answer, 
there would be more reason in bestowing the right on belligerents, 
though even in that case, it would be easy to cite instances in which 
it would be useless. There may be many wars at the same time, 
and belligerents that are neutrals as respects each other might meet 
on the high seas, and if both parties stood on their abstract right to 
hail, a combat would be inevitable. Belligerents are properly in 
vested with no exclusive privileges that are not in their nature rea 
sonable, and which bring with them direct and useful consequences. 
Thus the right to hail, without a right to insist on a true answer, is 
a perfectly negative privilege, and it will not be pretended that ships 
will not answer as they may see expedient at the moment. So far 
from the answer to a hail s bringing with it any necessary advantage 
to the party hailing, in time of war it is often the means of placing 
the latter in a worse situation than he would be without resorting to 
the hail at all. Such was the fact in the case of the Philadelphia 
when destroyed, the people of that ship having been lulled into a 
fatal security by the answer received to their hail. In short, as the 
right to hail brings with it no necessary advantage, it is folly to 
attribute it to any party as an exclusive privilege. Vessels of war 
must ascertain which are enemies, and which are neutrals, in the 
best manner they can, as civil officers are compelled to look out the 
individuals they would arrest in society, being certain that both foes 
and debtors will deceive those who seek them, if there is a motive and 
an opportunity. 

But the vindication of Commodore Rodgers 1 course is by no 
means limited to this argument. He was cruising on his own coast, 
where it was the particular province of a vessel of war to exercise 



1811.] NAVAL HISTORY. 31 

vigilance, and particularly to be on the alert, lest the belligerents 
themselves exceeded their powers. Neutrals are by no means des 
titute of rights of this important nature. It was known that the 
English cruisers were in the practice of seizing American vessels on 
pretences that were not recognised by international law, and of even 
impressing seamen under a regulation that was purely municipal, 
and which, so far from being in accordance with the laws of nations, 
was not only opposed to them, but which was a direct violation .*f 
national rights, of common sense, reason, and natural justice. T;iis 
was not all; in executing this municipal law on the high seas, they 
even exceeded the limits acknowledged by themselves, and were in 
the constant practice of carrying off Americans, and seamen of other 
nations, from American ships, as well as the subjects of the British 
crown. As it is clearly the general duty of the commander of an 
American vessel of war, to prevent the violation of the laws of nations, 
whenever it is in his power, unless expressly ordered by his own 
government not to interfere, it was more particularly the duty of such 
a commander to be vigilant, and to prevent these abuses on his own 
coast. No English vessel of war would hesitate an instant, in pre 
venting impressment from a merchant ship of his nation, nor should 
any American. The American commander of a public ship, who 
should passively witness an impressment from a merc-hant vessel of 
his own nation, unless restrained by his orders, would deserve to be 
cashiered. As connected solely with public law and general justice, 
there can be no question that the commander of a vessel of war, who 
knew that a countryman had been impressed by a ship of another 
nation, would have a perfect right to pursue that ship, and, at need, 
to liberate the man by force. That high considerations of policy 
have hitherto prevented the American government from issuing 
orders to that effect, or have induced it to issue orders of a contrary 
nature, in no degree impairs a right which is connected with one of 
the principal objects for which vessels of war are kept afloat, the 
protection of the person and property of the citixen, when beyond 
the reach of local authority. How far Commodore Rodgers was 
authorised to act in this manner, by his own government, or whether 
he was prohibited from interfering at all on motives of policy, does 
not appear; but we are bound to believe that every officer is disposed 
to do his whole duty. As the subject is connected with the causes 
of quarrel which, shortly after the rencontre between the President 
and Little Belt, produced a war between the two countries, this may 
be a proper place to make a further allusion to the occurrences and 
claims that brought about that important event. 

From the period of the commencement of the general war in Europe, 
the American commerce had been exposed to a series of decrees, 
orders in council, blockades, and constructions of belligerent rights 
that were entirely novel, both in principles and practice, and which, 
in the end, rested on a justification no better than a determination to 
ictaliate for the wrongs done to neutrals through the hostile nation, 
oy punishing the sufferer. It is unnecessary to add, that Great 
Britain and France were the nations that pursued this high-handed 



32 NAVAL HISTORY. [1811. 

and illegal policy, unduly subjecting all the rest of Christendom to 
the consequences of their quarrels. In this strife in injustice, there 
was not any essential difference in the conduct of the two great 
belligerents, so far as principle was concerned, though England was 
enabled to do America much the most harm, in consequence of her 
superior power on the ocean. 

To the wrongs inflicted on the American commerce, by means of 
her illegal blockades and forced constructions of colonial privileges, 
England, however, added the intolerable outrage of impressment from 
on board American vessels on the high seas. 

The government of England claims a right, by prescription, to 
require the services of all its own seamen, as well as those of all 
subjects who may be deemed vagabonds, for the royal navy, in a 
time of war. Some exceptions are made in favour of apprentices 
and others, either by statutes or by concessions from the administra 
tion, but these do not impair the principle. That communities have 
a legal right to make any regulations of this nature is not disputed, 
though in exercising privileges that the usages of mankind tolerate, 
nothing is easier than to oflend against natural justice and the laws of 
God. It is evident, in the first place, that a law or a usage, whicli 
compels a particular portion of society to serve on board ships, for 
an unlimited period, without reciprocity as regards their fellow- 
subjects, and for a compensation determined by the state, is founded 
in injustice. England may find her justification for the practice in 
her necessities, perhaps, though necessity is but a poor apology for 
any moral wrong, but it cannot be seriously contended that she has a 
right to make another people an accessary, directly or indirectly, to 
the oppression. In considering the purely legal question, this moral 
consideration should never be lost sight of. 

Admitting, in the fullest extent, the right of a nation to impress its 
own citizens or subjects, it is, in no manner, a belligerent right. The 
fact that it claims no power to exercise the practice in a time of 
peace, does not give the latter, in the least, the character of a belli 
gerent right, since all belligerent rights are deducible from interna 
tional law, whereas the authority to impress is derived solely from 
the government in which the practice exists. That England exer 
cises the power to impress only in a time of war, is dependent on her 
own will, whereas a belligerent right would be altogether indepen 
dent of local control. It is just as competent for the parliament of 
Great Britain to say it will impress in a time of peace, as it is to 
permit impressment in time of war, or for it to except certain classes 
from the operation ofthe practice. The king of England, according 
to the theory ofthe British constitution, makes war, and it is the 
king who requires the services of this particular class of his subjects; 
and if he thus requires them under the law of nations, the parlia 
ment has no power to curtail his authority. In passing a Jaw to 
exempt any portion ofthe community from impressment, the English 
government itself admits that the authority to impress, is derived 
from municipal, and not from international law. The only privilege 
conferred by the usages of nations, in connexion with this practice, 



1811.] NAVAL HISTORY. 



is the permission for each country to make its own municipal regu 
lations ; and in granting to England the right to impress her own 
seamen, they also grant to America the right to say that no impress 
ment shall take place under the American flag. 

The fact, however, that impressment is a local and not a general 
right, is independent of all ex parte admissions, or narrow regula 
tions. There must be an entire reciprocity, in the nature of things, 
in all international law ; and no country that in the least defers to 
natural justice, can devote a particular class of its people to a com 
pulsory service in vessels of war. It follows as necessary conse 
quences, that the monstrous doctrine must be asserted, that one 
nation shall not respect natural justice in its laws, because it is not 
convenient for all other nations to imitate it; that reciprocity is not 
necessary to international law; or that impressment is strictly a 
national and not an international regulation. For a particular 
people to pretend to legislate on, or to qualify, in any manner, a 
right derived from the laws of nations, is an insult to the community 
of nations, since it is arrogating to themselves a power to control that 
which is only dependent on common consent. 

If it be admitted that the right to impress is solely a municipal 
power, it follows inevitably that it cannot legally be practised on the 
high seas, on board of vessels of a nation different from that of the 
party claiming to exercise the authority. No principle is better 
settled than that which declares a ship, for all the purposes of mu 
nicipal law, to be solely within the jurisdiction of her own flag, while 
out of all territorial jurisdiction. England might just as legally claim 
to arrest persons for treason, poaching, or crime of any sort, on board 
American vessels on the high seas, as to claim a right to impress even 
her own seamen. Both cases would be an attempt to extend the 
jurisdiction of one people over the authority of another. 

Although, as a general rule, impressment and the seizure of crim 
inals on board American vessels on the high seas, would be an equal 
violation of public and municipal law, as a particular grievance the 
former practice would give more just ground of complaint than the 
latter. The arrest of a criminal merely invades the jurisdiction arid 
oifends the sovereignty of a people, while impressment inflicts a 
serious practical evil, by depriving ships of their crews, at a moment 
when they have the greatest need of them. Did England actually 
possess the right to take her seamen on the high seas, America, under 
those great principles that pervade all law, whether public or private, 
would have a claim to insist that this right should be exercised in a 
way to do her the least possible injury. 

Such are the general principles that touch the case. An examin 
ation of the subordinate facts leaves England still less justification 
for the practice she asserts. In the first place, that country contends 
that America gives employment to a large number of British subjects 
in her mercantile and her public marine. This is true ; but Eng 
land does the same as respects all other nations. During the gen 
eral wars, the merchant vessels of Great Britain receive seamen from 
all parts of the world, and probably one half of those thus employed 



34 NAVAL HISTORY. [1811. 

are foreigners, Americans included. Not only are volunteers of all 
nations received in her ships of war, hut frequently men are im 
pressed who have not the smallest personal, or national, similitude 
to English subjects. It is true, that England never asserted a right 
to take any but her own subjects, on the high seas or elsewhere, but 
it is equally true, that, in exercising the right she claims, her agents 
have impressed thousands of native Americans.* The excuse 
for taking these men, was the difficulty of distinguishing between an 
English and an American sailor, by mere external evidence. This 
difficulty, of itself, is an additional reason why England should hesi 
tate about resorting to the practice, even admitting the right to exist, 
since it is a governing principle which qualifies the exercise of every 
right, that it is not to be used affirmatively, to the prejudice of third 
parties. 

That England may need the services of her seamen, in no manner 
entitles her to violate neutral privileges to obtain them. Such a doc 
trine would authorise a belligerent nation, in its extremity, to rob the 
treasury of a neutral, in order to pay its troops. The attempt which 
has been made, in connexion with this subject, to liken the necessities 
of states to the necessities of individuals, involves a violation of all 
principle. There is no just similitude between the cases. The man 
who is starving, probably commits no moral crime, when, after hav 
ing exhausted all the legal means of procuring nourishment that are 
in his power, he takes food that does not belong to him, since in all 
respects he yields to an imperious natural necessity ; but the nation 
that urges such an excuse for its violations of neutral and legal rights, 
is merely upholding artificial interests, and those too that are often 
unjust in themselves, by artificial expedients. But, even admitting 
the validity of this argument, it does not affect the rights of this 
country to resist the expedients of this necessity. We may not cen 
sure the drowning man who fastens upon our legs, but no one will 
dispute out right to shake him off. 

Expediency has no necessary connexion with right ; but if the 
necessities of England are to be used as an argument in favour of her 
doctrine of impressment, so may necessity be used against it on the 
part of America. The first is a country with an overflowing popu 
lation, among whom men are driven to obtain livelihoods in the best 
manner they can. Thus, in time of peace, the excess of seamen, in 
Great Britain, drives them abroad to seek employment, and they have 
the effect to keep the American on shore, by lowering prices. As a 
consequence, a large portion of the men in American ships are Eng 
lish sailors, who, under the doctrine of England, are all liable to be 
reclaimed for the service of that country, in a time of war. This 
system is evidently rendering the American mercantile marine a 

* It has been satisfactorily ascertained that the number of impressed Americans on 
board British ships of war, was seldom less than the entire number of seamen in the 
American navy, between the years 1802 and 1812. At the declaration of war in 1812, 
the number that was turned over to the prison ships for refusing to fi.crht against their 
own country, is said to have exceeded two thousand. The propriety of such t policy 
need not be argued. 



1811.] NAVAL HISTORY. 35 

nursery for English seamen, and converting a legitimate means of 
national force, into a scheme for destroying it.* 

The principles that control this interest, are of a very simple char 
acter. Each nation has a right to make its own municipal ordi 
nances, and the country that claims the services of its seamen, is 
hound to extend its regulations so far as to keep that class of its sub 
jects within its own jurisdiction, or to incur the risk of having its 
claim defeated, by the conflicting rights of other states. 



CHAPTER III. 

Events just preceding the war Constitution at Portsmouth nt Cherbourg, &c State of 
the navy in 1812 Marine Corps Policy of the government in reference to the navy in 
the event of war Feeling of the country on the subject. 

IT has been seen that no consequences, beyond an increased alien 
ation between the two countries, followed the rencontre between the 
President and Little Belt. Although the American navy could not 
exult in a victory over a force as inferior as that of the English vessel, 
it did not fail to make comparisons between the effect of the fire of 
their own frigate, and that of the Leopard, in the attack on the Ches 
apeake. In both cases the water was sufficiently smooth, and the 
trifling resistance made by the Little Belt, was so much against the 
chances of the President, as the Chesapeake made no resistance at 
all. Close observers noted the important fact, that the English ship, 
in twelve minutes unresisted firing, killed and wounded but twenty- 
one persons among a frigate s ship-company, while the American 
vessel, in a firing of but six or eight minutes, had killed and wounded 
thirty-one on board a sloop of war.f 

Not long after the meeting between the President and Little Belt, 
the United States 44, bearing the broad pennant of Commodore De- 
catur, fell in with the Eurydice and Atalanta, British ships, off New 
York, and, while the commanders were hailing, one of the seamen 
of the former vessel, in carelessly handling the lanyard of his lock, 
fired a gun.J The reader will learn in this fact, the high state of 
preparation that then prevailed in an American man-of-war, the lock 
having been cocked, and every thing in perfect readiness to commence 
an action, at a moment s notice. Happily both parties were cool 

"The actual state of things places England still more in the wrong, as regards her pre 
tension. It is a matter of notoriety that the legal authorities of that country export fam 
ilies of paupers to this hemisphere, in order to" be relieved from them. The government 
also encourages emigration. To set up the claim of allegiance against families thus 
driven away, to be saddled on other nations, is an outrage on common sense. 

t In consequence of the President s forging ahead, her forward guns were not all fired 
the second time. 

t This was the excuse of the man. Commodore Decatar believed that the gun was 
fired intentionally by its captain, with a view to bring on an engagement. So strong was 
the feeling among the seamen of the day, that such an occurrence is highily probable. 



36 NAVAL HISTORY. [1811. 

and discreet, and proper explanations having been made, the Eng 
lish commander was entirely satisfied that no insult, or assault was 
intended. 

During the remainder of the year 1811, and the commencement 
of that of 1812, the public ships were kept actively cruising on the 
coast, as before, or they were employed in communicating with the 
different diplomatic agents in Europe. 

About this time, the Constitution 44, Captain Hull, was sent to 
Europe, having on board specie for the payment of the interest on 
the debt due in Holland. After touching at Cherbourg, the Con 
stitution went off the Texel, and landing her money, though not 
without great difficulty, in consequence of the roughness of the 
weather, and the great distrust of those on shore, who were closely 
blockaded by the English, she proceeded to Portsmouth, where she 
remained a few days, in order to communicate with the legation at 
London. 

Having despatched his business in England, Captain Hull sailed 
for France. The day succeeding the night on which the Constitu 
tion left Portsmouth, several sail of English men-of-war were seen 
in chase, and as there had been some difficulty about deserters while 
in port,* it was the impression on board the American ship that the 

* While lying at anchor in the roads, a man let himself into the water/and swam with 
the tide to the Madagascar frigate, which was lying directly astern of the Constitution. 
The deserter was too much exhausted when first taken up, to state his object, and the 
Madagascar sent a boat to acquaint the officers of the Constitution that one of their men 
had fallen overboard, and had been picked up by that ship. Accordingly, a cutter was 
sent in the morning to procure the man. when the officer was told that he had claimed 
protection as an Englishman, and that he had been sent on board the guard-ship. Cap 
tain Hull was not on board at the time, and Mr. Morris, the first lieutenant, sought an 
interview with Sir Roger Curtis, the admiral then in command at Portsmouth. Mr. 
Moms was very politely received, and he stated his errand. The admiral informed him, 
that it was not in his power to give up a deserter who claimed to be a British subject. 
" Have you any evidence, Sir Roger, beyond the man s own word, that he is actually an 
Englishman ?" " None whatever, sir, but we are obliged to take his declaration to that 
effect." Nothing remained for the American officer but to return on board his own ship. 

That night extra sentinels were posted, with positive orders to fire at any thing that 
might be seen floating near the ship. About midnight two or three muskets were dis 
charged, and, on inquiry, it wag found that there was a man in the water close along 
side. A boat was lowered, and it brought on board a seaman of the Madagascar, who 
had contrived to buoy himself up by means of some shells of blocks, and, profiting by a 
turn in the tide, to drift down upon the Constitution. This man was asked what coun 
tryman he was, and he answered, in a strong Irish accent, " an American, your honour." 
He was sent below, with orders to take good care of him. 

The next day the deserter was inquired after, and it was intimated that as he said he 
was an American, he could not be given up. It is believed, however, that no formal de 
mand was made for the man, though it was rumoured on shore that there would be 
trouble when the Constitution attempted to go to sea, as it was known she was about to 
do that night. In the course of the day two frigates came and anchored near her, when 
disliking his berth, the American commanding officer got underway, and dropped out 
about a mile farther to seaward. So close were the British ships at the time, that the 
pilot expressed his apprehensions of getting foul of one of them, and he was told to go 
foul, if he could do no better. By careful handling, however, the ship went clear. 

A frigate followed the Constitution to her new anchorage. About 8 o clock, Captain 
Hull, who was now on board, ordered the ship cleared for action. The lanterns were 
lighted, fore and aft, and the people went to quarters, by beat of drum. It is not easy to 
portray the enthusiasm that existed in this noble ship, every officer and man on board 
believing that the affair of the Chesapeake was about to be repeated, so far, at least, as 
the assault was concerned. The manner in which the people took hold of the gun- 
tackles has been described as if they were about to jerk the guns through the ship s sides. 
An officer who was passing through the batteries, observed to the men, that if there was 
an occasion to fight, it would be in their quarrel, and that he expected good service from 



1812.] NAVAL HISTORY. 37 

vessels were sent in pursuit. The Constitution outsailed all the 
strangers but one, a frigate that weathered upon her. After leading 
this ship a long distance ahead of the others, Captain Hull hove to, 
beat to quarters, and waited to know her object. It fortunately proved 
to be amicable. 

Before quitting Cherbourg, off which place English cruisers were 
constantly hovering, it had been agreed that the Constitution, on her 
return, should show a particular signal, in order that the French 
batteries might not mistake her for a cruiser of the enemy. On 
reaching the entrance of the port, one of the English vessels kept 
close to the American frigate, while the latter was turning up into 
the roads, with a fresh breeze, and in thick weather. Unfortunately, 
some strong objections existed to making the signal, and the batteries 
fired a gun. The shot struck the Constitution in the bends. It was 
soon followed by a second that flew between the masts. A third 
passed through the hammocks stowed in the waist, and stove one of 
the boats. The steadiness of the frigate now induced the French to 
pause, and an opportunity offering soon after to show the signal, the 
firing ceased. The English ship bore up, as soon as the battery 
opened.* 

The Hornet 18, Captain Lawrence, followed the Constitution to 
Europe, and the Wasp the Hornet. In this manner did the autumn 
of 1811, and the spring of 1812 pass, ship succeeding ship, with the 
despatches and diplomatic communications that so soon after ter 
minated in the war with England. As we are now approaching the 
most important period in the history of the American navy, it may 
be well to take a short review of its actual condition. 

Between the reduction in 1801, and the commencement of 1812, 
a period of eleven eventful years, during which the nation was 
scarcely a day without suffering violations of its neutral rights, not a 
single frigate had been added to the navy ! The ships of the line 
authorised in 1799 were entirely abandoned, and notwithstanding the 
critical relations of the country, the experience of the past, and so 
many years of commercial prosperity, the navy, in some respects, 
was in a worse situation than after the sale of the ships in ISO 1. Of 
the thirteen frigates retained at that time, the Philadelphia 38, had 
been taken and destroyed, and the New York 36, General Greene 
28, and Boston 28, had gone to decay, without repairs. Thus, in 

them. "Let the quarter-deck look out for the colours," was the answer, " and we will 
look out for the guns." In short, it was not possible for a ship s company to be in a bet 
ter humour to defend the honour of the flag, when the drum beat the retreat, and the 
boatswain piped the people to the capstan-bar. The ship lifted her anchor, and stood 
over towards Cherbourg, however, without being followed. There is no doubt that the 
prudence of Sir Roger Curtis alone prevented an engagement of some sort or other, on 
this occasion. That officer probably felt, as many of the older officers of the British ser 
vice are understood to have felt, the injustice of the English system, particularly ash 
was practised towards America. 

* One of those singular cases of death, is said to have occurred on board the Constitu 
tion, on this occasion, that sometimes follow injuries inflicted by cannon-shot. A mid 
shipman was passing along the ship s waist, at the moment the shot that stove the boat 
entered, and he fell. He was taken up, carried below, and in a day or two died, though 
no external hurt "was visible. It is supposed that the shot must have produced the death, 
enough in what manner is unknown. 



38 NAVAL HISTORY. [1812. 

point of fact, though twelve ships of this class appear on the list of 
the day, but nine actually existed, for any practical purposes. The 
various vessels of inferior force, that have been already mentioned in 
this work, as constructed under different laws, had been added to the 
navy, while two or three temporarily taken into the service were 
already sold. A few small schooners had been purchased. Navy 
yards had been established at Philadelphia, New York, Boston, 
Washington, Gosport, and Portsmouth, though they were still in 
their infancy, and very incomplete. One hundred and seventy gun 
boats had also been built, and were distributed in the different ports 
of the country. 

While the navy on the whole, the gun-boats excepted, had rather 
lost than gained in physical force, since the reduction of 1801 , it had 
improved immeasurably in discipline, tone, and in an esprit de corps. 
The little that had been lost, in these respects, through the service in 
gun-boats, was more than regained by the effect produced by the 
attack on the Chesapeake, and the constant state of excitement that 
prevailed with regard to English aggressions, during the few preced 
ing years. The lists of captains, masters-commandant, and lieuten 
ants were small, but filled with men trained to obedience, and con 
sequently, qualified to command. It is true, but one of the officers 
of the Revolution remained, who was at the head of the service; and 
he was nearly superannuated by years and infirmities ; but those to 
whom they had imparted their traditions and spirit had succeeded 
them. Commodore Samuel Nicholson, whose name first appeared 
in our pages, in 1776, as commander of the Dolphin 10, died at the 
head of the service at the close of the year 1811. The celebrated 
Preble had preceded him several years to the grave, and Commodore 
Murray alone remained of those officers who might be said to have 
belonged to the old school.* Still, the new school was in no respect 

* Edward Preble was born in August, 1761, at Portland, in the present state, then 
province, of Maine. His direct ancestor, Abraham Preble, lived in the colonies as early 
as 1637, at least, and his father, Jedediah Preble, died at Portland in 1784, having held 
the rank of Brigadier General in the militia of the Revolution. Young Preble went 
early to sea. and is said to have served as a midshipman, in the Massachusetts state ship 
Protector, Captain Williams, in her hard-fought action with the Duff. He appears sub 
sequently on board the Winthrop, Captain Little, a cruiser in the service of the same 
state, as her first lieutenant. In this capacity, he boarded and carried, in the Penobscot, 
a strong letter of marque, an exploit that, in its day, was thought to be little inferior to the 
capture of the Philadelphia. At the peace of 1733, Mr. Preble, who was then but 
twenty -two, was compelled to retire to private life, though he carried with him a reputa 
tion that was not forgotten. During the twelve or fourteen years that succeeded, Mr 
Preble was employed in command of merchant vessels, increasing his nautical experi 
ence, and improving his private circumstances. He also married. 

When the present navy was established, Mr. Preble entered it as oneof the senior lieu 
tenants. He is believed to have been the first of the 1st lieutenants ordered to the Con 
stitution 44 ; and as the principle was laid down, that the officers of the frigates first built, 
should have relative rank agreeably to the seniority of their captains, this would have 
made Mr. Preble the second lieutenant in the navy. He did not remain long in the Con 
stitution, however, his name appearing as early as 1798, in command of the Pickering 14. 
The commission of lieutenant commandant, is known to have been issued during the war 
with France, and Mr. Preble s name standing in the reports of the day as a lieutenant 
commandant he is believed to have held it. On the 15th of May, 1799, Mr. Preble was 
raised to the rank of captain, without having passed by that of master-commandant. He 
was shortly after appointed to the Essex 32, of which ship he was the first commander. 
While in the Essex, he cruised as far as the East Indies, returning home about the time 
peace was restored. No opportunity occurred for Captain Preble to distinguish himself 



1812.] NAVAL HISTORY. 39 

inferior ; and in some particulars, it was greatly the superior of that 
which had gone before it. The vessels, generally, were good ships 
of their respective classes, and the officers, as a body, were every way 
worthy to take charge of them. Several of those who had been 
retained as midshipmen, after the war with France, were already 
commanders, and the vessels beneath the rate of frigates, with one 
exception, were commanded by gentlemen of this description. The 
exception was in the case of the Wasp 18, on board which ship was 
Captain Jones, who had been the youngest of the lieutenants retain 
ed in 1801, and who was now nearly the oldest master-commandant. 
He had joined the service, however, as a midshipman. 

If the naval armaments made by the country, under the prospect 
of a war with Great Britain, are to be regarded with the eyes of pru 
dence, little more can be said, than to express astonishment at the 
political infatuation which permitted the day of preparation to pass 
unheeded. Still a little was done, and that little it is our duty to 
record. 

Early in 1809, the marine corps was augmented by an addition of 
near 700 men, which probably put this important branch of the navy, 
on a footing equal to the rest of the service, as it then existed ; the 
entire corps containing about 1300 men when full. On the 30th of 
March, 1812, or less than three months previously to the war with 
England, Congress authorised the President to cause three addi 
tional frigates to be put in service, and the sum of $200,000 annually 
was appropriated for the purchase of timber to rebuild the three 
frigates that had been permitted to decay, and the one that had been 
captured. 

When the amount of these appropriations is considered, the con 
clusion would seem inevitable, that the government did not at all 
anticipate hostilities, were it not for the more ample preparations that 
were making on land, and the large sums that had been expended 
on gun-boats. It is not improbable, therefore, that those to whom 
the direction of affairs was confided, believed the naval force of the 
country too insignificant, and that of Great Britain too overwhelm- 
in this war. In 1803, Captain Preble hoisted his broad pennant on board the Constitu 
tion, as commander of the Mediterranean squadron. His services in that important sta 
tion, are already related in the body of the work. 

Commodore Preble suffered much from ill health, and after his return home, he was 
employed in the command of a navy yard. He died August the 25th, 1807. 

The name of Preble will always be associated with the reputation of the American 
navy. He was the first officer who ever commanded a series of active military opera 
tions, in squadron, against an enemy, unless the irregular and anomalous cruise of Paul 
Jones entitled him to that distinction ; none of the other commands, during the two pre 
vious wars, partaking exactly of this character. In addition to this advantage, Commo 
dore Preble had high professional qualities. Although, personally, far from being a 
favourite with those under his orders, he possessed the perfect respect, and entire obedi 
ence of his subordinates. His discipline was high-toned, and his notions of the duties of 
an inferior, were of the most rigid kind. On one occasion, he is known to have sternly 
rebuked an officer for covering and protecting a bombard against an attempt to cut her 
off, because it was done without a signal from the flag-ship. He was, however, gener 
ous and liberal in his appreciation of merit, and quite ready to do justice to all who de 
served his commendations. As he died at the early age of 45, the country lost many 
years of service that it had expected ; and Commodore Preble himself, in all probability, 
much renown that one of his charactei would have been likely to gain n the war that 
succeeded. 



40 NAVAL HISTORY. [1812. 



ing to render any serious efforts to create a marine, at that late hour 
expedient. A comparison of the naval forces of Great Britain mid 
the United States, with their respective conditions, will render this 
idea plausible, although it may not fully justify it, as a measure of 
policy. 

In 1812, the navy of Great Britain nominally contained a thou 
sand and sixty sail, of which between seven and eio;ht hundred were 
efficient cruising vessels. France had no fleets to occupy this great 
marine, Spain was detached from the alliance against England, the 
north of Europe no longer required a force to watch it, and Great 
Britain might direct at once, towards the American coast, as many 
ships as the nature of the war could possibly demand. 

As opposed to this unexampled naval power, America had on hei 
list the following vessels, exclusively of gun-boats, viz : 

Constitution 44, John Adams 28, 

President 44, Wasp 18, 

United States 44, Hornet 18, 

Congress 38, Argus 16, 

Constellation 38, Siren 16, 

Chesapeake 38, Oneida 16, 

New York 36, Vixen 14, 

Essex 32, Nautilus 14, 

Adams 28, Enterprise 14, 

Boston 28, Viper 12. 

Of these vessels, the New York 36, an d Boston 28, were unsea- 
worthy, and the Oneida 16, was on Lake Ontario. The remainder 
were efficient for their rates, though the Adams required extensive 
repairs before she could be sent to sea. It follows that America was 
about to engage in a war with much the greatest maritime power 
that the world ever saw, possessing herself hut seventeen cruising 
vessels on the ocean, of which nine were of a class less than frigates. 
At this time the merchant vessels of the United States were spread 
over the face of the entire earth. No other instance can be found of 
so great a stake in shipping with a protection so utterly inadequate. 
If any evidence were wanting to show how much facts precede 
opinion in America, it would be amply furnished in this simple state 
ment. Throughout the whole of the events we have been required 
to record, we have seen that the navy has followed the exigencies 
of the state, or the absolute demands of necessity, instead of having 
been created, fostered, and extended, as the cheapest, most efficient, 
and loast onerous means of defence, that a nation so situated could 
provide. 

In addition to her vast superiority in ships, Great Britain possessed 
her islands in the West Indies, Bermuda, and Halifax, as ports for 
refitting, and places of refuge for prizes, while, on the part of Amer 
ica, though there were numerous ports, all were liable to be blockad 
ed the moment an enemy might choose to send a force of two line- 
of-battle ships and one frigate to any given point ; for it is not to be 
concealed that three two-decked ships could have driven the whole 
of the public cruising marine of America before them, at the time of 



1812.] NAVAL HISTORY. 41 

which we are writing. Such was the condition of a great maritime 
people, on the eve of a serious war, and in defiance of the experience 
of a struggle, in which the men in power had been prominent actors ! 

There can be but one manner of accounting for this extraordinary 
state of things, that already mentioned of the belief of the impossi 
bility of keeping vessels at sea, in face of the overwhelming force of 
Great Britain. It is in corroboration of this opinion, that a project is 
said to have been entertained by the cabinet of laying up all the ves 
sels in ordinary, with a view to prevent them from falling into the 
hands of the enemy. This step would have been a death-blow to 
the navy, for the people would have been perfectly justifiable in refus 
ing to support a marine, that was intended solely for peace. It is 
affirmed that this resolution was only prevented by the interference 
of two officers of the service, who happened to be at the seat of gov 
ernment when the subject was under discussion. These gentlemen*^ 
are said to have made a vigorous written remonstrance against the 
scheme, and by means of their representations to have induced the 
cabinet to change its policy. 

Under ordinary circumstances the intention just stated, would 
have been indicative of great feebleness of action, and of a narrow 
ness of views, that was entirely unsuited to the characters of states 
men. But the circumstances were extraordinary. Not only was the 
marine of Great Britain much the most powerful of any in the world, 
but it was more powerful than those of all the rest of Christendom 
united. In addition to its actual physical force, it had created for 
itself a moral auxiliary that was scarcely less available in practice 
than its guns and men. The reputation of invincibility was very 
generally attached to an English man-of-war, and perhaps no peo 
ple gave England more ample credit for every species of superiority, 
whether physical or moral, that she claimed for herself, than those 
of the United States of America. The success of the British navy 
was indisputable, and as few Americans then read books, or journals, 
in foreign tongues, while scarcely a newspaper appeared without its 
columns containing some tribute to British glory, it would not be easy 
to portray the extent of the feeling, or the amount of the credulity 
that generally existed on such subjects. 

That the officers of the navy should, in a great degree, be superior 
to this dependent feeling was natural. They had enjoyed means of 
comparison that were denied the bulk of their fellow-citizens, and 

Captains Bainbridge and Stewart. These two officers were shown orders to Com 
modore Rodgers not to quit New York, but to keep the vessels in port to form a part of 
its harbour defence. They sought an interview with the Secretary, who was influenced 
by their representations, and who procured for them an audience of the President. Mr. 
Madison listened to the representations of the two captains, with attention, and observed 
that the experience of the Revolution confirmed their opinions. The cabinet was con 
vened, but it adhered to its former advice. Captains Bainbridge and Stewart, then ad 
dressed a strong letter to the President, who took on himself to change the plan. It is 
said, that one or two of the cabinet acceded to this decision, on the ground that the ships 
would soon be taken, and that the country would thus be rid of the cost of maintaining 
them, and at more liberty to direct its energies to the army. It is no more than just to 
state, that Mr. Gallatin, the only survivor of that cabinet, asserts his utter ignorance of 
any such plan. On the other hand, there is good proof that such a project did exist in 
the Department, and of the interference of the two officers named. 



42 NAVAL HISTORY. [1812. 

the result had taught them more confidence in themselves. They 
knew that their ships were at least as good as those of England, that 
they sailed as fast, were worked as well, and, in every essential on 
which a seaman prides himself, that England could justly claim no 
other superiority than that which might be supposed to belong to her 
greater experience in naval warfare. Against this odds, they were 
willing to contend. Not so with the nation. Notwithstanding the 
best dispositions on the part of a vast majority of the American peo 
ple, the conviction was general that an American vessel of war would 
contend against an English vessel of war with very few chances of 
success. After making every allowance for equality in all the other 
essentials, the great point of practice was against the former, and the 
confidence produced by a thousand victories, it was believed, would 
prove more available than zeal or courage. 

It is not as easy to describe the feeling on the other side. Among 
the young officers of the British navy it is pretty safetosay that a notion 
of overwhelming superiority was very generally prevalent, but among 
the older men there were many who had studied the American 
cruisers with observant eyes, and a few who still recollected the war 
of the Revolution, when ill-equipped, uncoppered and half-manned 
ships, had rendered victory dear, and, not unfrequently, defeat cer 
tain. The journals of Great Britain indulged in that coarse and im 
politic abuse, which had probably done more towards raising a hos 
tile feeling throughout Christendom against their nation, than any 
political injustice, or political jealousies ; and the few ships of the 
American navy did not escape their sneers and misrepresentations. 
One of the very last of the vessels they attempted to hold up to the 
derision of Europe was the Constitution, a frigate that was termed 
" a bunch of pine boards," sailing " under a bit of striped bunting." 
As indecorous as was this language, and as little worthy as it might 
be to excite feeling, or comment, America was too keenly alive to 
English opinion, to hear it with indifference, and the day was at hand 
when she exultingly threw back these terms of reproach, with taunts 
and ridicule almost as unbecoming as the gibes that had provoked 
them. 

There is little doubt that even the friends of the navy looked for 
ward to the conflict with distrust, while the English felt a confidence 
rhat, of itself, was one step towards victory. 



1812.] NAVAL HISTORY. 43 



War declared against England Vessels sail on a cruise Chase of the Belvidera36 ; 
and action with that ship Cruise of C 



CHAPTER IV. 

3 sail on a cruis 

om. Rodgers Constitution sails under Capt. 

Hull Her brilliant escape from an English squadron Essex 32, Capt. Porter, sails on 
a cruise captures the Alert 15 Constitution captures the Quen-iere Ett ect of the vic 
tory Promotion of Lt. Morris to be a captain. 

ALLUSION has been made to the events which led to hostilities 
between America and England, though they belong to the political 
rather than to the naval history of the country. In the winter of 
1812, a plot on the part of English agents, to sever the American 
Union, was revealed to the government ; and, at a later day, the de 
termination of the English ministry to adhere to her orders in coun 
cil, was formally communicated to the President. At the same time, 
the claim to impress English seamen out of American ships on the 
high seas, was maintained in theory, while in practice, the outrage 
w r as constantly extended to natives ; the boarding officers acting, in 
effect, on the unjust and perfectly illegal principle, that the seaman 
who failed to prove that he was an American, should be seized as an 
Englishman. Owing to these united causes, Congress formally 
declared war against the King of Great Britain, on the 18th of 
June, 1812. 

At the moment when this important intelligence was made public, 
nearly all of the little American marine were either in port, or were 
cruising in the immediate vicinity of the coast. But a single ship, 
the Wasp 18, Captain Jones, was on foreign service, and she was 
on her return from Europe with despatches. It is, however, some 
proof that the government expected nothing more from its navy than 
a few isolated exploits, that could produce no great influence on the 
main results of the contest, that the force the country actually pos 
sessed was not collected, and ordered to act in a body, during the 
short period that it would possess the advantage of assailing the en 
emy, while the latter was ignorant of the existence of hostilities. A 
squadron of three twenty-four-pounder frigates, of as many eighteen- 
pounder vessels of the same class, arid of eight or ten smaller cruisers, 
all effective, well manned, and admirably officered, might have been 
assembled, with a due attention to preparation. The enemy had 
but one two-decker, an old 64, on the American coast ; and the force 
just mentioned was quite sufficient to have blockaded both Halifax 
and Bermuda, for a month ; or until the English received the intel 
ligence of the war, and had time to reinforce from the West Indies. 
It has been said, that several hundred homeward-bound American 
vessels were at sea, at that moment, and in the event of a few strag 
gling cruisers of the enemy s making prizes on the coast, there would 
have been no port at hand, into which they could have been sent, 
and a large proportion would probably have been recaptured by the 
American privateers that immediately covered the adjacent seas. 
Had the British cruisers collected, as indeed they did, under the im 



44 NAVAL HISTOR*. 



pression that some such policy would be pursued, it would have been 
easy to destroy them, or at least to drive them into port, when the 
same end would have been obtained in a different form. 

But the declaration of war did not find the little marine of Ameri 
ca in a condition to act in this combined, intelligent, and military 
manner. The vessels were scattered ; some were undergoing 
repairs, others were at a distance ; and with the exception of one 
small squadron, every thing was virtually committed to the activity, 
judgment, and enterprise of the different captains. In the port of 
New York, were collected the President 44, Commodore Rodgers ; 
Essex 32, Captain Porter ; and Hornet 18, Captain Lawrence. 
These vessels were ready to sail at an hour s notice, except the 
Essex, which ship was overhauling her rigging, and restovving her 
hold. Commodore Rodgers had dropped into the bay, with the 
President and Hornet, where he was joined by the United States 44, 
Commodore Decatur, Congress 38, Captain Smith, and Argus 1(5, 
Lieutenant Commandant Sinclair, all of which vessels arrived from 
the southward on the 21st of June. 

Information had been received of the sailing of a large fleet of 
Jamaica-men, under protection of a strong force ; and as these ves 
sels would naturally be sweeping along the American coast, in the 
gulf stream, it was determined to make a dash at this convoy, as 
judicious a plan, under the circumstances, as could then have been 
adopted. Within an hour after he had received official information 
of the declaration of war, together with his orders, Commodore 
Rodgers was under way. 

The squadron passed Sandy Hook on the afternoon of the 21st of 
June, and ran off south-east. That night an American was spoken 
that had seen the Jamaica ships, and sail was instantly crowded in 
pursuit. On the 23d, however, at 6 A. M., a vessel was seen to the 
northward and eastward, which was soon made out to be an enemy s 
frigate, and a general chase took place. The wind was fresh for the 
greater part of the day, and the enemy standing before it, the Presi 
dent, an uncommonly fast ship off the wind, soon gained, not only 
on the stranger, but on the rest of the squadron. About 4 P. M. } 
she was within gun-shot of the chase, but the wind had unfortunately 
fallen, and the American ships being just out of port, and deep, their 
greater comparative weight, under such circumstances, gave the en 
emy an advantage. Perceiving but very faint hopes of getting along 
side of the stranger, unless he could be crippled, Commodore Rodg 
ers determined now to open on him, with his chase-guns. With this 
view, that officer went forward, himself, to direct the cannonade, and 
about half past 4, the forecastle gun was discharged. This was the 
first hostile shot fired afloat in the war of 1812, and the gun is un 
derstood to have been pointed by Commodore Rodgers in person.* 
The shot struck the chase in the rudder-coat, and drove through tl.c 
stern frame into the gun-room. The next gun was fired from the 
first division below, and was pointed and discharged by Mr. Gamble, 

* As all the guns, at that time, went with locks, it is also probable that he pulled tho 
lanyard. 



1812.1 NAVAL HISTORY. 45 



the second lieutenant, who commanded the battery. The shot struck 
the muzzle of one of the enemy s stern chasers, which it damaged. 
Commodore Rodgers fired the third shot, which struck the stern of 
the chase, killed two men, badly wounded two more, and slightly 
wounded a lieutenant and two others. Mr. Gamble again fired, when 
the gun bursted. The shot flew broad off on the President s bow, 
and the explosion killed and wounded sixteen men. The forecastle 
deck was blown up, and Commodore Rodgers was thrown into the 
air, breaking a leg by the fall. The accident prevented the guns of 
that side from being used for some time. The pause enabled the 
enemy to open from four stern guns, otherwise he would have soon 
been driven from the after part of his ship. The fire of the chase 
was spirited and good, one of his shot plunging on the President s 
deck, killing a midshipman, and one or two men. The President 
shortly after began to yaw, with a view to cut away some of the 
chase s spars, and her fire soon compelled the latter to lighten. The 
enemy cut away his anchors, stove his boats and threw them over 
board, and started fourteen tons of water. By these means he drew 
ahead, when about 7 o clock the President hauled up, and as a last 
resort, fired three broadsides, most of the shot of which fell short. 

Finding it impossible to get any nearer to the enemy, without ren 
dering his own ship inefficient for a cruise, by lightening, Commo 
dore Rodgers ordered the pursuit to be finally abandoned, about 
midnight. It was afterwards known, that the vessel chased was the 
Belvidera 36, Captain Byron, who deservedly gained much credit 
for the active manner in which he saved his ship. The Belvidera 
got into Halifax a few days later, carrying with her the news of the 
declaration of war. The President had twenty-two men killed and 
wounded on this occasion, sixteen of whom sufFered by the bursting 
of the gun. Among the former, was the midshipman mentioned ; 
and among the latter, Mr. Gamble. The loss of the Belvidera was 
stated at seven killed and wounded by shot, and several others by 
accidents, Captain Byron included. She also suffered materially in 
her spars, sails, and rigging; while the injuries of this nature, 
received by the President, were not serious. 

The squadron now hauled up to its course, in pursuit of the 
Jamaica-men ; and, from time to time, intelligence was obtained 
from American vessels, of the course the fleet was steering. On the 
1st of July, the pursuing ships fell in with large quantities of the 
shells of cocoa-nuts, orange-peels, &c. &c., which gave an assurance 
that they had struck the wake of the Englishmen. This was a little 
to the eastward of the Banks of Newfoundland, and the strongest 
hopes were entertained of coming up with the fleet before it could 
reach the channel. On the 9th of July, an English letter of marque 
was captured by the Hornet, Captain Lawrence, and her master 
reported that he had seen the Jamaica vessels the previous evening-, 
under the convoy of a two-decked ship, a frigate, a sloop of war, and 
a brig. He had counted eighty-five sail. All possible means were 
now used to force the squadron ahead, but without success, no fur 
ther information having b^en received of the fleet. The chase was 

VOL. II. 3 



46 NAVAL HISTORY. [1812. 

continued until the 13th, when, being within a day s run of the chops 
of the channel, Commodore Rodgers stood to the southward, passing 
Madeira, and going into Boston by the way of the Western Islands 
and the Grand Banks. 

This cruise was singularly unfortunate, for such a moment, 
although the ships were kept in the direct tracks of vessels in cross 
ing the ocean, each time. Seven merchantmen were taken, how 
ever, and one American was recaptured. The squadron was absent 
on this service seventy days. 

The report of the Belvidera induced the enemy to collect as many 
of his vessels in squadron, as possible ; and a force consisting of the 
Africa 64, Captain Bastard ; Shannon 38, Captain Broke ; Guer- 
riere 38, Captain Dacres ; Belvidera 36, Captain Byron ; and /Solus 
32, Captain Lord James Townsend, was soon united, in the hope of 
falling in with Commodore Rodgers. Of this squadron, Captain 
Broke, of the Shannon, was the senior officer. It appeared off New 
York early in July, where it made several captures. The Nautilus 
14, Lieutenant Commandant Crane, had arrived in the port of New 
York, shortly after the squadron of Commodore Rodgers sailed ; 
and this little brigwentout, with an intention of cruising in the track 
of the English Indiamen, at the unfortunate moment when Commo 
dore Broke appeared off the coast. The Nautilus got to sea quite 
early in July, and fell in with the British squadron the next day. A 
short, but vigorous chase succeeded, in which Mr. Crane threw over 
board his lee-guns, and did all that a seaman could devise to escape, 
but the Nautilus buried, while the frigates of the enemy were enabled 
to carry every thing to advantage, and he struck to the Shannon. 
The Nautilus was the first vessel of war taken on either side, in this 
contest, and thus the service lost one of those cruisers, which had 
become endeared to it, and identified with its history, in connexion 
with the war before Tripoli.* The enemy took out the officers and 
people of their prize, threw a crew into her, and continued to cruise 
in the hope of meeting the American ships. Leaving them thus em 
ployed, it will now be necessary to return to port, in quest of another 
cruiser to occupy their attention. 

The Constitution 44, Captain Hull, had gone into the Chesapeake, 
on her return from Europe, and, shipping a new crew, on the 12th 
of July she sailed from Annapolis, and stood to the northward. So 
rapidly was her equipment procured, that her first lieutenant joined 
her only a fortnight before she sailed, and a draft of a hundred men 
was received on the evening of the llth. Friday, July the 17th, the 
ship was out of sight of land, though at no great distance from the 
coast, with a light breeze from the N. E., and under easy canvass. 
At 1, she sounded in 22 fathoms; and about an hour afterwards, 
four sail were made in the northern board, heading to the westward 
At 3, the Constitution made sail, and tacked in 18J fathoms. At 4, 
she discovered a fifth sail to the northward and eastward, which had 

*Thr> Enterprise, Nautilus, find Vixen, were originally schooners, bnt they had nil 
been rissred into brisks, previously to the war of 1812. The Nautilus, it will be romem 
bered \v;is the vessel commanded bv the regretted and chivalrous Soinnrs. 



1812.] NAVAL HISTORY. 47 



the appearance of a vessel of war. This ship subsequently proved to 
be the Guerriere 38, Captain Dacres. By this time, the other four 
sail were made out to be three ships and a brig ; they bore N. N. W., 
and were all on the starboard tack, apparently in company. ~ iss 
wind now became very light, and the Constitution hauled up her 
main-sail. The ship in the eastern board, however, had so far 
altered her position by 6, as to bear E. N. E., the wind having hith 
erto been fair for her to close. But at "a quarter past 6, the wind 
came out light at the southward, bringing the American ship to wind 
ward. The Constitution now wore round with her head to the east 
ward, set her light studding-sails and stay-sails, and at half past 7, 
beat to quarters, and cleared for action, with the intention of speak 
ing the nearest vessel. 

The wind continued very light at the southward, and the two ves 
sels were slowly closing until 8. At 10, the Constitution shortened 
sail, and immediately after she showed the private signal of the day. 
After keeping the lights aloft near an hour, and getting no answer 
from the Guerriere, the Constitution, at a quarter past 11, lowered 
the signal, and made sail again, hauling aboard her starboard tacks. 
During the whole of the middle watch the wind was very light, from 
the southward and westward. Just as the morning watch was called, 
the Guerriere tacked, then wore entirely round, threw a rocket, and 
fired two guns. At the same time three sail were discovered on 
the starboard quarter of the Constitution, and three more astern. At 
5 A. M., a fourth vessel was seen astern. 

This was the squadron of Commodore Broke, which had been 
gradually closing with the American frigate during the night, and 
was now just out of gun-shot. As the ships slowly varied their posi 
tions, when the mists were entirely cleared away, the Constitution 
had two frigates on her lee quarter, and aship of the line, two frigates, 
a brig and a schooner astern. The names of the enemy s ships 
have already been given ; but the brig was the Nautilus, and the 
schooner another prize. All the strangers had English colours flying. 

It now fell quite calm, and the Constitution hoisted out her boats, 
and sent them ahead to tow, with a view to keep the ship out of the 
reach of the enemy s shot. At the same time, she whipt up one of 
the gun-deck guns to the spar-deck, and run it out aft, as a stern 
chaser, getting a long eighteen off the forecastle also for a similar 
purpose. Two more of the twenty-fours below were run out at the 
cabin windows, with the same object. It was found necessary to 
cut away some of the taffrail, in order to make room. 

By 6 o clock the wind, which continued very light and baffling, 
came out from the northward of west, when the ship s head was got 
round to the southward, and all the light canvass that would draw was 
set. Soon after, the nearest frigate, the Shannon, opened with her 
bow guns, and continued firing for about ten minutes, but perceiving 
she could not reach the Constitution, she ceased. At half past 6, 
Captain Hull sounded in 26 fathoms, when finding that the enemy 
was likely to close, as he was enabled to put the boats of two ships on 



48 NAVAL HISTORY. [1812, 

one, and was also favoured by a little more air than the Constitution, 
all the spare rope that could be found, and which was fit for the pur 
pose, was payed down into the cutters, bent on, and a kedge was 
run out near a mile ahead, and let go. At a signal given, the crew 
clapped on, and walked away with the ship, overrunning and trip 
ping the kedge as she came up with the end of the line. When this 
was done, another kedge was carried ahead, and, though out of sight 
of land the frigate glided away from her pursuers, before they dis 
covered the manner in which it was done. At half past 7, the 
Constitution had a little air, when she set her ensign, and fired a 
shot at the Shannon, the nearest ship astern. At 8, it fell calm 
again, and further recourse was had to the boats and the kedges, 
the enemy s vessels having a light air, and drawing ahead, towing 
and sweeping. By 9, the nearest frigate, the Shannon, on which 
the English had put most of their boats, was closing fast, and 
there was every prospect, notwithstanding the steadiness and ac 
tivity of the Constitution s people, that the frigate just mentioned 
would get near enough to cripple her, when her capture by the rest 
of the squadron would be inevitable. At this trying moment the 
best spirit prevailed in the ship. Every thing was stoppered, and 
Captain Hull was not without hopes, even should he be forced into 
action, of throwing the Shannon astern by his fire, and of maintain 
ing his distance from the other vessels. It was known that the ene 
my could not tow very near, as it would have been easy to sink his 
boats with the stern guns of the Constitution, and not a man in the 
latter vessel showed a disposition to despondency. Officers and men 
relieved each other regularly at the duty, and while the former threw 
themselves down on deck to catch short naps, the people slept at 
their guns. 

This was one of the most critical moments of the chase. The 
Shannon was fast closing, as has been just stated, while the Guer- 
riere was almost as near on tbestarboardquarter. An hour promised 
to bring the struggle to an issue, when suddenly, at 9 minutes past 9, 
a light air from the southward struck the ship, bringing her to wind 
ward. The beautiful manner in which this advantage was improved, 
excited admiration even in the enemy. As the breeze was seen com 
ing, the ship s sails were trimmed, and as soon as she was under com 
mand, she was brought close up to the wind, on the larboard tack ; 
the boats were all dropped in alongside ; those that belonged to the 
davits were run up, while the others were just lifted clear of the 
water, by purchases on the spare outboard spars, where they were 
in readiness to be used at a moment s notice. As the ship came by 
the wind, she brought the Guerriere nearly on her lee beam, when 
that frigate opened a fire from her broadside. While the shot of this 
vessel were just falling short of them, the people of the Constitution 
were hoisting up their boats with as much steadiness as if the duty 
was performing in a friendly port. In about an hour, however, it 
fell nearly calm again, when captain Hull ordered a quantity of the 
water started, to lighten the ship. More than two thousand gallon* 



1812.] NAVAL HISTORY. 49 

were pumped out, and the boats were sent ahead again to tow. The 
enemy now put nearly all his boats on the Shannon, the nearest ship 
astern ; and a few hours of prodigious exertion followed, the people 
of the Constitution being compelled to supply the place of numbers 
by their activity and zeal. The ships were close by the wind, and 
every thing that would draw was set, and the Shannon was slowly, 
but steadily, forging ahead. About noon of this day, there was a 
little relaxation from labour, owing to the occasional occurrence of 
cat s-paws, by watching which closely, the ship was urged through 
the water. But at quarter past 12, the boats were again sent ahead, 
and the toilsome work of towing was renewed. 

At 1 o clock a strange sail was discovered nearly to leeward. At 
this moment the four frigates of the enemy were about one point on 
the lee-quarter of the Constitution, at long gun-shot, the Africa and 
the two prizes being on the lee-beam. As the wind was constantly 
baffling, any moment might have brought a change, and placed the 
enemy to windward. At seven minutes before two, the Belvidera, 
then the nearest ship, began to fire with her bow guns, and the Con 
stitution opened with her stern chasers. On board the latter ship, 
however, it was soon found to be dangerous to use the main-deck 
guns, the transoms having so much rake, the windows being so high, 
and the guns so short, that every explosion lifted the upper deck, and 
threatened to blow out the stern frame. Perceiving, moreover, that 
his shot did little or no execution, Captain Hull ordered the firing to 
cease at half past 2. 

For several hours, the enemy s frigates were now within gun-shot, 
sometimes towing and kedging, and at others endeavouring to close 
with the puffs of air that occasionally passed. At 7 in the evening, 
the boats of the Constitution were again ahead, the ship steering S. 
\V. J W., with an air so light as to be almost imperceptible. At half 
past 7, she sounded in 24 fathoms. For hours, the same toilsome 
duty was going on, until a little before 11, when a light air from the 
southward struck the ship, and the sails for the first time in many 
weary hours were asleep. The boats instantly dropped alongside, 
hooked on, and were all run up. The topgallant studding-sails and 
stay-sails were set as soon as possible, and for about an hour, the 
people caught a little rest. 

But at midnight it fell nearly calm again, though neither the pur 
suers nor the pursued had recourse to the boats, probably from an 
tin willingness to disturb their crews. At 2 A.M., it was observed on 
board the Constitution that the Guerriere had forged ahead, and was 
again off their lee beam. At this time, the top-gallant studding-sails 
were taken in. 

In this manner passed the night, and on the morning of the next 
day, it was found that three of the enemy s frigates were within long 
gun-shot on the lee-quarter, and the other at aboutthe same distance 
on the lee-beam. The Africa, and the prizes were much further to 
leeward. 

A little after daylight, the Belvidera, havinjj drawn ahead suffi 
ciently to be forward of the Constitution s beam, tacked, when the 



50 NAVAL HISTORY. [1812 



latter ship did the same, in order to preserve her position to wind 
ward. An hour later the ^Eolus passed on the contrary tack, so near 
that it was thought by some who observed the movement, that she 
ought to have opened her lire ; but, as that vessel was merely a 
twelve-pounder frigate, and she was still at a considerable distance, 
it is quite probable her commander acted judiciously. By this time, 
there was sufficient wind to induce Captain Hull to hoist in his first 
cutter. 

The scene, on the morning of this day, was very beautiful, and of 
great interest to the lovers of nautical exhibitions. The weather was 
mild and lovely, the sea smooth as a pond, and there was quite wind 
enough to remove the necessity of any of the extraordinary means 
of getting ahead, that had been so freely used during the previous 
eight- and-forty hours. All the English vessels had got on the same 
tack with the Constitution again, and the five frigates were clouds of 
canvass, from their trucks to the water. Including the American 
ship, eleven sail were in sight, and shortly after a twelfth appeared 
to windward, that was soon ascertained to be an American merchant 
man. Cut the enemy were too intent on the Constitution to regard 
any thing else, and though it would have been easy to capture t-he 
ships to leeward, no attention appears to have been paid to them. 
With a view, however, to deceive the ship to windward they hoisted 
American colours, when the Constitution set an English ensign, by 
way of warning the stranger to keep aloof. 

Until 10 o clock the Constitution was making every preparation 
for carrying sail hard should it become necessary, and she sounded 
in 25 fathoms. At noon the wind fell again, though it was found 
that while the breeze lasted, she had gained on all the enemy s ships; 
more, however on some, than on others. The nearest vessel was the 
Belvidera, which was exactly in the wake of the Constitution, distant 
about two and a half miles, bearing W. N. W. The nearest frigate 
to leeward, bore N. by W. J W.