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Author: Stuckenberg, J. H. W. (John Henry Wilbrandt), 1835-1903
Title: The life of Immanuel Kant / by J.H.W. Stuckenberg.
Publisher: London : Macmillan, 1882.
Tag(s): kant, immanuel, 1724-1804; kant; immanuel kant; philosophy; mmanuel kant
Contributor(s): Eric Lease Morgan (Infomotions, Inc.)
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Rights: GNU General Public License
Size: 152,420 words (average) Grade range: 10-13 (high school) Readability score: 53 (average)
Identifier: thelifeofimmanue00stucuoft
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FROM-THE LIBRARY-OF
TRINITYCOLLEGE TORONTO
THE WILLIAM CLARK
MEMORIAL LIBRARY
DONATED 1926 A.D.
THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
LONDON :
PRINTED HV GILBERT AND KIVINGTON LIMITED,
ST. JOHN S SQUAKK.
THE LIFE
IMMANUEL KANT
II. AY. STUCKENBKRG, D.I).
L>.it c I rof ssor in Wittenberg L ullc-jc, Uhiu
MAC.MIIJ.AN ANJ) CO.
J -
1 8 19
PHEFACE.
WITHIN one hundred years after the publication of the
" Kritik of Pure Reason " no biography of its author
has appeared in the English language. Even in
Germany, where his philosophy is studied so exten
sively and has been the occasion of an immense number
of works, but little attention has been paid to the life
of Kant, and the biographies of him are far from being
satisfactory. It is not difficult to. discover the reasons
for the neglect of the biography of this great thinker
and eminent scholar. The materials for such a work
arc widely scattered, and require much researcli ; and
one may glean long and on many a field, and, as the
result of his labours, bring home only a light sheaf,
and even that nearly all straw. The difficulty is by
no means over when the materials have been found.
Not only are there numerous conflicting statements,
owing largely to the contentions occasioned by his
philosophy and the prejudices which they aroused, but
there is also a lack of the variety and incident which
are commonly regarded as essential to an interesting
biography. Unfortunately, the friends who were his
Vlll PEEPACE.
Kant is known chiefly as the author of the " Kritik of
Pure Reason." In giving an account of his life,
however, a much more comprehensive view of him
must be taken ; he must be considered in the various
relations he sustained. As his works culminated in
ethics and theology, and were intended to establish
these on a firm basis, his moral and religious views
deserve more attention than they generally receive
from English writers on his philosophy, especially since
they are so intimately connected with his life. A
critical discussion of his abstruse philosophy would be
out of place in a biography. The English reader has
access to excellent works on the Kantian system, and
others, as well as translations of Kant s books, are in
process of preparation. This biography aims to con
centrate all the light on the man himself and his life.
The great interest now taken in Kant s philosophy in
England and America justifies the hope that the life of
the Father of German metaphysics will be welcomed
by English readers. If his works throw light on his
life, it will also be found that his life aids materially
in understanding his works.
While the student of the Critical system is naturally
expected to take a special interest in its author, this
biography is also intended for students, and scholars in
general, and for all who take an interest in intellec
tual conflicts and triumphs. As this broad aim has
determined the character of the book, some things
may be found in it which the student of the Critical
Philosophy might be willing to dispense with, but which
the more general reader will find indispensable. As
PREFACE. IX
Kant should be studied in the light of his times, much
contemporary history has been considered in the pre
paration of this book. The thoughtful reader will
prefer to consider the philosopher in his relation to his
age, rather than to view him in an isolation which
would place him in a false light.
I am indebted chiefly to the Royal Library of Berlin
for the materials used in preparing this biography.
The principal authorities are referred to in the
Appendix, especially in the first note.
All the translations from Kant s works are made
directly from the original. I have generally used
" Kritik" to designate the " Kritik of Pure Reason."
Unless otherwise stated, " mile " always designates
the English mile.
The picture of Kant represents the philosopher at
the age of sixty-seven, the original having been
painted by Dobler in 1791.
This biography was intended to appear during
the Centennial year of the " Kritik of Pure Reason ;"
but the work was so much more laborious, and
required so much more time, than was anticipated,
that this was found to be impossible.
KKKLIN, HEJJKL PLATZ 2.
Jan. 16, 1H82.
CONTENTS
CIIAPTKR I.
KANT S BOYHOOD AND KAULY STKIMINIUNGS, 1721 17-10.
FACE
Konigsbcrg Relatives Home influence The Pastor Pie
tism The Gymnasium Its rector, religions influence, and
intellectual advantages Ili.s speciality Special friends
Sensitiveness General character of his early life . 1
CHAP IKK II
STUDKNT IN T1IK INI VF.RSITY. HKOINNING OF AUTHORSHIP.
FAMILY TUTOR. 174017.36.
Change in the Government University of Konigsbcrg Matri
culated as Student of Theology Studies- Favourite ter.cher
Reasons for not entering the ministry Struggles with
poverty --Recreation First book Family tutor Work on
Cosmogony . . . . . . , M
CIIAPTFR III.
TKACHKK IN TIIK UNIVKKSITV.
Ilabilitation Privat-Docent Subjects and character of his Ice
tnrcs Aim in teaching Popularity Testimony of I lerder
Distraction First Mihuy Contest for a pri/.e Promotion
to a professorship Kfl oits to induce him to leave Konigsbcrg
Condition of the t niversity Dean and Rector . f I
Xll CONTENTS.
CHAPTER IV.
TIIYSICAL BASIS.
PAGE
Appearance Head Peculiar experience with his eyes State
of health Study of his physical condition View of medi
cine Dietetics Mastery of mind over body Art of pro
longing life. . . 93
CHAPTER V.
MENTAL CHARACTERISTICS.
Intellectuality Memory Judgment Opposition to dogma
tism, prejudice, and fanaticism Power of analysis and syn
thesis Sense of the ludicrous Wit Abstraction Origi
nality Union of excellencies Strange psychological fact
Study and appreciation of other systems Political views
Imagination Emotional nature Transformation Dogmatic
spirit TE.^thetic culture Views of music, oratory, poetry,
and genius Reading Library Depreciation of history
Polymathist . 106
CHAPTER VI.
HOME AND SOCIAL LIFE.
The philosopher s home Regularity Carefulness in trifles
Lampe Dress Recreation Table-talk Social power
Self-respect Relatives Views of women and marriage
Love-affairs . . ....... 153
CHAPTER VII.
KANT AND II1S FRIENDS.
Views of friendship Excellence of heart Countess Kayser-
ling General Meyer Green Motherby Hamann Von
Hippel Schellncr Bowski Jaronchman Kraus . . 192
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER VIII.
KANT S AUTHORSHIP.
i-A(.i;
Subjects of his works Pre-critical period Book on the
Emotions of the Beautiful and the Sublime Prevalent sys
tems of philosophy Leibnitz-Wolfian system Popular
philosophy Sentimentality Descartes Locke Newton
Berkeley Hume First metaphysical dissertation Lite
rary activity, 175(3-63 " Dreams of Ghost-seers explained by
Dreams of Metaphysics" Letter to Moses Mendelssohn
Period of silence Correspondence with Lambert Inaugural
Dissertation Sensation and understanding Time and space
Letter from Mendelssohn Letter to Herz Labour on the
Kritik " Changes in the plan of the work . 210
CHAPTER IX.
AUTHORSHIP CONTINUED.
Publication of the " Kritik " Hamann s impressions of the book
Difficulties of the work Defects and excellencies Aim
A priori and a posteriori knowledge Analytic and synthetic
judgments Transcendental esthetics The Categories The
reason Charge of idealism Das Ding an sich God, the
soul, freedom, immortality Ontological, cosmological, and
physico-theological proofs of God s existence Result of the
" Kritik " " Prolegomena " " Metaphysical Principles of
Natural Science " "Critique of the Judgment " " Conflict
of the Faculties Last manuscript . 2GO
CHAPTER X.
MORAL AND RELIGIOUS VIEWS AND CHARACTER.
Importance of the subject Freedom Conscience a sufficient
guide Duty The practical reason Its primacy The good
will Emotionless morality Categorical Imperative
Maxima Stoicism Integrity Truthfulness Emotional
nature Basis of his theology Postulates Religious dm
racter of the age Rationalism Historical faith History
depreciated His religion essentially morality -View of
Scripture -Moral interpretation Public and private use of
XIV CONTENTS.
reason The Trinity Christ Sin Conversion The
Church Worship The next world Ministers Influence
of his rationalism Explanation of his theology Called to
account by the Government. . 310
CHAPTER XI.
INFLUENCE OF KANT. ADVOCATES AND OPPONENTS OF TH K
CRITICAL PHILOSOPHY.
Early popularity as a teacher Spread of his reputation
Neglect of the " Kritik " Its sudden popularity Poems on
Kant and his philosophy Pilgrimages to Konigsberg
Enthusiasm of disciples Influence of works following the
"Kritik "Fanaticism of Kantiaus Opposition: Ilamann,
Kraus, Herder Silence amid abuses Influence of Kantism
at home and abroad Honours Subsidence of the excite
ment The return to Kant . . 365
CHAPTER XII.
CORRESPONDENCE AND CORRESPONDENTS.
Small number of Kant s letters Numerous correspondents
Lambert Moses Mendelssohn Herz Erhard Maria von
Herbert- J. G. Ficlite Kiesewetter Jung Stilling . . 398
CHAPTER XIII.
OLD AGE AND DEATH.
Sad life Early symptoms of old age Interference with
literary projects Close of his lectures and literary labours
Relation to the academic senate Wasianski assuming control
of his affairs Loss of memory Visitors Undeviating
uniformity Change of servants Method of retiring
Exercise Approach of spring Sleeplessness Last birth
day Failing sight His sister Strange notion of the atmos
phere First sickness Efforts to rob him Loss of conver
sational power Longing for death Extreme feebleness
Death Funeral Mementoes Will Kant Society Monu
ment . 423
APPENDIX 4.31
THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
CHAPTER I.
KANT S BOYHOOD AND EARLY SURROUNDINGS.
1724 1740.
Kbuigsberg Relatives Home influence The Pastor Pietism
The Gymnasium Its Rector, religious influence, and intel
lectual advantages His speciality Special friends Sensi
tiveness General character of his early life.
I M MANUEL KANT is so identified with Konigsberg that
a sketch of this city is essential to a correct know
ledge of the life of her most famous son. Here he was
born and educated, here he taught and died ; and
this city, with its immediate vicinity, was the scene of
all his labours, hardships, and triumphs. Its social,
religious, and intellectual condition exerted a potent
influence on his character and views ; but lie, on the
other hand, gave the city a fame such as it had never be
fore enjoyed, and has for ever associated its name with
one of the most important epochs in philosophy, so
that for liis sake it was called " The Capital of Philo
sophy," and also " The City of Pure Reason."
Konigsberg is a frontier city of Germany, being
situated in the north-eastern corner of Prussia, near
B
I, IFU OF IM MANUEL KANT.
the Russian border. Formerly it was the capital of
the province of Prussia ; but when that province was
divided a few years ago, it became the capital of East
Prussia. The city is built on undulating ground, in
an attractive region, and its position is favourable for
commerce. It is situated at the mouth of the Pregel,
a river which forms an important means of communi
cation with the interior of the province and also with
Poland, though for its mercantile importance it is mainly
indebted to its location on a bay of the Baltic. Last
century its extensive commerce brought the city into
communication with numerous sea-ports of Europe,
Asia, Africa, and America, as well as with the whole
province of Prussia and the adjoining countries. ( 2 )
In the beginning of the eighteenth century Kb nigs-
berg was prosperous and wealthy ; but during the Seven
Years War its prosperity was checked and much of
its wealth was lost. In 1800 the city, consisting of
the towns of Altstadt, Lobenicht, and Kneiphof,
was about nine miles in circumference, and contained
4000 houses. Its inhabitants during last century
numbered from 40,000 to 50,000, exclusive of the mili
tary.
As might be expected in a maritime port, there was
considerable variety in the character of the population.
The city had been wrested from the Slavs by the
Germans, during the Middle Ages, and traces of
Slavic elements were still found among the inhabitants.
Representatives of different nations were brought to
the city by commercial interests ; such as Polish,
Russian, Scandinavian, Dutch, and English merchants
and seamen. The religious differences were also con
siderable. The Catholics were greatly in the minority,
3
having only one church ; the Protestants were princi
pally Lutherans, who were, however, divided into the
Orthodox and Pietistic; parties there were also ad
herents of the Reformed faith. In 1729 the city had
fourteen Lutheran and three Reformed churches.
Owing to the nearness of Russia, members of the
Greek Church frequently came to the city. The active
trade also attracted many Jews, who had their own
social and religious institutions.
Besides its commercial advantages, Kb nigsberg was
the religious, political, judicial, military, and literary
centre of the province. It was the home of numerous
civil and military officers, as well as of scholars and
prominent ecclesiastics. Besides its elementary schools,
it contained five gymnasia and a university. In the
higher classes of society there was considerable
culture and literary inspiration ; even outside of the
university there existed a good degree of intellectual
activity, and among the merchants were found a num
ber of men who cultivated a taste for letters. Ha-
mann, Hippol, and others, acquired a reputation by
means of their books, and many of the officers took
an interest in scholarship. Isolated as the city was
from other literary centres, it had in itself many of
those elements which are calculated to develop a
taste for learning. Even among the poorer classes
there was an ambition to give their sons a learned
education, an ambition which the schools helped to
realize as well as to inspire ; and many sons of mechanics
took a university course.
His surroundings, as we shall see, had an important
influence on Kant. This busy, stirring city afforded
variety and inspiration enough to make it a favourable
4 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
abode for a scholar ; and yet it was free from those
distracting influences which are apt to interfere seri
ously with study. Its advantages and disadvantages
must, of course, be judged by last century, not by our
age. The merchants from different lands, and the
seamen with large, varied, and interesting experience,
gave the scholar special opportunities to study men and
to gain a knowledge of the world. That Kant highly
appreciated the advantages offered by the city, is evi
dent from a note to the Preface of his " Anthropology :"
" A large city, the centre of a government, in which
the officer^ of- the Government are found ; which con
tains a university for the culture of the sciences, and
is also so situated as to have commerce by sea ; which
is favoured with communication, by means of rivers,
with the interior of the country, as well as with more
distant adjoining lands of various tongues and customs ;
such a city, for instance, as Kb nigsberg on the Pregel,
may be regarded as a suitable place for enlarging one s
knowledge of men and of the world, a place where this
knowledge may be gained even without travel. "( 3 )
Immanuel Kant was born in this city, on the 22nd
of April, 1724, in a house in Saddler Street. This
house, which has been torn down, stood near the
Green Bridge, which was the centre of a lively trade
during the summer, where especially the Germans,
Dutch, English, Poles, and Jews, carried on an extensive
traffic. The boy was thus early brought into contact
with representatives of these nationalities, and he had
an opportunity for observing the peculiar manners
and customs of different nations ; afterwards the study
of national characteristics and of different countries
became his chief literary recreation and delight.
HIS FATHER. 5
In the almanac for Eastern Prussia, the 22nd of
April is designated " Emanuel : " this circumstance
determined his Christian name at his baptism, which
took place the day after his birth. The very meaning
of the word commended it to his pious parents ; and
Kant also became attached to the name.
In his relatives, so far as they are known to us, we
find no evidence of extraordinary intellectual endow
ments. His parents were plain people, belonging to
the class of mechanics, and there was little to distin
guish them from others of the same grade in society,
except perhaps their eminent morality and piety. But
while there is no trace of family genius, we have in
Kant a union of the blood of the two nations which are
most distinguished for their metaphysical speculations,
namely the Scotch and the German.
His father, John George Cant ( 4 ), born near Memel,
in Prussia, was the son of Scotch parents who had
emigrated thither from Scotland. Kant himself states
that for some unknown reason quite a number of Scotch
families emigrated to Sweden and Germany, at the close
of the seventeenth and the beginning of the eighteenth
century, and that his paternal grandparents wqre
among these emigrants. Of these ancestors, and of
Kant s other paternal relations, nothing is known.
Even of John George Cant scarcely anything is re
corded ; his celebrated son, with his characteristic
reticence respecting his early life, rarely referred to
him. Kant s father was a saddler in humble circum
stances, whose strict morality seems to have been the
most striking trait of his character. He was industrious
and conscientious, and was specially intent on training
his children to habits of industry and to the formation
U TlfK I.IFU OF 1MMANUEL KANT.
of an upright character ; and as he regarded truthful
ness as the most essential of the virtues, he took
particular pains to inculcate a love for the truth.
Immanuel esteemed his character highly, and on the
occasion of his death, in 1746, he wrote in the family
Bible : " On the 24th of March, my dear father was
taken away by a happy death. May God, who did not
grant him many joys in this life, permit him to share
the eternal joys."
The character of Immanuel s mother was more
positive than that of the father ; and though she died
when her son was only fourteen years old, and eight
years earlier than his father, she made on him the
deepest and most lasting impression. Her parents
were German, and her maiden name was Regina
Dorothea Reuter. She was an affectionate mother
and a devoted Christian, and together with her husband
belonged to the Pietistic party in the Lutheran Church.
In her character the religious element was predominant,
while her husband laid the emphasis on morality. Onthe
day of her marriage, November 13th, 1715, she wrote
the following in the family Bible : " May the Lord our
God be pleased to keep us in constant love and unity,
and give to us the dew of heaven and the sweetness of
the earth, till He brings us to the marriage of the
.Lamb ; for the sake of Jesus Christ His Son. Amen."
She was greatly influenced by her pastor, Dr. F. A.
Schulz, who in the pulpit and in his pastoral visitations
exhorted his people to have stated times for prayer
and other religious exercises, to strive earnestly for
a change of heart, and to learn definitely the time of
this change. She was faithful in following these
directions, and strict in attending to religious devotions
HIS MOTIIKR. 7
at home and in church. In the training of her children
she was most anxious about their spiritual welfare,
and it was largely to her influence that Immanuel was
indebted for his high ideal of holiness and the develop
ment of his character.
In harmony with the prevalent low views of woman s
intellectual capacities and calling, the facilities for
female education were very meagre. When broad
intellectual culture was regarded as unnecessary or
even inappropriate for women who belonged to the
higher classes of society, it is not surprising that a few
rudiments of knowledge were thought sufficient for
the daughters of mechanics and labourers. We must,
therefore, not expect to find Kant s mother a woman
of superior education ; but she had more than the
ordinary intelligence of the women of her own rank.
Kant, who said that he was the picture of his mother,
regarded her as a woman of good natural powers, of
noble heart, and of devout piety. In his old age he
still spoke of her with reverence and even with
tenderness, saying, " My mother was a lovely,
affectionate, pious, and upright woman, and a tender
mother, who led her children to the fear of God by
means of pious instruction and a virtuous example.
Often she took me outside of the city, directed my
attention to the works of God, spoke with pious rap
ture of His omnipotence, wisdom, and goodness, and
impressed on my heart a deep reverence for the Creator
of all things. Never shall I forget my mother, for she
planted and nourished in me the first good seed, and
opened my heart to the impressions of nature ; she
aroused and enlarged my thoughts ; and her instruc
tion has had an abiding and blessed influence on my
8 THE LIFE OF IM MANUEL KANT.
life." She died December 18th, 1737, her death being
an offering on the altar of affection. A friend, whom
she tenderly loved, had been engaged to a man who
forsook her and married another. This faithlessness
so deeply affected the friend, that she was attacked by
a fatal fever, during which she refused all remedies.
Kant s mother, who attended her during her illness,
urged her to take some medicine ; but she declined it,
under the pretext that the taste was too disagreeable.
In order to convince her that this was not the case, his
mother tasted it, using for that purpose a spoon which
had already been in the mouth of the patient. A
feeling of disgust came over her immediately, she
became greatly excited, and the effect on her imagi
nation was increased when she discovered spots on the
body of her friend which indicated that the disease
was spotted fever. She became sick on the same day,
and soon died.
The peace, morality, and piety of his home exerted a
marked and lasting influence on Kant, and to his early
training he himself ascribed his moral strictness and his
power to resist evil inclinations. The circumstances in
which he was placed were calculated to develop strength
of character and self-reliance. Without being in
absolute need, he was obliged to practise self-denial ;
and without insuperable obstacles in the way of an
education, he early encountered and mastered difficul
ties. The very hardships of his youth served to unfold
his powers, and led him to prize the more highly the
learning which cost him so much effort. His home
was admirably adapted to the development of those
qualities which Kant learned to appreciate above all
others, and which are really the best ; and he appre-
RELIGIOUS CHARACTER OF HIS I10ME. 9
ciated its excellence and recognized its beneficial effect
on his character. Though he inherited from his
parents no money, he received from them treasures
inestimably more valuable. His father died poor, but
without debts. Only a few years before his own
death, Kant described his parents as models of moral
propriety. " They gave me," he said, "a training which,
in a moral point of view, could not have been better,
and for which, at every remembrance of them, I am
moved with the most grateful emotions." In compar
ing his humble home with others of wealth and of rank,
he spoke of its superior excellence. " Kant said that
when he contemplated his work as a tutor in the house
of a count not far from Konigsberg ... he had often
thought, with deep emotion, of the incomparably more
excellent training which he had received in his home,
where, as he gratefully boasted, he had never seen or
heard anything that was immoral. "( 5 )
While in many instances Pietism had degenerated,
we have reason to believe that this was not the case
with the religion of Kant s parents. From all we can
learn of them, we are justified in concluding that they
were free from bigotry, hypocrisy, and fanaticism.
That their religion was sincere and earnest, and that
it moulded their characters and lives, is evident from
the testimony of their son. Speaking of his parents,
he said, " Even if the religious views of that day, arid
the notions of what was called virtue and piety, were
not clear and satisfactory, nevertheless the thing itself
was found. Let men say what they will of Pietism,
those who sincerely adopted it were honourably distin
guished. They had the highest which a man can
possess that rest, that cheerfulness, and that inner
10 t, TIIK T.IFI*: UP IMMANUEL KANT.
peace, which no passion could disturb. No need and
no persecution disheartened them ; no contention could
excite them to anger and enmity. In a word, even the
mere observer was involuntarily inspired with respect.
I still remember how a quarrel about their rights broke
out between the guilds of the harness-makers and of
the saddlers, from which my father suffered consi
derably ; but in spite of this, even in the conversation
in the family this quarrel was mentioned with such
forbearance and love toward the opponents, and with
such firm confidence in Providence, that the thought
of it, though I was only a boy then, wall never leave
me." ( ci ) This testimony is the more significant, because
Kant had no sympathy with Pietism when it w as given.
The influence of this home must indeed have been
exceptional, since Kant, the strict and even severe
moralist, frequently said, " Never, not even a single
time was I permitted to hear anything improper from
my parents ; never did I see in them anything that was
wrong."
There were ten children besides Immanuel, three sons
and seven daughters ; six of these, two sons older than
Immanuel, and four daughters, died quite young. He
was the fourth child. His only brother who attained
years of maturity, John Henry, was eleven years
younger, and chose the ministry as his profession,
studying theology in the University of Konigsberg.
After spending some time as family tutor in Courland,
he became the rector of a school in Mittau ; and from
1780 until his death in 1800 he was the pastor of a
church in Rahden, Courland. He had an original
mind and was well informed ; his attainments in history,
of which he made a speciality, were superior, and he
HIS DROTHKI!. 1 1
also had a good knowledge of mathematics, was a critical
student of the classics, read extensively, and was an
admirer of practical philosophy, but not of metaphysics.
It is said that in his youth he received instruction from
his brother, which probably means that he attended
some of his lectures while at the university. He read
his writings until his book on " Religion within the
Limits of Reason " appeared, then refused to read any
more of them, because, he said, his old head could not
adapt itself to a new terminology. The early home-
training left a moral impression on him similar to that
made on his celebrated brother, and he was upright
and candid, and had the strictest regard for the truth.
He published nothing, his sphere being practical life
rather than speculation or literature ; but till the close
of his life he was a student of learned works. While
conscientious and energetic in the discharge of his
duties, he also had admirable qualities of heart. His
studies, his religious views, his pursuits, and, in fact,
his whole life, were so different from those of his
brother that there was little congeniality between them.
They rarely corresponded with each other, and for many
years not at all. Immanuel seems to have cherished
no fraternal affection for his only brother, who was
also the only relative who could lay any claim to
scholarship ; though after his brother s death he gene
rously aided the family, which had been left in poverty.
Of the three sisters who survived the age of child
hood, one was older than Immanuel and died unmarried;
the other two were married to humble citizens of
Konigsberg. They had enjoyed only the extremely
meagre educational advantages of girls in their
circumstances, had no opportunities for refinement and
12 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
culture, and never rose above their lowly station in life.
Only one of them, Mrs. Theuer, survived her brother.
The early intellectual advantages of Kant were by no
means equal to the superior moral ones. It is not
easy to transfer ourselves from the enlightened Germany
of to-day, with its masterly educational system, to the
Germany of the first decades of the eighteenth century.
The letters and biographies of that period must be
read, in order to form a conception of the people who
were still painfully struggling to rise above the ruins of
the Thirty Years War ; a people that had just passed
through the saddest century of their history, a century
of wretchedness and despair ; a people depressed,
depreciating themselves in comparison with other
nations, with neither political unity nor independence,
with no national literature, and without the conscious
ness of intellectual strength. While various de
partments of learning flourished in England, France,
and the Netherlands, Germany had little or no intel
lectual influence among the nations, a fact which will
become more evident when we follow Kant to the
gymnasium and the university, but which also must
be taken into account in connexion with his entire
education. The day when Pestalozzi and others
radically reformed the educational system of Germany
had not yet come. In the primary schools, both in
the city and in the country, the instruction was very
defective. Girls were taught to read, and perhaps to
cipher, and they also received religious instruction, but
rarely anything more. There were no schools for the
higher education of girls ; hence, unless parents could
afford a private tutor, their education was confined to
these elements ; and the boys, unless they were to be
THE PASTOR. 13
prepared for the gymnasium, generally fared little
better. The teachers were frequently incompetent,
many of them being mechanics who taught in connexion
with their trade, in order to eke out a living.
Kant at first attended what was called the Hospital
School. The pastor of the family, Dr. Schulz, who
was the first to notice the abilities of the boy, called
the attention of his parents to his talents, and urged
them to promote their development. His connexion
with one of the gymnasia as rector, and with the uni
versity as professor, made the way for the higher
education of Kant more easy ; and the fact that both
the gymnasium and the university were in Konigsberg
made it possible to give him the advantages of these
institutions with comparatively little expense. If it
had not been for this faithful pastor, there seems to have
been little probability that his parents would have
thought of sending him to the gymnasium. Jachmann,
one of the biographers of the Konigsberg philosopher,
says of this pastor, " Kant is indebted to him for
what he became, and the learned world is under obli
gation to him for what it gained through Kant s
culture." But in spite of the limited expense, his
parents could not afford to give him a liberal education ;
their pastor, however, gave substantial help by sending
them fire-wood free of charge. Whether the powerful
influence of Schulz secured stipends, or other pecuniary
aid, is not known. Being a devout Pietist, the minister
was desirous that Kant should study theology, and
this met the wishes of his parents, especially of his
mother. \Vhen eight years old, he was accordingly
sent to the Collegium Fridericianum, the gymnasium
of which the pastor was rector.
11 THE LIFE OF IAIMANUEL KANT.
Kant gratefully recognized the services rendered
him by this excellent man, and Borowski, his friend
and biographer, says, " In Kant s estimation, Dr. F.
A. Schulz was one of the first and most excellent of
men. During lucid intervals in his old age, and often
in former years, he expressed a desire to erect a monu
ment to the memory of Schulz, and also thought that
others ought to erect one." Late in life Kant regretted
that in his writings he had not reared a memorial to
the memory of his friend and benefactor. He was
also indebted to a maternal uncle, named Richter, a
shoemaker of some means, who assisted him while a
student and afterwards.
Neither of the parents lived to witness the begin
ning of their son s fame ; the mother, however, lived
to see him in the gymnasium, preparing for the uni
versity, and the father saw him complete his course in
the university, but died a year before his first book
was published.
If we examine Kant s youth with the hope of finding
some prophecy of his future greatness, we shall be
disappointed. This may be due partly to the fact that
we know so little about that period of his life ; but
there seems to have been nothing extraordinary in it,
as otherwise it would probably have been recorded.
During the first years at school he manifested no
preference for the subject in which he achieved his
great fame ; and even during his studies at the uni
versity he did not make it a speciality. Impelled by a
thirst for knowledge, he was a diligent student, and in
some branches his attainments were more than ordi
nary ; he, however, gave no evidences of striking
brilliancy of intellect, and even his most intimate friends
Oil Id IN OF 1MKTISM. 15
discovered in him no indications of the profound
metaphysician or of any extraordinary philosophical
genius. While but little is known about him personally
during this period, we, fortunately, have the data for a
knowledge of the two most important factors in his early
life, namely, the religious and intellectual influences to
which he was subject.
The gymnasium which Kant attended was, like his
home, subject to Pietistic influence ; and to a large
extent this is also true of the university. At home,
therefore, in church, in the gymnasium, and in the
university, he was in this religious atmosphere ; and
for the sake of understanding his youth, and also his
character and life, it is important to examine this
powerful religious tendency. When we consider what
his pastor and the Pietistic schools did for Kant, it is
not too much to say that the world is indebted to
Pietism for saving from obscurity the greatest of
modern metaphysicians.
The great religious movement begun by Spener in
the second half of the seventeenth century, called
Pietism by its opponents, was a powerful revival of
religion, to which in many respects the later Metho
dist movement in England was similar. Its influence
was by no means confined to the Lutheran Church, in
which it originated, but extended to all the churches.
Unlike Methodism, it did not organize a new denomi
nation, but aimed at the spiritualization of the Lutheran
Church. Spencr has been called a second Luther;
and the great work begun by him was in many
respects a real reformation. Instead of the cold and
formal orthodoxy generally prevalent, he wanted to
introduce more spiritual life into the churches and a
]6 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEf- KANT.
more practical Christianity. While not aiming to set
aside the orthodox doctrines, he did not want mere
intellectual assent to them to be regarded as consti
tuting a Christian ; but he aimed to quicken the doc
trines, and to apply them to the heart as well as the
head, so that they might form a character which should
attest itself in daily life, as well as in profession and in
acts distinctively religious. But in giving so much
emphasis to the character of the heart and the life, the
self-sufficiency of a sterile intellectualism in religion
and of a dead orthodoxy was attacked, and the doctrines
themselves received a relatively different position and
value. By means of such views, and through his
efforts to spread them, Spener exerted an almost un
paralleled spiritual influence throughout Germany.
Among the few signs of life after the Thirty Years War,
Pietism was the most important. Although its direct
aim was only religious, it affected all departments of
life, stimulated education and government, aroused
the latent energies of the masses, and gave the people
inspiration, hope, and enthusiasm. In many places,
spring with its warm breath, and teeming with life,
followed a cold, dead winter. Becoming an absorbing
passion, it concentrated all the energies in religious
aims. While the nobility and the heads of Government
were affected by it, Pietism was essentially a popular
movement, and the neglected classes, the masses, were
the recipients of its greatest benefits. Catechization,
which had been neglected, was generally introduced,
and was made a spiritual as well as an intellectual
exercise; meetings for prayer and biblical study were
held during the week; pastoral visitation, with religious
counsel and exhortation, became common ; the preach-
NEW RELIGlorS LIFE. 1 7
ing, which had boon coldly intellectual, was quickened ;
theological instruction, which had become scholastic,
dry, and polemical, was made more spiritual and more
ethical; and the whole aspect of the spiritual life was
changed. The movement aroused the missionary ac-
tivity of the Church, established benevolent institutions,
and culminated in founding the University of Halle,
and rYancke s Orphan Asylum in the same city. In
Prussia, Pietism became a great power, and this uni
versity was especially favoured by the Government;
and 1 Yancke s Asylum, and the various institutions
connected with it, became the model for other Pie-
tistic establishments.
It is evident that a movement so vigorous, and so
radical in the changes it effected, could not escape
opposition. The Orthodox party denounced it and
persecuted its leaders. A bitter controversy arose
between the two parties, in which impure motives,
personal attacks, and abusive epithets, bore a pro
minent part, produced distraction and religious in
difference, and promoted scepticism. Even the most
ardent advocate of Pietism cannot deny that in the
course of time it laid itself open to serious charges.
It lost much of its original freshness, simplicity, and
power, and became formal and artificial ; and before
the first half of the eighteenth century had closed, the
period of its degeneracy had come. Its piety became
constrained and affected, and was a matter of rules
rather than of spontaneous spiritual life. It developed
a painfully anxious spirit, and encouraged an intro
spection which frequently led to gloomy brooding over
the state of the he-art; those who were obliged to
submit to its regulations, and to listen to its frequent
c
18 THE LIFK OF 1MMANUEL KANT.
exhortations, wore apt to find much in them that was
irksome and insipid ; and it is not strange that in
many instances the heart, instead of being won by
its appeals, turned from them with aversion. The
constant playing on the emotions, and the persistent
efforts to bring about conversion, sometimes pro
duced effects which were very different from those
intended. Add to this the fact that many Pietists, in
their extreme opposition to amusements, gave to life
a gloomy and unnatural aspect ; that learning was
frequently spoken of disparagingly, all the emphasis
being laid on the heart and its experiences ; that a sup
posed superiority to others often engendered a spiritual
pride ; and that hypocrisy was apt to assume the garb
which seemed to be most devout and it will readily
be understood that the degenerated Pietism, for only
that is meant, had a deleterious influence, especially
on the minds of the young and the scholarly. It be
came too narrow, too little human, and too unhealthy,
to satisfy deep and scientific natures. From a per
secuted party it grew in many places to be the
dominant one, and it also became a persecutor. When
through its instigations the philosopher Wolf was
obliged to leave Halle, and when it sought to force
others to refrain from teaching what it regarded as
irreligious, Pietism created the suspicion that it was
hostile to freedom in scientific investigation, a sus
picion which is specially potent in its influence on
students. There were indeed many Pietists during
the period of its degeneracy who were free from the
faults mentioned ; but their example did not counter
act the evil influences of an unhealthy Pietism.
The religious influences to which the sensitive, im-
THE FRIDKRICIANUM. 10
pressible mind of Kant was subject at home and in
the gymnasium were such as were exerted by the
better class of the Pietists of that day ; but that these
influences were not wholly beneficial is evident from
the testimony of numerous reliable witnesses. Ex
cesses occurred which bore evil fruit, and there were
methods which, in spite of the purity of the motives
which prompted them, frustrated their intended aim.
The Fridericianum was founded by a dealer in wood,
named Gehr, who was a Pietist, and was desirous
of having his children educated in his own faith.
For this purpose he procured from the celebrated
Orphan Asylum in Halle, in 1098, Dr. Lysius, a su
perior instructor, who modelled the institution he
founded in Konigsberg after the one in Halle, both
religiously and intellectually. At first the school was
only a private one, intended for the children of the
founder, and the teacher was a family tutor; but his
extraordinary success led other parents to ask per
mission to send their children to him. Besides grant
ing this request, Gehr also gave free instruction to
some poor children. The popularity of the institu
tion soon aroused the opposition of the educational
authorities in Konigsberg; and in order to quiet the
unfavourable rumours respecting the school, Gehr
requested a full examination of its instruction and
methods. The committee appointed for this purpose
gave an exceedingly favourable report, declaring that
they were surprised and gratified at the attainments
of the pupils in Latin, Greek, history, geography, and
other branches, as well as in the catechism and in
the Scriptures.
The school continued to be a private institution
o 2
20 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
till 1703, when it received the royal privilege of a
gymnasium with the name, " Collegium Fridericia-
num." In granting this privilege, the king declared
that it was his aim " to extend God s glory and to
bring souls to heaven." Besides the gymnasium, the
institution had a German school for the elementary
instruction of boys and girls. It was the only insti
tution in Prussia which had a boarding department,
a feature which attracted many foreigners, especially
Russians, Lieflanders, and Courlanders. In 1732
schools for the poor were also added.
Kant spent eight and a half years in this gymnasium,
entering it in the spring of 1732. Rejoiced as the
poor lad no doubt was that, in spite of his humble
condition, his desire for knowledge was to be grati
fied, the impression of the institution cannot have been
very cheerful. A description of the building a hundred
years later shows that its effect must have been
gloomy ; for the small rooms, with low ceilings, were
" suffocating in summer and cold in winter ;" some
of them were so dark as to make study difficult, and
" in this semi-twilight, reading and writing injure the
eyes and put the mind into a despondent mood." The
kitchens of the professors apartments were contiguous,
and sent their fragrance into the cheerless recitation
rooms. ( 7 )
The rector of the gymnasium, Dr. F. A. Schulz, is of
special interest to us on account of the important ser
vice he rendered Kant. Like his predecessor, Lysius,
he had been educated at Halle, Avhere he was known as
an ardent Pietist and a zealous disciple of the \Yolfian
philosophy. Having spent some time in pastoral work
in other places, he was called to Konigsberg in 1731, to
IK. scurLZ. 21
become the pastor of one of the churches and also a
member of the consistory. Other influential positions
were soon added, for which lie was indebted to the
royal favour; thus, he was appointed Professor of
Theology, and he became a member of the academic
senate ; lie was made rector of the Fridericianum, and
served on important ecclesiastical and educational
committees. Schulz was a fine scholar; and at
Halle, through the influence of the philosopher Wolf,
he obtained permission to deliver mathematical and
philosophical lectures in the university before he had
taken a degree. lie possessed great mental vigour,
superior organizing talent, and indomitable zeal. As
pastor, rector, teacher, and administrator, he was emi
nently successful. As general inspector of schools
his service to the cause of education in Konigsberg
and throughout the kingdom Avas of inestimable
value ; and it was chiefly through his activity that
1000 new schools were established. After his death,
one of his pupils said, " What a great mind Schulz
must have had, is evident from the fact that for
the greater part of his life he patiently, actively,
cheerfully, with great intelligence, and with blessed
results, held more than six distinct offices, with all
their labours and burdens." ( 8 )
This is the man to whose memory Kant was de
sirous of erecting a monument. Tie became the pastor
of the family when Kant was but seven years old ;
and next to the parents he was most influential in
forming the character of the boy. His Pietism was
the basis and the impulse of all his activities. He
was a faithful pastor, was an excellent and a power
ful preacher. The pupil already quoted says, " What
22 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KAXT.
an impression was made by liis edifying, simple, mov
ing eloquence ! He readied the soul, the bones, and
the marrow. As little as one with open eye can avoid
seeing the lightning, so little could one escape his
power to move."
Not only at home and in church, but also in the
gymnasium, Kant was brought under the influence of
Schulz. The rector was too much occupied with
other matters to attend to the business affairs of the
gymnasium ; these were left to his assistant, Schiffert,
who was also a zealous Pietist and a g^ood scholar.
o
But Schulz was the ruling spirit in the Fridericianum,
and his power was especially felt in its religious
management. The spiritual element was the most
prominent in the institution, and everything had a
Pietistic hue. ( 9 ) From the character of Schulz, as well
as from the testimony of the best pupils of the
school, including that of Kant, we infer that the
Pietism was sincere and zealous, and was in general
o
free from fanaticism. ( I0 ) At the same time there is
no doubt that there was an excess of effort to
arouse religious emotions. One is surprised at the
amount of time devoted to devotional exercises in
Pietistic schools, which were chiefly emotional and
aimed at a conviction of sin and to effect conversion.
While in the other schools of the city two hours
a week were given to religious instruction, in
the Fridericianum the first hour of each day was
devoted to it, and every recitation was begun and
closed with prayer. Besides the Bible, the catechisms
of Luther, Spener, and Dietrich were used in the
school. On Sunday there were two sermons and
two catechizations in the church connected with the
EELIGIOUS EXERCISES. 23
institution. All the instruction had a religious aim,
and exhortations were frequently connected with the
recitations. The original New Testament was the
principal book used in the study of Greek, and the
interpretation of that book was the aim in the
study of that language. The historical instruction
was mostly confined to the history of the Old and
New Testaments. And Scheffner, who was a pupil
a little later than Kant, states that on every Sunday
two boys from the upper classes had to stand
before the pulpit, while Dr. Schulz, with a sharp
voice and in a severe tone, catechized them on his
sermon.
The discipline of the institution was stern, and the
pupils regarded its severity as an element of the re
ligion. (") Whatever benefits might flow from them,
Pietism and its discipline in the gymnasium could not
fail to excite aversion and opposition, particularly on
the part of those who were predominantly intellectual
and had a passion for knowledge. These influences
were by no means such as were calculated to attract
Kant, in whose nature emotional religion never struck
a sympathetic chord. Borowski says of him that he
" had no taste at all for the forms of piety or religious
ness which many of the pupils adopted, sometimes
from very impure motives."
Whatever excellences there may have been in the
religion of his home and the gymnasium, Kant s
opinion of Pietism in general was by no means favour
able. Sometimes he spoke of it with bitterness; and
taking his own words as a commentary on its charac
ter, we are not surprised that he turned from it with
aversion. Ho says, " Hut it is not contempt for
24 T1IU Llb E OF IMMANUKL KANT.
piety which has made Pietism a name to designate a
sect, with which a certain degree of contempt is
always associated ; but it is the fantastic and, with all
appearance of humility, proud assumption that they
are distinguished as the supernaturally favoured
children of heaven, though their conduct, as far as can
be seen, has not the least advantage over those who
are called by them the children of the world." ( 12 )
Pietism thus had its favourable and its unfavour
able elements, and Kant was subject to both kinds of
influence. Its excesses, its emotional character, and
its controversies, had a bad effect on many minds.
Though powerful in the province, it left no enduring
literary monuments, because its sermons and books
lacked depth and breadth ; its glory consisted in its
ethical features, in promoting education among the
masses, and in establishing eleemosynary institutions.
In the schools its aims were often frustrated ; and it
is probable that both Kant and his friend Ruhnken
refused to enter the ministry, though they were sent
to the gymnasium by their parents to prepare for that
profession, because they were unfavourably affected
by Pietism. But while its religious features repelled
Kant, its moral elements exerted the deepest influence
on him. In his ethical system, especially in his stern
morality and in his views of the radical evil in human
nature and the need of conversion, Ave see the effect
of his early religious training. Pietism did not win
his heart, but it moulded his conscience. " The weak
ness of Pietism Avas its drill system, into which it fell
in its exaggerations. When the religious instruction of
children became a strait- jacket, it lost its attractions
for the youthful mind ; nevertheless, in its onesided-
1NTKLLKCTUAL CIIAHAUTKK OF THK (JYMNASIUM. V J5
ness, Pietism forged that brass logical chain whose
last link is the Categorical Imperative." ( l! )
In intellectual character and educational advantages
the Fridericianum compared favourably with the other
schools of that day. Xot only was it the best of the
five gymnasia in Konigsberg, but it was the best
and most celebrated in the province. It introduced
improvements Avhich were also adopted by other insti
tutions, and it sent into the churches, schools, civil
offices, and various other spheres, more eminent and
successful men than any other school in eastern
Prussia. Kant was a pupil in its most flourishing
period, namely, during the first years of the rectorate
of Dr. Schulz. His predecessor, Lysius, who has been
pronounced, next to Francke, the best teacher of his
day, devoted thirty years to the development of the
school; and Dr. Schulz continued to conduct and
develop it in his spirit.
Hut notwithstanding its superiority for that day,
it was very inferior when compared with the excellent
German gymnasia of the present. Owing to the pre
ponderance of the Latin language in the gymnasia,
they were commonly called Latin schools; but both
the Latin and the Greek were, taught mechanically, as
a system of rules and as a discipline for the memory,
while the spirit of the classics was neglected. "As
late as 177 ( .>, Frederick the Great found it necessary
to enjoin upon the Prussian gymnasia, by means of a,
cabinet order, a more diligent and better study of the;
Greek and Latin authors, in order that the pupils
might get the substance as well as the words, and
ideas as well as a good diction." (") The German
language was not thoroughly taught ; and the instruo
26 THE LIFE OF TMMANUEL KANT.
tion in general was scholastic and formal, rather than
real and living.
The Fridericianum was not free from the defects
then common in the Latin schools, and it also suffered
from the fact that, on account of its limited means,
it was obliged to depend largely on students of the
university, and candidates for the ministry, for its in
structors. The employment of so many new and
inexperienced instructors made much machinery neces
sary. " The frequent change of teachers obliged the
directors to follow a certain plan of instruction, which
prescribed the lessons for every course, every month,
every week, and even for every hour. The teacher
was a wound-up watch, which, in the opinion of the
Pietists, was set correctly and went right." ( l5 )
It is evident from these facts, that the general
character of the gymnasia and the peculiar condition of
the Fridericianum give no assurance that Kant en
joyed the advantages of a deep and broad culture
while preparing for the university. The Fridericianum
had the merit of being the first Latin school in the
city which introduced history, geography, and mathe
matics, as regular branches of study; but the instruction
in them was by no means thorough. The course of
study included Latin, Greek, Hebrew, French, history,
logic, mathematics, and geography ; and the German
language was taught in connexion with rhetoric and
poetry, but the time for its appreciation as a branch
of study had not yet come. There was no instruction
in natural history or physics. It is not strange that
in his mature years Kant s opinion of the intellectual
character of the gymnasium was not very favourable.
The very thought of the instruction in logic and mathe-
STUDY OF THE CLASSICS.
07
matics made him laugh; and in speaking of his
teachers in these branches, he said, " These gentle
men could probably not have kindled into a fire any
spark of philosophy or mathematics which might have
been in us." Cunde, his fellow-pupil, to whom he
made this remark, answered, " They could blow it
out or quench it." Scheffner relates that his teacher
used the Greek New Testament as a text-book, and had
the translation written between the lines. One teacher,
by the name of Heydenreich, was, however, an excep
tion to the general rule. He was connected with the
school from 17->7 171-0, and taught the first Latin
class, which had from sixteen to eighteen lessons a
week. Besides teaching the language, he explained
the text, caught and communicated the spirit of the
classics, and interested and inspired his students.
Kant rarely referred to his teachers in the gymnasium ;
but Borowski says that he spoke with great esteem of
Heydenreich more than a hundred times. To this
"elegant Latin scholar," as Kant called him, he was
indebted for that inspiration which he failed to find in
the other branches, and he devoted himself to the study
of the Latin classics with great zeal. Not only was this
his favourite study in the gymnasium, it was the only
one for which he manifested a preference, and in which
he made any special progress. Kant, Ruhnken, and
Cunde, frequently met to read Latin authors who were
not included in the course; and Ruhnken, who had
more money at his command than his comrades, took
pains to furnish the best editions of the classics.
They were all gifted young men, with intellectual
tastes and aspirations; they were diligent and success
ful students; and in the pursuit of their favourite
28 THE LIFK OF IMMANUKL KANT.
study they not only learned tlie Latin language, and
cultivated a good Latin style, but they also developed
a taste for the spirit and the beauties of the classics.
His association and study with these friends made
oases in Kant s youth, and he remembered with great
pleasure the happy hours spent with Ruhnken and
Cunde over his favourites among the ancients.
The diligent study of the classics was of great and
permanent value to Kant. Not only did it enable him
to use the Latin language easily and gracefully, which
is evident from his dissertations in that language, but
it also laid the basis for that broad humanistic culture
which was so noticeable in his conversations and
lectures. In his first book, written when the impres
sion of the classics was still fresh, Horace, Virgil, and
Lucretius, are quoted. In his conversations he fre
quently referred to the Latin authors ; and even in old
age, when his memory for recent impressions had
become very weak, he was still able to quote easily
and correctly numerous passages from Latin writers,
especially from the work of his favourite author,
Lucretius, " De Natura Rerum." In 1801 a friend
of Kant, speaking of his association with Ruhnken
at the gymnasium, wrote, " Kant never forgot the
charming entertainment furnished him by the ancients ;
and even now, at his great age, his memory does not
merely retain the most beautiful verses and sentences
of the Latin poets, orators, and historians, but the
remembrance of them frequently inspires him." ( 1G )
When we consider the character of the gymnasium,
we are not surprised that Kant manifested no pre
ference for the subjects which afterwards engrossed
his attention. It is explained by the fact that natural
NO PREFERENCE FOR PHILOSOPHY. UO
science had no place in the curriculum, and that
mathematics and logic were not taught in such a way
as to inspire any love for them ; and the boy had not
yet developed sufficient taste for these branches to
make them subjects of independent study. He was
still dependent on his teachers and surroundings for his
inspiration and preferences, and there was no evidence
of a decided natural inclination or gift in any particular
direction. Not until he \vas brought under the
influence of other instructors, in the university, was
there any indication that his speciality would not be
philology. Ruhnken said that at the gymnasium he
himself had a preference for philosophy, Kant for
philology; yet the former made 1 his reputation in
philology, the latter in philosophy, and Ruhnken s last
work was " Scholia in Platonem," while Kant s last
intellectual labour was devoted to the completion of his
philosophy. Kypke, another fellow-pupil of Kant, said
that at that time they did not, and could not, have the
least idea that Kant would ever devote himself to
philosophy. And Ruhnken afterwards regretted that
Kant had abandoned the green fields of the humani
ties, to wander on the barren steppes of metaphysics.
Already at the gymnasium Kant was ambitious for
authorship. As scholars sometimes Latini/ed their
names, he proposed to write his " Kantius," on the
titk-pages of his books, while Ruhnken expected to
become known as " Ruhnkenius," and ( 1 unde as
" Cundeus." Ruhnken was the only one who carried
out this intention, and as Ruhnkenius lie attained
fame as an authority in classical literature.
Kant and Uulmkeii never met each other after they
left the gymnasium. The latter went lo Wittenberg,
30 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
to study the classics, philosophy, and law ; then to
Ley den, to pursue Greek under the eminent Hemster-
huys. Having lost faith in speculative philosophy, he
devoted his life to philology, was appointed professor
in Ley den, and stood in the front rank of the classical
scholars of last century, llulmken was one year older
than Kant, and died in 1797.
Cunde, Kant s other intimate friend at the gym
nasium, was also his fellow-student in the university.
After finishing his studies at Konigsberg, he taught for
awhile in the Fridericianum, and then became rector
of a Latin school in Rastenburg. He was an excellent
man and a superior teacher. It is said that he had
stupendous learning, " which would have been an
honour to any university, an incomparable method in
teaching, and a deep insight into human nature." He
was a man of strict integrity and sterling worth ; and
the three friends were congenial morally as well as
intellectually. Overworked while a teacher in the
Fridericianum, Cunde s health was already undermined
when he went to Rastenburg. The school-building at
this place was so bad that its miserable condition was
the occasion of his premature death in 1 759. This
trio, Kant, Ruhnken, and Cunde, seem to have dis
played the most intellectual vigour among the students
at that time in the gymnasium, and this, together with
their moral character and their aspii^ations, formed the
basis of their intimacy.
Kant was eight years old when he entered the
gymnasium, and sixteen when he left it to enter the
university. While he saw the defects of the school, he
also saw its excellences, and he was grateful for the
advantages which he there enjoyed. He spoke with
OBSCUK1TY OF HIS YOUTH. )U
appreciation of the paternal spirit of the institution,
and of the earnest efforts to form the characters and
develop the minds of its pupils. The school at least
prepared him for the university, and thus opened the
way for him to a learned career. That he was diligent
and successful in his studies is evident both from his
associations and his attainments.
Little else is known of Kant s youth. We have
reason to regret this tact, for it is always interesting
to watch the first unfolding of the aspirations and
powers of one who has moved the world out of its
usual course, and we are anxious to learn whether
the great man is really found in the boy. Even the
biographies of him by intimate friends give very
unsatisfactory accounts of his early years. Nearly all
who had known him in his youth had died before
him ; and the sister who survived him probably remem
bered nothing that was striking or characteristic.
Kant himself did not like to speak of his youth, its
memory evidently having little that was attractive.
Being the child of a poor mechanic, small, timid, weak
and even delicate, it is not singular that the busy
world paid no attention to this boy, who gave no promise
of his future greatness. It was a sad period of life,
with but few of the pleasures and scarcely auv of the
poetry of youth, lie was extremely sensitive ; this is
confirmed by the story that he was so annoyed
because a boy said that his name " Cant " should be
pronounced as if writ ten wit ha " Z," that he after wards
wrote it Kant. He was predisposed to melancholy;
and his poverty, his self-denial, and the difficulties
which beset him, were calculated to deepen his gloom.
His family was not so situated as to give him any
THK LIFE OF 1MMANUKL KANT.
social standing, nor had lie powerful friends to en
courage and help him. Thrown almost wholly on his
own intellectual resources, his only hope was in
achievements resulting from severe personal efforts.
Most persons of mature years find a melancholy
pleasure in reflecting on the joys, the hopes, the
inspirations, and the enthusiasm of the spring of life ;
but when Kant had grown to manhood, and had learned
to estimate everything from an intellectual standpoint,
he looked on youth as the period of weakness. Hippel,
Kant s acquaintance for many years, in speaking of
the Egyptian bondage in which many children were
kept, states that Kant had experienced the miseries of
the slavery of youth in full measure, and that he
declared that fear and horror seized him when he
reflected on the bondage of his youth. This is an
exaggeration, but it is, no doubt, based on remarks of
Kant. Rink says, " It was not on account of the
slavery of his youth that Kant depreciated the years
of childhood, but his reasons were deeper, namely, the
defective knowledge and judgment of childhood ; for
this reason he declared him to be a child who had the
vain wish to return from the age of manhood to that
of childhood." But the misery of which Hippel speaks
probably helped to form Kant s view of youth.
Two stories are related of Kant s boyhood : the one
an evidence of occasional absent-mindedness ; the
other, of unusual presence of mind when aroused.
Forgetfulness of ordinary affairs was characteristic of
him; and he said that during his whole life absent-
mindedness had been one of his failings. When he
first went to school he was frequently punished for
forgetfulness. Once, when on his way to school, he
STORIES OF HIS BOYHOOD. 33
laid down his books to play with other boys, and after
the play he went to school, never thinking of the
books till the teacher asked for them. But on another
occasion his presence of mind probably saved his life.
When about eight years old, he attempted to walk
over a log lying across a ditch filled with water. He
had taken only a few steps when the log commenced
to roll and he began to get dizzy. As he could
neither retreat nor stand still, he fixed his eyes on a
point, on the other side of the ditch, in a line with
the log, ran towards it without looking down, and thus
escaped.
34 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
CHAPTER II.
STUDENT IN THE UNIVERSITY. BEGINNING Ob 1 AUTHOK-
SHIP. FAMILY TUTOR.
Change in the Government University of Konisberg Matriculated
as Student of Theology Studies Favourite teacher Reasons
for not entering the ministry Struggles with poverty Recrea
tion First book Family tutor Work on Cosmogony.
JUST before Kant entered the University of Kb nigs-
berg a change occurred in the Government of
Prussia, which seriously affected the religion, the
literature, and the life of the kingdom. When
Frederick William I. died, on the last day of May,
1740, his son, Frederick II., commonly called the
Great, ascended the throne. The predilection of
Frederick William for military affairs is charac
teristic of the Hohenzollern family; his passion for
giants as soldiers was but a whim of that propensity.
His military exactness and routine had left their im
press on the people, and the age itself was mechanical.
For present notions his government was too paternal
and too personal. Strictly orthodox himself, he ex
pected his people to have the same faith, and he even
used constraint to make them devout in his sense;
and in governing his people, as in training his son, he
ClfANCJK OF GOVERNMENT. 35
seems to have had no idea of tolerance. The spirit of
his administration was most powerfully felt in cities
like Kb nigsberg, where the civil officers, who were
his instruments rather than his agents, were numerous.
In every department of life there was a cramped feel
ing, a lack of room for development, and a want of
spontaneity. But on the accession of Frederick II.
to the tin-one, \vlio himself had keenly felt the galling
tyranny of his father, the change, as is usual in re
actions, was very marked; in some cases there was a
bound from one extreme to the other. Not that his
reign was less personal than that of his father, but its
spirit was different. For a long time sceptical ten
dencies had run parallel with Orthodoxy and Pietism ;
the Government had, however, used its power to sup
press them. Under the new king there was no longer
to be any religious restraint ; for, as he said at the
beginning of his reign, every man was to have the
liberty to be saved in his own fashion. The era of
tolerance which he introduced did not merely affect
religion ; he emphasized the freedom of thought,
always excepting cases where it conflicted with his
political supremacy. Persons who had been exiled
during his father s reign were recalled; and it was one
of his first acts to invite the philosopher Wolf to
return to Halle. His French teachers, as well as the
literary tendency of the age, had created in him a
preference for the French language and literature;
his libraries in Potsdam, consisting almost wholly of
French books, still testify to this preference. He
corresponded with eminent Frenchmen, invited them
to his court, and was greatly under their influence,
being especially intimate with Voltaire. The royal
36 THE LIFE OF 1M MANUEL KANT.
favour promoted French frivolity and scepticism, as
well as the popularity of French literature.
The new king inaugurated a new era for Prussia,
and during his long reign the revival of letters began
in Germany. The literary activity of Lessing, Herder,
Jacobi, Hamann, Schiller, Goethe, Winckelmann, and
many other eminent men, belongs wholly or in part to
this reign, during which the modern literature of
Germany had its birth. His great achievements for
the enlargement and the glory of Prussia, and his
consequent popularity, made his views all the more
influential ; and under him who was called the Great,
the King, the Royal Philosopher, the Only One (der
Einzige), a great change was wrought in the thought
and life of his kingdom during the forty-six years of
his vigorous reign.
The first sixteen years of Kant s life belonged to the
reign of Frederick William. During the twenty-seven
years of his sovereignty the people became addicted
to his mechanical ways; and Kant imbibed this spirit
of the times during the formative period of his
character, and his life was characterized by a regularity
which became mechanical and monotonous. His
earliest religious impressions were such as this king
himself had fostered. The whole tenor of the Govern
ment was changed when Kant entered the university ;
and it is probable that by the change his religious
views were also affected. We find that he passed
from the Pietism by which his youth was influenced,
to the free-thinking of the age of Frederick the Great ;
just such a reaction is found in his case as that which
took place in the Government when the new monarch
ascended the throne. Kant, however, retained the
UNIVI-RSITY OF KONIGSBERG. o?
stern morality which characterized the preceding king,
and tliis saved him from the frivolity which was
encouraged by royal example under Frederick the
Great.
The University of Konigsberg, which Kant entered
in the autumn of 1740, and with which he was con
nected during the greater part of his life, was founded
in loll-, by Duke Albert. Melanchthon, whom he con
sulted respecting the teachers, sent his son-in-law,
Sabinus, who was made rector for life. For the first
two centuries the history of this institution was not
brilliant; and at the close of its second century, when
Kant became a student, it occupied an obscure posi
tion among the German universities. Neither its
intellectual life nor its educational advantages were
such as to give it prominence. ( l7 ) Its strength was in
its theological faculty, to which at times nearly one
half of the students belonged, while there were com
paratively few in the philosophical faculty. The
students were mainly from the Province of Prussia,
Courland, Pomerania, Silesia, and the Protestant
portion of Polish Prussia. Thus its students, as
well as its location, belonged rather to the border of
Germany than to its heart.
If we take a map of Germany and glance at the
surroundings of Konigsberg, we are at once struck
with its intellectual isolation ; before the introduction
of railways, and in the eighteenth century, this was
much more complete than at present It was a fron
tier city which had little communication with the heart
of Germany, being remote from other universities, as
well as from Berlin, Weimar, and other intellectual
and literary centres. The literature and science from
38 THE LIFE OF IMMAN0EL KANT.
other quarters reached it slowly, if at all ; conse
quently there was a lack of that inspiration which is
communicated by contact and rivalry with intellectual
characters and centres. In 1736 Professor Bock, of
the University of Kb nigsberg, wrote, "As is well
known, I live where books and periodicals from other
places are seen only after long years." As a rule,
only books specially ordered by purchasers were
brought to Kb nigsberg by the booksellers, so that it was
difficult to keep up with the literature of the day. As
late as 1781, another writer, Baczko, said, with refer
ence to the Province of Prussia, of which Kb nigsberg
is the capital : " Prussia is decried in Germany as
almost a learned Siberia ; and owing to our geat
distance from Leipzig, the centre of the German book
trade, it is natural that we should suffer, since all
literary novelties come late to us, and authorship is
not favoured by facilities for selling books." Another
writer speaks of Kant as working out his system " on
the Pregel, in one of the most completely forgotten
corners of Europe." This isolation particularly af
fected the life of the university, and it partly accounts
for the fact that the first books of Kant were almost
wholly unnoticed.
Other facts must also be taken into account in con
sidering Kant s studies at the university, and his whole
intellectual career. In the universities of Germany,
as well as in the gymnasia and the other schools, the
instruction, both as respects matter and method, was
far from being satisfactory. The lectures were gene
rally prosy and lifeless, dealing rather with the forms
of thought than with thought itself, making nice but
useless scholastic distinctions, rich in tedious subtleties
STATE OF GERMAN LITERATURE. 39
concerning matters of little importance, and burdened
with a method which made a show of learning with
out real, living scholarship. A stiff and stilted
pedantic mannerism still prevailed. The teachers were
often incompetent, and many of the lectures were
delivered in Latin which was anything but classic.
Instead of promoting genuine and thorough scholar
ship, it seemed rather to be the principal aim of the
instruction to furnish the student with the means of
successfully passing the examination required by the
state.
The German language was greatly neglected, and it
was depreciated by Germans themselves, when com
pared with the Latin, French, and English ; indeed, it
was still a matter of dispute, which of the various
dialects should be used for a national literature. The
right to use the German language for scholarly works
was just beginning to assert itself. When C. F. "Wolf
published the first philosophical work in German, it
created surprise ; and in an appendix he explained
German words by means of the Latin. A vigorous,
independent literature hardly seemed to be a desidera
tum in the estimation of writers, so persistently were
foreign models chosen for imitation. Gottschcd, who
left Konigsberg for Leipzig in the same year that
Kant was born, contended for French models, while
Bod mer and the Swiss preferred the English; and it
required men of genius like Lessing, Schiller, and
Goethe, to reveal the power of the German language
and to prove the possibility of an independent German
literature. The founder of aesthetics as the science of
the beautiful, Baumgarten, was indeed living, but his
system was not published till the middle of the century,
40 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
and then it gave elements rather than a science. The
literary disputes of the day prove that the whole
subject of taste and criticism was involved in con
fusion and uncertainty. Lessing, Winckelmann, Kant,
and Schiller, introduced light and order. In the natu
ral sciences, the mechanical views of nature absorbed
the attention of philosophers, the chief authorities
being Newton and his school, together with Descartes
and Leibnitz, and their followers. In metaphysics, the
dogmatism of the Wolfian school held almost undis
puted sway.
The revival of letters was imminent when Kant
entered the university, but he did not have the benefit
of it during his studies. Klopstock was born in the
same year as Kant, but he began his university course
five years later ; Winckelmann entered the university of
Halle two years before Kant entered that of Kb nigs-
berg; Lessing was five years younger than Kant, and
was still a school-boy when the latter was already a
student ; Kant had ended his university course several
years before Goethe s birth, and had been a teacher four
years when Schiller was born ; Herder, "Wieland, Jacobi,
and, in fact, the whole galaxy of Germany s brightest
literary period, belong to a later time than Kant s
student life. These names, however, indicate the
character of the period which was about to be inaugu
rated, a period in which Kant s name was one of the
most eminent. With all the disadvantages of the
day, it was a time of fermentation and of grand oppor
tunities. As an epoch was approaching, it was an age
when great problems demanded solution, when doubts
developed the intellect, Avhen sharp conflicts aroused
thought, and when the confusion itself created oppor-
INTELLECTUAL CHARACTER OF THE UNIVERSITY. 41
tunities for a master-mind. The man who could
master the different tendencies, and could harmonize
their conflicting elements, would find the crisis itself
the occasion for the greatest intellectual results. Only
when we consider the difficulties, on the one hand, and
the rare opportunities, on the other, can we com
prehend the career of Kant.
The University of Konigsberg suffered more than
many others from the evils enumerated. At the opening
of the century the Aristotelian philosophy was still
taught ; in the second decade a Privat-Docent intro
duced the Wolfian system. In 1729 Professor Bock
wrote, " The university is in so miserable a condition
that it does not seem unlike a trivial school ; philosophy
is afflicted with a hectic fever, and the other sciences
are also badly enough cultivated." The affliction of
philosophy was probably connected with the fact that
Wolf was expelled from Halle and Prussia in 1723,
and it was dangerous to teach his system in the uni
versities of the kingdom. A few years later, however,
an alliance was formed between Pietism and the Wolfian
philosophy in Konigsberg, mainly through the influence
of Dr. Schulz, after which this philosophy prevailed in
the university.
For the study of mathematics no superior advan
tages were afforded. Professor Kraus, who taught
mathematics in the university many years later, de
clared that Konigsberg had always had men who under
stood mathematics, and still has ; but that as long as
the sun had shone on the city, it had not been able
to boast of a good mathematician. Nor did chemistry,
natural history, technology, or political science, fare
any better. The division of labour was far less com-
42 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
plete than at present, and the exclusive devotion of a
teacher to a speciality, and the consequent great pro
ficiency in it, were exceptions. Even theology and
mathematics were taught by the same man, Langhausen
being professor extraordinary of theology and professor
in ordinary of mathematics. ( 18 ) J. G. Bock was at the
same time professor of speculative philosophy and of
poetry, an evidence that speculative philosophy was
not made very prominent. It was, however, charac
teristic of the age to apply philosophy to everything ,
and two professors were appointed to teach practical
or applied philosophy. Most of the professors in the
philosophical faculty were unknown in science and
letters, and not one of them was celebrated. There
were among them men of respectable scholarship ;
but in general the teaching had become lifeless,
and was little calculated to arouse and inspire the
intellect. ( 1!) )
Kant s preference for the Latin language and litera
ture might have continued at the university if he had
there found a good instructor in Latin. The revival
of interest in the classics, which had begun in Leipzig
and Gottingen, did not yet affect the University of
Kb nigsberg. Probably Ruhnken went to Wittenberg,
after graduating at the Fridericianum, because Konigs-
berg offered few attractions in his favourite depart
ments, especially in philology. Kant, who was greatly
influenced in his intellectual preferences by the ability
of his instructors, now made specialities of other
subjects, in none of which the gymnasium had offered
any advantages.
He was matriculated as a student of theology, though
it is doubtful whether even then he had any inclination
FAVOURITE PROFESSORS. 43
for that study. His mind and his preferences were
too little developed, and he knew his own powers too
little, to determine finally his intellectual course. At
that time parents generally decided the calling of their
children, even without consulting them. He had been
sent to the gymnasium to prepare for the ministry ;
and it is probable that the memory of his mother, and
the influence of his father and of Dr. Schulz, deter
mined his matriculation in the university as a theological
student. This did not interfere with the hearing of
lectures in other departments, nor did it oblige him to
make a speciality of theology ; and whenever he desired
it, lie could be transferred to another faculty. Indeed,
theological students were expected to take a course in
philosophy first, in order that they might be the better
prepared for theology.
Professor Teske, who was a good scholar, had the
department of physics. Kant attended his lectures,
and was more indebted to him than to any other
professor in ordinary. But Martin Knutzen, professor
extraordinary, more than any one else, moulded his
intellect and determined his preferences and his future
career. Born in 171^, he was appointed professor
extraordinary at the age of twenty-one, was twenty-
seven years old when Kant entered the university, and
was never promoted to a professorship in ordinary. ( 20 )
His lectures extended over many subjects of philosophy
and physics, including logic, metaphysics, rational
psychology, natural philosophy, morals, natural law,
rhetoric, mnemonics, and mathematics. Kant not only
attended his lectures, but also took part in the meet
ings which he held for disputations and for the
examination of students on the subjects of his lee-
44 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
turcs. Knutzen was a disciple of the Leibnitz- Wolfian
philosophy, and in religion was a Pietist ; his attain
ments were unusual, his reading was varied and
extensive ; and as his gifts as a teacher were extra
ordinary, he was deservedly popular with the students.
Besides being a laborious student, he lectured four or
even five times a day, and overwork is supposed to
have been the cause of his death, in 1751, when only
thirty-seven years old. His activity was not confined
to the university, but he extended his reputation by
means of writings on philosophical, theological,
physical, and mathematical topics. ( 21 )
Professor Knutzen s lectures embraced the subjects
which Kant pursued with most pleasure while a
student in the university; and after he finished his
course, mathematics, physics, metaphysics, and morals
were his specialities. Kant, however, did not at this
time make the study of metaphysics prominent. Now
and for years afterwards he devoted himself chiefly to
mathematics and physics. The influence of his mathe
matical studies is apparent in his great works, being
evident from his frequent references to mathematics,
and from his demand for exact definitions and for
demonstrations which have mathematical certainty ;
and his entire philosophy reveals the mathematical
mind.
The personal intercourse of a professor may be
more influential than his learned lectures, in giving the
student intellectual inspiration, and in developing his
mental tastes and his moral character. The young
teacher who can enter with warmth into sympathy
with an eager student, may have a decided advantage
over the aged professor. Kant entered into closer
PROFESSOR KNUTZEN. 15
personal relations with Knutzen tlian with his other
teachers. Besides hearing his lectures and taking part
in his reviews and discussions, he also consulted him
about his studies, and conversed with him on learned
subjects. The teacher, pleased witli his abilities and
thirst for knowledge, placed his library at Kant s
disposal, and gave him directions in his reading; and
it was in this way that the eager student became
acquainted with the works of eminent scholars,
including those of Newton. But this favourite teacher
did more than influence his students to become
learned ; he aimed to make them originators of
thought, not mere imitators ; and thinkers, instead of
mere learners.
There was a striking resemblance between this
teacher and his aspiring and susceptible pupil; and
much that has been said of Knutzen might also be
said of Kant. Their intellectual specialities were the
same till the end of life; but in religion they differed,
since Kant did not adopt his teacher s Pietistic views.
They were both laborious students; both were learned
and were polymathists ; both were thinkers, and both
aimed to make their students thinkers. While Kant,
at the age when Knut/en died, had probably displayed
more originality than his teacher, it is doubtful
whether on the whole he had revealed more mental
breadth or greater intellectual vigour. The pupil,
however, attained a lasting and world-wide fame, while
the teacher was forgotten.
In the university, Professors Knut/en and Teske
took the place of Heydenreich in the gymnasium; and
mathematics and physics took the place of the classics.
A writer, speaking of Kant, says, "His teachers in
46 THE LTFK OF 1MMANUEL KANT.
mathematics and physics, Professors Knutzen and
Teske, were among the clearest and most learned men
in Kb nigsberg. Kant not only heard all their lectures
most attentively, but he also took pains to obtain
explanations of difficult points by means of private
conversations with both, and to procure books from
them for the independent study of these branches.
During his academic course he still kept philosophy
proper in the background ; and Kant s university
friend, Kypke, afterw r ards his colleague as Professor of
Oriental Literature, remarked that at that time he
showed little inclination for metaphysical studies." (")
Kant no doubt attended many lectures of which no
mention is made ; but we know that he heard those of
Professor Schulz on dogmatics, though he did not take
a full course in theology. It was his aim to include
all the sciences in his investigations, and he regarded
some knowledge of theology necessary for a complete
education, even if the ministry was not chosen as a
profession. Heilsberg, who was his fellow-student at
the university, states that this breadth of culture was
Kant s object. " For this purpose, Wlomer, Kant,
and I, decided to attend the public lectures of Dr.
Schulz during the next half year. We did not miss an
hour, diligently wrote the dictations, reviewed the
lectures at home, and in the examinations which the
worthy man frequently held with his numerous hearers,
our answers were so satisfactory that at the close of
the course he requested us to remain. He asked for
our names, inquired about our knowledge of languages,
and desired to know what professors we were hearing,
and what was the aim of our studies. Kant answered
that he intended to devote himself to medicine;
LECTURES OF SCHULZ. -17
Wlomer, that lie had chosen the law ; I was unde
cided." The professor then asked why they heard
theological lectures ? Kant replied, because they had
a desire to loarn. Dr. Scliulz informed them that if
they concluded to enter the ministry, they should come
to him with confidence, and they should have the choice
of places in the country and cities, adding, " This I
promise you ; and if I live, I will keep my word.
Here is my hand ; go in peace." ( 23 )
From this it is evident that Kant had not yet found
the sphere of his future activities. He may have had
serious intentions of studying medicine. Later in life
he manifested a preference for medical works, and his
first book was dedicated to Bohlius, a medical pro
fessor. In the undecided state of his mind he may
sometimes have inclined to one profession and then to
another.
But why did Kant fail to comply with the desire
of his parents to enter the ministry ? His lack of
sympathy with the prevalent religion was no doubt
one of his strongest reasons. His inquiring mind
could hardly escape agitation through religious doubts,
which Schulz s lectures, highly as Kant appreciated
them, were not calculated to remove. They contained
a strange mixture of Pietism and mathematical demon
strations of Christian dogmas, such as might have
been expected from the man of whom Wolf said that
if any one understood him, it was Schulz of Konigsberg.
Hippel, who was one of Dr. Schuly/s students, gives a
hint of his method in teaching theology : " This
remarkable man taught me to look at theology from a
new point of view; for he introduced so much philo
sophy into it that one would have thought that Christ
48 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
and His apostles had all received instruction from Wolf
in Halle."
It was an age of theological agitation, of religious
inquiry and doubt ; and the unsettling of faith had a
strong influence 011 the young men in the universities.
It is a significant fact that Winckelmann, Lessing,
Rulmken, and Kant, were all sent by their parents to
the university to study for the ministry, and that not
one of them entered that profession. There was much
in the university during Kant s student-life which was
calculated to alienate him from religion. The quarrels
of the religious factions produced distractions, and
made an unfavourable impression on the students.
The theological faculty was the most powerful, and
exercised an authority which some of the other pro
fessors regarded as oppressive. Dr. Schulz, who
became the most influential man in Konigsberg soon
after his arrival in the city, was the leading spirit in
the theological department, aud had warm adherents
in the other faculties ; but he also met with decided
opposition, and his supremacy was disputed by those
who rejected his religious views. When Frederick II.
began his reign, the royal favour bestowed on Dr.
Schulz by his predecessor was withdrawn, and the
king, displeased with his Pietistic zeal, deprived him
of some of his offices, and greatly curtailed his power ;
and he was also energetically opposed by a strong
party in the churches of Konigsberg. This change in
his influence occurred about the time when Kant
entered the university. The hot disputes in the
churches embittered the feelings of the different
parties, and also affected both the professors and the
students. Professor Fisher had been banished from
REASONS FOR NOT ENTERING THE MINISTRY. 49
Konigsberg in 1725, because he ventured to advocate
Wolf s philosophy, and to defend some of the very
tenets for which, on pain of death, that philosopher
had been banished from Halle. He had also spoken
in uncomplimentary terms of the Pietism in Konigs-
berg. A royal decree banished him from the city
within twenty-four hours, and from the province
within forty-eight. As the new king had restored
AVolf to Halle, so he permitted Fisher to return to
Konigsberg. In 1743 he published a book on
" Nature," in which he advocated deistic and pan
theistic views. The Pietists, including Dr. Schulz,
.secured the prohibition of the book; the author was
severely attacked, and was not permitted to partake of
the communion. The sensation thus produced could
not fail to affect the students, so easily aroused to
indignation even by the semblance of intolerance. It
is not difficult to imagine its influence on Kant,
absorbed in the study of mathematics and physics ; and
these early experiences no doubt had much to do with
his later hatred of all forms of oppression, and particu
larly of religious intolerance. If aversion to Pietism
already began in the gymnasium, it could only be
increased by the contentions which occurred during
his studies in the university. Taking into account
these facts, together with his intellectual preferences,
we need look no farther to discover his reasons for not
entering the ministry. ( 2 *)
Kant s quiet, uneventful lite was marked by a regular
and steady development of his powers, without abrupt
inner or outer changes. Hungry for knowledge, and
absorbed in its acquisition, he pursued the even tenor
of his way, apparently little affected by distracting or
i:
00 THE LIFE OF IMMANGEL KANT.
disturbing influences. The conflicts of his life were
mostly inner and hidden from the world. Even the
processes of his mind in producing his great meta
physical speculations are very imperfectly known ; with
the exception of his works, we have hints about them
only in his letters. We know nothing of his mental
conflicts and religious struggles in youth ; but he could
not pass through the Pietistic influences without
mental agitation, and it no doubt required much earnest
thought to determine his vocation. It was not in his
nature to break easily with the religious associations
of his early life, and it must have cost him a severe
struggle to resolve not to comply with the ardent-
desires of his parents and helpful pastor.
Kant was obliged to contend with poverty while at
the university, and he found the road to learning beset
with difficulties. He, however, mastered the lectures,
especially those of Knutzen and Teske, so successfully
that he could aid other students in reviewing them.
Sometimes he rendered this assistance as a matter of
friendship ; but his necessities also compelled him to
give instruction for which he received compensation,
the students paying him what they pleased. He occu
pied a room, for some time, with Wlomer, an intimate
friend, probably receiving his lodging gratis. Heils-
berg says, " Kallenberg, now councillor of war, gave
him free lodging and considerable support when
Wlomer went to Berlin. From the deceased Dr.
Trummer, whom he also instructed, he received much
help, but more from his relative, the manufacturer
Richter, who paid the expenses of his promotion to the
degree of magister." Kant lived very economically, an
art which he was obliged to learn early and to practise
1 OVKHTV. 51
long. Although he did not absolutely suffer from want,
Heilsberg informs us that when an article of Kant s
clothing was sent away to be mended and he was
obliged to leave the house, "one of the students would
remain at homo while Kant sallied forth with the coat,
pantaloons, or boots borrowed from him. If a gar
ment was entirely worn out, the party " (those to whom
K;mt gave lessons, and perhaps other friends) " made
contributions, of which no account was kept, and which
were never refunded."
There may be more than a compensation for poverty
in the very discipline it gives a man while mastering the
difficulties he encounters; and it may prove a blessing
to many a mind by leaving open but one way to emi
nence- that of intellectual supremacy, though that
mav lie through deserts, or over mountains almost
impassable. There are victories whose greatest bless
ing is in the battle. Kant s necessities proved to be
blessings in disguise 4 . In pursuing his purpose reso-
lutclv, he learned self-denial, mastered circumstances,
and developed remarkable will-power ; and his poverty
obliged him early to cultivate the gift of communi
cating instruction. He was only a student when he
became a teacher.
I le shared but few of the common joys of life. Mow-
ever much a hostile fortune was to blame for this, his
tastes seem to have been too predominantly intellectual
to seek the ordinary pleasures of youth. His friend lleils-
berg says, "Kant \vas fond of no pleasures, and still
less was he inclined towards any species of fanaticism ;
and he imperceptibly accustomed those who heard him
to similar views. His only recreation consisted in play
ing billiards, a game in which Wlomer and 1 were
K 2
52 THE LIFE OF 1MMANUEL KANT.
his constant companions. We had developed our skill
almost to the utmost, and rarely returned home without
some gain. I paid my French teacher altogether from
this income. As a consequence, persons refused to
play with us, and we abandoned this way of making
money, and chose Thombre, which Kant played well."
Study was the main source of his enjoyments, and when
afterwards he advised young men to cultivate a love
for work, and to deny themselves pleasures so that they
might the longer retain the power of enjoyment, he
gave them a rule which he himself had adopted.
Kant probably ended his university course in 1744,
at the age of twenty. In this year he began the pre
paration of his first book. In harmony with his pre
ferences and principal studies at the university, the
book is mathematical, treating of the kinetic forces. ( 25 )
The title-page bears the date 1746; but the dedi
cation was written on his birthday, April 22, 1747,
and in the book itself there is a reference to a work
which appeared in the spring of 1747, so that the
publication may have been delayed till the autumn of
that year or still later. As he was too poor to pay
for the printing, he was aided by his uncle Richter.
The book has only historic interest, which consists in
the fact that it gives us a knowledge of the mind and
views of young Kant; but in this respect it is in
valuable. It is characteristic that at the age of twenty
lie chose a subject so abstract and necessarily involving
much dry discussion. The book throws light on his
university course, showing what studies chiefly occu
pied his attention, and it also reveals the tendency to
abstract reasoning which is so marked in his meta
physical works.
HIS FIKST BOOK.
The standpoint of the book is essentially that of his
teacher, Knntzen. ( 2G ) In the Wolfian philosophy, of
which the teacher was a disciple, a pure mechanism
prevailed, and a dogmatism that was defended by
mathematical demonstrations, which it applied to every
subject. Both in the natural sciences and in meta
physics this method promoted a lifeless formalism.
Kant is not wholly satisfied with this method, and he
subjects it to criticism ; but he does not transcend it,
and has no other to put in its place. The author is
bold and self-confident, and yet modest ; he is critical,
and at the same time positive ; and he reveals a fear
less, energetic mind and a resolute will. " If I venture
to reject the thoughts of Leibnitz, Wolf, Herrmann,
Bernoulli, Buelfinger, and others, and to give my own
the preference, I would not like to have worse judges
than these men ; for I know that if their judgment
rejected my opinions, it would not condemn my aim/
There is much in the book which in a youth just out of
his teens may savour of impertinence, and of this
Kant is aware. " My freedom in contradicting emi
nent men will produce unfavourable results for me.
The world is much inclined to believe that he who is
better informed on some points than a great scholar,
imagines himself superior to him. I venture to say that
this is a mistake." Connected with this freedom, which
characterizes the independent thinker, there is also
respect for great men and their opinions; but it is not
a reverence which makes their authority final. We
have here a mind striving to emancipate itself from
the bondage of authority while respecting those who
imposed it ; hence there is a mingling of the. defiant
tone with modesty, and the wrestling of a critical
54 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
spirit with the system in which it is entangled. He
is convinced that the time is past when the opinions
of great men can be regarded as settling disputed
questions. " One can now boldly hold as nothing the
authority of the Newtons and Leibnitzes if it conflicts
with the discovery of the truth, and can fearlessly
resolve to yield to no persuasion but that of the under
standing." And in a characteristic passage he says,
" In the pursuit of this discussion I shall not hesitate
to reject freely the proposition of any man, however
celebrated he may be, if to my understanding it appears
to be false." As he is well aAvare that a pigmy in learn
ing may in some department surpass a scholar who
excels him in every other, he of course does not claim
to be superior to the eminent men whom he criticizes.
He admits that there is presumption in the decla
ration, " The truth for which the greatest masters of
human knowledge have striven in vain, first of all
presented itself to my mind ; " but he significantly
adds, " I do not venture to justify this thought ; but,
on the other hand, I would not like to disclaim it." He
thinks it important that a man should have a noble
confidence in his powers, since it inspires the mind
and gives it a degree of exaltation which is advan
tageous in the investigation of the truth.
The author is convinced that by means of this book
he has done science considerable service, and thinks
that his views will help to settle one of the greatest
controversies at that time dividing the geometers of
Europe; and he ventures to predict that the contro
versy will either be settled soon, or that it will never
end. But aside from its spirit there is nothing espe
cially striking in the book, and there are no new
FAMILY TUTOIi. 55
theories which claim attention. It received little
notice when it appeared, created no reputation for its
author, and is not now prized by mathematicians.
Greatly as he was indebted to his teachers Knut/en
and Teske, the work must have cost him much re
search and earnest thought, and it proves that at the
university he laid a solid foundation for his eminent
career. We look in vain for the profundity and the
peculiar views of the " Kritik," which appeared thirty-
four years later; but the independent and critical
spirit of his first book is the germ from which the
" Kritik " could grow.
There can scarcely be a doubt that at this time
Kant had already chosen the sphere of his activity,
and that he was intent on fitting himself for it. With
a resoluteness peculiar to him, he says in this book,
" I have marked out for myself the course which I
have determined to take. I shall begin my career, and
nothing shall keep me from continuing it." Tie chose
the learned career of a teacher in the university, though
years of toil were still necessary before he could enter
that sphere.
His father died in 17-MJ, and in the same year he
became a family tutor. ]t may be that his father s
death threw him more completely on his own resources,
and made it necessary for him to support himself. In
order to become a teacher in the university, he was
obliged to take a degree and to habilitate, and this
required money; he may also have found it advisable
to prepare himself more thoroughly for the degree
and for the delivery of lectures. It was common for
young men after completing their course, whether
they were candidates for the ministry, or aimed at the
56 THR LIFE OF IM MANUEL KAXT.
position of a teacher in the university, to become
family tutors ; frequently this was the only available
means of support. The position was far from being
an enviable one. The pay of such a tutor was
small, and frequently he was regarded as scarcely
more than a servant, received but little respect from
the children, and was expected to attend to other
matters besides teaching. ( 27 ) Kant, however, seems to
have been unusually favoured while family tutor ; still,
the nine years which he spent in this position could
not have been otherwise than irksome. He had no
taste for teaching the mere rudiments of knowledge,
and his own confession indicates that the occupation
was not congenial. Speaking humorously of the
matter, he declared that there probably never was a
worse tutor, and said that he had never been able to
acquire the art of adapting himself to the capacities
and views of children.
Kant was at first tutor in the family of a Reformed
preacher near Konigsberg ; then in the family of Yon
Hiillesen, at Arnsdorf, about sixty miles south-west
of Konigsberg. This was the limit of his travels.
He visited Pillau, about thirty miles distant, and
other places in the vicinity; but Arnsdorf is the
greatest distance he ever journeyed from his native
city. His friendly relations with the family of Von
Hiillesen were continued after he ceased to be tutor,
and his work there cannot have been a failure. The
letters of his pupils proved their warm regard for their
teacher, and after he left the house he was invited to
participate in the most interesting festivities of the
family. One of the young men was afterwards placed
in his charge at Konigsberg while pursuing his
COUNTESS KAYSERLING. O/
studies at the university. His pupils in this family
were among the first in Prussia to free their peasants
from the subjection in which they were at that time
held ; and for this act the king conferred on them the
title of count.
The third and last family in which he lived as tutor
was that of Count Kayserling, whose residence was
near Konigsberg, and who lived much of the time in
the city. This position was of great advantage to
him, and had much influence on his social relations.
The count, who had studied at Leipzig, Halle, and in
other universities, was a man of admirable qualities of
mind and heart, and had gained a reputation in diplo
matic service in various countries. The countess
was a woman of unusual talent, with superior culture
and attractive manners. She aided her husband in
literary work, and also translated a Compend of Philo
sophy into French. Her rare talent in painting pro
cured for her the distinction of an election to honorary
membership in the Berlin Academy of the Arts and
Mechanical Sciences. In one of his books Kant calls
her " the ornament of her sex." It was in this
family that he became acquainted with the rules of
refined society. Here he met many persons of
rank and distinction ; and owing to his superior
mental powers and his scholarship, he soon became a
favourite guest in the most cultivated families of
Konigsberg. At table, French, Italian, and English
literature, as well as political affairs, were discussed ;
this stimulated him to master these subjects thoroughly,
and gave him an opportunity to use his excellent con
versational powers. His experience in this family was
of great value; here he gained an ease, culture, and
58 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
polish, which could hardly have been expected in a
man with his early associations and his. studious
habits.
If we judge Kant s tutorship, not by his estimate,
but by the esteem in which he was held by the two
noble families in which he lived, we must conclude
that it was eminently successful. It cost him an
effort to adapt himself to those under his charge ; but
this had its value in preparing him for his future
career. " This long residence in strange families, the
various social relations he entered, and to which he
soon adapted himself admirably ; the necessary victory
over his bashfulness ; the fact that he was thrown on
his own intellectual resources ; the many demands
made on him by his duties as tutor, and the conscien
tiousness with which he strove to perform them ; all
this was calculated to exert an extraordinary influence
on his life, especially in developing the marvellous
versatility of his mind." ( 28 ) The union of scholarship
and refinement in Kant is noticed by the same writer :
" We now recognize in him the thorough scholar and
the cultivated man of the world, without any inter
ference of the qualities of the one with those of the
other."
These nine years of tutorship also afforded him
opportunities for the pursuit of his favourite subjects.
His first book, which appeared soon after he became
family tutor, was probably finished while occupying
this position. The time which was his own he
devoted chiefly to mathematics and physics, astronomy
perhaps receiving most attention. In 1754 he pub
lished a brief discussion of the question, " Has the
Earth been subject to any Change in its Revolution
COSMOGONY. O ( J
on its Axis? " In the same year lie briefly considered
the question, " Is the Earth growing Old r " But
the work to which he devoted most of his energies,
and which is the most important of all his earlier
publications, is the astronomo-geological book which
appeared in 1 755, with the title, "General Natural
History and Theory of the Heavens ; or an Essay on
the Constitution and Mechanical Origin of the Whole
Universe, discussed according to Newtonian Prin
ciples." o
The great astronomers had given the laws of the
motions of the heavenly bodies ; Kant goes farther back
and attempts to account for the very origin of these
bodies, and his book is really a cosmogony of the uni
verse. Supposing matter to have been originally in a
state of chaos, he proceeds to give a purely mechanical
explanation of the formation of the celestial bodies
according to Newton s laws of attraction and repulsion.
He regards matter, created by God, as originally
hovering in a nebulous state. First the sun is formed
by the attraction of particles of matter ; then the chaotic
matter which still hovers around the sun is formed into
the planets and their moons. Kant was the first to
propose this theory of the origin of the universe, but a
few years later, Lambert, without knowing anything
of Kant s book, advocated the same theory in Ins
" Cosmological Letters;" and later still, Laplace, in
his " Exposition du Systeme du Monde," proposed and
more firmly established the same theory, without
knowing anything of the books of his predecessors.
In Germany it is still called the Kant-Laplace theory.
While Kant adopts the great laws discovered by
Newton, and applies them in explaining the construction
GO THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
of the universe, lie criticizes and transcends some of
the principles of the great English philosopher.
Newton accounts for the order in the world by the
direct interposition of God ; but Kant thinks that it
can be accounted for by the laws of matter. These
laws were placed there by God, but they work without
the necessity of divine interposition. God is still
regarded as the author of all things ; His activity is,
however, put farther back. Law, not chance, rules
the universe, and this makes it so harmonious in its
organization and movement ; and God has so consti
tuted this law that it works without His interposition.
This hypothesis of the origin of the world is not
the only significant feature of the book. Near the
beginning he expresses the conviction that there may
be planets beyond Saturn, and also a planet between
Mars and Jupiter. When, twenty-six years later,
Herschel discovered Uranus, Kant rejoiced at the
confirmation of his prophetic view. It is, however,
strange that Kant s suspicion that there are planets
beyond Saturn, which is often praised as revealing a
deep insight into the planetary system, rests on an
hypothesis which was proved false by the discovery of
those planets. It is Kant s theory that the eccentricity
of the orbits of the planets increases with their distance
from the sun, the exception to this rule in the case of
Mercury and Mars being regarded by him as due to
disturbinginfluences; consequently, the further a planet
is removed from the centre of the system, the more
will its orbit resemble that of a comet. He therefore
regards it probable that there are planets beyond
Saturn whose orbits are still more eccentric than that
of Saturn, and, consequently, still more closely related
CHARACTER OF THE BOOK. 01
to those of comets, so that, by a regular gradation,
the planets at last become comets. When, however,
Uranus and Neptune were discovered, it was found
that their orbits were less eccentric than that of Saturn.
\Vhile the book discusses the mechanical forces,
Kant does not regard them as capable of explaining
organisms ; they are, however, much better understood
than the organic powers. He thinks that, in a certain
sense, it may be said without presumption, " Give me
matter, and I will construct a world ! That is, give
me matter, and I will show you how a world may
originate therefrom; for if the matter exists, it is not
difficult to discover the causes which have co-operated
in the formation of the world." Hut insuperable diffi
culties appear when we begin to deal with organisms.
" Can we boast of the same ability with respect to the
least plant or insect ? Can we say, Give me matter,
and I will show you how a caterpillar can be produced?"
Among other things, the book also discusses the
density of the different planets, the origin of the
comets, the revolutions of the planets on their axes, the
origin of Saturn s rings, the zodiacal light, and the
history of the sun. Kant thinks it very probable that
most of the planets are inhabited; and he holds that
in proportion as a planet is distant from the sun, its
inhabitants, animals, and plants, will be formed of
lighter material, and their form and structure will be
more perfect. He ascribes vice, error, and the inert
ness of thought to the coarseness of the material from
which the body is formed ; man must therefore be
more perfect if the material of his physical nature is
finer. He consequently reasons that in proportion as
human beings are removed from the sun, their bodies
62 THE LIFE OF 1MMANUKL KANT.
will be fine, and the power of thought, the quickness
of the intellect, the clearness and vividness of their
impressions from external objects, their skill in
executing their purposes, and the whole range of their
endowments, will be perfect. This seems to him so
probable that lie regards it as almost certain. The
highest intelligences would therefore be found on
Jupiter and Saturn, and the lowest on Venus and
Mercury ; on the former, a Newton would be regarded
as an ape, and on the latter, a Greenlander or a
Hottentot w^ould be esteemed a Newton. In speaking
of the blessings of the most fortunate inhabitants, he
gives a loose rein to his speculations, and this part of
the work abounds in what may be called illustrations
of a speculative imagination.
The style of the book is easy, and between the
arguments beautiful passages are interspersed. Those
who are familiar only with his dry speculations are not
prepared for the perspicuity and beauty of style in his
earlier works. He calls worlds and systems " mere
sun-dust," as compared with the whole of creation ;
and among others this poetic passage occurs, " A view
of the starry heavens on a brilliant night inspires noble
souls with ecstatic delight. Amid the universal still
ness of nature and the peace of the spirit, the mysterious
activity of the soul utters an indescribable language,
which thrills, but which human tongue cannot
express."
Kant had consecrated his life to thought, and the
time spent by so many in idleness or dissipation was
devoted by him to severe mental toil. The following
words were evidently written from the fulness of his
heart : " The discernment of the understanding, when
FATE OF THE BOOK. ()->
it possesses the proper degree of completeness ami
clearness, has far more lively charms than sensuous
allurements have, and is able to conquer these com
pletely and trample them under foot."
In judging of the merits of the book, it should be
remembered that its author was only thirty-one when
it was published, and that he had never been connected
with a university except as a student. It was chiefly
the product of his diligent study as family tutor. The
work was dedicated to Frederick II. , who, however,
probably never saw a copy of it. The publisher
failed while the book was in the press, his entire stock
was seized by the court for the creditors, and in this
way the circulation of the book was hindered. When
Lambert published his " Cosmological Letters" they
excited much attention, while Kant s book was
scarcely known.
61 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
CHAPTER III.
TEACHER IN THE UNIVERSITY.
Habilitation Privat-Docent Subjects and character of his lectures
Aim in teaching Popularity Testimony of Herder Dis
traction First salary Contest for a prize Promotion to a
professorship Efforts to induce him to leave Konigsberg
Condition of the University Dean and Rector.
MOST of the instructors in German universities are
included under the classification of tutors, professors
extraordinary, and professors in ordinary. ( 30 ) A tutor
may become a professor in ordinary without passing
through the intermediate grade of professor extra
ordinary ; but it is unusual to appoint any one a
professor who has not been a tutor. Kant desired to
become a tutor in the philosophical faculty, and for
this purpose it was necessary for him to present to the
dean of that faculty two Latin dissertations. These
he was obliged to defend before the dean and profes
sors against any one who might see fit to attack them.
Persons were also appointed to dispute with the
author, the whole proceeding being conducted in Latin.
Kant s first dissertation was presented for the purpose
of taking the degree of magister. It was a treatise
on " Fire," ( 31 ) and was defended before the faculty on
the 12th of July, 1755. Teske, his fdVmer teacher,
DISSERTATIONS. bo
was much pleased with it, and declared that it had
been instructive to him. To secure the privilege of
lecturing in the university, he presented and defended
another dissertation, on the 27th of September, en
titled, " A new Explanation of the First Principles of
Metaphysical Knowledge ;" ( 32 ) which was the first
metaphysical discussion from his pen. According to
a royal decree of 1749, no person was to bo proposed
for the position of professor extraordinary who had
not presented and defended three Latin dissertations.
To prepare the way for a professorship, Kant accord
ingly prepared a third treatise, " On the Advantages
to Natural Philosophy of a Metaphysic connected with
Geometry," ( ;i3 ) which he defended in April, 175G.
Ft is worthy of note that in these dissertations there
is a discussion of mathematical, physical, and meta
physical principles, and that they belong to the
departments of which he made a speciality while a
student and also afterwards. But it is evident that at
tliis time his strength still lay in mathematics and
physics. His books and treatises show that he was
thoroughly prepared for his new sphere. He had
mastered the results of the researches of Newton,
Leibnitz, Hales, Boerhave, and others; and the com
prehensiveness of his knowledge is as surprising as
his penetration, his bold speculation, and his ability
to systematize the results of his investigations. He,
however, never made experiments in physics.
Any one who has a good character and the requisite
scholarship, can become a tutor in a German university
by complying with the conditions of habilitation ; but
after the laborious preparation necessary, and after
passing through this severe ordeal, he has nothing
66 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
but the privilege of delivering lectures. He is thrown
entirely on his own resources, and on the assistance
of friends ; from the university he receives no remunera
tion. Only a professor in ordinary is eligible to the
position of rector, dean, or member- of the academic
senate ; in the management of the university the tutor
is not consulted. For his income he depends on the
fees of the students who hear his private lectures, the
public ones always being free ; and necessity may
compel him to give private lessons, or to resort to other
means for a livelihood. No student is obliged to hear
his lectures ; and while the exalted position of a pro
fessor is likely to attract students, that of a tutor is
too humble to be attractive. He is, in fact, simply a
private teacher, with the privilege of lecturing if lie
can get an audience. Until the year when Kant
became professor, neither his name nor that of any
other tutor appeared in the catalogue, so that even the
subjects on which he lectured were not published by
the authority of the institution. But the first year
of Kant s professorship was also the first in which
the catalogue contained the names of the tutors, and
the subjects of their lectures, thus giving them public
and official recognition. ( 3 *)
Among the uncertainties of a tutorship is the pro
motion to a professorship. It may be a long time
before a vacancy occurs ; in case of a vacancy, other
tutors may be preferred to him, or may have stronger
claims because they have waited longer ; and thus
years and life itself may be spent, without attaining
the coveted goal. The history of German universities
furnishes examples of fine scholars who have worn
out their lives in toil, with but dim hopes of promo-
FIHST LECTUKK. 67
tion. But the difficulties connected with the position
are a spur to effort and they arouse the mind to
the utmost exertion ; and it is not surprising that
among those who overcome these obstacles, so many
stand in the front rank of deep and broad scholarship.
It would be difficult to create a sphere more desirable
or more advantageous for the intellectual man than the
position of a teacher in a German university; and well
is his course called pre-eminently " the learned career."
The vocation which Kant chose was the one to
which he was best adapted by his tastes, his habits,
and his scholarship ; but on account of his poverty
his position was peculiarly trying. Considerable
expense was connected with his promotion, such as
the payment of fees, and the printing of the disserta
tions; in meeting this he was aided by his uncle
Kichter. The ordinary difficulties of the position were
increased soon after he became tutor, by the Seven
Years War, by .means of which Konigsberg, being
near the Russian border, suffered greatly.
Kant s books were no doubt known at the university.
He had aroused expectation, and when his treatises
were presented, he was honoured by unusually large
audiences. In the autumn of 1755 he began his first
course of lectures, delivering them in a large hall in the
house where he lodged. Borowski, who was present at
the first lecture, says that this hall, " together with the
vestibule and steps, was filled with an unusual number
of students. This seemed to embarrass Kant exceed
ingly. Bring unaccustomed to the affair, he almost
lost his composure, spoke less audibly than usual, and
frequently repeated himself, lint this only served to
increase our admiration for the man who, in our
v 2
68 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
opinion, had the most extensive knowledge, and who
impressed us as not fearful, but only very modest. In
the next hour everything was different. Then and
afterwards his lectures were not only thorough, but
also easy and agreeable." The same writer informs
us that there was so exalted an opinion of his attain
ments, that he was thought capable of teaching any
thing belonging to the philosophical faculty. For his
first courses of lectures he, however, chose subjects
to which he had thus far specially devoted himself.
During that winter he lectured on mathematics
and physics. At that time compends were generally
used as the basis of the lectures ; and he chose a
compend by Wolf for his lectures on mathematics,
and one by Eberhard for those on physics.
To the two courses of the first winter he soon added
lectures on logic and metaphysics, using for the former
a compend of Meyer, for the latter that of Baumeister
and afterwards that of Baumgarten. Soon he lectured
regularly three or four times a day. He was not con
tent with giving theoretical knowledge, but wanted
also to give it a practical application ; accordingly, he
prepared lectures on fortification, applying to this
subject his knowledge of mathematics. From the
very beginning of his connexion with the university
he aimed to connect the practical with the theoretical,
a tendency which characterized his whole life after
wards, but which is largely ignored, because his emi
nence in speculation has obscured his practical efforts.
The lectures on fortification were intended for military
men, and by means of them he extended his influence
beyond the limits of the university. The numerous
military officers in the city made such a course im-
SUBJECTS OF LKCTUKKS. <i ( J
])ortant, and it is probable that he discussed the subject
in compliance with their request.
While we should hardly expect from Kant anything
pertaining to war, still less should we look to him for
a discussion of subjects referring chiefly to amuse
ment. We regard fireworks as playthings, whose
discussion hardly lies within the sphere of a philo
sopher s serious investigations. Yet Kant delivered
lectures on pyrotechnics. His interests were, in tact,
far more general than is usually supposed, and in his
earlier years, especially, he was greatly influenced by
his surroundings, and popular subjects frequently
engaged his attention. The age itself helps us to
understand these lectures. " It must bo remembered
that during the first half of the eighteenth century
pyrotechnics were valued very highly, that unusual
sums of money were spent for them, and that authors
and artists did not think it beneath them to prepare
folios, with expensive plates, for the explanation and
exaltation of things which cannot possibly be described.
Kant aimed to infuse life into the dead, mechanical
knowledge, and to connect it with science ; he, however,
abandoned such pursuits when the more earnest spirit
of the century consigned the idle sport to its proper
place." (")
Belonging to the philosophical faculty, to which are
assigned all departments of learning not peculiar to
theology, law, and medicine, he had a wide range ol
topics from which to choose. As tutor he was not
obliged to lecture on any particular subject, but was
entirely free in his choice. His previous preparation
and preferences were by no means tin- only considera
tions in the choice 1 of subjects, and at times they may
70 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
have been overbalanced by others, for lie was depen
dent on his lectures for his living, and his income from
them depended upon their popularity ; he also had a
reputation to make as well as to sustain. These were
important factors in his case ; and it was natural that
in the selection of his subjects, he should carefully
consider his condition and his surroundings.
We know the various subjects on which Kant
lectured during his long connexion with the university,
but not the exact order in which he took them up. It
would be interesting to follow him from theme to
theme, so as to trace the development of his mind as
indicated by his lectures ; but as the catalogues did
not give his name until he became a professor, this
neglect prevents us from following the earlier progress
of the work of the greatest man ever produced by the
university. From the scattered accounts of pupils and
others we learn that he soon increased considerably the
subjects of his lectures. As the time of the laborious
student permitted and as his mind developed he took
up new topics.
In 1757 he began to lecture on physical geography.
He made this course popular rather than strictly sys
tematic or profoundly scientific. As he had never
travelled, he was chiefly dependent on the accounts of
others, and he made these lectures the repository of his
thoughts and reading on the earth and its phenomena.
In the programme announcing the subject for the first
time, he proposes to discuss the sea, continents, islands,
fountains and wells, rivers and brooks, the atmosphere
and winds, the seasons in different countries, the
changes to which the earth has been subject, and the
animal, vegetable, and mineral kingdoms ; surely he
PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY. 71
gives himself ample room for using his accumulated
stores of geographical and physical knowledge. These
lectures, which were published in 1802, contained many
interesting facts and generalizations, as well as vivid
descriptions, practical hints, and anecdotes ; there was
also a vein of humour, and free play was given to the
imagination. They attracted officers, professional
men, and merchants, as w r ell as students ; and they are
frequently mentioned as exceedingly interesting and
inspiring. For more than thirty years he delivered
them every summer, and they were very popular,
in 1778 the Cabinet Minister, Von Zedlitz, wrote to
Kant that he was reading a manuscript on physical
geography, written in the lecture-room by one of the
students; and he was so delighted with what he
learned from that imperfect manuscript that he be
seeches him to send a more perfect copy. The aim to
adapt the lectures to a mixed audience made their
popular character surpass their scientific value ; and
while they contain much interesting material, they are
now of little importance to the student of physical
geography, and have not materially promoted the
progress of the science.
From January, 1758, till 1702 the Russians had
possession of Konigsberg. They had the management
of the university during this period, but permitted it
to take its usual course. Some of them encouraged
literature, and the number of Russian students
increased. Having been repeatedly invited by Russian
officers to lecture to them on physics and physical
geography, Kant complied with their request.
In 1759 he published a short article on "Optimism,"
having previously lectured on the subject ; and in 1 7M,
72 TUE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
a brochure on " The only possible Proof of the Existence
of God," having previously delivered a course of lectures
on " Criticism on the Proofs of the Divine Existence."
It is also probable that he lectured on " The Emotion
of the Beautiful and the Sublime," on which subject
a small volume by him appeared in 1764.
This gives a wide range of topics for the period of
his tutorship, and there may have been others. The
students requested him to deliver lectures on German
style, but the subject was too remote from his studies,
and he therefore declined ; the request is, how
ever, significant. After he became a professor he
also lectured on the encyclopedia of the philosophical
sciences, natural law, ethics, or moral philosophy,
as he afterwards called it, anthropology, natural
theology, and pedagogics. ( M ) His lectures on physical
geography, anthropology, and moral philosophy were
the most popular among the students as well as in other
circles, and were the means of giving him an extensive,
social, moral, and intellectual influence in the city and
province.
The compends used as the basis of most of his
lectures were merely general guides, for not only in
the details, but frequently also in the plan and the
general arrangement he went his own way. His
copies of the compends were interleaved with blank
pages, and he used them as long as he lectured ; and
while professors in other universities were already
lecturing on the Kantian philosophy, he still used Meier
on logic, and Baumgarten on metaphysics. An
account of him in 1795, two years before he ceased to
lecture, says of his use of Meier s Compend, " He
always brings the book along. It looks so old and
CONTENDS. ,:}
soiled, I believe that he has brought it with him daily
for forty years. All the blank leaves are covered with
writing in a small hand, and besides, many of the
printed pages have leaves pasted over them, and in
other cases lines are frequently crossed out, so that, as
is evident, scarcely anything of Meier s Logic is left.
Not one of his hearers brings the book, and they are
intent on writing only his own words. He does not,
however, seem to notice this, and faithfully follows his
author from chapter to chapter, and corrects every
thing, or rather says every thing in a different way, but
with the most innocent air, so that it is evident that he
makes no pretensions on account of his disco veries."( 37 )
Besides the notes on the blank leaves of the compends
and on the margins of the printed pages, ht3 was in the
habit of making memoranda for his lectures on slips
of paper, on envelopes addressed to him, and on the
blank parts of letters. He rarely wrote out his lectures
in full ; as a rule, he did this only when they were to
be published. But after carefully elaborating them
mentally, he spoke freely, using notes and compends
only as skeletons ; and the frequent repetition of his
lectures made even these almost unnecessary in the
course of time.
While his lectures were learned and often profound,
being the result of his extensive researches, penetrated
and moulded by his master-mind, they differed
materially from his profound metaphysical works. His
"Kritik of Pure Reason" was never delivered in the form
of lectures. When he spoke to the students, his style
was generally clear, and he used numerous illustrations.
But in metaphysics, the subject itself being full of
inherent difficulties, it frequently required close atten-
74 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
tion to follow his discussions. ( 38 ) He would conduct
various processes of thinking before the students,
developing one thought from another, and indicating
errors here and there in the processes, thus guiding his
hearers in the construction and development of thought.
For able minds this was very interesting and instruc
tive ; but there were many who would lose the thread
of his discourse; he did not, however, read for dull
minds, and is reported to have said repeatedly, at the
beginning of his lectures, " I do not read for geniuses,
their endowments being such that they will make a way
for themselves ; nor for the stupid, for they are not
worth the trouble ; but 1 read for the sake of those
who stand between these two classes, and want to be
prepared for their future work."
While in his profounder lectures he gave the
students the results of his own investigations, it was
his principal aim to teach them to think, and he so
frequently emphasized this that his hearers could not
make the mistake of imagining that he expected to do
the thinking for them. According to his Logic, a
philosopher is one who philosophizes. One man cannot
make another a philosopher, however much learning
he may impart, though he may help him to become
one ; for it is only by the exercise of his own reason,
by thinking for himself, that one becomes a philosopher.
" Every philosophical thinker builds, so to speak, his
work on the ruins of another." The systems of philo
sophy are constantly changing ; this is owing to the
fact that none exists which is satisfactory. " As none
exists, philosophy of course cannot be learned ; and
even if it existed, no one who learned it could claim to
be a philosopher, for his knowledge would only be
historical." Whoever wants to become a philosopher
AIM. /o
must view all systems of philosophy as merely a history
of the use of reason and as material on which to
exercise his philosophic talent . " The true philosopher
must therefore, as a thinker, make an independent,
not a slavish, imitative use of his reason." Kant s aim
in liis metaphysical lectures was to arouse the mind
to activity, and to make thinkers and philosophers,
rather than to teach a system of philosophy. As he
repeatedly said, he wanted his hearers to learn to stand
on their own feet ; hence he would say to them, "You
will not learn philosophy from me, but to philosophize ;
not merely thoughts for repetition, but to think " In
his Logic he gives three important rules for thought:
First, to think yourself ; second, to put yourself in
the place of others ; third, always to think consistently.
The first is the enlightened, the second is the enlarged,
and the third is the consequent method of thinking.
It was the aim of his lectures to promote these
methods ; and while he could not think for his students,
he could help them both to think and to think consis
tently; and he could also help them to put themselves in
the place of others. While his lectures were repositories
of rich scholarship, it is self-evident that he was no
mere collector of facts; everywhere and always
he was the thinker, appropriating, elaborating, and
generalizing what ho had gathered.
After 177 5 his lectures on anthropology were the
popular course for the winter, as those on physical
geography were for the summer. They, too, were
attended by others than students. As those on phy
sical geography contemplated nature as a traveller
who makes thoughtful journeys, so those on anthropo
logy thoughtfully but pleasantly explore the mind s
connexion with the body, giving the results of his
76 THE LIFE OF 1MMAXUEL KANT.
observations on himself and others, and also of his
extensive reading, drawing, it is said, especially from
English novels. He states that he aims to reveal to
his hearers the principles of morals, of skill, of the
intercourse of persons with one another, and of the
methods of developing and governing 2iien ; that is,
the principles of all that is practical. He discusses
phenomena and their laws rather than the possibility
of modifying human nature, and avoids, as useless, all
subtle investigations of the manner in which the organs
of the body are connected with the mind. Kant states
that it is his purpose to give the results of his obser
vations in such a way that his hearers will never find
any part dry, but everything attractive ; and that he
hoped by means of these lectures to train young men
in skill, in prudence, and in wisdom.
With his keen sense of the paradoxical, his high
appreciation of the humorous, and his skill in relating
anecdotes, it is not surprising that he made the subject
entertaining as well as instructive. The lectures were
published in his Anthropology. The learning of this
work, its perspicuity, its clear discriminations, its
sententious passages, its deep insight into human
nature, its anecdotes and illustrations, its revelations
of the freaks, contrasts, and paradoxes of men, its
humour and its wit, made it deservedly popular, and
enable us to understand why its author so often aroused
and inspired his hearers. ( 39 )
Kant disliked exceedingly every kind of affecta
tion, and his manner was free from it in the lecture-
room. With little more than his head visible, he sat
behind a small desk, on which lay his compend, and
sometimes slips of paper with notes. A description
POPULARITY. / /
of him at the age of seventy-one states that his delivery
was not attractive, but altogether in the conversational
tone; occasionally he would draw his hand from liis
buttoned coat and make a slight gesture; his voice
was no longer clear; the writer, however, says that
the excellence of the matter amply compensated for any
defects in the delivery, and adds, "When one has
become accustomed to his voice so as to be able to
understand his words, it is not difficult to follow his
thoughts. Recently he spoke of space and time, and
it seemed as if I had never comprehended any one so
fully ; and now he has come to that part of logic
where he must speak of cognition. This gives him an
opportunity to discuss its perfection, and also logical,
{esthetic, and other kinds of cognition. The principal
thoughts of liis ( Yiti(|iie of the Judgment are given as
easily, clearly, and entertainingly as can be imagined.
It must be extremely interesting to hear his whole
course, since in this way one readily becomes ac
quainted with all his thoughts. "( <0 )
These facts enable us to understand why Kant at
once became popular as a teacher. There was a
marked contrast between his fresh and sprightly lec
tures Miid the dull pedantry which prevailed in learned
circles; he laid the sciences, poetry, general literature,
and, in fact, all the departments of thought under
contribution, in order to make them rich in interest
as well as in instruction. Minds which were active as
well as receptive found his philosophical lectures mines
of thought ; such were strongly attracted by him, and
over many of them his influence was astonishing.
The majority of his hearers could not appreciate liis
profundity, and at best they became mere echoes of
78 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
his opinions ; but numerous young men received from
him impulses which determined their whole future
career. His moral lectures especially made a deep
impression ; they frequently inspired his students and
filled them with enthusiasm. There were some who
almost worshipped him, and occasions were gladly
seized by his auditors for manifesting their apprecia
tion. While he was still a tutor he attracted persons
from a distance to Konigsberg, and one gentleman
came from his possessions in Poland, for several
winters, solely for the purpose of enjoying the benefit
of his superior instruction.
Of the enthusiasm aroused by Kant while a tutor,
we have a striking illustration in the case of Herder,
who spent from 1762 to 1764 at the university.
Although he was a student of theology, Kant, who
permitted the indigent young man to hear his lectures
gratis, made the deepest impression on him, and
wonderfully stimulated his mind. Herder heard him
on logic, metaphysics, morals, mathematics, and
physical geography. Thirty years after leaving the
university, he wrote, " I had the good fortune to
know a philosopher, who was my teacher. He was in
his best years, and possessed the cheerful vivacity of
youth, which, I believe, he preserves even in his old
age. His open brow, formed for thought, was the
seat of undisturbed serenity and joy ; language
freighted with thought flowed from his lips ; wit and
humour were at his command ; and his instructive
lecture was a rich entertainment. In the same spirit
with which he investigated Leibnitz, Wolf, Baum-
garten, Crusius, and Hume, and traced the laws of
Newton, Keppler, and the scientists generally, he
examined the writings of Rousseau then appearing,
namely, his Kmile and his Heloise. He placed
the true estimate on every physical discovery which
came to his notice, and always returned from other
studies to an impartial scrutiny of nature and the
moral worth of man. He drew the inspiration for his
lectures from the history of men, of nations, and of
nature, as well as from natural science, mathematics,
and his own observations. He was not indifferent to
anything worth knowing. No cabal, no sect, no
advantage to himself, no ambition, had the least in
fluence over him compared with the development and
illustration of the truth. He encouraged, and obliged
his hearers, to think for themselves ; despotism was
foreign to his mind. This man, whom T mention
with the highest esteem and gratitude, is Immanuel
Kant."(")
Herder, receptive and yet original, ambitious for
learning and tor fame, with a warm heart and a vivid
imagination, was marvellously influenced by his
favourite teacher, and at times his fervour bordered
on rapture. A fellow-student says of him, " Eagerly
he seized every thought, every word of the great
philosopher, and afterwards at home he arranged the
thoughts and language. Often he communicated to
me what he had written, and we would talk it over in
a retired arbour of an unfrequented public garden by
the old Rossgart Church. Once, in the early morning
hour, Kant, the man of exuberant spirits, spoke with
unusual mental exaltation, and, when the matter ad
mitted, witli poetic inspiration, quoting his favourite
poets, Pope and Haller. With bold conjectures he
discoursed on time and eternity. It was evident that
80 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
Herder was powerfully affected ; and when he came
home he put the ideas of his teacher in verses which
would have done honour to Ilaller. Before the lecture
on the next morning he handed them to Kant, who,
struck with the masterly poetic representation of his
thoughts, read them with warmth and with praise to
his auditors." ( 42 )
Herder did not, however, hear all the lectures of
the philosopher with enthusiasm. He preferred those
on mathematics, physical geography, and physics ;
but for his metaphysical lectures he had no taste,
desiring more life and less abstraction, more that per
tained to reality and less logic. After many a meta
physical lecture he would take a poet, Rousseau, or a
similar author, and hasten into the fresh air to get rid
of the unpleasant impression.
As it was his principal aim to teach his students to
think, Kant was not a friend of dictation ; and he be
lieved that the students who were best able to grasp his
thoughts were those who during the delivery of the
lecture wrote only the main points for meditation,
w r hile those who wrote most were the ones who were
least able to distinguish the more from the less im
portant thoughts, and consequently mixed a lot of
misunderstood stuff with the clearly apprehended views.
When he noted that the less important things were
carefully written, while the more weighty ones were
omitted, it would disturb him.
Judging from the power of abstraction revealed in
his books, one would hardly suspect that the great
metaphysician could have been disconcerted by trifles ;
yet a little noise in the lecture-room, or something
unusual in the appearance of the students, easily em-
DISTRACTION. Si
barrassed him. Sometimes even the sound made by
the pens of his hearers disturbed him, and once he
said, "Gentlemen, do not scratch so; I am no orach 4 ."
He was in the habit of fixing his eye on some student
who sat near him, and from his countenance he would
infer whether he was being understood. Frequently
the expression or dress of the student whom he watched
became the occasion of confusion. Jachmann gives a
striking instance : " One hour his distraction specially
arrested my attention, and at noon Kant complained
to me that his thoughts had been interrupted con
tinually because a button was wanting on the coat of
one of his hearers. Involuntarily his eyes had been
attracted to this defect, and it was this which had so
distracted him. At the same time he remarked that
this is more or less the experience of every one ; thus,
when a pel-son has lost a front tooth one naturally
looks constantly at the place where the tooth is want
ing. He also makes this remark several times in his
Anthropology." Peculiarities in the appearance of
students were apt to disturb him, such as a bare neck,
an exposed breast, or longhair hanging carelessly over
the neck and brow, which were regarded by some
youths as evidences of genius. It is said that when
he became especially serious, and thought deeply
furrowed his brow, he would fix his eyes on a certain
student who always sat immediately before him, was
extremely uncouth and dull, and found the lectures,
which went far beyond his hori/on, very tedious. He
manifested his weariness by long yawning, which at
one time so disturbed Kant that he said with some
excitement, " If one cannot avoid yawning, good
manners require that the hand should be held before
o
82 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL
the mouth." The narrator adds, " I believe that after
wards the amanuensis effected a change of place
between him and another student." ( 43 )
After Kant became a professor and received a fixed
salary, it was his rule to lecture only twice a day, from
seven to nine in the morning, thus leaving more time
for his literary labours. ( 44 ) His course on natural
religion he delivered only twice, discontinuing it in
1794, because the Government had called him to
account for his theological views. In 1795 he brought
all his private lectures to a close, on account of his
age and feebleness. From that time until the end of
the summer semester of 1797, when he closed all his
lectures, he delivered only public ones, namely, four a
week on logic in summer, and the same number in
winter on metaphysics. Long before this his delivery
had lost much of its vivacity, owing to his weakness
and the frequent repetition of the same lectures. In
1791 Fichte found them uninteresting and drowsy.
When Kant Avas seventy, a hearer reported that his
metaphysical thoughts were digressive and lacked
perspicuity. "A young man of fifteen or sixteen could
comprehend but little connectedly in these lectures;
the benefit which I received was from occasional
bright thoughts which flashed into my soul. I
believe that at that time older students fared no
better." Rink says, " It cannot be denied that already
in the eighth decade of last century his lectures lost so
much of their life that it seemed as if he must be
on the point of falling asleep, an opinion which was
confirmed when, with a vigorous movement of the
body, he was seen to arouse himself suddenly. But in
spite of this ho continued to the last to be a very
LIBRARIAN. 83
conscientious teacher, and I cannot remember that he
missed a single hour."
With all his popularity, his circumstances while a
tutor, especially in the beginning of his connexion with
the university, were not easy. Once a student, who
was himself poor, brought him the pay for his lectures ;
Kant took only so much of the money as he still needed
for the payment of his rent, and returned the rest, hi
order to be free from debt, which he resolv r ed to avoid
at all hazards, he was obliged to live very plainly.
The income from his lectures being meagre, he occa
sionally took charge of some young men whose educa
tion he superintended. With the statement to this
effect, approved by Kant himself in Borowski s sketch,
Jachmann agrees, but he is more explicit. " During the
first years of his tutorship in the university, the receipts
from his lectures were small, and he was often obliged
to live very economically, so as to avoid pecuniary em
barrassment. He had laid aside twenty Louis-d or
which he never touched, so that in case of sickness he
might be secure from absolute need. In order not to
use this fund, lie found it necessary to sell his library of
choice books, since he could riot meet his expenses with
his income.
His first appointment to a position with a salary
was in 1 7bT), when he became second librarian in the
Iloyal Library. The Government in Merlin, in the
letter appointing him, designated him as " the able
Kant, made famous by his books." His salary was
sixty-two thalers a year. There were many excellent-
books in the library, especially among the accounts of
travel ; and constant, access to these was of advantage
to the voracious reader. About the same time he was
84 THE LIFE OF 1MMANUEL KANT.
also appointed superintendent of a private cabinet of
natural and ethnographical objects, being chosen for
this place on account of his knowledge of natural his
tory. The cabinet, being one of the sights of Konigs-
berg, was visited by many strangers, to whom he
was obliged to exhibit the curiosities. This was dis
agreeable to Kant, because it interfered with his studies,
and since those who visited the cabinet were generally
more impelled by curiosity than a desire to learn. He
soon resigned this position, and in 1772 the one in
the Royal Library, which he also disliked. Kant had
neither tact nor inclination for business of any kind ;
and whatever took time from his studies or made him
the agent in gratifying idle curiosity was irksome.
It seems incredible that a man with his gifts, with
his scholarship and his extensive reputation, should
have been obliged to toil for fifteen years as a mere
tutor; but such was the case. In 1756, one year after
he became a tutor, he applied for the extraordinary
professorship of mathematics, logic, and metaphysics,
which had been vacant since 1751, when Knutzen
died ; but as the country was much disturbed, the
Seven Years War being imminent, the Government
decided not to fill that position. In 1758 the pro
fessorship in ordinary of logic and metaphysics became
vacant by the death of Professor Kypke, and Kant
applied for the appointment. Professor Schulz, the
friend of his youth, favoured his application, though it
is evident that he was suspicious of Kant s religious
views. Besides abandoning theology, the philosopher
had probably given him other reasons for suspecting
the soundness of his faith. He requested Kant to call
on him. When he entered the room, Schulz asked
FIKTEKN YKAKS A Tt 1>|:. H5
him solemnly, " Do you in your heart fear God r "
The academic senate, to which the application was
made, however decided in favour of Dr. Buck, who
had been a tutor longer than Kant. The city was then
in the possession of the Russians, whose commanding
general confirmed the choice of the senate.
But his merits were too conspicuous and his reputation
too extensive for the general government to lose sight of
Kant. In 1703 he was a contestant for a prize offered
by the Berlin Academy of Sciences. His dissertation was
entitled, " Investigations respecting the Clearness of the
Principles of Natural Theology and Morals." (") The
first prize was given to Moses Mendelssohn, the most
eminent representative of the Popular philosophy ; the
second was awarded to Kant. This distinction intro
duced his name to the Government, as well as to scholars
in Berlin. From various official documents it is evident
that in Government circles he was highly esteemed on
account of his scholarship, and that the authorities
intended to appoint him to the first vacant professor
ship in the philosophical faculty. Accordingly, in
1704, when the professorship of rhetoric and poetry
became vacant, the minister of education wrote to the
authorities at Konigsberg to inquire into Kant s fitness
for the appointment, and his willingness to accept it if
tendered. The letter says, " A certain magister, Ini-
manuel Kant, lias become known to us through his
works, which give evidence of thorough scholarship."
Kant was not yet the abstract metaphysician, and he
had given sufficient evidence that he could write beauti
fully ; and it was perhaps thought that his varied
attainments fitted him for any posit ion. But to imagine
the mathematical and metaphysical Kant as spending
OO THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
the remainder of his days on rhetoric and in versifica
tion, and in trying to teach aspiring geniuses the art
of torturing words into metre and rhyme, and of giving
to airy nothing a local habitation and a name ! The
incumbent was obliged to prepare the official poems
for the special occasions and numerous celebrations
connected with the university ; and it is self-evident that
neither nature nor his education had adapted him to
this professorship. The minister, being informed that
he did not desire the appointment, wrote to the Ko nigs-
berg authorities that the Government had decided to
offer him some other position in the university, saying,
" The very able magister Kant, who teaches with such
general approval, shall be promoted at the first oppor
tunity, and you are to announce this to him; and when
such an opportunity occurs you are to propose him
immediately."
Nevertheless he was obliged to wait six years longer
before a suitable vacancy occurred. Meanwhile his
reputation attracted the attention of other universities
to his superior abilities. In 17 09 an effort was made
to secure him as professor of logic and metaphysics in
Erlangen, and a correspondence with him took place on
the subject. Seeing no hope of a speedy promotion to
a professorship in Konigsberg, he thought seriously of
accepting ; and the report that he was coming excited
much joy among the students in Erlangen. At the
same time he was urged to accept the professorship of
philosophy in Jena. If the professorship of mathe
matics in Konigsberg had not become vacant at that
time, Kant would probably have been lost to this city.
This position was, however, placed at his disposal. In
view of his early preference for mathematics, he might
PROFESSOR. 87
have accepted it, and then the world would probably
never have known him as the great metaphysician ;
but Professor Buck desired the chair of mathematics,
and offered Kant his professorship of logic and meta
physics. Kant accepted this offer, and in 1 770, after
fifteen years of toil as a humble tutor, and when forty-
six years of age, he became professor in ordinary
of logic and metaphysics, never having occupied the
intermediate position of professor extraordinary.
In order that he might become a professor, it was
necessary for him again to present a Latin dissertation.
In its subject and treatment the one prepared for this
occasion was worthy of the man who was called to
teach metaphysics, and it is historically significant
from the fact that in it Kant for the first time publicly
gave some of the most important principles afterwards
developed in the " Kritik." It was a discussion of the
difference between sensation and understanding, with
the title, " The Form and Principles of the World of
Sense and of the Intellect," (")
After he became a professor, he could lecture on
subjects not immediately connected with his professor
ship, for in this, as in so many other respects, there is
great freedom in German universities. But a professor
must lecture on the subjects for which he is appointed,
is expected to make a speciality of them, and is sup
posed to have for them a preference and special
adaptation. Kant s position now in a measure de
fined the sphere of his intellectual activity ; and from
his correspondence we learn that for years he had
given particular prominence to the study of meta
physics. Henceforth he is less a mathematician and
physicist than formerly, and in his thoughts and lectures
83 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
and books he restricts himself mainly to speculative
and moral philosophy.
Kant began his career as professor under the most
favourable auspices. He was in his best years, had the
favour of the Government, had learning which was as
extensive as it was solid, and had acquired an enviable
reputation for scholarship. The popularity which he en
joyed while a tutor was increased after he became a pro
fessor, and culminated when the "Kritik" gave him cele
brity. In May, 1 786, Hamann wrote that ho Avent with
his son at six in the morning to Kant s lecture-room,
an hour before he read, the attendance being so large in
the first months of a semester as to make this necessary
in order to secure a place. A few years before this,
Hamann stated that Kant was reading on philosophical
theology, and that the rush to hear him was astonish
ing. At the time when his fame was at its height,
manypersons not connected with the university attended
his lectures, and numbers came from a distance to hear
him.
His position as professor not merely gave him
greater influence arid authority, but also an opportunity
to concentrate his efforts, since he was no longer obliged
to lecture so frequently for the sake of a livelihood ;
still, when he began his professorship he was very busy,
partly in preparing new lectures. A letter written
at this time states that a literary project was neces
sarily delayed on account of his " laborious academic
work." His salary was four hundred thalers ; besides
this, he had an income from those who attended his
private lectures. This was more than enough for a
man with so few wants, and whose whole life had been
disciplined by an enforced economy. The king, in
SALARY. 89
1 789, increased the sum by the addition of 220 thalers,
making his stated income 620 thalers, or about 90/.,
the highest salary ever received by Kant. As the
attendance at his lectures was large, this must have
been a source of considerable revenue ; and in his later
years he also received an income from his books.
it is not surprising that Kant s extraordinary popu
larity aroused some opposition to him in the faculty ;
his religious views may also have given occasion for
attacks. Some of his older colleagues, finding them
selves overshadowed by Kant, made insinuations
against him in their lectures ; but by his younger
colleagues, most of whom had been his pupils, he was
respected and kindly treated, one only excepted. This
one was a tutor and an enthusiastic follower of the
philosopher Crusius. Having made rude attacks on
Kant in his lecture-room, just as he had on Wolf and
others, he was silenced for awhile ; when he proposed
to read again, the students, who had come for that
purpose, interrupted and so disconcerted him that he
was obliged to desist, and he abandoned his lectures
altogether.
About a year after Kant was appointed a professor,
Von Zedlitz became minister of public instruction. He
took great pains to improve the condition of the
universities. A letter from him to the civil authorities
in Konigsberg gives an idea of the condition of the
university in that city, and also of the esteem in which
Kant was held by the Government. The minister
finds fault with the institution because modern litera
ture seems to be ignored in the lectures; because 1 the
professors, with the exception of Kant and Rcuss,
read on compends which are antiquated; because on
90 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEfj KANT.
some important subjects no lectures are announced
such as Public and German Law, Botany, and Prussian
and Brandenburg History ; and because the philosophy
of Crusius is still taught by some, though generally it
has been found to be unsatisfactory. The teachers who
are disciples of Crusius are ordered to abandon their
lectures on philosophy, unless they can free themselves
from his system, and are to chose some other topics.
Another professor is admonished to avoid verbosity
" as much as possible, since the discourse which has
been most thoroughly elaborated is always the most
condensed." The teachers are also exhorted to accumu
late new stores of knowledge by diligent study. Sad
indeed must have been the intellectual character of
the university to make such a letter necessary or even
possible ; but the general stagnation made Kant s broad
learning, and fresh, vigorous, and profound thoughts
all the more powerful, and his position the more con
spicuous.
Yon Zedlitz, who was a warm admirer of Kant, in
1778 offered him the professorship of metaphysics in
Halle, where the number of his students would have
been much larger than in Konigsberg, and his in
fluence much greater; he, however, declined the
position. The minister, who was very anxious that he
should accept, renewed the offer, and presented for his
consideration the advantages of Halle, hoping in this
way to induce him to accept the place. A salary of
800 thalers was offered, just double the amount which
he was then receiving ; Von Zedlitz also states that
the climate of Halle is much healthier than that of
Kooigsberg, and that the number of students is from
1000 to 1200, or more than twice as many as in the
INDUCEMENTS TO <JO TO HALLE. Jl
latter city ; and as another inducement, he mentions the
fact that he is desirous of restoring Halle to its former
pre-eminence, and of making it the centre of learning in
Germany, by attracting thither the most eminent men.
Nevertheless Kant refused to leave his native city. A
letter written by him in the same year enables us to
understand his reasons for rejecting this tempting
offer. He states that lie is not ambitious for gain,
nor for fame in a conspicuous position, but prefers a
quiet place where he can devote himself to study,
speculation, and society, and where his easily affected
mind, and still more easily affected though nev r er really
sick body, can be properly preserved, and adds, " All
change makes me fearful, even if it gives the greatest
promise of an improvement in my condition ; and T
believe that I must heed this instinct of my nature if I
want to extend to its full length the thread which the
Fates have spun very thin and weak." As the "Kritik "
was approaching completion, he may also have feared
that a change might involve him in new labours which
would interfere with the progress of that work.
Kant became a member of the academic senate in
1780, and held this position until his feebleness led him
to resign it in 1801. He was the dean of the philo
sophical faculty six times, and twice the rector of the
university; but celebrated as he was for scholarship,
he did not distinguish himself in either position. Even
for the business affairs of the university, except so far
as they pertained to learning and morals, he had
no taste, and he gladly left their management to
others. When his official position of dean or rector
required him to act alone, he generally followed the
precedents, not venturing on innovations; and when
92 THE LIFE OF 1MMANUEL KANT.
lie transacted business in concert with the other mem
bers of the senate, he generally voted with the majority.
In his old age, he preferred to be excused from serving
as dean or rector ; arid when he was elected dean in
1794 and again in 1798, he Avas excused; and he was
also released from the duties of the rectorate when in
1796 it was his turn to fill that office.
It was charged that as dean, Kant was too lenient
in his examination of the students. He cared more
about their judgments than their memories, and less
about the amount they knew than how they knew.
Professor Kraus remarks, with reference to the charge
that Kant did not examine sharply, and that as rector
he was not strict, "If he did not examine rigorously,
it was because the whole affair was exceedingly dis
agreeable to him, and to such a mind, and with his
pursuits, it could not be otherwise. He disliked the
rectorate on account of the many cases of dishonesty
with which he became acquainted. All evidences of
dishonesty and immorality were odious to him."
When Prussia was elevated to the rank of a kingdom
in 1701, Frederick I. came to Konigsberg, his native
city, and placed the crown on. his head; since that
time it has been the coronation city of the Prussian
kings. It was during Kant s rectorate that Frederick
William II. ascended the throne and went to Konigs
berg to be crowned. The philosopher, who took no
prominent part on festival occasions, nor delivered any
public addresses, except when required to do so by
his official position as rector, was at this time intro
duced to that monarch. Shortly after this, Kant s
salary was increased by the king, and he was also
elected a member of the Berlin Academy of Sciences.
93
CHAPTER TV.
PHYSICAL BASIS.
Appearance Head Peculiar experience with his ryes State of
Health Study of his physical condition View of medicine
Dietetics Mastery of mind over hody Art of prolonging life.
KANT S physique was not proportionate to his massive
intellect. He was below the medium size; and when
somewhat bowed by old age, he was described as
scarcely five feet high. " His body seemed to have
received from nature the impress of feebleness as its
characteristic." His bones were small and weak, but
proportionately his muscles were still weaker. One
who had been his acquaintance for fifty years, said,
" Ever since I knew him, his body was extremely
emaciated, and at last it was dried like a potsherd."
On Ranch s celebrated monument of Frederick II., in
Berlin, Kant is represented with other eminent men of
that monarch s reign. The artist had much difficulty
in modelling a figure worthy of his great fame and yet
true to nature. He is represented as raising his right
hand to make a gesture while talking with I jessing,
who is at his side, and in his left he holds a cane and
his three-cornered hat. He wears a wig, tied to which
is a bat: which hangs on his shoulders. His forehead is
94 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
broad and square ; his cheek-bones are high and the
cheeks are sunken ; his lips protrude and the chin
recedes ; the chest is depressed and the abdomen is
prominent. The compressed chest was an inheritance
from his mother. His right shoulder was turned
backward and was considerably higher than the other :
in old age this deformity became more apparent, and
gave him the appearance of being very much bent.
With the exception of his crooked nose, the rest of his
body was symmetrical. Most of the pictures of Kant
in old age, judged by descriptions of him by his
acquaintances, flatter him.
After his death, his head was carefully examined,
but there was no dissection. While there were a
number of prominences on the forehead, there were
scarcely any on the back part of the head. The
measurement through the head, from the root of the
nose, was seven and three-quarter inches (German),
its width from ear to ear, six and a half. The fore
head, which receded gradually, was narrow at its base
and broad at the top. From the base of the nose to
the top of the head the measurement was five inches.
When in 1880 the remains of Kant were transferred
to the chapel erected in honour of his memory, his
skull was subjected to the most minute examination.
As the result of this investigation, his head was
declared to be large in proportion to the rest of the
body. The capacity of the skull was unusual, being
much larger than the average of Prussian and Lithuanian
skulls ; its height and length were only medium, but
its width in some parts was remarkable. The breadth
at the temples, of the forehead, and of the entire front
part of the head, was found to be only ordinary, while
APPEARANCE. 0")
in the middle and the back part it was extraordinary;
and the right side of the skull was larger than the
left. (< 8 )
The appearance of Kant indicated the student ; his
narrow chin and thin cheeks gave his head special
prominence, and impressed the beholder with the pre
ponderance of the intellect. His eyes, which were
not large, were lively, tender, and penetrating ; their
colour was blue, a fact on which, for an unknown
reason, Kant laid some stress. When he became
animated in his lectures or conversations, there was
an irresistible fascination in his look. Jachmann
describes his face as pleasing, and thinks that in youth
it must have been handsome. With the enthusiasm
characteristic of him when speaking ofhis beloved
teacher, he says, " Where shall I find words to
describe his eyes ! Kant s eye looked as if it had been
formed of heavenly ether. . . . It is impossible to
describe his enchanting look and my emotions when he
sat opposite and suddenly raised his eyes to look at
me." Borowski writes, " It did one good to behold
his eyes. Jn viewing his fine forehead one immediately
perceived the deep thinker, and a glance at his eyes
revealed the good-natured man." " His hair was
blond ; there was a fresh colour in his face, and even
in old age his cheeks retained a healthy redness."
All his senses were strong and keen, his hearing being
especially distinguished for sharpness and delicacy. If
he heard a peculiar voice, or if any one spoke in an
unusual key, it at once attracted his attention ; and
lie disliked exceedingly an affected or unnatural tone.
As might be expected from the structure of his chest,
his voice was weak, and at a little distance it required
96 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
close attention to understand him. He sometimes
pitched it very high, and until he was seventy it could
stand a severe strain.
His organization was so delicate that he was ex
tremely sensitive to impressions from external objects,
and Jachmann relates that a newspaper fresh from the
press and still damp could give him a cold. This
extreme sensitiveness partly accounts for the fact that,
in spite of his singular power of abstraction, he was
so easily disturbed in the lecture- room.
In old age the appearance of Kant was not calculated
to impress a stranger favourably at first sight; his ele
vated shoulder and bent form made his diminutive sta
ture still less imposing than in the vigour of youth. Pro
fessor Kraus describes him in later years as " almost
always keeping his head bowed down and hanging on
one side, the bag of his wig mostly disordered and lying
on one shoulder." With a sudden motion of his head
he would throw the bag back, and the servant, passing
behind his chair, frequently restored it to its proper
place; but it would soon fall to the left again.
Strangers who knew nothing of his appearance were
disappointed when they saw him. An English letter
says, "It is generally supposed that the greatness of
a celebrated man must be evident from his appearance.
If you come to Kant with this notion, you will be
astonished to find before you a small, emaciated man,
always bowed down while walking, whose eyes, as well
as the rest of the features, are a reproach to phy
siognomy." This is no doubt too strong; those
who knew him best, say nothing of repulsiveness in his
appearance. A better acquaintance, a closer study of
his features, and repeated conversation with him,
STRANGE EXPERIENCE WITH HIS EYES. ( J/
revealed hidden attractions and removed any unfavour
able impressions made at first sight.
He had peculiar experience with his eyes. This
was the case for the first time when he was already
past forty ; afterwards the same phenomenon occurred
occasionally, and in one year several times. Sometimes
while reading, the letters would suddenly become indis
tinct, mixed, and unreadable ; this never lasted longer
than six minutes. He said that for a preacher who was
in the habit of reading his sermons, such an experience
might be very serious, butforhimself in the lecture-room,
since he was not confined to his notes, it had no other
effect than to cause the apprehension that it might be
the forerunner of blindness; but after having several
such attacks, and finding that his sight was not affected
thereby, his fears were allayed. Once, whilst subject
to this strange experience, he closed his eyes, and put
his hand over them in order the more effectually to
exclude the light. He then saw a figure resembling
the last quarter of the moon as represented in the
almanac, as if drawn, in the dark, on paper with
phosphorus, but with an indented border on the con
vex side. The figure gradually lost its brightness,
and disappeared altogether within six minutes.
Once, in returning from a walk, he for a long time
saw the steeple of a church double. But still more
singular is the fact that his left eye became totally
blind without his own knowledge or that of his friends.
One day, while taking his usual walk, he seated himself
on a bench and tried to determine with which eye he
could sec best. Taking a paper from his pocket, he
closed his right eye, and to his astonishment dis
covered that he could see nothing with the other. lie
98 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
did not know when the eye had become blind, but sup
posed that it must have happened three or four years
before he made the discovery. The fact was ascertained
by him a good many years before his death, and it is
thought that for the last twenty years of his life his left
eye was sightless.
In spite of his compressed chest and the delicacy of
his system, Kant s life was remarkably free from sick
ness. He said that he remembered no illness in earlier
life except an attack of ague, and of that he had cured
himself by a vigorous walk. Frequently, however, he
was indisposed, and to a lady inquiring about his
health, he said that, properly speaking, he was never
well and never sick ; not the former, because he was
never free from pain, there being a constant pressure
below the chest, on the pylorus ; not the latter, because
he had never been sick a day, nor had he ever needed
medical aid, excepting a few pills which he had taken
by the advice of a friend, to relieve constipation. His
digestive organs seem to have been early deranged ;
to this he ascribed his frequent ailments, and to the
last it caused him perpetual trouble.
In the year 1770, in which he was appointed pro
fessor, he speaks of long indisposition during the
summer, and says that the excessive burden of his
lectures prevented the needed recreation and interfered
with his correspondence ; he hopes in the future to be
less pressed by his lectures and to recover the small
measure of health which he formerly enjoyed. His
excessive labours were, no doubt, partly the cause of
his disorders. Instead of entirely recovering his
health, we find that from this time his letters frequently
mention his indisposition. During the preparation of
INDISPOSITION. 00
the " Kritik " and the works which followed it, he was
in delicate health. He wrote in 1778 that for many
years he had been accustomed to regard himself well
with a degree of health so small that many would have
complained. This condition, he says, admonished him
to take care of himself and attend to recreation. He
also says, " I find myself in my usual, that is, weak
way, healthy ; I never enjoyed a much greater degree
of health." A year earlier he complained that ho was
suffering considerably, and that he was daily indisposed.
This physical debility interfered greatly with his
intellectual labours ; his works were delayed thereby,
and some plans may have been entirely frustrated.
He regarded it as a great obstacle in the execution of
his projects, and in 17S9 he wrote to a friend in
Berlin, " Think of it, most worthy friend ! Sixty-
six years old, constantly disturbed by indisposition in
plans only half completed, and diverted from my course
by all kinds of written and even printed appeals ; how
difficult it is for me to perform, without some neglect
here or there, what I regard as my duty ! " In the
same year he wrote to Professor Reinhold about the
disadvantages of growing old, since it obliged him to
work mechanically, and added, " For several years J
have found it necessary to refrain from devoting my
self to uninterrupted study, whether in reading a book
or in reflection." He could still work in the forenoon :
but in the evening he was obliged to change the subjects
O o D t)
of study frequently, as otherwise he could not sleep.
" In the sixty-sixth year, subtle investigations always
become more difficult, and one would gladly avoid them
if only others could be found to undertake and complete
them." In order to secure time for study and author-
100 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
ship, he was obliged to take his well moments from the
culture of friendship and from his correspondence, and
to concentrate them on his intellectual pursuits ; and
his feeble health is frequently mentioned in his corre
spondence as his apology for delay in answering the
letters of friends.
Kant was fully aware of his frail condition, and made
his physical state a subject of special study and of
scrupulous care ; he studiously investigated the means
of preserving health and diligently practised the art
of prolonging life. Hygiene was one of his favourite
topics of conversation in all kinds of company ; and
he so often discussed the same subjects and repeated
the same thoughts, that they became monotonous.
He watched the moods of his body critically, and in
quired into the physical condition of his acquaintances ;
he was eager to learn the experience of his friends
respecting the effects of food and climate, and the
remedies used when ill ; he studied meteorology in its
relation to health, and carefully examined the statistics
of mortality, which, at his request, were sent to him
weekly by the director of the police. It was his
ardent desire to reach a ripe old age ; and he frequently
mentioned persons who had attained a great age, and
estimated his own probable chances of life.
For awhile he made a frequent use of quinine, but
afterwards abandoned it. Until extreme old age, lie
took very little medicine ; he spoke disparagingly of
its use, declaring that it was synonymous with poison
(pharmacon). He regarded it as peculiarly injurious
to himself, and wrote to a friend, " On account of my
sensitive nerves, medicine, without exception, is poison
to me." When old, ho said, " I shall die, but I do
VIEWS OF MED1CINK. 101
not want to die by means of medicine. When I am
sick and weak, they may do with me what they please,
I shall submit to anything; but I shall take no pre
servative." He humorously related the story of a man
who had drugged himself to death. Although in good
health, he constantly took medicine to ward off sick
ness, and by this means destroyed his life. This was
his epitaph : " N. N. was well, but because he wanted
to be better than well, he is here." But while he had
little faith in medicine, Kant took a deep interest in
medical books, partly on account of his interest in
science in general, but chiefly for the sake of his
health. In the last decade of the century, when the
system of the Scotch physician, John Brown, became
popular among medical men in Germany, Kant became
its advocate, and recommended it to his friends ;
but he had little faith in the power of doctors to cure
the ills of the flesh. There were, indeed, a number of
physicians among his personal friends, but he did not
esteem them because they belonged to the medical
profession. lie even thought that doctors might be
dispensed with altogether, unless they occupied their
time with the study of chemistry, galvanism, and new
discoveries in science.
Kant regarded dietetics as the most important
element in hygiene. Regularity in eating, drinking,
and sleeping, with proper recreation after work, he
esteemed of far more importance than medicine, be
cause they prevent sickness. In 1778 ho writes that
his constitution is so feeble that he can preserve his
health only by means of great uniformity in his method
of life, and in his mental state; and five years later he
says that a hygienic rule which he found long ago in ail
102 THE LIFE OP IMMANUEL KANT.
English author had been adopted by him, namely, that
every person should have his own peculiar way of being
healthy, which he cannot alter without risk. In follow
ing this rule, he finds that though he is always obliged
to contend with indisposition, he is never sick. And
he has come to the conclusion that those live longest
who are least anxious to prolong life, yet are careful
not to shorten it by interfering with the beneficent
natural powers of the body.
Kant made frequent experiments with his body, and
in the course of time gained such control over it as to
make it the obedient instrument of his mind. In a
letter to Dr. Hufeland, he discusses the art of being
the master of one s sickly feelings by mere force of
will. His own power in this respect was extraor
dinary, of which the following is an illustration. " On
account of my flat and narrow chest, which affords
but little room for the movement of my heart and
lungs, I have a natural predisposition to hypochondria,
which in earlier years bordered on w r eariness of life.
The reflection, however, that the cause of this oppres
sive feeling was probably only mechanical, and could
not be removed, soon brought it to pass that I paid no
attention to it; and while I felt oppressed in my
chest, my head was clear, and I possessed a cheerful
ness which I could voluntarily communicate in society ;
and I was not, as hypochondriacs usually are, subject
to variable moods. Since we enjoy life more on
account of what we do than what we receive, intellec
tual labours can resist those interferences which pro
ceed solely from the body, by promoting a different
kind of feeling. The oppression in my chest re
mained, for its cause lies in the structure of my body ;
WILL POWKK.
but T have become master of its influence on my
thoughts and actions, by turning my attention away
from this feeling altogether, just as if it did not at all
concern me."
Kant, as a close and thoughtful observer of his
physical condition, sought to discover the causes of his
frequent indisposition and to learn the remedy. Some
of the experiments "which he made with himself were
entirely successful. Finding that he was subject to
colds which disturbed his sleep, he resolved to draw
his breath, with closed lips, only through his nostrils.
This succeeded admirably in overcoming the difficulty;
it prevented coughing, and enabled him to fall asleep
immediately. In this way he so effectually formed the
habit of breathing through his nostrils only, that he
did it even in his sleep.
Sometimes he suffered from thirst immediately after
retiring. In order to get water he would have been
obliged to go into another room in the dark ; to avoid
this he made the experiment of drawing several deep
draughts of breath, at the same time expanding his
chest, and drinking, as it were, the air through his
nostrils, by which means the thirst was quenched in a
few seconds, lie regarded the thirst as an irritation
which was relieved by a counter-irritant.
His power of abstraction was of great service to
him in mastering his sickly feelings. Even in old
age he could overcome sleeplessness by withdrawing
his thoughts from the object on which they were
fixed, and concentrating them on another. At that
time a pain in his head similar to a cramp interfered
with his sleep; but by withdrawing his attention
from it he overcame the difficulty, lie was able
104 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
to concentrate his mind so perfectly on a chosen
subject that the pain was treated as if it did not exist,
and the consciousness of it was lost. Being subject
to what he called rheumatic attacks, he overcame the
sleeplessness caused thereby in the same way, by sheer
force of will. " That these were, however, not ima
ginary pains was proved by the glowing redness which
was seen early the next morning on the toes of my
left foot." ( 49 ) His own experience made him confident
that many rheumatic- attacks, and also cases of
epilepsy and podagra, can be resisted by a firm reso
lution of the will, and that in the course of time they
may be completely cured.
Life was prized by Kant on account of its opportu
nities for intellectual development and moral culture,
and the body was valued as the means to this end.
He was accustomed to say that one should know how
to adapt himself to his body ; and by carefully study
ing his physical system, and by strenuous efforts of his
resolute will, he conquered unfavourable conditions to
which others would have succumbed. There is no
doubt that he was often supposed to be in excellent
health, when it was only by force of will that he kept
his mind from brooding over his indisposition. Think
ing it ignoble to be continually complaining, he was
disposed to say but little about his ailings, until in his
old age his infirmities increased and his will lost its
resoluteness.
Kant was never confined to his bed by illness except
in the last year of his life, and then only a few days,
though for a number of years he was very weak and
subject to considerable suffering. In his old age he
at one time declared that he was only vegetating,
PROLONGING LIFE. 105
being still able to eat, drink, walk, and sleep, but no
longer of any benefit to society. Physically lie re
garded himself well; but so far as social life was con
cerned he was ill ; and he spoke of himself despon
dently as " this candidate for death." This condition
he viewed as the result of his previous efforts to pro
long life, the wisdom of which he now questioned.
" It is to this that the art of prolonging life leads,
namely, that one is merely tolerated among the living,
a state which is not the most enjoyable." lie fears
that he may be in the way of a younger generation ;
"but it is my fault," he says, thinking that if he had
not been so intent on prolonging life, he might have
ended his earthly career when he ceased to live
intellectually and socially.
100 T1JE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
CHAPTER V.
MENTAL CHARACTERISTICS.
Intellectuality Memory Judgment Opposition to Dogmatism,
Prejudice, and Fanaticism Power of analysis and synthesis
Sense of the ludicrous Wit Abstraction Originality
Union of Excellencies Strange psychological fact Study and
appreciation of other systems Political views Imagination
Emotional nature Transformation Dogmatic spirit ^Es
thetic culture Views of music, oratory, poetry, and genius
Reading Library Depreciation of history Polymathist.
IN his small, lean body and capacious mind we have a
symbol of Kant s physical and intellectual interests
and relations. This gives the point of view from
winch the man himself and his whole life must be
considered. His intellectuality almost amounted to a
passion ; and history furnishes few examples of men
whose minds were so completely on the throne, and
were so absolute in their sway as to subject the whole
being to their supremacy. If the sovereignty of the
intellectual was ever disputed, it was only by his
moral interests and tendencies. That these were
potent factors is as evident from his profoundest meta
physical as from his ethical works ; and both the pur
pose and the result of the " Kritik " are practical. In
contrasting the theoretical with the practical, he docs
not hesitate to give the latter a decided preference ;
PREDOMINANCE OP INTELLECT. 107
ho places the practical reason above the speculative,
and morality is the culmination of his whole philo
sophy. Owing to his undisputed supremacy in meta
physical abstractions, the relation of his thoughts, his
works, and his life, to realities is generally overlooked.
While this is a serious mistake in forming an estimate
of his philosophy, it is still more serious in considering
the man himself. But while recognizing the union of
the abstract and the concrete, of the theoretical and
the practical, we nevertheless find that his exaltation
of the practical and the moral is chiefly intellectual,
lie, indeed, applied his moral rules to himself, both for
the formation of his character and for the government
oLhis life, and his success was remarkable ; yet, taking
his life as a whole, we find that the intellect was his
domain, that the study was his home, and that thought
was to him the essence of life. As far as morality is
concerned, he was chiefly intent on finding for it a
firm basis and on giving an intellectual system of the
theory of practice. When the theory was found, its
practical application was for Kant a matter of course.
His speculations have been made the basis of morals,
as well as of philosophical systems, and his works arc
rich in theories which admit of important practical
applications; and his disciples have applied them to
various departments of life, making applications, even,
of which Kant never thought. While, however, there
is so much in Kant which belongs to the practical and
to morals, the intellect must be viewed as the focus of
his being. Now it takes a purely speculative turn,
then it deals with physics or with mathematics; now
it contemplates theology, then morality ; bnl whatever
the subject may be, he lifts it into the region of the
108 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
intellect, and there disposes of it. In the ordinary
sense, he was certainly not a practical man ; but it
may be said that he was speculatively practical, or if
it did not seem too paradoxical, that he was theo
retically practical. An expression of Kant himself
indicates the deepest tendency of his being.: " I am an
investigator from inclination. I feel a burning thirst
for knowledge and eager unrest to make progress in
it, but also gratification with every advance."
In examining his mental faculties, we find that his
memory was prodigious. Professor Kraus says that it
was " incredibly strong ;" and another acquaintance
states, " His memory is astonishing. Even now, in his
old age, when free from physical pain, he remembers
perfectly all he has read on a subject." This exaggera
tion shows how remarkably retentive his memory must
have been, as otherwise it could not have made such
an impression. Late in life, when he readily forgot
recent impressions, he still remembered earlier ones,
and could correctly and easily repeat long passages
from favourite authors. Professor Knutzen delivered
lectures on mnemonics, which may have aided him in
the development of this faculty ; and in his Pedagogics,
Kant specially commends a system of mnemonics. He
admonishes teachers to be particularly careful to
cultivate the memory of their pupils, an evidence of
the importance he attached to this faculty. To secure
this end, he thinks the memory should be occupied only
with important objects, such as are worthy of being
remembered. Consequently, he pronounces the read
ing of novels injurious to children ; it weakens the
memory, since the novel is intended only for amuse
ment, not for retention in the memory or for repetition.
MEMORY. 100
It would be ridiculous to desire to remember novels and
relate them to others. Therefore all novels ought to
be taken from children." It should be remembered
that both in character and in literary importance the
novel of the eighteenth century differed greatly from
the better class of more recent works of fiction.
Being himself a master of method, he advised his
students so to classify their knowledge as to be able
at once to place what they learned into its o\vn
department, because this would not merely aid them
to systematize, but also to retain their knowledge.
His forgetf ulness of ordinary affairs, which has
been mentioned, arose largely from the fact that they
did not much interest him or attract his attention. It
was altogether different with the subjects which he
studied. He was interested not merely in principles
but also in details; and as he had an excellent memory
for words and events, as well as for thoughts, his
knowledge was exact as well as comprehensive.
Jachmann, who suggests that his study of mathematics
probably developed this exactness, gives some illustra
tions of his memory for details. Once he described
Westminster Bridge in the presence of a resident of
London, giving its form, its dimensions, and the
arrangement of its parts, so accurately and minutely,
that the Englishman inquired how many years he had
lived in London, and whether he had devoted himself
especially to architecture? With surprise lie learned
that Kant had never been outside of the province. On
another occasion he spoke so familiarly about Italy
with an Italian, that he was asked how long lie had
resided there? When already sixty years old, he
devoted himself with threat zeal to the study of
110 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
chemistry, and so completely did he master the
nomenclature and the details of experiments made by
others, that he gave an exact account of some of these
experiments in a conversation with an eminent
chemist. Surprised at the accuracy of the details, the
chemist exclaimed that he did not see how it was
possible for any one to understand experimental
chemistry so perfectly without having made or seen
any experiments.
While Kant certainly cannot be classed with those
who depreciate memory in order to exalt speculative
thought more highly, he did not place a high
estimate on learning unless connected with reflection
O
and sound judgment. Memory was to him but the
storehouse in which are deposited the materials for
reflection. He himself combined vast learning with
profound philosophical acumen ; and with his metaphy
sical mind he could not value highly erudition without
philosophic insight. His "Anthropology" says, " There
is gigantic learning which is frequently found to be
cyclopean it lacks one eye." And in his " Pedagogics,"
he calls those who have a good memory, but little
judgment, " the asses of Parnassus," which are useful
in carrying material for others, even if they themselves
construct nothing valuable.
The character of Kant s judgment may be inferred
from the fact that mathematics was a favourite study,
that he criticized systems of metaphysics and generally
accepted methods of logic, and that he subjected the
reason itself to the most searching critique in the
history of philosophy. Where others were satisfied
with probability, he demanded certainty ; he under
mined arguments which had withstood the attacks of
JUDGMENT. 1 1 1
centuries ; and where others fell back on intuition and
on propositions held as self-evident, he demanded
mathematical demonstration. No one knew better
than he that the problems of mathematics are entirely
different fromthoseof philosophy, and that consequently
the method of the one should not be adopted by the
other, and for this reason he opposed the method of
the AVolfmn philosophy; but at the same time he
aimed to secure for philosophy all the possible
definiteness and certainty of mathematics. A philo
sophical writer says, " Kant s purely logical contempla
tions were easily connected with the mathematical,
to which they were intimately related ;" and of his
system he says that it is permeated by a logical,
mathematical spirit. ( 5U ) In his criticisms, Kant aimed
to make his judgment pure; that is, free from the
influence of authority, prejudice, and emotion. He
regarded it as the first requisite of a philosopher that
he be consequent ; and we find that he resolutely
and remorselessly follows the dictates of his reason,
equally regardless of the authority he destroys, and of
the practical consequences. Without looking backward,
forward, or aside, his critical spirit moves on as coldly
and resistlessly as fate; and he was, what Mendelssohn
called him, "the all-destroying one" (der Alles
Zermalmende).
Hut Kant s judgment was slow in its decisions. He
admired the readiness with which an acquaintance,
who was a judge, decided complicated questions,
stating that he could not do it so readily. \Ve can
understand this slowness, when we consider with what
thoroughness he investigated problems. A judgment
mav be quick because superficial or ignorant ; Kant s
112 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
was slow because so deep and learned and scrupulously
careful. He was accustomed to view an argument from
all points and in every possible light, to see whether
it could stand the severest tests. This required time;
and haste in the solution of problems such as he
investigated, might have proved fatal to his whole
philosophy. His dread of error, and the earnest desire
to make his position impregnable, made him slow and
cautious. Convinced that this is the only safe course,
he says, " To move with rapid steps in undertakings
which lead to a great and remote goal, has at all times
been disadvantageous to a thorough insight." Much
of his life was spent in plodding, and in digging at the
roots of thought to find their last and deepest fibres.
This work required great care and clear discrimination,
and it was necessarily slow ; but it was thorough, and
has produced lasting results.
Closely connected with the critical spirit which con
trolled his judgment, was his bitter opposition to dog
matism, whether found in philosophy or in religion ; it
almost seems as if he personified it and then pursued it
with a personal hatred. His own earlier entanglement
in its meshes may have contributed to inspire his kter
animosity. He defines as dogmatism all positive
assertions without preceding criticism ; or " a general
confidence in principles without a previous criticism
of the power cf the reason itself." Scepticism, the
opposite of dogmatism, is a general mistrust of reason
without such criticism. It was his hope that he might
destroy dogmatism by his "Kritik," and he says, " This
is certain : whoever has tasted critique is for ever dis
gusted with all the dogmatic products with which he
was formerly obliged to content himself because his
PRE.JUPK K. 113
reason needed something and discovered nothing
better for its entertainment." An arrogant tone was
intolerable to him, and he rebuked it severely.
Kant himself, however, was considerable of a dog
matist, but in a sense different from his definition of
the word ; that is, after making such a criticism as he
demands, he makes assertions of the most dogmatic
character. He wants all to think for themselves ; and
yet his tone is at times such as to leave the impression
that he thinks he has so absolutely settled certain
points that henceforth they cannot be questioned.
Perhaps tins is necessary in a system ; then it proves
that a certain dogmatic spirit is unavoidable. Even this
expression escapes him in his " Prolegomena," " I am
security for the correctness of all these proofs ;" just as
if one can be such an authority for another as to make
the investigation of the processes which lead to cer
tain conclusions unnecessary. His dogmatism was, of
course, that of a mind conscious of its strength, very
conscientious in its processes, and perfectly convinced
of the correctness of its conclusions. Compared with
many of his professed disciples and also with some of
the later philosophers, Kant is very moderate in the
use of that intolerable spirit in metaphysics which
regards its own system as the absolute philosophy, and
which has done so much to bring metaphysical in
vestigations into disrepute. He himself published a
brochure against the aristocratic tone which was
beginning to be heard in philosophy. ( M )
Prejudice he treated with a bitterness similar to
that directed against dogmatism. In his first book he
speaks of the great number over whom prejudice and
the authority of eminent persons have
114 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
dominion." At the age of forty-two he wrote, " I
have purified my soul from all prejudices ; I have
destroyed every blind devotion which ever crept into
my mind for the purpose of creating in me much
imaginary knowledge. Now I esteem nothing as of
consequence or worthy of respect except what honestly
takes its place in a mind which is calm and accessible
to all evidences, whether confirmative or destructive of
my former opinions. Wherever I find anything that
instructs me, I accept it. The verdict of the man
who refutes my arguments is my verdict after I have
weighed it against self-love and my reasons, and then
have found its evidence the stronger. Formerly I
viewed the common human understanding only from
the standpoint of my own ; now I put myself in the
place of a reason foreign to me and outside of me, and
view my opinions, together with their most secret
occasions, from the standpoint of others."
But with all his efforts, he could not wholly free
his mind from bias, and this he himself admits. " I
do not find that any dependence whatever on my part,
or that any inclination before the investigation, deprives
my mind of that receptivity which tries all the reasons
pro and con, one only excepted. The scales of the
understanding are not entirely impartial, and one arm
bearing the inscription, The hope of the future, has a
mechanical advantage, as a consequence of which even
light reasons which fall on the scale on that side
raise speculations of much greater weight placed on
the other scale. This is the only inaccuracy which I
cannot well remove, and which, in fact, I shall never
want to remove." (")
His dislike of every species of fanaticism must be
FANATICISM. 115
put in the same category with his opposition to dog
matism and prejudice; and the book just quoted gives
striking instances of this aversion. It is directed
mainly against Swedenborg, and is a compound of
logic and ridicule aimed at superstition. Ho says,
" I do not blame the reader if instead of regarding the
ghost-seers as semi-citizens of another world, he treats
them summarily as candidates for an asylum, and thus
relieves himself of all further need of investigation."
Whilst he thus advises others to deal with superstition
or fanaticism in a summary manner, he carried his own
rule into practice. A man who was generally reliable
once told him a ghost story, namely, that he had heard
something walk with a tread as heavy as if made by
iron. Kant coolly asked him whether he was willing
to attest the story with an oath? This led the man
to reflection, and he admitted that it was possible that
he himself had not heard the steps, but that the story
had been related to him by others. At another time
J. II. Schoenherr, who had a peculiar theosophy, went
to Kant to call his attention to the defects of the
Critical Philosophy, and to reveal to him his own
theosophic views. He told the philosopher that man
was made and preserved by two primitive beings,
namely the primitive Light and the primitive Water.
Kant replied, " If that is the case, man ought to bo
able to live on light and water." The theosophist
answered that this is possible. The philosopher
advised him to try it, and if he succeeded, to let his
success be the proof of his theory. It is said that
Schoenherr did try it for some days, arid was convinced
by the experiment that his theory was false.
In spite of his desire to be impartial, he was too
11 G THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
much influenced by his surroundings to be entirely
successful ; and even Kant was in many respects the
creature of his age and a partaker of its prejudices.
It is natural that this should have been the case par
ticularly with matters which he had not made subjects
of special investigation. Hamann, after the "Kritik "
had given its author celebrity, wrote, " Kant is a man
of great talents, as well as of good and noble dis
position, who permits himself to be greatly influenced
by prejudices, but who is not ashamed to recall and
renounce them ; it is only necessary to give him time
to reflect. He rather talks than listens. On account
of his system and the fame gained thereby, he is at
present the more ticklish and the more opinionated,
which you yourself can easily understand. This is
not wholly his fault, but chiefly that of the dear public ;
therefore he cannot be blamed for it altogether."
With all his liberalism in religion, he did not rise
above the prevalent prejudice against the Jews, which
is the more surprising because Moses Mendelssohn was
at the summit of his fame, and Marcus Herz, a Jewish
physician in Berlin, was one of Kant s favourite pupils
and most intimate friends. In Kb nigsberg the pre
judice against this people was so general that the
Englishman Motherby, a warm friend of Kant, is said
to have been the only one who was superior to it.
" Motherby esteemed in the Jew the man, and despised
the Jew in the Christian." When Lessing s " Nathan
the Wise " appeared, Hamann wrote, " Last week I
read the first ten sheets of Nathan, and enjoyed them
exceedingly. Kant, who received them from Berlin,
pronounced them only the second part of The Jews/
and will admit no hero among this people. So fear-
POWKi: OF ANALYSIS AM) SYNTHESIS. 117
fully severe is our philosophy in its prejudices, with
all its tolerance and impartiality ! " Although he could
not free himself from the influence of his immediate
surroundings respecting ordinary affairs and questions
of the day, it was different with philosophical questions ;
in their investigation he was remarkably successful in
freeing himself from the influence of authority and of
his own preferences. As a philosopher, he was im
pelled by the love of truth, and everywhere it was the
only object of his search.
In power of analysis Aristotle and Kant have a
pre-eminence which is almost solitary ; and it is this
power which contributed so largely to the influence of
the one in Greek and the other in German philosophy.
It would be interesting to draw a parallel between
Kant and Aristotle, on the one hand, and between the
German metaphysician and Plato, on the other, for
Kant united prominent characteristics of both ; though
it would be unjust to the Greek philosophers not to
admit that in some respects he was surpassed by Plato
and in others by Aristotle. While there is much in
Kant which suggests the idealistic philosopher of the,
G reeks, there is also much which suggests the mar
vellous analytical power of the great Peripatetic philo
sopher. Kant of course applies this power chiefly
to the operations of the mind. He makes discrimina
tions where the ordinary understanding sees no dis
tinctions, and where even speculative minds find it
difficult to follow him in his dissecting and dis
tinguishing processes. Hainann calls his acumen
(Scharfsinn) his " evil demon." He readily analyzed
his own thoughts and those of others ; and in his
critical works this power becomes very evident in
118 THE MFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
testing arguments and in exposing fallacies. ( 53 ) The
extreme difficulty in following him in his distinctions has
been the occasion of many conflicting views respecting
his meaning. It is said that the power which forsook
him last was that of analyzing thoughts and tracing
them to their sources.
His power of synthesis is closely connected with the
analytic. In following thought from its genesis to its
ultimate consequences, he observed close analogies as
well as nice distinctions ; but the synthetic power is less
apparent in his works than the analytic. The former
might have been more manifest if he had retained his
mental vigour long enough to complete the last work
on which he laboured, which was intended to embody
and complete, in a final system, the result of all his
speculations. As that was not finished, he gave the
world preparations for metaphysics, not the system
itself. But according to the a Kritik," a complete
scientific synthesis is impossible; for while we may use
the ideas of God, of the Spirit, and of the Cosmos,
practically, we dare not use them speculatively or
scientifically. We have phenomena in nature, and we can
discover their laws, and these are objects of science ;
but the idea of a cosmos, the synthesis of all natural
laws and phenomena, is speculatively impossible. His
conclusion respecting man is the same. Thought and
its laws are subjects for philosophical inquiry ; but the
idea of the spirit, in which these inhere, while prac
tically very useful, cannot be used speculatively. The
same is true of the idea of God, the final and absolute
synthesis. For practical purposes this idea is necessary ;
but speculatively it, as well as that of the cosmos and
that of the spirit, is involved in inextricable difficulties
HUMOUR. 119
and in contradictions. The very conclusions of the
Critical Philosophy thus deny the possibility of a
complete synthesis; it is therefore not surprising that its
strength is seen chiefly in its analytic processes. Not
only is this power of analysis seen in the separation
of heterogeneous elements, but also in distinguishing
those which are analogous but not alike. It is this
which enabled Kant to detect error so readily, and
which made him the great critic. However much
ardent Kantians may resist the conclusion, the final
verdict will probably be, that the Critical Philosopher
was greater in what he destroyed than in what he
scientifically constructed.
With his quick perception of analogies and contrasts,
it is natural that he should have had a keen perception
of the ludicrous. He quickly observed the incongruous
and the paradoxical, and they furnished him sport
and relaxation. In his books and conversations we
find him frequently leaving his serious contemplations,
to ridicule foibles and follies, and to promote cheer
fulness with his pleasantry. His book against
Swedenborg is the most striking illustration of his
union of profound and serious contemplation with
humour and ridicule: and the union is so complete
that there is danger of taking the one for the other.
Bouterwek suggests that it might be worth while to
show how many thoughts used sportively by Kant
were regarded by his disciples as scientific judgments
which they seriously commented and illustrated. He
was particularly fond of humorous works, and in the
last years of his life he read in Lichtenberg s books
and marked the passages which specially pleased him.
His praise of satire was extravagant, and in speaking
120 THE LIFE OF 1MMANUEL KANT.
of its influence he declared " that no metaphysician
could do as much good in the world as Erasmus of
Rotterdam and the celebrated Montaigne of France
had accomplished. He also recommended the Essays
of the latter for constant reading ; he himself could
repeat many passages from them. In the department
of belles-lettres he read satirical books with a marked
preference, such as Swift s works, Butler s " Hudibras,"
and " Don Quixote." But he rarely laughed, and
admitted that this was a defect in his nature. He
thought laughing a blessing for children, as it tends
to make their disposition more cheerful. Whenever
persons indulged in a, laugh, he wanted it to be
harmless and good-natured, not at the expense of
one who was wounded thereby, though he admitted
that one may be the occasion of a laugh without being
laughed at. Concerning empty and silly laughter, he
said, " A mechanical laugh is superficial and makes
society insipid ; " but he also added, " He who does
not laugh at all is morose or pedantic."
Kant had a keen appreciation of wit and was him
self witty. " His wit was easy, merry, ingenious.
There were lightning flashes of wit, which played in
the serene heavens and illuminated his lectures as well
as his conversations." In his " Anthropology " he de
fines wit as the power that couples and assimilates hete
rogeneous ideas which, according to the law of asso
ciation, are remote from each other ; it is the peculiar
ability to liken things which are diverse. He says,
" It is agreeable, pleasing, and cheering, to discover
similarities among things dissimilar, and thus to give,
as wit does, the understanding material to make its
ideas general." Wit is play, judgment is work. " Wit
OHICLNAUTY. 121
is rather a flower of youth ; judgment more the ripe
fruit of age." Being a special talent, it cannot he
learned in the schools. In puns, wit is superficial.
In speaking of his physical condition, his power of
abstraction, which enabled him to conquer pain, was
mentioned. In his critical works it is seen in a
marvellous degree ; and in abstract metaphysical
speculations, where others are lost in inextricable
confusion, he is perfectly at home. But at the same
time we have seen that he was frequently subject to
distractions, especially in his lectures. Sometimes in
the development of a subject he lost sight of the main
thought ; then he would suddenly end the digression,
and again resume the consideration of that thought.
This wandering in his lectures made it difficult to follow
him ; and there are similar digressions in his works
which increase their obscurity. In his letter to Hufe-
land he states that his thoughts were subject to
distractions which were very painful to him; and that
while speaking he would sometimes ask himself
quietly or his hearers, " Where was I ? From what
point did I start? " He thinks that this tendency to
distraction may be somewhat diminished, but that with
all possible efforts it cannot be wholly avoided.
If greatness is measured by originality and by the
contribution of new thoughts to the stock of human
knowledge, Kant must be placed very high. " Every
where he wanted to go his own way." This originality
is seen in his methods as well as in his thoughts; and
even when he reproduces the views of others, Kant is
seen in them. Never satisfied with looking at the
surface of things, but ever striving to penetrate objects
and to get behind them, we find that every subject
122 Till-! L1FK OF I MM AN Ufa KANT.
which ho considers, receives the peculiar impress of
his spirit. By giving the leaven of his own mind to a
subject, thus making his discussion of it thoroughly
Kantian, he made his books so suggestive and his
philosophy such a revolutionary power. His originality
is especially seen in his cosmogony, his moral philo
sophy, and in his aesthetical views in the " Critique
of the Judgment;" and the " Kritik " teems with ori
ginal thoughts, such as the distinction between sensa
tion and understanding, the views of time and space,
and the categories, while the method of the book, as
well as the subject, is altogether his own. Whether
we consider the destructive elements in the speculative
portions of the book, or the constructive elements in
its more practical parts and in his ethical works, this
originality is striking. It is not surprising that with
his creative mind he produced so grand an epoch in
philosophy.
The superiority of Kant s mind is universally
admitted. While some of its powers were more marked
than others, and are worthy of special mention, there
was, nevertheless, rather a union of excellencies than
the solitary prominence of a single faculty. The
philosopher Herbart says of Kant s mental charac
teristics : "With this depth, so much learning; with
this extreme delicacy of moral feeling, so much clear,
sound understanding ; with this ability to grasp what
ever is greatest and remotest, such great calmness of
mind, such accuracy in details, such moderation, such
critical self-control ! " W. von Humboldt, who was
induced by Schiller to study the Critical Philosophy,
\vas astonished at the greatness of intellect revealed
in it, and says of its author, " Kant undertook and
UNION OF EXCKLLKNCIES. 12^
accomplished the greatest work for which the philo
sophical reason will probably ever be indebted to one
man. He tested and sifted the entire philosophical
process in such a way as obliged him to meet the
philosophers of all times and nations ; he measured,
limited, and smoothed the basis of this process ; he
destroyed the false structures built on this basis. And
after completing this work, he established principles
whose philosophical analysis often agreed with
common sense, which had frequently been led astray
or ignored in the former systems. In the truest
sense, he led philosophy back into the depth of the
human heart. In the fullest sense, he possessed
everything which characterizes the great thinker, and
united in himself gifts which ordinarily seem to be
opposed to each other ; namely, profundity and acumen,
a dialectic power which was probably never surpassed,
while at the same time he did not depreciate that truth
which the dialectic process could not discover ; and he
also had that philosophic genius which spins out and
holds together, by means of the unity of the idea, the
threads of an extensive web of conceptions running in
all directions, a genius without which there can be
no philosophical system." Jean Paul says, " Kant
is no planet, but an entire solar system radiating
light.-
While the intellectual character and development of
Kant are full of interest to the student of the mind,
there are some psychological facts which are worthy
of special study. It is a strange fact that in the course
of time his mind became so wholly absorbed by his own
philosophy that, as a seeming penalty, he became
unable to appreciate the speculations of others. The
12 i THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
supreme concentration of his mind on the " Kritik " and
the works which followed, made him lose himself in
his own reflections, so that he could not find his way
out, and at last it became impossible for him to place
himself on the standpoint of other thinkers. This fact
was too striking and too surprising to escape the
notice of his friends, and Jachmann wrote, " Every
person will admit that Kant s intellectual powers were
original in the highest degree, and if ever a philosopher
went a new and untrodden way, it was Kant. I must,
however, make a few remarks about the originality of
his intellect. The richness of his own mind in thought,
and the habitual ease with which he drew all philo
sophical ideas from the inexhaustible fountain of his
own reason, brought it to pass that at last Kant
scarcely comprehended any one except himself.
Understand me correctly ; I speak of abstract philo
sophical conceptions. He who was an original thinker
in the most peculiar sense of the word, found everything
in himself, and thus lost the ability to find anything in
others. At the very time when his mental powers
had attained their highest development, namely, when
he worked out his Critical Philosophy, nothing was
more difficult for him than to appreciate the system of
another. Even the writings of his opponents he could
understand only with the greatest difficulty, since he
found it impossible to leave, for any length of time,
his own system of thought. He was aware of this
difficulty, and therefore generally requested his friends
to read other systems and communicate to him the
relation of their principal contents to his own views.
The consciousness of his inability to comprehend views
foi eign to his own may account for the fact that he
APPRECIATION OF OTHER SYSTEMS. 1:2")
left it to his disciples and friends to defend his philo
sophy against the attacks of his opponents."
Kant makes repeated reference to this strange
effect of his long introspection and of the intense
concentration of his mind on his own philosophy.
When he was sixty-six years old, he wrote to his
friend Herz that in his advanced age he cannot well
succeed in understanding purely speculative thought,
foreign to himself, but is obliged to let himself go his
own way in the track he has followed for many years.
Four years later, he says that he can think well yet,
but that he finds it difficult to appreciate another
person s train of thought, and attributes this inability
partly to his physical condition. He asserts that he
does not understand what Maimon means with his
proposed improvement of the Critical Philosophy,
and that he must leave it to others to refute his views.
When Kant was only sixty-one, four years after the
" Kritik " appeared, Hamann wrote to Herder, " Kant
is too full of his own system to judge yours impar
tially." For many years he was so absorbed in evolving
his own philosophy, that he had neither time nor
inclination to study other systems ; and the result
was an unusual intellectual exclusiveness and isolation.
After he had elaborated the critical system, that
community of thought which generally exists among
scholars, ceased in his case ; he could still give to
others, but he could take their peculiar views only by
doing violence to himself, llink states that after his
great works were published, Kant knew what other
thinkers had produced only through fragments, and
that consequently he did not properly estimate their
views, not even in those cases where he held
126 THE LIVE OF IMMANUKL KANT.
notions which, if developed, would have led to the
same conclusions. Kuno Fischer says, " In general,
the accuracy of Kant s apprehension of systems foreign
to his own is questionable. He was so occupied with
his own thoughts that he found it difficult to appreciate
the spirit of another philosophy ; in old age he found it
altogether impossible."
Authors are generally desirous of learning what is
thought of their works, and they frequently find the
criticism of scholars suggestive of improvements ;
but after the " Kritik " appeared, Kant, as a rule, did
not even read what was written for or against his
views. That this was not the result of indifference to
the influence of his philosophy, or to the relation sus
tained to it by philosophical thinkers, is proved by
his letters and his sensitiveness with reference to
adverse criticism. Sometimes he made arrangements
to have his friends reply to the attacks on his system,
and he was anxious that the answers should not be too
mild. But his own speculations absorbed his atten
tion too much, to consider seriously the confirmation
or refutation of his works by reviewers : and after the
" Kritik" became celebrated, it was the occasion of so
many works, both favourable and unfavourable, that
it would have consumed entirely too much time if he
had read all of them. Even if Kant had taken a
deeper interest in the discussions occasioned by his
philosophy, it would not have been surprising if he had
become tired of the extensive Kantian literature pro
duced between 1786 and the close of the century.
His confidence in the principles of his philosophy and
in their final success may have made him less concerned
about the opinions of cotemporaries. And it should
NKCJLECT OF PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS. 127
also be considered that he was incessantly labouring
to complete the works he had planned, and that atten
tion to other matters might have interfered with this
aim. Hamann took a deeper interest in the relation
of scholars to the Kantian philosophy than its author.
At one time Kant sent him three publications against
his philosophy, which he had not thought it worth
while to read himself ; so, as he said, he turned them
over to " the inquisitive old man." Kant was vexed
that they had come to him without a letter, and
because he had been obliged to pay the postage.
The fact that Kant wove a web around himself,
which lie could not break, and thus imprisoned him
self in liis own system, enables us to understand ex
pressions which otherwise seem inexplicable. Ilippel
makes this statement, " Kant repeatedly said, I do
not understand the catechism, but I understood it for
merly. "( 51 ) And he adds, " Kant also said that he could
not understand Montesquieu;" which is the more re
markable because he had been a favourite author. lint
not only did In 4 , later in life, fail to appreciate the authors
he read ; he never made the study of the philosophical
works of his predecessors such a speciality as his pre
ference for metaphysics would lead one to expect. In
his works he repeatedly speaks of other systems of
philosophy in such a way as to make the impression
on some of his cotemporaries that he depreciated them
for the purpose of exalting his own, a charge which is
no doubt unjust. lie admitted that he understood
neither Spinoza nor Jacobi s explanation of his sys
tem ; ( ) and he also acknowledged that lie had never
studied Spinoza carefully. ( 5r> ) As he habitually went
to his own mind for his principles, and evolved his
128 THK 1,1 PC OF IMMANUFJ. KAXT.
system from them, it is not strange that he sometimes
imagined a thought to be original, when the thought
itself, or at least its germ, had already been given by
another. Kuno Fischer, who has carefully studied
Kant s relation to his predecessors, and cannot be
charged with a want of admiration for him, says,
" He knew Leibnitz only after the manner of the
Wolfians, and Spinoza, as it were, not at all. The
scholastics were outside of the range of his studies.
He constantly apprehended and judged the Greek
systems according to their most general charac
teristics ; and even in these he frequently misses the
mark, Plato and Aristotle not excepted. When he
cites the doctrines of the ancients, he groups them
more to suit his convenience than according to their
peculiar order." While this neglect of other philoso
phies may have prevented him from doing them justice,
it did not seriously interfere with the development of
his own system. The writer just quoted adds, " We
mention this defect once for all, in order not to revert
to it again. As far as the merit and the philosophy of
Kant are concerned, it is of little importance, and really
of no influence. In a certain sense it is even an ad
vantage to his cause. The task which Kant pursued
had to be accomplished through his own efforts, and
the most thorough knowledge of the preceding
philosophies could not have aided him in its perform
ance." In his works Kant gives a summary of the
history of philosophy, which he used in his lectures ;
it is extremely meagre, occupying only about eight
pages.
Kant was too deeply interested in individuals and
nations to neglect politics, and in his old age he was
POLITICAL VIEWS. 120
engaged in planning a book on the subject. ( 5r ) From
his views of the freedom and dignity of man, it is evi
dent that he would oppose all forms of despotism.
But lie did not think a mere revolution capable of
freeing a people from tyranny ; for while it may re
move personal despotism and many other evils, it can
not change the mode of thinking. Unless the masses
are enlightened, there can be no real freedom; new
prejudices will be added to the old ones, and the people
will be under their dominion. The freedom of the
press will, however, promote the needed enlightenment.
He sympathized with the American colonies in their
war with England, and took a deep interest in the
French Revolution, from which he expected great
benefits, and which he defended zealously, even when
it was very unpopular in Kb nigsberg. Although his
advocacy of that cause gave offence, he was too much
accustomed to have his own way to let the opinions
of others interfere seriously with the free expression
of his own in company. For a long time even the
atrocities perpetrated in France did not alter his
opinion, and he still advocated the cause of the
Revolution when Burke, and many other of its early
friends, saw and denounced the pernicious tendencies
of the movement.
Kant based his political views largely on Montes
quieu, and advocated the strict separation of the
legislative, the judicial, and the executive functions.
II<- denounced Pitt s course, because he believed that
this statesman was promoting the encroachment of the
legislative on the executive power, and he did not
hesitate to declare that his policy tended to barbarism.
In his opinion, the people ought to have a voice in
130 THE LIFE OF IM MANUEL KANT.
the legislative body, and for this reason he favoured
the American colonists in their dispute with England.
At the beginning of the French Revolution he hoped
to see the realization of the desired separation of the
three functions of government ; when his confidence
was, however, at last shaken, he opposed the new
despotism as anarchy allied with atrocious passion and
bloody barbarity. After this his tone was changed,
and he defended more vigorously the prerogatives of
rulers, and spoke less emphatically in favour of the
rights of subjects. Formerly he had spoken of subjects
aa if they had rights which they might defend against
rulers ; now his language implied that all opposition
to the existing authorities is wrong ; formerly he had
defended the Revolution with a degree of passion ; now
he spoke of revolutionists as if they were criminals
and even traitors ; and if there had been protests
against his former views on the part of royalists, now
he met with opposition from the advocates of freedom.
In his brochure on Eternal Peace, published in 1795,
Kant wants to introduce his exalted moral principles
into politics, both in national and international affairs.
In legislation as well as in the execution of the laws,
the controlling principle ought to be right, instead of
expediency. Freedom and equality should prevail
because they are right, and selfishness or happiness
should not be the motive of their advocacy. Kant
holds that the Categorical Imperative is the supreme
law in politics as well as in private morality ; and he
gives this maxim to the politicians who seek to pro
mote eternal peace : " Seek ye first the kingdom of
the Practical Reason and its righteousness, and the end
you seek (the blessing of eternal peace) shall be added
IMAGINATION.
unto you." In order that war may be avoided, be
advocates the formation of a federation of states
(/a *// * pacificum) for the settlement of the disputes
which may arise between them. While at first only a
Pew states may join this federation or league, its aim
should be to extend its influence until it embraces all
states, and thus puts an end to war. He attaches less
importance to the form of government than to the
supremacy of law, the real sovereign to which the ruler
and the ruled are alike subject. This pamphlet was
very popular, and was translated into several foreign
languages.
Kant was not a poet, though he composed a few
blank verses on the occasion of the death of colleagues
in the university. Their poetic value is small; they
contain no flights of imagination, and reveal neither
enthusiasm nor inspiration. They are didactic com
positions which present good moral thoughts in the
form of blank verse. ( 5S ) It would, however, be a mis
take to suppose that imagination and enthusiasm were
foreign to his nature, an impression which is favoured
by his cold metaphysical works. In old age, after he
had encased himself in his philosophy, this was largely
the case, though even then some subjects, especially
moral ones, kindled his enthusiasm. In his early man
hood there were many evidences of an enthusiastic
nature, though his admirable self-control and his
effort to subject everything to reason might interfere
with its free exercise. His fondness for the Latin
poets leads us to suspect a strong imagination and its
special culture until he entered the university. While
he was afraid to give a loose rein to the imagination
when advanced in years, in his earlier productions,
132 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
especially in his cosmogony, this faculty sometimes
gets the mastery over dry theories and mathematical
calculations. Aside from the Latin classics, however,
his studies were mostly such as were calculated to
curb the imagination ; and neither the Wolfian philo
sophy, in which he was trained, nor the one which
he himself developed, was calculated to promote its
cultivation. Bouterwek writes, " It is certain that
this speculative mind, with its strivings after pure
knowledge, was afraid of the imagination and its
inventions, just as if he had been a "Wolfian." In his
efforts to attain mathematical certainty he demon
strated the imagination away ; but the dry, logical,
unimaginative Kant of later years was not a product of
nature, but of discipline.
What has been said of his imagination is essentially
true also of his emotional nature. Kant feared that
feeling might interfere with the working of the intellect,
and prevent the attainment of that pure knowledge
which he sought. Even in morals and religion he
treats the emotions, those of a nobler kind not
excepted, as a hindrance rather than a help. The
emotional religious influences of his youth and the
general sentimentality of the times no doubt promoted
this depreciation of feeling. He saw the injurious in
fluences of extravagance and fanaticism, and liked to
present the antidotes to the evils of the day as
strikingly as possible; it is no wonder, then, if one
extreme led him to another. It was an age fond of
extravagant expressions of love and friendship, an age
of kisses and sighs and tears ; and he was a mortal
enemy of all affectation and sentimentality. His fear
of the influence of the emotions was also promoted by
COLD 1XTELLECTCAL1TV. 133
tlic fact that lie regarded the prevalent errors in
philosophy as largely the product of prejudice and
feeling, and their removal as possible only through
pnro reason.
His writings impressed some of his contemporaries
with the belief that Kant was heartless ; and one of
them calls attention to the fact that in his letter to
Hnfeland he stated that he had succeeded in so com
pletely separating his head from his chest that the
oppression of the latter does not affect the former.
This was a revelation to him respecting the head
products of Kant, and in a letter he says, " Let us
rejoice, my dear friend, that in our case head and
heart still go together." This separation of the
head from the heart is striking even in works where
it might be expected that prominence would be given
to the feelings. Soon after Kant s death an author
wrote, " The cold understanding was the ruling power
in Kant s unwearied mind ; he did not even trust
enthusiasm in those cases where a noble emotion, in
stead of depressing, arouses the power of thought.
Respecting the dignity of man, Kant felt a powerful
inspiration only when some moral interest was con
nected with the pure contemplations. ... All violent
emotions, in the possession of which many think them
selves great, had something petty in Kant s eyes." And
he adds, " Not a little did this intellectual coldness
contribute to the imposing authority which the Kantian
philosophy gained among the cold Germans. "(~ J )
In considering this subject, however, we must dis
criminate between the utterances of the youthful and
the aged Kant, both as found in his lectures and in his
books. Knowing his own later aversion to enthusiasm,
134 THE LIFE OF HIMANUKL KANT.
it seems hardly possible that he could have been the
author of the following : " Whoever is more powerfully
inspired by a moral emotion as a principle than others,
on account of their cold and often ignoble heart, are
able to appreciate, is, in their estimation, an enthu
siast;" and this is followed by the declaration that
without enthusiasm nothing great has ever been
accomplished. ( G0 ) This was written when he was forty,
a period in which many of his utterances indicate
emotion as well as enthusiasm. Therefore, while the
marked predominance of his intellectual faculties at
last largely suppressed the emotional element, there is
abundant proof that by nature Kant was not lacking in
feeling. As is usual in natures which are emotional
and yet intellectually profound, we find in him a conflict
between the head and the heart, between the longings
of the one and the demonstrations of the other; and
this gives us the key to his distinction between the
speculative and the practical reason. Though so wary
of impulses, he found in his own nature those which he
could not suppress, in spite of all the negative conclu
sions of his philosophy. When his dogmatism was
shaken, he found it impossible to rest in scepticism ;
and the demand for a scientific basis for hope and
aspiration was the mighty impulse which produced the
Critical Philosophy. In his cold Critiques of Pure
Reason and of Judgment, Kant is only partially seen ;
in other works he deals with flesh and blood as well as
with skeletons. How can we account for the marvel
lous enthusiasm with which he inspired his best
students ? The spark which kindled a flame in
others was communicated from his own being ; such
heat could never have emanated from an iceberg.
ENTHUSIASM. 135
Jachmann states tliat in his lectures on moi^ality
Kant was not merely a speculative philosopher, but
also a spirited orator who moved the heart while he
satisfied the mind. " It produced a heavenly rapture
io hear this pure and sublime morality coming from
the lips of its author with such powerful philosophic
eloquence. how often he moved us to tears ! How
often he powerfully agitated our hearts, and lifted our
spirits and our emotions out of the trammels of a
selfish love of pleasure to a high realization of pure
freedom, to unconditional subjection to the law of
reason, and to the sublime emotion of disinterested
duty ! At such times the immortal philosopher seemed
to be inspired by a divine power, and he also inspired
us who listened to him full of admiration. Surely his
hearers never left one of his lectures on morality with
out being made better." The same enthusiastic
admirer mentions Kant s animation during conversa
tion when specially interested in his subject. "How
often did Kant speak with rapture of God s wisdom,
goodness, and power, when conversing with his friends
on the structure of the world! How often he spoke
touchingly of the blessedness of a future life ! And
here the heart both of the philosopher and the man
spoke, giving indubitable testimony of his emotions
and honest convictions. One such conversation on
astronomy, during which Kant was constantly inspired
by his theme, was not merely enough to convince every
one who heard him that he believed in God and
providence, but it would also have changed an atheist
into a believer." Even if at other times he spoke
coldly and critically on these subjects, and though Jach
mann may transfer some of his own enthusiasm to Kant,
136 THE LIFE OF 1M MANUEL KANT.
still there is evidence enough to show that there were
times when he was unusually inspired and inspiring.
Some persons laud Kant s speculative philosophy to
the skies and speak contemptuously of his moral
system, while others praise his moral philosophy and
reject his speculations; and there are others, still,
who form their opinions of Kant and his life mainly
either from his speculations or from his moral prin
ciples ; consequently, he is seen and judged very
imperfectly. To hold before men his speculative
philosophy and say, " This is Kant," js as misleading
as to hold up his sublime moral principles and say,
" So Kant lived." Sometimes life is greater than a
theory, sometimes immeasurably less ; and a true
biography carefully discriminates between the theory
and the life. In order to form a correct estimate of
the author of the Critical Philosophy, we must not
merely distinguish between his speculation and prin
ciples on the one hand, and his life on the other, but
also between that which nature had made him, and
what he became through the stern discipline to which
he subjected himself. That the impulsive and extremely
sensitive Kant became so complete a master of himself
as to subject his emotions almost wholly to reason and
calculation, is remarkable but not inexplicable. There
were evidences of sensitiveness and of impulses to the
last ; but with the advance of years they became
more subordinate. Few lives furnish so striking an
illustration of the transformation possible by means of
circumstances and discipline. The ardour of youth
may yield to cold calculation ; the sensitive may be
come callous, and the gentle harsh ; the enthusiast
and the devotee may change to the critic and the
TRANSFORMATION. \ .\7
sceptic; indifference may take the place of ardent
affect ion ; the sociable man may become a hermit ; a
passion or interest, however strong, may be weakened
or even expelled by the cultivation of another; and
thus the transformation between youth and age may be
so complete that at last the antipodes of the early
characteristics appear. This will enable us to explain
apparent contradictions in the life of Kant. The severe
struggles of many years gave him a training which
qualified him for the mastery over himself. Accord
ing to his own testimony, his inclination to yield to
impulses, whose results he had occasion to regret,
induced him to form maxims for his conduct with a
view of making reason, and not impulse, the arbiter
in all tilings. Being early disciplined in self-reliance,
he developed a degree of self-sufficiency which enabled
him to dispense largely with the assistance and affec
tion of friends. Besides, he possessed an intense
desire for knowledge; a worship of pure truth, and a
religious zeal to promote its spread ; a critical spirit
which controlled him in his researches and was charac
teristic of the tendencies of the age ; an intellect-
conscious of its great strength, and ambitious for the full
development and manifestation of its powers ; and a will
which could master the body with its ailings, could
control the emotions, and, as the pure practical reason,
could set up its throne in his moral system, just as I lie
speculative reason set up its throne in the " Kritik."
When all these things are considered, as well as the
years of absorbing and abstract intellectual toil in
preparing the great " Kritik," we can in some measure
understand the remarkable transformation to which he
was subject, which, however, was not so great as to
138 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KAVJ 1 .
enable his reason, his maxims, and his will to prevent
the original elements of his nature from asserting
themselves strongly at times.
Long after he had passed the period of youth, Kant
gave unmistakable evidence that he was not always the
cold, calm philosopher. Being very fond of dried
fruits, he occasionally requested his friend Motherby
to import some for him. At one time he was eagerly
expecting a vessel with French fruits which he had
ordered, and he had already invited some friends to a
dinner at which they were to be served. The vessel
was, however, delayed a number of days by a storm.
When it arrived, Kant was informed that the provisions
had become short on account of the delay, and that the
crew had eaten his fruit. Kant was so angry that he
declared they ought rather to have starved than to
have touched it. Surprised at this irritation, Motherby
said, " Professor, you cannot be in earnest ! " Kant
answered, " I am really in earnest," and went away.
Sometime afterwards Motherby met him and again
referred to the matter, when the philosopher imme
diately declared that he w^as sorry for his hasty
remark. ( 6l )
It is now generally admitted that by suppressing
his emotional nature he became one-sided. Formerly
it was the fashion, in certain circles, to extol him as a
prodigy in every department of learning, and as a
complete, full-orbed, harmoniously developed man; to
dissent from these views, or to question his authority,
was regarded as sufficient cause for violent attacks.
But with the strongest admiration for Kant on the part
of those who profess to be his disciples, such hero-
worship can never return again. It is plainly seen
RKJIDITY OK THOUGHT. 1 . i ( J
now that he was not only thoroughly human, subject
to ordinary human infirmities, but that in some respects
lie was much more one-sided than many who, compared
with him intellectually, were only pigmies. It was the
very fact that he devoted himself so wholly to his
critical speculations which gave him his real greatness
and the sublime elevation on which he stands alone.
<{ The quietness and firmness with which Kant confined
himself to the domain of thought, the boldness and
resoluteness with which he pressed unceasingly forward
in this realm as far as it seemed possible, constitute
one of the great characteristics in Kant s scientific per
sonality. "(") It would have been impossible for him
to have attained his speculative pre-eminence if he had
developed all his powers harmoniously.
Having but little appreciation of the systems or even
thoughts of others after he developed his own philo
sophy, Kant became very much set in his opinions.
His stern discipline, his intellectual isolation, and his
riveting the attention so exclusively on subjects elabo
rated by his own mind, at last gave his thoughts an
unusual rigidity, and made him so impervious to the
arguments of others that, after reasoning out a matter
to his own satisfaction, he was apt to be immovable,
a spirit which of course increased with old age. His
assertions respecting the French Revolution, for in
stance, were often peremptory, and sometimes he even
ignored facts. A contemporary says, "It was difficult
and almost impossible to convince him that his views
were wrong; even when facts were presented against
these views, he was not convinced, at least not imme
diately and not always. "(* 3 ) This person, as well as
Wasianski, gives an instance of Kant s habit of demon-
140 THE LIFE OF IMMANUKL KENT.
strating things a priori, even if there was proof to the
contrary. lie had come to the conclusion, in 1798,
that Napoleon could not have the intention of landing
in Egypt, but that while he pretended to be fitting out
an expedition against that country, he was really pre
paring to enter Portugal. It was his opinion that
England would feel most keenly the capture of Portugal
by the French, owing to the important commercial
relations between those two countries. So satisfactorily
had he demonstrated to himself this supposed stratagem
of Napoleon, that even after the French had landed in
Egypt, and the Government had announced the fact to
all Europe, he still asserted that the expedition was
against Portugal, and that the announcement to the
contrary was only a pretext to mislead the English.
His dogmatic spirit seems at last to have become
his second nature, and the dictatorial tone of the
authoritative professor could not escape the notice
of his friends. These, indeed, plead age and great
learning as an apology ; but even those who charitably
considered these facts could not wholly escape the
unfavourable impression made by this spirit. Count
Purgstall, whose enthusiastic admiration for the great
philosopher cannot be questioned, after spending some
time at Konigsberg and in Kant s society, says, < The
result of my observation respecting Kant is tins : he
is certainly honest, his soul is pure, he is childlike,
and does not consider himself a great man. This is
admitted by all who know him well. . . . His knowledge
of men is extensive, he lias studied the world, and
knows how to speak admirably of many things which
do not belong to his speciality. He alone is a great
speculative philosopher. . . . Only once in a thousand
AESTHETIC CULTUKE. 141
years is a Kant born; and nature has very wisely
arranged this, for only once in a thousand years is a
speculative philosopher necessary.
" Xo\v, as surely as I believe that Kant s morality
and humanity have not suffered through the dangerous
position of a professor, so sure is it that he has not
escaped all the faults and imperfections of his office.
Thus, he cannot bear to hear others talk much, becomes
impatient, at least for the moment, if any one professes
to know anything better than he does, monopolizes
the conversation, and professes to know everything
about all countries, places, divisions of the earth, and
the like. For instance, he professed to know better
than I do what kind of fowls we have, how our country
looks, what degree of culture our Catholic priests have
attained, and similar things. In all these matters he
contradicted mc."( M ) And this was done in spite of
the fact that he had never been in the region under
consideration.
\Ve do not expect much aesthetic culture from one
who devotes himself as exclusively as Kant did to the
rigid sciences. It is true that he made art, and beauty
in general, a subject for analysis and speculation in his
"Critique of the Judgment," and he wrote a small volume
on "The Emotion of the Beautiful and the Sublime. 1
But aside from his scrupulous care in his dross, espe
cially in his early manhood, he gave no marked evidence
of taste. In furnishing his house he proved that he
was not actuated by a love of the beautiful; and no
man of taste could have written as he did in his
" Anthropology," " In complete solitude, no one would
adorn or polish his house ; nor will he do it lor the
sake of his wife and children, but only for the sake of
142 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KAKT.
friends, in order to show himself to them to advantage."
In his " Critique of the Judgment " he, however, gives
some profound thoughts on the nature of the beautiful.
Respecting Kant s appreciation of art, Borowski says?
" He never seemed to pay much attention to paintings
and engravings, even when of a superior kind. In
galleries and rooms containing much admired and
highly praised collections, I never noticed that he
specially directed his attention to the pictures, or in
any way gave evidence of his appreciation of the skill
of the artist,"
Of music he spoke disparagingly, and one of his
friends declared that he preferred noise to harmony.
Kant charges music with a lack of politeness, in that
it forces itself on the attention when not wanted, and
in this way disturbs society. It differs in this respect
from the arts which address the eye, since one can
turn away from them if he does not desire to see them.
Music is like an odour, which spreads in every direction
and must be breathed even when not wanted. " He
who draws a perfumed handkerchief from his pocket,
treats all who are about him to an odour against their
will, for if they breathe at all, they are obliged to inhale
it ; for this reason it has gone out of fashion. Those
who recommend the singing of spiritual songs as a part
of family devotions, do not consider that they inflict a
great annoyance on the public by means of such a noisy
(and for that very reason usually Pharisaic) devo
tion, since thereby the neighbourhood is obliged either
to join in the singing, or else to suspend the effort to
think." He advised some young friends not to study
music, because it would take too much time from their
scientific pursuits ; and he also thought its tendency
MUSIC. 143
was to make effeminate. He rarely attended concerts
at any time, and never during the latter part of his
life. Military music he liked best; funeral dirges he
disliked exceedingly. When the Jews in Konigsberg
commemorated the death of Moses Mendelssohn, Kant
was present. In giving an account of the affair, he
spoke of the music as an " eternal, disagreeable moan
ing," and he could not think of it without extreme
aversion. It is said that he never attended a concert
after this experience, in order not to be subjected
again to similar torture.
There being a prison near his house, he was greatly
annoyed by the singing of the prisoners during their
religious exercises. In 178 t he wrote a characteristic
letter to his friend Ilippel, who was police-director and
prison-inspector, asking to be relieved "of the stentorian
devotion of the hypocrites in prison." In this appeal
he says, " If their voices were so moderated during
singing that they can hear themselves with closed
windows, I do not think that they will have reason to
complain that their soul s salvation will be endangered
unless they bawl at the top of their voices. Even with
out making so much noise, they might procure a certi
ficate from the prison-keeper (which is probably their
principal aim), testifying that they are very devout
persons ; for he will be able to hear them at any rate,
and I only want their voices to be toned down to that
pitch which the pious citizens of our good city find
loud enough for their edification."
Kant had a low opinion of oratory, regarding it as
the art of deceiving people, and opposed teachers of
eloquence, comparing them with lawyers. He wanted
cold lotric, without any art of persuasion, as the means
144 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
of conviction ; and said that the reading of a beautiful
poem always gave him pleasure, while in the perusal
of the best speeches of lloman, parliamentary, or pulpit
orators, he experienced a feeling of disapproval, because
he perceived in them the deceitful art which persuades
people to form, in weighty affairs, conclusions which
lose all significance on calm reflection.
The first place in the beautiful arts is assigned by
him to poetry, which he regarded as almost wholly the
product of genius and as the art which is least
governed by rules or models. He was fond of the
poets and frequently quoted them. Besides his
favourite Latin authors, Lucretius, Horace, Juvenal,
and Yirgil, he had a preference for Pope among the
English and Haller among the German poets. The
time for the study and appreciation of Shakspeare in
Germany had not yet come ; the deep insight into
human nature revealed by this wonderful seer would
no doubt have made him most attractive to Kant.
He read Milton, Wieland, Buerger, and others; but
Young s " Night Thoughts," which were very popular
in Germany, were too monotonously serious for him.
Though Herder had been his pupil and once a great
favourite, Kant did not read his poems, being preju
diced against him on account of one of his earlier
prose works. For Lessing s dramas he manifested no
fondness, and he was not acquainted with the poetical
works of Schiller and Goethe. He read Schiller s
" ^Esthetic Letters," which were in his own immediate
line of thought, he himself having written on the
same subject. His knowledge of German poetry did
not extend to a later period than that of Klopstock ;
and for his poems he had no taste. When the
145
Augustan era of German literature began, lie was
either too old to appreciate it, or was too much occupied
with his own works to give it any attention.
Tt is only in art that Kant acknowledges genius.
He defines it as a gift, in distinction from an acquisi
tion ; as a law unto itself and the creator of its own
laws, in distinction from the ability to work according
to rules prescribed by another. Wherever law rules
instead of spontaneity, as in science, philosophy, and
morals, lie recognizes no genius. The appellation of
a philosophical or speculative genius he would have
declined as a misnomer.
Kant began his studies in the gymnasium when
about eight years old ; and his intellectual career may
be regarded as ending with the last book which he
wrote, namely, in 1 7 ( .KS. This gives a period of sixty-
six years of severe and uninterrupted mental applica
tion. Study was not only his life-work, it was also
his delight. With contempt he speaks of " the apes of
genius," as he calls those who despise study and with
out it expect their genius to grasp and evolve every
thing. What is to be done in view of these so-called
geniuses ? " What else except to laugh at them and
patiently pursue one s course with diligence, order, and
definiteness, without regarding such jugglers." Ho
had a genius for work, and never expected to accom
plish anything except by hard and persistent labour.
Aside from his special studies, his reading was
extensive and varied. When ho had already attained
his seventieth year, it was said, " He reads all that is
new, (^specially history and geography, and has a for
tunate memory which retains even the most difficult
names." Christian theology excepted, there was
i,
146 THK LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
scarcely a department of learning which did not
interest him and become an object of his investigations.
So far was he from being a narrow specialist, that he
was in the true sense a polymathist.
A glance at the subjects which engaged his attention
gives some conception of the breadth of his mind and
the extent of his interest in learning. His partiality
for the classics, mathematics, physics, astronomy, and
for metaphysics, has already been mentioned, as well
as his interest in medical works. Law was included
in his reading, which is evident from his discussion
of " The Metaphysical Principles of Law ;" books on
morals and natural religion also, since he lectured and
published works on these subjects. Besides his deep
interest in those laws of the mind which lie even
beyond the ken of most philosophers, he was interested
in the manners, customs, politics, trades, religious opi
nions, the institutions, and the life of nations, and em
bodied the results of his investigations in his " Anthro
pology." And while he applied Newton s discoveries
and developed metaphysical principles in physics, he
also studied the surface of the earth, its mountains,
valleys, forests, rivers, lakes, seas, and atmosphere,
together with their inhabitants, and made his
" Physical Geography " the depository of his researches
on these subjects. He did not need the metaphysical
speculations of others to impel him to philosophize,
for he could evolve abstractions enough from his own
mind without this impulse ; and when his mind was
weary with speculation, it naturally turned to those
subjects which wer.c calculated to give it freshness and
recreation. Accounts of travel were his favourite
reading for relaxation, and he read all important books
FAVOURITE AUTHORS. 117
of this kind which were access ible.( 65 ) Eagerly he
sought for original writers, and took delight even in
their paradoxes. Professor Kraus says, "Thinking was
a necessity for his active mind, which always sought
that which was new and transcended the usual concep
tions. Hence his love for paradoxical writings."
Knglish and French writers were among his fa
vourite authors. In his study of physics he was most
indebted to Newton. Frequently he refers to Locke,
and repeatedly to Berkeley ; but owing to the critical
spirit of Hume and the impulse which he had received
from him, Kant placed him higher than any other
Scotch or English metaphysician. While he spoke
highly of Shaftesbury, he particularly esteemed Hut-
clieson as a moral philosopher, and recommended him
to those engaged in the study of ethics, just as he
did Hume in metaphysics. Among French authors, he
had read Montaigne while still a student, and knew
many passages of his " Kssays" by heart. Montesquieu s
political views and his knowledge of various nations
made him a great favourite. While the German meta
physician was averse to Voltaire s flippancy, ho shared
his antagonism to real or supposed fanaticism. But
of all French writers he preferred Rousseau, whose
views of human nature, of education, and of the freedom
and rights of man, deeply interested Kant and made a
lasting impression on his mind. The only picture
which adorned his house was one of Rousseau. His
" Emile " so engrossed the philosopher s attention that
for several days it kept him from his usual walk. This
author and Montesquieu had most influence in mould
ing his social and political views. Speaking of his
own thirst for learning, and of the fact that he had
L 2
148 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
made knowledge the criterion of human excellence, lie
says, " There was a time when I thought that this
could determine the worth of man, and I despised the
masses who know nothing. Rousseau, however, set
me right. This apparent advantage disappears ; I am
learning to honour men, and I should regard myself
as much more worthless than the common labourer, if
I did not believe that the pursuits I am following can
promote the worth of others, by aiding in restoring the
rights of man."
As he had never travelled, he depended chiefly on
books for his knowledge of countries and nations ; but
his contact with persons from different lands also
aided him. Kant took pleasure in meeting persons of
diverse opinions, occupations, and degrees of culture,
in order that he might study man in various circum
stances and relations. "With men who had made
specialities of them, he liked to discuss chemistry,
galvanism, and even craniology. Though Konigsberg
had no large libraries, it possessed many books of inte
rest and value ; and besides the public ones, there were
circulating libraries which contained works of scientific
and literary importance. The book-stores were the
common resorts of literary men and scholars, where
they wrote letters, examined new books, had access to
periodicals, and discussed the literary news of the day.
Among the booksellers who visited the book-market in
Leipzig, and came in contact and corresponded with
men of letters, were persons of literary taste and pro
moters of literature. They cheerfully placed their
books and journals at Kant s disposal without
pecuniary consideration. While Konigsberg suffered
intellectually from its literary isolation, its advantages,
LIBRARY. 149
though inferior to those of Berlin, Leipzig, Weimar,
and other intellectual centres, were still considerable,
and Kant had much opportunity for the gratification
of his varied scholarly tastes. Professor Kraus says
of him, " As soon as he received the semi-annual
catalogue of books, he marked nearly all accounts of
travel, as well as the chemical, physical, and other
works from whose authors he had reason to expect
something instructive. These books he read succes
sively, and was generally through with the list long
before the new catalogue appeared, which he treated
in the same way. While writing, he always had a new
unbound book lying beside him, which ho would read
when mentally wearied, in order to prepare himself
again for meditation and composition."
Owing to the generosity of the booksellers who
permitted him to read books and then return them, it
was not necessary for him to purchase many works.
At the time of his death his library consisted of about
five hundred vol nines, including many pamphlets.
Professor Gensichen, who inherited this library, says
of it, " Among the older books I find more on
mathematics and physics than on philosophy. The
newer volumes are, of course, mostly philosophical,
and those occasioned by Kant s philosophy are con
siderable in number; it is probable that he did not
buy a single one of them, but that the most of them,
if not all, were sent to him by their authors. 1 am,
therefore, inclined to believe that Kant furnished his
library chiefly with books on mathematics and physics
(chemistry included)." He also makes this statement :
" In the library left by Kant 1 miss all his works pre
ceding the " Kritik of Pure Reason," and also his
150 THE LIFE OF IM MANUEL KANT.
" Critique of the Judgment." Probably Kant gave
away some of his books, especially in his last years,
and loaned others which were never returned ; this
seems likely from the fact that of works containing a
number of volumes, only a few of the set are on
hand." ( 6G )
In speaking of the learned peculiarities of different
nations, Kant says that among the Germans genius
develops into roots ; among the Italians, into foliage ;
among the French, into flowers ; and among the
English, into fruit. According to this generalization,
he himself was thoroughly German, though we also
find flowers and fruit in his scholarship. The breadth
in his scientific studies is worthy of special note. He
did not want the sciences to be isolated, and it is a
significant fact that he attached so much importance
to the study of mathematics and physics in connexion
with speculative philosophy. In his " Logic " he states
that the improvement in metaphysics in modern times
is due, partly to the more diligent study of nature,
partly to the union of mathematics with natural
science. The connexion of mathematics, physics, and
metaphysics, is a characteristic of his studies as well
as of his works. The book just quoted gives a hint
of his aim in his studies : " Mere polymathy is cyclopic
learning, which lacks an eye, namely the eye of
philosophy ; and a cyclop in mathematics, history,
natural history, or philology, is a scholar who is great
in all these, but regards a philosophy respecting them
as unessential."
Although Kant read historical works, he did not
sufficiently appreciate history to give it the place it
deserves. His depreciation of this department of
HISTORY. 151
learning will be the more easily explained if \ve
remember that his education belonged to a period
when there was but little taste in Germany for general
history and when there were no attractive historical
books. The impulse given to this study by Moser,
Frederick II., Schiller, and John von Miiller, belongs
to a later a^e. Kant s habit of demonstrating pro-
O O I
positions // /triori led him to ignore historical facts. He
wanted to carry his mathematical spirit into history,
and it is said, "A report which did not give time and
place, however reliable it might otherwise be, he never
trusted and did not think worthy of notice." In his
" Logic " he shows that he was eager to discover and to
teach those fjrinciples and methods which would enable
their possessors to find what they wanted without
burdening the memory; and he thought that the man
who would sum up history under permanent ideas
would l)o a praiseworthy genius, rendering special
service to the human mind. He also says, " Teachers
of reason are generally ignorant of history." In his
religious views his effort to substitute reason for
history is very apparent.
His contemporaries were not blind to his depreciation
of history in the interest of a priori knowledge. Herder
wrote to Hainan u, " It is strange that metaphysicians,
like your Kant, even in history want no history, and
as much as boldly banish it from the world. I will
carry together fire and wood, in order to make the
historical flame large, even if again, as in the case of
my Urkunde, it should be the funeral pyre of my
philosophy. Let them speculate in their cold ice-
heaven ! " One who studies Kant s writings carefully,
cannot avoid the conclusion of a recent writer who says,
152 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
" At the same time, it is to be said that the historical
element in its widest sense never received its full due
at the hands of Kant, whose deficiency in the historical
interest was remarkable." ( G7 )
However, in spite of these defects which only blind
admiration can be disposed to deny, those who know
him merely as the eminent speculative philosopher have
no conception of his many-sided and extensive attain
ments. His most intimate friends were astonished at
the breadth of scholarship and the philosophic depth
revealed in his conversations, as well as in his lectures
and books. In fact, he was treated as if a living
library, and was consulted personally and by letter on
the most varied subjects. His fame, however, rests
mainly on his metaphysical works, and among these
chiefly on his " Kritik." His influence on morals has
been great, and his postulates have permanent value,
but he did not succeed in establishing moral philo
sophy on a firm basis. In mathematics, physics, and
astronomy, he is rarely mentioned now, except in con
nexion either with his metaphysical views or his cos
mogony. He gave a new impulse to aesthetic studies
at a period when the revival in literature made this
impulse specially potent. His " Anthropology " and
" Physical Geography," being popular rather than pro
found, exerted only a temporary influence, this being
especially the case with the latter. But in meta
physics he attained an eminence unparalleled in modern
philosophy, and the " Kritik " lias deservedly made his
name one of the most celebrated in literature.
153
CHAPTER VI.
HUME AND BOCIAL LIFE.
The philosopher s home Regularity Carefulness in trifles Lampe
Dress Recreation Table-talk Social power Self- respect
Relatives Views of woman and marriage Love-affairs.
THE world has learned tu know Kant as a toilsome
student and a great metaphysician ; what wonder,
then, if it has regarded him as an ideal German pro
fessor who buries himself in his study, and disregards
the world and its affairs, society and its attractions ?
Such a picture of the Koritgsberg philosopher is purely
imaginary. Instead of being a hermit whose study
was his cell, and whose sole companions were his books
and his thoughts, we find that his interests, like his
reading, were extensive and varied, that he was very
sociable, was frequently in company, and exerted a
powerful social influence.
For a number of years after he became a teacher
in the university, he lodged in private dwellings, and
Borowski speaks of five different houses in which he had
his abode. His studious habits led him to seek locali
ties and houses which were quiet, this being the more
essential to him because he was so -easily disturbed :
but for a long time his limited means neither permitted
him to purchase a house nor to choose just such loca-
154 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
tions as were best suited to his purpose. With respect
to his rooms and surroundings he was particular and
even peculiar. While lodging in one house he was
disturbed in his meditations by the crowing of a cock
in a neighbouring yard. Although he offered a con
siderable sum for the noisy fowl, the obstinate owner
refused to sell him, as he could not conceive how a
cock could annoy a philosopher. As the disturber of
his meditations could not be silenced, Kant removed
to another locality.
While occupying lodgings he dined at some public-
house, the choice of which depended mainly on the
probability of meeting agreeable company. One house
he left because a guest was in the habit of speaking
very deliberately, and with a degree of pathos, even
when he talked of unimportant affairs. Kant found
the presence of this man intolerable, and so he took
his dinner elsewhere. He ceased to patronize another
restaurant because some of the guests expected him to
play the professor at dinner and converse on learned
subjects, whereas he desired rest and recreation. At
these public houses he liked to read the papers and
discuss the news of the day, and in earlier years he
also played billiards and cards.
In 1783 he purchased the house which was his home
during the remainder of his life. It was centrally
located on Princess Street, but not in a noisy part of
the city, and had a small garden. There were eight
rooms ; his lecture-room, the kitchen, and the cham
ber for his aged cook, on the ground floor ; his own
rooms, five in number, were on the first floor, consist
ing of the study, library, the dining, bed, and recep
tion rooms ; the attic was occupied by his male servant.
FURNITURE. 155
His furniture was exceedingly plain, and it was evident
at a glance that it was selected for service, not for
ornament. In general a table or two, a few chairs, and
a sofa, constituted the furniture of a room. His study
contained a few tables, covered with papers and books,
and also a chest of drawers. The bare walls of his
rooms were relieved by no picture, save the solitary
portrait of Rousseau, which was the gift of a friend.
His table-ware and kitchen-utensils were also very
plain, being merely such as were necessary to entertain
a few friends at dinner. The entire inner arrange
ment of his house revealed a philosopher who was
extremely simple in his tastes and mode of life.
While the home is not the man, its air is generally
an expression of his spirit, especially if neither wife
nor child disputes his supremacy. Our philosopher at
home is so interesting to us because we there come
into more intimate contact with him than in other re
lations, and also because we get views of him which
are not so familiar as those of the eminent professor
and the distinguished author. We, indeed, see him in
his home only during the last twenty years of his life ;
but these are the years of his greatest celebrity. Kant
was sole lord in his house, and his will was the supreme
law. We must not be astonished if he is not found to
have been the neatest of housekeepers, and if some
times things were permitted to go their own way ; there
is a compensation in the fact that in most of the affairs
he was sure to make his supremacy felt and to have
his way. A bachelor has a right to poor furniture
and black walls ; but Kant Avas a philosopher as
well as a bachelor, and elegance or annual house-
cleaning might have interfered with his speculations.
156 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
About his personal habits, however, he was careful,
and with respect to his appearance he was very
particular.
It was fortunate for his purse that his happiness
required no beauties of art. He blamed those who
spent money for furniture which was not needed, and
in himself he would never have excused extravagance
in this respect. The whole house had a sombre appear
ance, the effect of which was increased by the death
like stillness which prevailed during study hours.
According to the testimony of Professor Kraus,
" Kant s rooms were not only badly furnished, but
were so astonishingly black from the smoke of the
fire and the lamp, that it was possible for a person
to write his name on the walls." Cobwebs are not
mentioned, but they were no doubt there. What
wonder if the scholar becomes attached to such things
for their associations, and for the thoughts and sym
bols which he puts into them ! His surroundings may
become a part of himself, and the desire not to be
disturbed may be applied by him to things as well
as to his person. That revolutionary spirit which is
eternally restless, and ruthlessly demands domestic
change and renovation, was foreign to Kant ; and it
is a relief to find that the philosopher who regarded
the old metaphysics as consisting mainly of rubbish
that must be removed, was so extremely conservative
respecting his mode of life and his home. Scheffner,
another friend of the metaphysician, says, " The walls
of his sitting-room were grey, being covered with dust,
and with smoke from his morning pipe ; and as at one
time while listening to a conversation between him and
iiippel, I made some marks on the wall with my finger
157
so that the white ground became visible, Kant said.
Friend, why will you disturb the ancient rust? Is
not such a hanging, which arose of its own accord,
better than one that is purchased ? It is quite
natural that Kant should regard as vandalism that
spirit which takes pleasure in destroying the precious
relics of antiquity.
During the first few years after he had his own home,
he continued to dine at some public house ; since 178fi,
however, he took his meals at home. In the evening
he would give the orders for the dinner of the follow
ing da)-, which the servant, well aware how particular
Kant was in exacting implicit obedience, was careful
to execute to the letter.
One of the friends and guests of Kant gives a de
scription of his home, and a picture of the philosopher
waiting for the arrival of the persons invited to dine
with him. His imagination saw even in the exterior
of the building evidences that it was a thinker s home,
which lie describes as rather antique and situated on a
street which was but little travelled, while back of it
was an old castle, with its moat and gardens, its towers
and prisons. " Both in summer and in winter the
region was quite romantic, but this he did not appre
ciate." It is, however, the interior and the occupant
which are of the greatest interest. " When one
entered the house, it was found that a peaceful quiet
reigned within; and if the savoury odour of the kitchen,
a barking dog, or a mewing cat, favourites of the
cook, had not convinced him of the contrary, he would
have 1 thought that it was uninhabited. When he
ascended the steps the servant was seen to the right,
preparing the table ; the guests, however, passed to
158 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
the left through a very plain, cheerless, smoked vesti
bule, to a room which represented the parlour, which
was also devoid of ornament. A sofa, several chairs
covered with linen, a cupboard with a glass-door
through which some porcelain was visible, a bureau
which contained his silver and his money, a thermo
meter and a console (whether under a mirror or under
a bust I do not remember), constituted the furniture
which concealed a part of the white walls." Passing
through this apartment, " which represented the
parlour," the visitor came to a plain door which led to
what the writer calls the " Sans Souci," namely, the
study. With a cheerful " Come in," the philosopher
answered the rap on this door. The study had " an
air of simplicity, and was a quiet retreat from the
noise of the world. There were two common tables, a
plain sofa, several chairs, and a chest of drawers under
a medium-sized mirror ; sufficient room was left for a
passage to the barometer and thermometer, which he
frequently consulted. The windows had small panes
of glass ; and the little green silk curtains which hung
before them were perhaps the most costly articles in
the room. Here, as on a tripod, the thinker sat in
his semicircular chair, which was wholly of wood,
either still engaged in study or else, because he was
hungry, with his eyes turned to the door, longingly
expecting his guests. Till the close of life he
approached his gut\st from this place, opened the door
and welcomed him. Wherever and however one might
meet him, though the exalted expectations of the
stranger who saw him for the first time might not be
quite realized, his countenance was spirited, his look
friendly ; and when he spoke he delivered oracles and
SLEEP. 151)
charmed his hearers. At the arrival of the guests, ho
would order his servant to bring the dinner, while he
himself brought the silver spoons (called tie s//>vr)
from the bureau, and hastened to the table. His
guests preceded him to the dining-room, which was
just as unadorned as the rest of the house." ( 68 )
After the deatli of Kant, the house which had been
his home for twenty years was sold and turned into a
tavern, with a bowling-alley and billiard-room attached;
and thus the quiet abode of the philosopher, which was
so rich in the most interesting associations, became
the scene of noise, confusion, and carousals. A marble
tablet was placed in the front wall, bearing this
inscription : " Immanuel Kant wohnte und lehrte hier
von 178:5 bis /urn 12 Feb. 1801," The name of the
street on which it stood was changed from Princess to
Kant Street. In the spring of 1881 the house passed
over to a new owner, who intended to demolish it, to
make room for another building.
Kant s manner of life was as simple as his surround
ings, its most striking feature being its extreme regu
larity. The military order in his life was partly the
result of his youthful training, and partly the result of
the requirements of his health. In order that his body
might be the fit instrument of his mind, lie found that
great physical and mental regularity was essential. lie
feared even slight changes, lest they should affect his
health or interfere with his studies; hence he was
rigorous with himself, and made his life singularly
methodical. There was a painful anxiety in his strict
conformity to rules, which at last got the mastery over
him and excluded spontaneity.
He regarded seven hours of sleep as sufficient, and
160 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
accordingly limited himself to that number, until in old
age when he found that more was necessary. Promptly
at ten he retired, and his servant had strict orders
never to let him sleep longer than five, however
strongly he might plead for more rest. Five minutes
before five o clock, the servant entered his room every
morning, with the stern, military call, "It is time ! "
And even in the rare case of loss of sleep during the
night, Kant never hesitated a moment to obey the
summons. With a degree of pride he would sometimes
ask the servant, in the presence of his guests, whether
in thirty years he had ever been obliged to wake him
twice ? His answer was, " No, very noble Professor ! "
He rarely slept during the day. " Half jokingly, half
seriously, he would say, that as Mohammed believed
that a definite portion of food was designed for each
person, and if that was consumed rapidly death would
come the sooner ; so still more does this apply to sleep,
which should accordingly be enjoyed sparingly, in order
that one may sleep long, that is, may livelong."
When the clock struck five, Kant already sat at the
table in his dressing-gown and night-cap, over which he
wore a small three-cornered hat. His breakfast con
sisted of weak tea and a pipe of tobacco. He took, he
said, one cup of tea ; but being absorbed in thought, and
in order to keep the tea warm, he filled the cup
repeatedly, and frequently drank two or more cups.
He was very fond of coffee ; but he regarded its oil as
injurious, and avoided it altogether.
According to Jachmann, he spent till seven in the
morning in thinking over his lectures ; then he dressed,
and lectured for two hours ; at nine he immediately
donned his gown, his night-cap, his hat, and his slip-
DAILY ROUTINE. 101
pcrs, and studied from that time till a quarter to one,
when he arose and called to his cook, " It is a quarter
to one!" As he never appeared at dinner in his
dressing-gown, regarding it as a slovenly habit, lie
would then dress and return to his study, to await the
arrival of his invited guests. Even the least delay
beyond one o clock, the hour for dinner, whether on
the part of his cook or his guests, made him impatient.
During the meal itself he disliked haste, and generally
spent three hours at the table, sometimes, when the
company was large, still longer. This habit of sitting
long at table was not confined to his own home.
Hippel said, " Professor Kant liked to dine at my
house, and more than once we sat from one till
eight ; this, however, was not for the purpose of
regaling the body, but the mind." On rising from
the table he usually took a walk of an hour.
Between dinner and the walk he was careful to
avoid sitting, otherwise he could not resist sleep,
which he was determined to prevent. .Neither bad
weather nor any other circumstance was apt to inter
fere with his customary exercise. In summer he
walked very slowly, so as not to perspire; if he
noticed that he was about to do so, he at once stopped,
because he thought that his constitution required thai-
he should by all means avoid perspiration. And it is
stated as a remarkable fact that even in the hottest
weather he never perspired. ( C!) ) In his younger years
he frequently had company while taking his exercise;
in his old age he preferred u to walk alone, because the
conversation wearied him and made him breathe
through his mouth, which lie regarded as injurious.
After returning home he spent the rest of the day in
M
162 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
reading and meditation, or in preparing his lectures
for the next day. This was his usual routine after
he had his own table, one day passing like another.
While he ate at public houses, and when as tutor he
still had lectures in the afternoon, his life must, of
course, have varied considerably from this outline.
The clock-like regularity of Kant s life surprised
his friends, and became the subject of frequent
remark. The poet Heine describes it rather poetically
than with historical accuracy, as follows : " It is diffi
cult to write the history of the life of Immanuel Kant,
for he had neither life nor history. He lived the
mechanically ordered and almost abstract life of a
bachelor, in a quiet, retired little street of Konigsbcrg,
an old city on the north-eastern border of Germany.
I do not believe that the large clock of the cathedral
did its daily work with less passion and with greater
regularity than its countryman, Immanuel Kant. To
rise, drink coffee,* write, deliver lectures, eat, take
walks, everything had its appointed time; and the
neighbours knew that it was exactly half-past three
when Kant, in his grey coat and with the Spanish
reed in his hand, stepped out of his door and walked
towards the small Linden Avenue, which is still
called after him, The Philosopher s Walk. 5 Eight
times lie walked up and down there, at all seasons of
the year ; and when the weather was unfavourable or
the grey clouds portended rain, his old servant,
Lampe, might be seen wandering anxiously behind
him, with a long umbrella under his arm, like a picture
of Providence.
" Strange contrast between the outer life of this
* Should bo tea, for lie drank no cofiec.
ins MATCH IN iTNfTtTAi.riY. 10 J
man and his destructive, world-crushing thoughts !
. . . The good people (citizens of Konigsberg) saw
in him nothing but a professor of philosophy, and
when he passed, they greeted him kindly and perhaps
set their watches by him."( ro )
That he daily passed eight times up and down
" The Philosopher s AValk," is probably a product of
Heine s imagination; yet it can hardly be said that
the poet exaggerates the undeviating regularity of
Kant s life. It is extremely difficult to find a parallel
to his methodical order and promptness. There is,
therefore, a degree of satisfaction and a kind of
poetic justice in the fact that in punctuality he found
his match in an Englishman named Green, a native of
Hull, but a resident of Konigsberg, where he had an
extensive commission business. Green was probably
the most intimate friend of the philosopher, and was
more a scholar than a merchant. In his extensive
reading, the discoveries and inventions of the English
particularly interested him, and he no doubt exerted
an important influence in cultivating Kant s taste for
accounts of travel and enlarging his knowledge of
English literature. Like the philosopher, he was a
bachelor, and his house also had three inmates, himself,
a business companion, and a servant. Kant and Green,
who were very fond of each other s company, agreed
one evening to take a drive at eight the next morning.
Green was a genius of punctuality, and it is said that
on the occasion of such an appointment he would begin
to walk about his room a quarter before eight, with
watch in hand ; would put on his hat ten minutes
before eight, would take his cane five minutes later, and
at the stroke of the clock would enter the carriage.
M -2
164 TUB LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
Unfortunately Kant was not on hand when tho clock
struck, and Green, who never waited a moment for
any one, drove away. He had proceeded but a short
distance when he met his belated friend walking rapidly.
Kant greeted him and beckoned him to stop ; Green
returned the salutation, but at the same time bade him
adieu and drove on.( 7 )
Even in trifles the great thinker sometimes mani
fested an anxiety which revealed his characteristic
painstaking care. One day at dinner the servant
broke a wine-glass, and Kant ordered all the frag
ments to be gathered on a plate and placed before
him. Scarcely \vas dinner over, when he requested
his guests to go with him for the purpose of burying
the pieces, a duty which he could not entrust to his
servant. A spade was brought, and the whole party
entered the garden, to find a suitable place for inter
ment. Every proposition to bury it here or there was
met by Kant with the objection that it might one
day injure some person. At last a secluded spot was
found beside an old wall, a deep hole was dug, and in
the presence of the party the glass was carefully buried.
No picture of Kant s house is complete, unless his
old servant, Martin Lampe, is made a prominent figure
in the background. In his way he was quite a
character, and he was a very essential person in the
odd household. As the cook ruled over the kitchen
on tho ground floor, with the cat and dog as her sole
companions, so Lampc was perched on the attic, a
symbol of his elevation to the position of general
overseer, being the presiding genius of all the business
of the house ; Kant, the lone philosopher, was placed
between these two guardian angels. In rigid routine,
LAMl E. 105
Lampe was the counterpart of his master, an element
which must have contributed much to the esteem in
which the philosopher held him. lie had been a
soldier, and in the army had acquired that mechanical
regularity which characterized his service of Kant for
more than thirty years. Being careful to execute
orders promptly and literally, and knowing how to
adapt himself to the peculiarities of Kant, he had made
himself very essential to his comfort. Unfortunately he
was given to drink. His master was liberal towards him
at first, but this encouraged him in his intemperate
habits, and he was sometimes drunk in the presence
of Kant, abused his trust, demanded additions to his
salary, came home at unseasonable hours, and, in spite
of promises to do better, became worse, and at last
was regarded as incorrigible. Kant became very sus
picious of Lampe, and regarding severity as the only
successful method of dealing with him, he treated him
quite harshly. Finally, just when his services seemed
most necessary, he had to be dismissed. Jt was sus
pected that he had made an assault on Kant, who
would never tell what he had done, but said, " Lampe
has so acted towards me that I am ashamed to state
what lie did." He was discharged with a pension of
forty thalers a year for life, with the condition that
if he or an emissary ever importuned for more money,
the pension should be withdrawn.
Lampe was exceedingly ignorant ; but his long service
with Kant made him conceited, evidently thinking
that contact with the famous philosopher had enabled
him to absorb considerable wisdom. It is said that
Kant and he frequently disputed about the names of
things, the titles of books, and the pronunciation of
100 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
words; For over thirty years Lampc had boon sent
twice a week to fetch the Hartung newspaper ; and to
avoid the confounding of this with the Hamburg paper,
Kant was always obliged to repeat its name to the
servant ; still he could not remember it, and constantly
called it the Hartmann paper. Kant would order him
to say Hartung ; but the implication that he must learn
its name from his master vexed him, and in a rough
tone he would say, " Hartung s paper ;" but the very
next time it was brought, the name was sure to be
wrong again. There was, however, one thing which
Kant did succeed in teaching him, namely, who was
king of England. Jokingly he would ask him in the
presence of his guests, "Who is the King of England ?
He was taught to reply, " Mr. Pitt." And it is stated
that at last the notion that Pitt was king took such
complete possession of Kant s own mind, that lie
wanted to know of no other King of England.
Not till his old age was Kant s bedroom heated
in winter, but his study was kept very warm. Lampe
had the most explicit orders about the temperature ;
but as ho consulted the thermometer only when
he made the fire, the study was generally too hot, a
condition of things to which Kant became accustomed,
and which he at last actually required, so that he
wanted seventy-five degrees Fahrenheit, and some-
limes even had a fire in July or August.
\Vhilo Kant was all theory and thoroughly unskilful
in mechanical affairs, Lampc was as innocent of skill as
he was of theory, but possessed much rude force. As
a consequence, both were apt to be perplexed over
trifles, especially when things were out of repair.
Kant would plan how to mend a broken article, where-
LAMPE S MAKKLUJK. 107
upon Lampo would proceed to put the theory into
practice; but by the application of excessive and un
skilled force he often succeeded in reducing the article
to a condition which put all future repair out of the
question.
Kant was exacting, and demanded implicit and literal
obedience. Lampe was not only required to manage
the affairs of the house just as he had received direc
tions, but also to appear before the guests dressed as
his master desired. In waiting on the table he wore
a white coat with a red collar; on one occasion, how
ever, he ventured to appear in a yellow coat, instead
of the regulation uniform. Kant was indignant, and
ordered him to sell the coat at once, promising to make
good the loss sustained in the transaction. Then he
learned to his astonishment that Lampe was a
widower, that he expected to be married again on the
next day, and that he had purchased the coat as his
wedding garment. This was a revelation to Kant,
who had all along been under the impression that his
servant stood with himself on the exalted plane of
bachelorhood ; and Lampe fell greatly in his estimation.
Ft was not merely the yellow coat, instead of the while
one with a red collar but to think that the servant
should have been married, and Kant not know it, and
that he contemplated marriage again on the morrow
without consulting his master ! AVe are, therefore, not
surprised to learn from Kink, "It is true that Kant
was very indignant on account of Lampe s marriage,
and it was the first cause of his dissatisfaction with
his old servant." .And in a note-book the philosopher
wrote, " Lampe is a poor servant; first, because he
cannot write, and second, because he is married,
1(38 TIIE LIFE OE 1MMANUEL KANT.
not only without my consent, but even against my
will."
Kant paid an attention to dress which is scarcely to
be expected from the hard student and learned pro
fessor, and least of all from the speculative philosopher.
French fashions, as well as French manners, language,
and literature, were popular in Germany. The courts
aped Paris and set the fashions for the people ; but
after the French monarchy had been overthrown, these
courts were less inclined to follow slavishly the modes
of Paris, and the Revolution, also introduced more
simplicity of dress in that city than was characteristic
of the old styles. Before that time, the French
fashions had made bright colours common in gentle
men s apparel, and Kant s costume formed no exception
to the general rule.
We should naturally expect our philosopher to appear
in society dressed in black ; but his friend Borowski
states that he never wore black except when there was
national mourning. Kant declared that it was better
to be a fool in fashion than to be out of fashion, and this
was his rule in the choice of his garments. Instead of
regarding minute attention to such affairs as unworthy,
he thought it showed a proper esteem for our fellow-
men. Nature, he said, particularly the flowers, teaches
the most important lessons in the choice of colours for
garments; thus the auricula shows us that a yellow
vest belongs to a brown coat. Jachmann says, " He
wore a little three-cornered hat, and a small, blonde,
powdered wig with a bag attached ; a black necktie,
and a shirt with ruffles around the throat and wrists ;
a coat, pantaloons, and vest of fine cloth, generally a
mixture of black, brown and yellow ; grey silk stockings,
ATTENTION TO DRESS. 109
and shoes with silver buckles ; lie also wore a sword
while it was still fashionable, but afterwards carried
an ordinary reed cane. According to the prevailing
fashion, the coat, vest, and pantaloons were bordered
with gold cord, and the buttons were covered with
gold or silver threads. This was his usual dress,
even in the lecture-room, where the worn garments
did their last service." To this strict compliance
with the requirements of fashion his hat formed an
exception. For over twenty years lie continued to
wear the same three-cornered one ; at last he used it
while reading, the brim being turned down so as to
shield his eyes.
To another acquaintance of the philosopher we are
indebted for a description of his dress in old age.
"He was always neatly dressed; and his deeply
serious face, his head drooping somewhat to one side,
his regular though not too [slow step, attracted reve
rential looks towards him. The bright sandy colour of
his dress, which afterwards yielded to a deeper brown,
must not surprise us ; all kinds of bright colours were
at that time preferred, and black was reserved for
funerals and mourning. On warm days he went,
according to the prevailing custom, with his head un
covered, his hat held on the gold head of his reed cane,
a finely powered wig adorning his head. Silk stockings
and silk shoes also belonged to the usual dress of a
well-clad man."
\Ve can even catch a glimpse of Kant s attire in his
study. Count Purgstall, who called on him early one
morning in 1795, states that lie found the little philo
sopher at work in his study, in a yellow dressing-
gown, a red, silk, Polish necktie, and with a night-cap
170 THE LIFE OF IM11ANDEL KANT.
on his head ! ( 72 ) Over this night-cap he usually wore
his three-cornered hat.
He was as particular about the portraits of himself
as he was in the matter of dress. A Jew had made
an engraving of him which so displeased Kant that
he threatened to sue the artist if he sold any of the
pictures. His anger was no doubt justifiable, for
Hamann says that the picture made him look like a
monster, at the sight of which women and children
should cross themselves. When the sculptor Schadow
sent an artist to Konigsberg, to make a model of the
aged philosopher, for a marble bust, the man asked
Kant whether he should model him altogether faith
fully ? His answer was, " So old and ugly as I am
now you must not make me."
Kant understood the rare art of making his re
laxation the means of recreation as well as of culture.
Between study and recreation he drew a sharp line,
regarding the one as work and the other as play, but
lie knew how to make the play profitable, using it to
rest the mind and yet as a stimulus and the means
of mental development. He who reduced the opera
tions of the intellect to their laws was not disposed
to leave anything to chance, but reduced conduct to
maxims, and even gave rules for table-talk. As he
desired the mind to have room for spontaneous activity
at table and during walks, he wished to avoid the
consideration of abstract and profound themes on
such occasions, and to give free play to the imagina
tion. Reading or meditation he regarded as injurious
then, and ho also says, "Music at the feast of great
lords is the most insipid nonsense which gluttony ever
invented." His delight at table was in lively and
M A X I M S TO R TA B L K-T A F. K . J 7 I
cheerful conversation, of which ho gives the natural
order as follows : First, the news of the day, namely,
home news, then foreign, whether received by letter or
from papers; second, discussion of subjects; third,
wit and humour, so that the repast may end with
laughter, which is calculated to promote digestion.
For a banquet, lie gives the following : A subject
should be chosen which will interest all and give to
each one an opportunity of saying something ; there
must be no dead silence, but only momentary pauses ;
the subjects should not be varied often, for at the end
the mind takes pleasure in reviewing the course of
the conversation ; an entertaining subject should be
nearly exhausted before it is dropped, though if the
conversation begins to drag, one must understand how
to introduce an allied subject ; there should be no
dogmatic spirit, and as the aim of the conversation is
play rather than work, the tendency to be dogmatic
should be checked by a skilfully applied joke ; in
serious disputes, which cannot be avoided, care must
be taken that they are carried on properly, so that the
disputants may not lose respect for each other, which
depends more on the tone of the voice than on the
subject under discussion.
Our philosopher knew how to practise as well as to
formulate these rules. In order to make the occasion
cheerful and to avoid being left to his meditations,
he generally had t wo guests for dinner ; on special occa
sions there were five, his household arrangements not
being adapted to entertain more than six persons. ( rs )
It was only on his birthday that this number was
exceeded. lie regarded Chesterfield s rule as excellent ;
namely, that the company at table, the host included,
172 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
should not be less than the Graces nor more than tho
Muses; and he thought that for the most enjoyable
company the number of the Graces should not bo
greatly exceeded. It was his wish that the guests
should come for the special purpose of enjoying each
other s company, not for the sake of the eating, which
they could do at home.
For many years he ate only one meal a day, but
that with a keen appetite. The dinner usually con
sisted of three courses, namely, soup, dried pulse with
fish, and a roast, together with a dessert of cheese,
to which fruit was added in summer. When he enter
tained a large company, an extra course was provided
and also cake. Every guest had a pint bottle of wine
beside his plate, red or white, whichever he preferred.
Kant had the reputation of being a very hearty eater,
but it should be remembered that for many years,
aside from the tea in the morning, he took no other
refreshment between his dinners. He always drank
wine and water at dinner, never beer, against which he
had a strong prejudice. If he heard of any one who
died in the prime of life, Kant would say, " He
probably drank beer;" and if the indisposition of a
person was mentioned, he was apt to ask, " Does he
drink beer at night ? " He regarded that beverage as
slow poison.
As a host, Kant made special efforts to please his
guests, and noted their favourite dishes, in order that
he might provide them when they appeared at the
table the next time. In the invitation of his guests he
manifested unusual delicacy, never inviting them on
the preceding day, lest the acceptance of his invitation
at that time might interfere with accepting any other
SUBJECTS DISCUSSED AT TABLE. 173
invitation which they might receive; but he always
invited them on the day their company was desired.
For awhile Professor Kraus dined with him daily,
Sundays excepted ; yet Kant had him invited every
morning, thinking that this was required by politeness ;
and though Kant was a regular Sunday guest at the
house of an English friend, named Motherby (Green s
partner), this friend, in deference to his views, was
careful to send him an invitation every Sunday
morning.
ills usual guests, knowing his rigid punctuality,
were careful to arrive in time; and promptly at one
o clock Lampe would open the door and say, " The
soup is on the table." In passing from the study to
the dining-room the weather was the usual subject of
conversation, the theme being continued after they
were seated. This was one of his favourite topics.
lie made his observations of its state with curious
care, frequently consulting the barometer and thermo
meter, which were hung conveniently near for that
purpose; he discussed the influence of the weather on
health and mortality, and liked to have his guests
speak on the same topic. Instead of regarding it as a
hackneyed theme which should be excluded from
society, he thought it the most natural topic to intro
duce a conversation. Other subjects might seem
abrupt, but tin? weather naturally suggests itself when
one lias just come into the house, and especially is it
an excellent and easy theme for young persons and
those easily embarrassed. ( 7I )
When seated at table, Kant would say, " Xow,
gentlemen ! " which was the signal for beginning the
dinner. He wanted his miests to feel as much at
174 THE LIFE OF IM MANUEL KANT.
home as if in their own house ; ceremony was banished,
and each guest, contrary to the rules prevalent in
society, was expected to help himself. Kant set the
example of freedom from restraint, to promote which
he sometimes used provincialisms, and encouraged his
guests to clothe same. As no ladies were present, the
conventional forms of mixed society were the more
easily laid aside.
Careful as Kant was to provide for the appetite of
his guests, he was still more solicitous to promote
their social enjoyment. In his estimation, hearty
cheerfulness was the best spice for the entertainment,
and towards furnishing this he did his part. Not only
was he fond of talking, but he also had remarkable
conversational powers ; and even if his guests had
little to say, he was satisfied if they were good listeners.
Philosophy was usually excluded, since it required too
much reflection, and he rarely made mention of his
own books. It usually displeased him to hear unfavour
able comments on others ; nor did he like allusions to
crimes or great evils of society, since they suggest un
pleasant reflections. But he liked to consider the news
of the day, especially if political in its character ;
medicine and sanitary affairs ; accounts of travel,
together with the peculiarities of countries, people,
and individuals ; general literature ; and also ordinary
topics, such as the preparation of food. His fondness
for tracing etymologies, as well as for humour and the
ludicrous, was displayed to advantage at the table.
His satire was keen, but amusing rather than stinging.
He understood the art of combining the serious and
the ludicrous, without detriment to either. A rich
fund of anecdotes was at his command ; he told them
P.RILLIAXT CONVERSATIONALIST. 175
admirably, relating with most pleasure such as took a
humorous turn. His favourite Latin and German
poets were also made tributary to the enlivening of
the entertainment. Sometimes ho became deeply
interested in a subject, spoke with much animation,
and for the time forgot his dinner. In fact, Kant was
the most entertaining of hosts, as well as the most
critical of philosophers, and his guests describe his
table-talk with an enthusiasm such as could only have
been inspired by a man of rare conversational powers.
He surely must have had remarkable social qualities
who daily interested, instructed, and charmed his
guests by the hour. The philosopher was lost in the
agreeable companion, and the isolated student in the
man of society and the brilliant conversationalist. But
what to him was a mere play of the faculties would
to many others have been work; for in the close
distinctions, the careful analysis, the broad gene
ralizations, the sententious and wise suggestions,
the philosopher would appear in spite of himself, so
that even in his play he could not get out of the
atmosphere of his study altogether. His ready
memory brought to his command rich stores of learn
ing gathered from various departments of literature
and science, and the whole was illuminated and per
meated by his genial spirit. Here, as well as in his
books, the marvellous fertility of his mind was
revealed. " Even on his guests he lavished an incal
culable wealth of ideas; he often gave utterance to
numerous sagacious thoughts, of which he himself was
scarcely conscious afterwards, or which lie did not
think it worth while to expand farther or to prove."
While this daily meeting with a few select friends
176 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
occurred only during the last seventeen years of his
life, he occupied a prominent social position for over
fifty years. Before he had his own table he accepted
invitations frequently ; subsequently he found more
pleasure in the company of his own guests than in
general society, which he, consequently, entered only
occasionally after he was sixty-three years of age.
Company was a necessity to him, in order that he
might give expression to his views and exercise his
social nature. Rink, one of his guests, says, " For
the last twenty-five years of his life Kant belonged to
the world only during dinner ; and then, too, he was,
in a certain sense, in his study. The rest of his time
was devoted to speculation, even when he was engaged
in considering subjects of general interest. On this
account his views w^ere generally very attractive, those
of the most ordinary affairs not excepted, and his con
versation was as entertaining as it was instructive.
But he gave himself to company rather because it was
a necessity to him than for the sake of learning anything
from society." Formerly he went into company in the
evening ; but these social entertainments generally
lasted so long as not merely to interfere seriously with
his studies, but also with his sleep, and therefore he
generally avoided them in later years.
The circle in which he moved was not confined to
scholars, but included persons of various occupations
and degrees of attainment. Class distinctions were
much more marked in Germany, during last century,
than at present, and the nobility were more aristocratic
and exclusive ; but in spite of his humble origin, Kant s
intellectual and social superiority made him a frequent
and welcome guest in noble families, who felt compli-
THE SOCIAL CIKCI.K. 177
mcntecl by the presence of so eminent and entertaining
a scholar. In meeting merchants, seamen, military
and civil officers, literary and scientific men, in society,
he not only received new impulses, but also had an
opportunity to use his varied attainments and to
exercise and develop the popular elements of his nature.
With all classes he became a favourite, and with some
of the highest he became quite intimate, including
generals, governors of the province, and the first of
the nobility. Those who occupied the most prominent
positions and held the highest rank were not ashamed
to sit at his feet as learners and to do honour to his
ripe scholarship. It is natural that his fame and his
learning should have especially attracted men of intel
lectual tastes and aspirations, and he frequently asso
ciated with professors, students, ministers, physicians,
authors, and booksellers, was free and lively with
all, appreciated intellect wherever he found it, and his
superior knowledge of men and his versatility enabled
him to adapt himself to the most varied tastes and
degrees of mental attainments. The world of children
he scarcely knew except from his observation of them
during his walks ; nevertheless when he met the little
ones in the homes whose hospitality he accepted, he
made an effort to adapt himself to them, and was
so successful in winning their confidence that they
anticipated his coming with glee, and gladly talked to
him about their studies.
"While thu speculative works of Kant give no idea of
the popular elements in him, he wrote other books
which reveal these qualities almost as clearly as they
were seen in his social intercourse. That this dry
metaphysician could also be sprightly and popular is
N
178 TIIH LIFE OF IMMAXUKL KANT.
evident from Ins book on " The Emotion of the Beauti
ful and the Sublime." Rosenkranz portrays the author
as he imagines him to have appeared when this book
was published, in 1764, at the age of forty. ( 75 )
" Kant, at the time he wrote this book and so
diligently enlarged it, seems to have studied man in
his empirical reality with much pleasure. The very
contrast with his former abstract studies probably
made his naturally naive and penetrating observation
the more keen. Imagine the beautiful magister, as
they called him in the city, in elegant attire, when, his
morning lectures being finished, he visited a restaurant
before dinner, took a cup of tea or coffee, and played
a game of billiards ; picture him to yourself after this
at table, entertaining his companions with his humour ;
and then, after he has worked again and taken his
walk, see him in the evening, as Herder describes him,
shining in all classes of society ! Would one not
believe that I am not speaking of last century, least
of all of Kant, but of a philosopher of our own times
in Paris ? " The company which he entered, as well
as his books, was a study to him, audit was the means
of enlarging his views of human nature. The same
author says, " It is astonishing how, without ever
having travelled, he studied the whole world, and
became acquainted with every people, with every class,
and with every important city."
The time just described, namely, when he was forty
years of age, was probably his most brilliant social
period. Aspiring, spirited, and versatile, he was
hearty in his social relations as he was profound in his
studies. It was at this time that Hamann wrote,
" Kant loves the truth as much as he does the tone of
ATTRACTIVE COMPANION. 170
good society." Herder was his student during this
period, and his enthusiastic account of the philosopher
introduces him to us as a popular lecturer and brilliant
companion, as well as a metaphysician. Much of his
sprightliness and vigour were lost in old age ; but
his fondness for company and his social influence con
tinued as long as he was able to enter society. We
have a sketch of him in the social circle at the age of
seventy, which represents him as still lively and enter
taining. In 1794 one who belonged to the number of
his guests invited him to his wedding. " Seated at
table, opposite the bridal couple, he not only enter
tained them with continual conversation, but the entire
company, which was pretty large, listened eagerly to
his remarks made in a low tone ; when he lost himself
too deeply in thought, he would skilfully and grace
fully change the current by means of a joke, which
gave occasion for a laugh." ( 76 )
Another account of the philosopher about the same
time, or perhaps a few years later, reveals him as he
appeared in his own house. " He receives you kindly,
converses on the most sublime or the most ordinary
affairs, as you please, and docs not become impatient
at your long stay. How significant this patience is in
the case of a man like Kant, you can imagine when
you remember that his name is known from the rising
to the setting of the sun, and his fame has spread
everywhere ; that nearly every traveller desires to see
him, and that he rarely refuses any one this privilege ;
and that among these curious ones are, no doubt, many
who know little or nothing of him except his name, and
who think of the great Kant only as a giant. ... If
you come with a letter of recommendation, or if ho
N 2
180 THE LIL^E OF 1MMANUEL KANT.
takes a fancy to you, he will probably invite you to Ins
small dinner-party ; for he rarely eats alone, but has
one or two friends, though never a large company.
These small gatherings have this pleasant feature that,
independent of what a dainty palate may find there,
they have great attractions for the mind, since Kant
makes a constant effort to entertain his friends. And
when I tell you that this man unites a comprehensive
genius with a great mass of choice knowledge gathered
from all branches of science and literature ; that his
conversation is most agreeable, and that he speaks
much and with pleasure : then you will readily believe
me that a person cannot hear him enough, and that,
without longing for them, one is reminded of the
symposia of the wise men of Greece. He is particu
larly fond of physical geography and politics ; espe
cially are political affairs his favourite themes, or rather
his recreation. A large part of his spare hours,
especially Sunday forenoons, he spends in reading
newspapers and other periodical literature. It is
exceedingly interesting and instructive to hear his
opinions of the subjects discussed, for he throws light
on many points, and through his keen insight much
which seems insignificant becomes highly important ;
he espies unsuspected causes of effects which seem to
be altogether heterogeneous ; and finally he draws
conclusions from the present respecting the future,
some of which have proved to be only too true.
Especially must his remarks, descriptions, and anec
dotes, respecting geography, particularly physical
geography, rivet the attention of every one." The
writer says that Kant is acquainted with the " situa
tion, climate, government, and remarkable and peculiar
ms SOCIETY Mini sorcirr. 181
features of all lands," and adds, " You can well
imagine that every intelligent person desires and seeks
the company and conversation of such a man. The
first merchants of Konigsberg seek to draw him into
their circle, and he by no means lives like an anchoret
in the lonely Princess Street. Gladly and frequently
he enters society . . . and is, as it were, the soul of these
social circles ; for he likes to talk alone and to mono
polize the conversation, which in others is generally
regarded as a fault, but is gladly seen in his case."
We are not surprised that the author of this sketch says
that one would hardly believe this merry companion to
be the author of the " Kritik of Pure Reason." ( 77 )
Indeed, this bachelor philosopher was declared by
friends to be the most agreeable man they had ever
met in society.
While a dogmatic tone in company offended him,
direct and persistent contradiction angered him. His
great attainments, his social position, his fame and
influence, gave him confidence in himself and a
supremacy which could not easily be disputed. If
contradicted, he was sometimes free in showing his
displeasure, and in giving unmistakable proof that
his emotional nature was not wholly suppressed.
Kant knew full well what was due to him, and
he demanded from others that respect which he
was himself ready to manifest towards them. In
his advanced years he required that the strangers
who desired to meet him at the houses of friends should
first call on him, a rule to which persons high in
authority were no exception. Xicolavius, Kant s
publisher in Konigsberg, invited him to his house to
meet Count F. L. von Stolberg, who was on his way
182 TUE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
to St. Petersburg ; but as the count had not called on
him, he refused to go. When, however, on the count s
return to Konigsberg, he visited the philosopher, Kant
accepted the invitation of his publisher to meet the
distinguished nobleman.
A spirit of servility and expressions of excessive
devotion and humiliation were common even among
scholars. In proportion as genuine worth decreased,
the love of its counterfeit, empty titles, seemed to
increase, together with the tendency to use hyper
bolical expressions of regard. Kant, especially in his
later years, despised this spirit, whether it appeared in
society or literature, and desired a politeness which
was deeper than the surface, and a refinement in which
there was truth and honesty, heartiness and indepen
dence.
But little can be said of the relation of Kant to his
kindred. Between him and his brother there was no
intimacy while the latter was a student. Borowski,
who lived in Konigsberg, says, " Here their relation and
intercourse amounted to nothing more than that the
younger heard the lectures of his brother Immanuel,
and after the lectures they perhaps exchanged a few
words with each other." For many years his rela
tives in Konigsberg received no attention or recogni
tion from him, and he rarely spoke of them to his
acquaintances. Though he lived in the same city with
his sisters, it is said that he did not speak to them
for twenty-five years. ( 78 ) They had been servant-
girls, and had married according to their rank ; but
however illiterate they were, and however humble
their station, this conduct is surprising, and the
most charitable construction that can be put on the
KKLATIVES.
matter suggests a weakness in this man who was so
truly great in many respects. Jachmann attempts to
explain this treatment of his sisters, by the statement
that his studies and position had taken him altogether
out of the sphere of his family; that he was at that
time in such moderate circumstances that he could
not give them the help which they probably expected ;
and that he feared lest he might prove a burden to
them ; but such reasons have little or no weight where
there is any family affection. In his old age he held
more communication with them, and also gave them
pecuniary aid. Pie presented to each niece a wedding-
gift, and bestowed a pension on his younger sister, as
well as on the widow of his brother, giving annually
two hundred dollars or more to his relatives, who also
inherited the greater part of his property.
His younger sister was brought to his house some
six months before his death, in order to assist in
nursing him. She was six years his junior, and
resembled him strikingly ; in early life they had been
much attached to each other. When brought to his
house it seemed to require a special effort on his part
to realize that she was his sister ; when he recognized
her as such he apologized for her lack of culture. (")
When we consider the breadth and depth of Kant s
knowledge, his profound views of human nature, and
his observations in society, wo arc surprised that in
his views of woman he did not rise above the ordinary
prejudices of the day. Her intellectual and social
position was lower then than at present, though there
are still many in Germany who have a mortal dread
that the higher education of woman may tranHcrnd
the limits fixed by nature for her intellectual develop-
184 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
merit. Those who expect from Kant broad views
respecting woman, must not forget to study his
opinions in the light of that day ; even then they w r ill
likely conclude that the philosophic bachelor, limited
in his observations of humanity to Konigsberg, early
losing his mother, and avoiding all intercourse with
his sisters, was not the man to do justice to woman.
Touching many womanly qualities he speaks beauti
fully and justly, saying much that is apt and striking ;
but, taken as a whole, his views of her are unworthy
of his great name.
In his book on " The Emotion of the Beautiful and
the Sublime," he characterizes the female as the beau
tiful, and the male as, essentially, the noble and the
sublime sex ; and his effort to be consistent with this
classification makes him unjust, so that he fails to dis
cover the noble and sublime qualities so often found
in woman. He regards the difference of sex as the
peculiar charm of woman, and places a low estimate
on her mental attractiveness. She may study pro
foundly, but it will be at the expense of her real
charms. "A woman who has her head full of Greek,
or who can dispute learnedly on mechanics, might also
have a beard, for this would probably help to give
more fully that look of profundity which she seeks to
obtain." ( 80 ) " The beautiful understanding chooses,
as objects of study, whatever is related to the finer
feelings, and leaves abstract speculation or knowledge,
which is useful but dry, to the diligent, thorough,
and deep understanding ; therefore woman will not
study geometry."
His notion of woman s education corresponds with
his opinion of her intellectual capacities and mission.
VI KWS OF WOMAN. 185
The view of a map of the world is to be made pleasant
to her, and a general and superficial knowledge of
the earth is all that women need. "Neither is it
necessary for them to know anything more of the
universe than is required to make a view of the
heavens, on a beautiful evening, affecting, after they
have in some measure apprehended the fact that there
arc other worlds than ours, and that in them beautiful
creatures are found." Her science is not reasoning,
but the emotions ; and he says with respect to her
education, " There should never be cold and specula
tive instruction, but always emotions, and these should
be such as lie as near as possible to her sexual rela
tions."
He does not regard woman capable of great moral
strength, and thinks that she will not avoid evil
because it is wrong, but because it is ugly. For
women there must be "nothing of shall, nothing of
must, nothing of duty. . . . They do a tiling only
because it pleases them, and the art consists in making
them love only what is good. I scarcely believe that
the beautiful sex has capacity for principles ; and 1
hope that in making this statement I do not offend,
for these are very rare even among men. Instead of
these, Providence has put into their bosom kind and
beneficent emotions, a fine sense of propriety, and an
obliging soul. By no means let sacrifices and grand
self-restraint be required. A man must never tell his
wife if he risks a part of his wealth for the sake of a
friend. Why should he fetter her cheerful talkative
ness by burdening her mind with weighty secrets
which belong only to him? Even many of her faults
are, so to speak, beautiful faults."
186 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
When woman remained in what he regarded as her
proper sphere, he spoke of her kindly and respectfully.
Heilsberg, his friend from his youth, said, " He was
no great admirer of the female sex, and declared that
they deserved esteem nowhere except at home, and
for their domestic virtues." Eegarding their social
influence as refining, he advised his young friends to
associate with ladies of culture. He said, " A man
has taste for his own sake ; a woman makes herself
an object of taste for every one." But while admit
ting this refining influence of ladies society, he did not
want them to converse with him on learned topics,
and disliked to hear them speak about his " Kritik;"
and though he spoke frequently and even passionately
on the French Revolution, he did not want a woman
to talk to him on the subject. Once a lady persisted
in speaking with him on learned affairs, which he
as persistently tried to avoid ; observing this, she
remarked that women might be learned as well as
men, and that there had been scholarly women. Kant
answered, " Yes, indeed, such as they were ! " At
another time, having discussed at length the prepara
tion of food, one of his favourite topics, a lady highly
esteemed by him said, " It really seems, dear professor,
as if you regarded all of us as mere cooks." He then
spoke of cooking and its supervision as an honour to
any woman, and presented such cogent reasons as to
win the favour of all the ladies present.
In society he frequently showed much attention to
ladies, and gave evidence of fondness for their company.
Nor was the critical philosopher blind to the fascinations
of artless and beautiful young ladies ; on the contrary,
he took pleasure in conversing with them. He prized
WOMAN S SFHEKE. 187
the presence of women chiefly as a means of recreation;
and lie says that the society of women is not in
tended for conversation which leads to reflection, but
for the recreation of men. The ladies whom he appre
ciated most were those who were endowed with taste and
with the power to charm, but who nevertheless culti
vated the domestic virtues. Holding that womankind
has a passion for dominion, he said, " Woman, because
she always wants to rule, does not hesitate to marry
a fool." Instead of seeking to rule, he wants her to be
humble, retiring, and satisfied with her domestic sphere.
Sometimes woman was the subject of his playful
humour. He compared her with a town clock, saying
that she ought to be like one, so as to do everything
punctually, to the very minute ; and yet not like one
in proclaiming all secrets publicly. Again, he com
pared her with a snail, declaring that she should be
domestic and attached to her home ; and yet she should
not be like a snail so as to carry all she has on her
back. Once he proved to some ladies that they could
not get to heaven ; for, he said, in Revelation it is stated
that there was silence in heaven for half an hour, a
condition of things which cannot be imagined where
there are women.
Kant s views of woman were too common in Germany,
during the eighteenth century, to occasion much sur
prise;^ 1 ) and they did not affect his position in
society, nor did he forfeit the admiration of the
ladies of Konigsberg. His learning and fame, his
cultivated manners and remarkable conversational
powers, won their admiration. Countess Kayserling
was only one of the many ladies who admired his
superb talents and sought his company. After his death
188 THR LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
a noble lady wrote, " I have enjoyed beautiful and
spirited conversations with this interesting and cele
brated man. In the house of my cousin I daily con
versed with this lovely companion. . . . Kant was a
friend of this family for thirty years. . . . Often I saw
him there when he was so entertaining that one would
never have suspected in him the deep thinker who
brought about so great a revolution in philosophy. In
conversation he sometimes clothed even abstract ideas
in a lovely garb, and he lucidly explained every state
ment he made. Charming wit was at his command,
and occasionally his conversation was seasoned with
light satire, expressed naturally and in the driest
tone."( 82 ) In spite of his dread of learned women,
some ladies studied his philosophy and became his
professed disciples.
With such views of woman and with his depreciation
of the emotions, we cannot expect exalted views of
marriage from the bachelor philosopher; he, in fact,
regarded it rather as a yoke for both husband and
wife.( 83 ) The " Anthropology " says, " He who loves,
may still be able to see; he who falls in love is un
avoidably blind towards the beloved object ; but in a
week after marriage he usually regains his sight." He
gave friends the advice to marry from rational con
siderations rather than for the sake of the affections ;
and he enforced his advice by relating the experience
of a man who had married twice, his first wife chiefly
for her wealth, the second because he loved her,
and in the end he found that he had been as happy
with the one as with the other. Kant thought that
money would outlast beauty and all other charms, and
Avould confer enduring benefits.
I.OVE AFFAIRS. 1 - .
While lie was not really averse to marriage, and
sometimes even desired to aid a- friend in the choice
of a companion, he nevertheless extolled the advan
tages of single blessedness. His most favourite poem
was an epithalamium, which praised celibacy, men
tioning as illustrious examples the Pope, Democritus,
Thales, Descartes, and Leibnitz. With special pleasure
and marked emphasis he always gave the thought,
" Permit me to say that I have no wife."( sl ) The
poem closed with a special reference to the couple for
whose wedding it was written, making them an ex
ception to the general rule that single life is preferable
to marriage. This close particularly pleased the
philosopher, and he frequently quoted it when any
exception to a rule was discussed :
" The rule remains, Otic should not marry ;
But we except this worthy pair."( M )
Kant, the confirmed bachelor, might extol single
blessedness ; but in his younger years he had doubts
whether he himself ought not to form an exception to
the rule that one should not marry. Even the critical
metaphysician was not wholly a stranger to the emotion
of love. One of his books, written at the age of forty,
contains this passage, where he speaks of the charms
of woman : " I do not like to enter into detailed
analyses of this kind, for in such cases the author
always seems to describe his own affections. Where
the poet writes a sonnet to become master of his heart,
the philosopher writes a treatise." It has been sus
pected that this was written when he was moved by
the attractions of some lady, There are evidences of
at least three love affairs, and there is no doubt that he
had serious intentions of marriage. Once his heart
190 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
was touched by a gentle and attractive widow, who was
visiting relatives in Konigsberg. Kant came to the
conclusion that she would make him a suitable com
panion, and he would have liked to marry her; but he
who was so prompt in other affairs, weighed this
serious matter so philosophically, and to determine
whether he could afford to marry, he estimated his
income and expenses so mathematically, that while he
was still trying to solve the knotty problems involved,
the charming widow left the city and married another
man. The second time he was captivated by a pretty
"Westphalian maiden, who came to Konigsberg as the
travelling-companion of a noble lady. She was clever
and had received a careful domestic training, and
Kant repeatedly gave evidence that he took pleasure
in her society. It is probable that in theory it was
already settled that she should be Mrs. Kant, but his
matrimonial did not surpass his mechanical .skill ; he
again delayed his proposal, and she was already on the
border of Westphalia before he knew of her departure.
At another time he was disposed to marry a lady who
lived in Konigsberg; but on a nearer acquaintance
she lost her attractions, and he regarded her as unfit
for his companion. ( fc6 )
While his heart may have held secret treasures of
affection, those mentioned are the only cases known
to have led our philosopher to the verge of matrimony.
If he had been less deliberate, he might have had
occasion to praise married life as he did the single
state. After these three experiences in love affairs, he
seems to have abandoned all thought of marriage, and
sometimes he would leave a company in displeasure
where, even in sport, he was exhorted to marry.
- EX1IOKTATIOXS TO MAKKY. 101
Some of his friends were solicitous that he should
enter the matrimonial state; and one day, when Kant
was already seventy, a friend entered his room and asked
him whether he was not going to marry, at the same
time presenting the advantages of the married state.
The philosopher, however, treated the affair humor
ously. The friend then gave him a small pamphlet on
marriage, declaring that he had published it chiefly in
the hope of inducing him to marry. Kant took the
pamphlet politely, paid the expense of its publication,
and treated the whole matter as a good joke.
192 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
CHAPTER VII.
KANT AND HIS FRIENDS.
Views of friendship Excellence of heart Countess Kayserling
General Meyer Green Motherby Hamann Von Hippel
Scheffner Borowski Jachmann Kraus.
KANT was too cold, critical, and calculating, to be
ardent as a lover or a friend ; and even if his emotional
nature had been more developed, he lived too much
in his speculations, and yielded too little to the
impulses of the heart, to cultivate enthusiastic friend
ship. " He was never diffuse in compliments or in
empty phrases, and least of all was he lavish in the
effusions of his heart. His friendship always remained
good, substantial prose." This statement of Borowski
is confirmed by Wasianski : " Kant had adopted the
delusive paradox of Aristotle, * My friends ! there are
no friends/ He seemed not to give the expression
friend the usual meaning, but rather to regard it
somewhat as servant is used at the close of a letter."
In speaking of him as an old man, he adds, " Till
now he had been sufficient unto himself ; and as he
knew suffering only by name, he had needed no friend."
But in his helplessness, Kant admitted that Aristotle s
paradox is false, and that friendship is something real.
There were only two or three friends whom he
VIEWS OP FRIENDSHIP. 193
addressed with the familiar " Du " (Thou), which
among the Germans implies special intimacy ; and
these had all been fellow-students. Even in their
case this mode of address at last became distasteful
to him, but he declared that it was then unavoidable.
To his most intimate guests his relation was that of a
kind, spirited, and familiar acquaintance rather than
of affectionate friendship. In one of his books he
says that a friend in need is much to be desired ; " but
it is also a great burden to be tied to the fate of others
and to be loaded with their needs." Whilst it may
be consonant with love to accept a benefit from another,
he thinks it lowers esteem for self, and that, conse
quently, one prefers to bear his burdens alone and
to conceal them from others, though he will flatter
himself that in time of need he can depend on the
assistance of his friend. Expressions like these, made
when he was seventy-three, give an insight into his
emotional nature, and create the suspicion that ho
had no conception of a love which sacrifices cheerfully,
expects no recompense, implies no subjection on the
part of the recipient, has its source in the very nature
of the heart, and finds a rich reward in obeying its own
impulses. Instead of an affectionate, he wants a moral
friendship, which he defines as the full confidence of
two persons in each other in the mutual communica
tion of their private views and feelings so far as they
harmonize with the esteem of each for the other.
He in fact makes this esteem, and not affection, the
essence, and affirms that this moral friendship which he
advocates is different from the affectional. His friend
ship is rather a matter of maxims than the communion
of soul with soul.
194 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
But while he was far from being demonstrative or
impulsive as a friend, he was very kind, and at times
obliging to an unusual degree. Childlikeness was
one of his most marked characteristics ; this made
him frank and cordial, though the rules to which he
rigidly bound himself restrained the expressions of his
heart. His truthfulness, integrity, and sincerity, were
crowned by a generous nature; but he had so disciplined
this nature that its generosity ran in the grooves of
maxims, instead of being a freely flowing spring
bubbling spontaneously from the heart. While later
in life the halo of glory thrown around him by his
great fame no doubt helped to inspire that enthusiasm
with which numerous admirers speak of him, the
devoted and lasting attachment of so many can only
be accounted for by admitting the existence of the
excellencies of heart and mind which they ascribe to
him. AVasianski says, " He was very humane, was
free from all desire to domineer, was no one s enemy,
treated his colleagues with confidence and friendship,
aided young scholars with counsel and otherwise, and
introduced young authors to the public by writing
prefaces for their books." Jachmann s brother was
desirous of studying in Edinburgh and travelling
afterwards. Kant became interested in the project,
and set aside five hundred thalers on which the young
man was at liberty to draw at any time ; and when he
found no occasion to use the money the philosopher
was disappointed. Having recommended a young
man to a chaplaincy, he discussed the trial sermon
with him several days before it was preached, so as to
make sure that it would prove acceptable ; and when
it was delivered he sent a friend to the church to hear
KINDNESS. 105
it, and immediately report the impression it made.
For the same person he afterwards secured a position
as teacher, and used his personal influence to secure
pupils for the school. Many who were in perplexity
or need were recipients of his kindness, and some of
the letters from his students are filled with expressions
of gratitude for the many benefits received from him.
Although he did not like to visit sick friends, he
kept himself informed respecting their condition.
When his friend Motherby was dangerously ill, Jach-
rnann was required to report his condition, and the
opinions of his physicians, twice a day. After tho
decease of acquaintances, lie preferred not to converse
about them ; but when they were mentioned, he would
say, " Let the dead rest with the dead," or, " It is all
over."
During the life of the countess, Kant s intimacy
with the Kayserling family continued. Hamann says
of this family, " This house is the crown of our
nobility, and is distinguished above all others by its
hospitality, benevolence, and taste." Professor Kraus,
who had also occupied the position of family tutor in
this house, says of the table-talk of the countess,
" She speaks incessantly to me alone ; and of what, do
you think ? Of the theories of light by Euler and
Newton ; of the Edda ; of superstition and unbelief,
which of the two is worse ; of new discoveries and new
books She takes all the French journals and
does nothing but read." This countess, who of all
women, his mother alone excepted, seems to have
exerted the greatest influence on Kant, gathered around
her the scholars, literary men, and nobility of Konigs-
berg. Kant, Hamann, Kraus, Ilippol, and other men
o 2
196 THE LIFE OP IMMANUEL KANT.
of letters, besides the highest civil and military officers,
were frequent guests in the Kayserling palace. In
this illustrious company she took special delight in
honouring Kant, whose talents and scholarship had
received so much of their polish under her refining
influence. In refinement and social culture he was
adapted to the most elegant society, while in intellect
and in conversational powers he surpassed all others
who frequented this house. Here the popular and
brilliant Kant shone to the best advantage. Unless
strangers were present, he always occupied the seat of
honour next to the countess. His position in this
circle gives an idea of his social standing in the city,
he being the most popular as well as the most enter
taining and the most inspiring member of the most
cultivated society.
His more popular lectures arrested the attention of
the officers of the city soon after he became a teacher,
and the governors and military commanders admired
his scholarship and sought his company. In 1764
Hamann speaks of Kant s relation to General Meyer,
who was commander of a regiment of dragoons and
also governor of the province. " He is now lecturing
on mathematics and physical geography, to General
Meyer and his officers, which brings him much honour
and is of great advantage. He dines with the General
almost daily, and is brought to his lectures in a car
riage. Swept along by a whirlpool of social distractions,
he has a number of projects in his head, such as a
system of morality, an essay on a new metaphysic, an
extract from his geography, and a number of minor
schemes, from which I also expect to reap some
benefit. Whether the least of these will be accom-
GENERAL MEYER. 107
plished, I still doubt." llamann probably thought
that society would interfere with his authorship. This
union of social distractions and literary projects is
characteristic of a large part of his life.
General Meyer was a man of unusual culture, and,
like Kant, was a bachelor. He was fond of giving
dinner parties, to which officers and the leading
scholars of the city were invited. His partiality for
Kant was very marked. The General laid special
emphasis on dignity of deportment ; and if anything
unbecoming or unskilful was done by the officers at his
table, he was not backward in expressing his dis
approval. " Accordingly, one day they could not
suppress their fear when Kant, who sat opposite the
General, spilt some red wine on the expensive table
cloth. The General, in order to relieve the embar
rassment, intentionally upset his own glass ; and as
they were conversing about the Dardanelles, he traced
the course of the strait in the wine with his fingers.
One aim was to show the officers that the scholar
stood much higher in his estimation than they did."( 8? )
His most intimate friend was won in a peculiar way,
and their first encounter promised anything else rather
than friendship. Walking in a garden one day, Kant
came upon a company in which he found an acquain
tance with whom he entered into a conversation, in
the course of which he spoko rather bitterly of the
policy pursued by England. Suddenly one of the
company sprang up angrily, and placing himself
before Kant, he avowed that he was an Englishman,
and declared that he as well as his whole nation had
been insulted by the remarks made ; and in his anger
he demanded satisfaction by means of a duel. Kant,
198 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
not in the least disconcerted, continued the discussion
of the subject which had given the offence, and with
such eloquence gave the principles according to which
events like that should be judged, that the Englishman,
quite astonished, gave him his hand, cordially acknow
ledged the justice of Kant s exalted ideas, asked pardon
for his anger, accompanied him to his house, and in
vited him to pay him a visit. This was the philo
sopher s introduction to Green, whose pedantic
punctuality has already been mentioned. ( 88 )
Green had a good mind, was well informed, and
read much ; he was peculiar and even whimsical, but
at the same time upright and noble. The esteem in
which Kant held this merchant s intellectual capacities
is shown by the fact that, as he informed Jachmann,
he did not write a sentence in the "Kritik" which he had
not first submitted to Green. For years the philosopher
and the merchant were daily companions, regularly
spending several hours together. Jachmann gives an
amusing scene in connexion with their daily meeting,
in which we find an exception to Kant s rule not to
sleep in the day-time, though it may be that it
occurred before he had adopted that rule. He went
every afternoon to the house of his friend, who at that
time could not go out because he suffered from podagra,
and would usually find him asleep in his arm-chair.
Seating himself at Green s side, he would give himself
to meditation and also fall asleep. Generally another
friend, a bank- director named Ruffmann, also came and
took a nap. At an appointed time, Motherby, Green s
partner, entered the room and awoke the trio, when
they engaged in conversation till seven. So punctually
did they separate at this hour, that the writer says,
GHEEN AND MOTHERRY. 199
" I have often heard the inhabitants of the street say,
1 It cannot be seven yet, for Kant has not gone by.
On Saturday evenings these friends, joined by a few
others, generally remained together and took tea.
Green died in 1787, and his death is said to have
seriously affected Kant s mode of life. After this he
rarely went into company in the evening, which has
been attributed to the loss of his friend ; he, however,
began about this time to have his own table and guests,
and this fact more than any other probably led him to
decline invitations.
Robert Motherby was another intimate friend of the
metaphysician, who esteemed him highly and fre
quently accepted his hospitality. He had come from
Hull to manage the business of Green, who preferred
to devote his time to reading, and in the course of time
he was made a partner in the firm. The sons of this
merchant also became warm friends of the philosopher.
In oii(3 of his letters, Kant speaks of Dr. Win. Motherby
as his special friend, just as his father had been, and
adds, " Uprightness is his native character as well
as that of his father." It was this son who, after
Kant s death, proposed that his friends should meet
annually on his birthday, to keep fresh the memory of
the great philosopher. In associating with these
Englishmen and with their countrymen, namely, the
merchants and seamen whom he met at their houses,
Kant had an opportunity to cultivate his knowledge of
English literature and politics ; and we know that he
was not slow in improving such opportunities.
Among the literary men in Konigsberg with whom
Kant associated, John George Hamann was by far the
most eminent. Our interest in him is the greater be-
200 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
cause we are indebted to him for many important hints
respecting the philosopher and his labours. The rank
assigned to him in literature is indicated by an article
which appeared in 1853, in a journal published in
Kb nigsberg, where both he and Kant were born and
where they lived and died. ( 89 ) It speaks of Hamann s
fame as promising to surpass that of the Critical
Philosopher, although during their lives Kant was
famous and the "Magician of the North," as Hamann
was called, was obscure and neglected. " Verily,
while Kant s activity almost lies closed behind us, the
present judges otherwise respecting the Magician of
the North, who is now honoured as one of the greatest
and deepest thinkers of last century." But since this
was written, the revival of interest in Kant has again
exalted him, and has opened a new and important
activity for his philosophy, and promises for it great
things in the future ; and there can be no question that
in intellectual greatness, especially in speculation, he
was far superior to his literary friend. Hamann is,
however, now receiving some of the merited recognition
which his own age refused him, and his words have a
prophetic ring : " One easily overcomes the double
grief of being misunderstood and therefore abused by
his own age, by cherishing confidence in the abilities of
a better coming generation."
Hamann was six years Kant s junior, and died six
teen years earlier than the philosopher. Having com
pleted his studies in his native city, he became a family
tutor, and afterwards went to London on business for a
firm in Riga, but was wholly unsuccessful. Becoming
dissipated, he spent money entrusted to him by the
firm, and became indebted to them to the amount of
THE MAGICIAN OF THE NORTH. 2<)1
3QO/. sterling. When on the verge of despair, he
read the Bible and professed to have been converted
" by means of a descent to the hell of a knowledge
of self." He wrote an autobiographic sketch of his
experience in London, giving a minute account of
his career in that city, and presented it to one of his
employers in Riga, at the same time asking for the
hand of his sister in marriage. The man was shocked
by the perusal of this confession, and as its author
still continued the course of idleness into which
he had fallen, his request was refused. The sketch
created such aversion to him that the firm felt in
clined to have him imprisoned for having wasted their
money.
After visiting Riga, Hamann went to Konigsberg,
and Mr. Berens, a member of the firm, also went to
that city. This gentleman became intimate with Kant,
and the two tried to rescue Ilamann from the gloom
which had settled upon him, and to induce him to work
and form regular habits of industry. Not only was he
melancholy and shiftless, idle and restless, but he also
insisted on continuing in his idleness and on letting his
mind brood or revel as it pleased. Their efforts to in
duce him to change his mode of life incensed him, and
to lead them to desist he wrote his " Socratic Memora
bilia," in which Kant and Berens are represented as
sustaining to him the relation of Alcibiades to
Socrates. In this little book he claims that he must
go his own way, guided by "the word in his heart,"
which is the light of the Gospel. Hamann warmly
defends himself, and it is evident that, on account of
his religion, he regards himself as superior to Kant,
whom he does not think devout enough- When this
202 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
book appeared, Kant was thirty-five years old, and had
been a tutor in the university for four years.
Lindner, a mutual friend in Riga, interposed to
restore harmony. The firm forgave the debt ; and in
spite of Hamann s passionate words in his book, he and
Kant remained on friendly terms. In some respects
they were antipodes. The metaphysician was cold,
logical, systematic, and severely regular ; Hamann was
passionate and imaginative, a creature of moods and
impulses. Kant made reason the rule of his life and
the source of his philosophy ; Hamann found the
source of both in his heart. While Kant dreaded
enthusiasm in religion, and suspected in it superstition
and fanaticism, Hamann revelled in enthusiasm ; and ho
believed in revelation, miracles, and worship, differing
also in these points from the philosopher. In some
respects they complemented each other ; but the
repelling elements were too strong to make them fully
sympathetic. The difference in their stand-points,
however, makes Hamann s views of Kant all the more
interesting.
In the course of time Hamann secured employment
as a secretary in a government office; but business
was irksome to him, and literature largely absorbed
his attention. Following the bent of his own mind
while at the university, he had spent his time there
chiefly in studying the humanities, instead of pre
paring for the ministry, as his father desired, or of
studying law, though inscribed as a juridical student.
After settling down in Konigsberg, he devoted himself
to theology, philosophy, ancient literature, oriental
languages, and desultory reading. He was a voracious
reader, the ancient classics and English authors being
ii A MANN S INTELLECTUAL CHARACTER. 20:5
among his favourites. His mind was receptive and
creative, and was easily aroused ; his imagination was
vivid, his heart passionate. While not the man to
treat a subject exhaustively or systematically, he was
original and had genius. Gifted with a keen pro
phetic insight and remarkable intuition, his writings
are peculiar, rich in apothegms, dark sayings, and
riddles. His style is his own ; and the scntentiousness,
the real profundity, and the peculiar use of figures
and symbols, make his books obscure, and there are
passages which he himself did not understand some
time after they were written ; ( 90 ) but from the dark
clouds lightning flashes give, as it were, revelations
of nature, the heart, and divine things. Uniting in
himself so much that is poetical, romantic, wild, and
weird, he well deserved the regard of Kant, the high
esteem in which Goethe and other literary men held
him, and the name by which he is known in German
literature, " The Magician of the North."
Hamann, who frequently met Kant, had a profound
admiration for his intellect, and appreciated the excel
lence of his heart ; but he was not blind to his faults,
and never became an advocate of his philosophy.
Kant aided him in various ways, and permitted his
son to hear his lectures without compensation ; Hamann
recognized his indebtedness, and was so anxious not
to offend his benefactor that he hesitated to critici/e
his books as severely as he thought they deserved.
He wrote to Herder, " Through kindness to my son,
Kant has put me under obligation to him, so that 1
desire, as much as you, to avoid all unpleasantness.
Aside from the old Adam in his books, he is really
obliging, unselfish, and at heart a good and noble-
204 THE LIFE OP 1MMANUEL KANT.
minded man of talent and of merit." They frequently
discussed literary subjects. Both were more eager to
talk than to listen, and as their differences were very
marked, their disputes at times became quite warm ;
both, however, loved the truth and were sincere in
their inquiries, and each respected the views of the
other.
Soon after the troubles with the firm in Riga, Kant
and Hamann, who had both been family tutors,
planned to write a book for children, on " Physics."
Hamann was, no doubt, better fitted for such a task
than Kant, being better able to enter into sympathy
with children. For some reason the philosopher
dropped the matter, and Hamann, with considerable
passion, and in an imperious tone, wrote to him, to
reprove him for abandoning the project. He admits
his learning, and recognizes him as a philosopher, but
charges him with vanity and a lack of candour. Pro
bably hinting that if Kant aided in writing such a book
as that contemplated, he would accomplish something
more useful than he had yet done, he says, " It is as
easy to preach to scholars as it is to cheat honest people ;
nor is it a dangerous or a responsible work, because
most of them are already so perverted that a venture
some author cannot any more confuse their mode of
thinking. Even the blind heathen had regard for
children ; and a baptized philosopher ought to know
that, in order to write for children, more is required
than the wit of Fontenelle and a coquettish style. One
would injure children by that which petrifies beautiful
spirits and inspires beautiful marble." Evidently re
garding the philosopher as too far removed from the
simple nature of children to adapt himself to their
IIAMANN S ESTIMATE OF HIM. 205
needs, he warns him that he who would write for them
must have a knowledge of children, such as neither
the gallant nor the academic world can give. This
was said when Kant was as brilliant in society as in
the lecture-room. Hamann s severity is seen in the
following : " The spirit of our book must be moral ;
but if we ourselves are not moral, how can we impart
a moral spirit to our books, and communicate it to
our readers ? We should obtrude ourselves as blind
leaders of the blind ; obtrude ourselves, I say, with
out a calling and without necessity." This is pro
bably merely a hint that Kant was not frank towards
Hainann in this matter. Kant did not reply to these
insinuations and appeals, and the project of writing
the book, of which the philosopher seemed to think
little, while Ilamanu regarded it as very important,
was dropped.
Their temperaments and stand-points made such
conflicts unavoidable. The impulsive, unreserved
Magician could not put himself in the place of the
self-possessed Critical Philosopher. If Hainann was
one-sided, was Kant less so? Were not the qualities
which had been excessively developed by the one, the
very things which the other had neglected ? In later
years Hamann dealt less passionately with his eminent
friend, and frequently speaks of him with great praise,
lie, indeed, thought that the remarkable fame of the
thinker had made him somewhat vain, but for this he
blamed him less than the public. Once he exclaimed,
" How long was this great man obliged to be a tutor
in the university ! How miserable was his condition
as a student ! But with what modesty he afterwards
enjoyed his great triumphs ! " His conflicting views
206 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
of Kant must bo ascribed largely to the changes in his
own variable moods.
Another of the more noted of Kant s acquaintances
in Kb nigsberg was T. Gr. von Hippel, an author of
some repute, who by means of his indomitable energy
had worked his way from obscurity and poverty to
position and wealth. Like other associates of the
philosopher, he was capricious ; a strange man, in
whoso character apparently contradictory elements
were constantly cropping out. Being unsettled in his
plans after finishing his studies at Kb nigsberg, his love
for a young lady of rank led him to study law with
great zeal and sacrifice, in the hope that he might gain
a position which would enable him to make her his
wife ; but after completing this study he abandoned all
thought of marriage, in order to devote himself com
pletely to intellectual and practical pursuits. He
wrote a book on " Marriage," and a play on " The
Man regulated by the Watch ;" but " the greatest
eulogist of marriage remained unmarried, and the
author of ( The Man regulated by the Watch never
possessed a watch. He loved money, but rarely had
any ; he collected the emblems of death, and placed
them about him, and often spoke and wrote about
dying, yet he was afraid of death ; he found that life
insipid which he was loth to leave." ( 9I )
Kant, who was attracted by that which was peculiar
and paradoxical, took pleasure in Hippel s company,
at whose house he was accustomed to meet men like
Hamann, Borowski, Scheffner, Jensch, a lawyer,
Lawson, a poet, and Fischer, who was a preacher.
Jensch was also a bachelor, as well as Hippel and
Kant. Hippel s house was, in fact, a favourite rendez-
IIIPPEL. 207
vous for the literary men of the city. lie himself was
greatly influenced by English authors, Fielding and
Sterne being his literary models.
Hippel published a book on " Marriage," in 1774,
and one on "The Course of Life," in 1778, both of
which appeared anonymously. They contained so
many thoughts which were afterwards found in Kant s
metaphysical works, that it was suspected that he was
either their author, or had aided in their preparation.
After Hippel s death in 17%, Kant, being requested
to indicate his relation to these books, stated that he
took no part in preparing them ; and of the thoughts
which were so similar to his own he gives this explana
tion : " They gradually passed, fragmentary, into the
manuscripts of my hearers ; but I could not bring
these thoughts into a system until the period between
the years 1770 and 1780. The notes of my pupils on
my lectures on logic, morality, natural law, &c., but
especially those on anthropology, were (as is usually
the case when the teacher does not read) very imper
fect. These notes fell into the hands of the deceased,
and were sought by him because, besides the dry
scientific elements, they also contained much that is
popular, and which the enlightened man could use in
his writings." There is, however, still another way of
accounting for at least some of Kant s thoughts in
these books. Hippel is said to have caught much of
his inspiration, and to have taken many of his thoughts,
from the conversation of the literary men who were
frequently his guests, and is reported to have made
arrangements to be called away from the table at stated
times, in order that in a neighbouring room lie might
jot down the most important thoughts he had heard.
208 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
Of the literary men who frequented Hippel s house,
J. G. SchefFner, councillor of war, was another strange
character. He was twelve years younger than Kant,
and was one of the last survivors of his friends, dying
August 20, 1820. Scheffner associated with all the
literary characters of Konigsberg, composed military
poems, made translations from foreign languages, and
was the author of books, essays, and reviews ; and
through these various labours, and by means of his
counsel, deeds, and social power, he exerted a great
influence, and has been called "The Franklin on the
shore of the Baltic." That like other friends of the
great philosopher, he, too, was eccentric, is seen in his
arrangements for his funeral. Some time before his
death he had a plain coffin made for himself, chose
the place where his remains were to be deposited, and
arranged all the details of his burial. He even com
posed the hymns to be sung on that occasion, and
named certain persons who were to be invited to his
house a few days after his funeral, where they were to
partake of a dinner and be of good cheer. They came,
but felt their loss too keenly to enjoy the occasion.
Although Scheffner was not one of Kant s more
intimate guests, he frequently entertained the philo
sopher, and he also visited him when too feeble to
leave the house. In his Autobiography he relates an
incident which illustrates the desire of the philosopher
always to help himself and to be independent of others.
" During a visit, made about a year before his death,
he could not find the word he wished to use in the
conversation. When I wanted to help him, he seized
my hands, saying, No, no, friend! do not help me;
my head must itself find it. He then went over
ROKOWSKI. 209
different expressions until he found the right one,
which he accompanied with a well-satisfied " Do you
see, friend?" His attachment to the philosopher
was proved some time after Kant s death by his efforts
to make the surroundings of his grave worthy of the
memory of his eminent friend.
L. E. Borowski was not only a friend of Kant, but
also his biographer. Having entered the University
of Konigsberg in 1755, the year in which Kant became
a teacher, he heard the first lectures of the philosopher.
He spent his whole life in Konigsberg, became Arch
bishop of the Evangelical Church, the only functionary
of that rank in Prussia, and died in 1831. His ac
quaintance with Kant, for fifty years, and his residence
in the same city, gave him unusual facilities for ob
taining a knowledge of the life and character of his
teacher. When requested to deliver an address before
the German Society of Konigsberg in ] 792, he chose
"Kant" as his subject, and sent the manuscript of
his speech to the philosopher, stating his purpose, and
requesting him to make erasures, remarks, or additions,
as he thought best. Kant complied with his request,
but at the same time expressed his desire that the
address should not be delivered, much less published,
during his life, though he willingly consented to let the
manuscript become the basis of a biography to be
published after his death. Borowski respected this
desire, and after Kant s death he published the manu
script, with the philosopher s emendations, and added
other biographical material so as to bring the history
of the great man down to the close of his life. Of the
various biographies of Kant, by friends and cotem-
poraries, that of Borowski is the most valuable, and
p
210 THE LIFE OF IMMANDEL KANT.
peculiar significance is, of course, to be attached to
that part which received Kant s review and sanction.
R. B. Jachmann entered the University of Kb nigs-
berg, his native city, in 1784, became Kant s amanu
ensis, and remained in intimate relation with him for
ten years. The philosopher, four years before his
death, requested him to write his biography, and pro
mised to lend his aid. Jachmann prepared a sketch of
his life and, according to agreement, sent it to him
for review ; but the aged savant was already too
weak to revise it. In 1804 he published an account
of Kant s life and character, in eighteen letters ; and
although a critical spirit is lacking in them, they con
tain much valuable material. The author s enthusiasm
for his teacher led him to idealize his subject, and
repeatedly one finds extravagance and hero-worship
instead of reliable biography.
Among the numerous pupils of Kant during his
active connexion of more than forty years with the
university, four or five are mentioned for whom he had
a special regard. One of these was C. J. Kraus, with
whom he became more intimately associated than with
the rest. He entered the university at the age of
seventeen, in 1770, the year in which Kant became a
professor. Kraus heard all his lectures eagerly, and,
like so many other bright and talented youths, became
an enthusiastic admirer of his favourite teacher. Kant s
instruction powerfully stimulated his mind, and excited
doubts and inquiries about which he was anxious to con
sult his instructor ; but the distance between professor
and student was at that time greater than at present,
friendly communications between them were more
unusual, and Kraus was so modest that he did not
KRAUS. 211
venture to visit hiui for consultation. He, however,
became a member of a society formed by Kant for the
discussion of subjects connected with his lectures,
and in one of the meetings he presented such deep
thoughts that the philosopher, surprised at his unusual
intellect, addressed him at the close in order to make
his acquaintance. ( J ) Kant after this took a deep
interest in the young man, and aided him also in other
respects than in his intellectual development. Kraus
became a tutor in the house of Count Kayserling, no
doubt through Kant s great influence in that family.
In 1 780, though only twenty-seven years old, he was
appointed professor of practical philosophy in the
university, and from this time he was a colleague of
Kant, and was frequently in his company.
While in some respects the teacher and pupil were
remarkably alike, they were as unlike in others. Kraus,
like his teacher, was very conscientious in meeting
his engagements, and was prompt and punctual.
Respecting dress their contrast was marked, Kraus
being as negligent as Kant was careful. Through his
teacher s influence he was induced to adopt the Kantian
diet, and from dinner to dinner he took nothing
but water. Kant, who was very economical and provi
dent, advised Kraus to lay aside two hundred thalers
annually, but ho was careless respecting money as well
as his apparel. As a rule, Kant was strict in demand
ing compensation for his lectures, though ho permitted
some poor students to hear them gratis. He said
that by neglecting to pay, the students " become spend-
thrifty and unscrupulous ; if they neglect and cheat
their teacher, they will also learn to cheat other persons.
The hearer of lectures who is obliged to pay for them,
r 2
212 THE LIFE OP IMMANITEL KANT.
is iii this way made more conscientious, and is always
impelled to be industrious ; but he who, through care
less indulgence, interferes with the success of the
private lectures, brings the university itself into a
miserable condition, for no one in the world is willing
to sacrifice his powers for nothing." Kraus, on the
other hand, was careless about the pay of students.
Once he gave private instruction in mathematics to
two young men, for which each was to pay him forty
thaler s. When the course was finished, he said to one
of them, who is called a thorough Kantian and a con
ceited echo of the words of the metaphysician, " I
advise you, Mr. L., to abandon mathematics altogether,
since you have no mind for it ; from you I shall accept
no pay." From the other, who had learned something,
he accepted the money. On his own income, as well
as that of the other professors, a suggestive remark
is made by him : " Whoever devotes himself to the
University of Konigsberg takes the vow of poverty."
Professor Kraus was a laborious and successful
scholar, and said that his ardour in the study of mathe
matics helped him to resist temptations. Like his
teacher, he never married. Both were brilliant and
spirited conversationists ; but while Kraus laughed
heartily, Kant scarcely ever laughed. " Even when
by telling funny anecdotes he made all laugh who heard
him, he remained serious." At the university they
were the opposite poles, the one developing his strength
in speculative, the other in practical philosophy. In
religion their differences were very marked. Instead
of ridiculing worship, Kraus declared that his religion
consisted in two things, namely in worship and in
doing good. A friend said of him, " His heart was
KKAUS. 213
full of piety, without any admixture of fanaticism. In
his last years he probably stood on a higher stand
point than Kant for judging of the true nature of
religion." There was in his case a beautiful blending
of profound thought and extensive scholarship with a
devotional spirit. Professor Kraus did not adopt the
speculations of his teacher, and he vigorously opposed
the mania which possessed many of the professed
disciples of the Critical Philosophy. Quite a number
on whom but a few rays of the system had fallen,
imagined themselves to be wholly illuminated and
enveloped by its light, and looked on other knowledge
as contemptible in comparison with their a 2^ iori
wisdom. But in spite of the folly of professed Kantians
and the difference in the stand-points of the specula
tive and practical philosopher, Professor Kraus was
attached to Kant himself. Not only was he, for awhile,
the daily dinner-guest of the great metaphysician, but
they also frequently met each other in society. They
usually sat near each other, were about the same
size and equally lean, and their brilliant conversa
tion excited general admiration. Professor Kraus re
peatedly gave up his journeys during vacation for tho
sake of remaining with Kant . A nobleman asking him
to spend a vacation with him at his country-seat, he
declined on the ground that if ho accepted the in
vitation Kant would be left without a guest. At
another time he wrote to the same gentleman, " I do
not know how I can leave my father, Kant;" and at
another, " I must spend this vacation with my old
teacher, Kant."
For some unknown reason, ho\vever, Kraus at
length resolved 110 longer to be Kant s guest; and
214 THE LIFE OF TMMANUEL KANT.
one day when Lampe came as usual to invite him,
he requested not to be invited any more, but assigned
no reason. He had, indeed, often complained that
the long time spent at the table was not agreeable to
him ; there must, however, have been other reasons
which he was unwilling to communicate. Their philo
sophical differences may have contributed to the
estrangement, especially since both were very positive
in their views, and neither could well bear contradic
tion, a spirit which increased with age. Kant was
deeply grieved by the refusal of Kraus to dine with
him ; he related the fact to his guests with some
feeling, and discussed with them the probable grounds
of the refusal, but could come to no definite conclusion.
His feelings towards Kraus did not change on account
of this withdrawal from his table. " He still continued
to speak of the talents of Kraus with unusual esteem,
and even with enthusiasm of his almost unparalleled
learning; and just as little did Kraus let it appear
publicly that their confidential friendship had cooled in
a marked degree. Kraus still gave expression to his
high appreciation of Kant, but in a manner less
pronounced than formerly." Kant made more effort
than Kraus to restore the former intimate relation, and
in the course of time the latter also endeavoured to
come nearer his teacher again ; but he never spoke as
frankly of his high esteem for his teacher as Kant did
of his regard for him ; they, however, treated each
other cordially in company. Kraus was his guest on
Kant s last birthday, and he continued to visit him dur
ing his feebleness, and entreated the customary guests
of the philosopher not to forsake him now that he
could no longer do anything to entertain them. The
KHAUS. 215
news of Kant s death greatly affected him ; and on the
day of the funeral Wasianski introduced him to Kant s
sister. Deeply moved, he seized her hand to kiss it ;
she resisted, but tried to seize and kiss his hand, which
he prevented ; they then fell into each other s arms,
and wept for the sake of the departed friend and
brother. Kraus survived Kant several years, and died
August 25th, 1807. After the death of the great
philosopher, he spoke admiringly and affectionately of
his teacher, benefactor, colleague, and friend, and
showed his devotion to Kant s memory by always
attending the celebration of his birthday.
There were many other friends of the metaphysician,
some of whom are, however, so little known that
nothing of interest can be said of them, and there may
have been others whose names have not even been
recorded. In the following pages, especially under the
head of Kant s Correspondence, an opportunity will be
given to indicate the philosopher s relation to some of
his other friend?.
210 THE LIFE OF IM MANUEL KANT.
CHAPTER VIII.
KANT S AUTHORSHIP.
Subjects of his works Pre-critical period Book on the Emotion
of the Beautiful and the Sublime Prevalent systems of
Philosophy Leibnitz-Wolfian system Popular Philosophy
Sentimentality Descartes Locke Newton Berkeley
Hume First Metaphysical Dissertation Literary activity,
1756-63 Dreams of Ghost-seers explained by Dreams
of Metaphysics Letter to Moses Mendelssohn Period of
silence Correspondence with Lambert Inaugural Disserta
tion Sensation and Understanding Time and Space Letter
from Mendelssohn Letters to Herz Labour on the " Kritik "
Changes in the plan of the work.
AN account of Kant s books, and a full view of his
metaphysics, belong rather to the history of philosophy
than to a biography, for which they would require
entirely too much space and too much abstract dis
cussion. Nevertheless his authorship was so essential
a part of his life that a reference to its most important
features should not be omitted. Where a system
contains so many works, and is so rich in thought, as
Kant s, it is far more difficult to limit the discussion to
a few pages than to yield to the temptation to quote ex
tensively from the profound thoughts which constitute
the Critical Philosophy. The following sketch aims
only to throw some light from the works on the author,
SUHJKCTS DISCUSSED IN HIS BOOKS. 217
and to incite to the study of the books themselves and
their valuable commentaries.
In examining his authorship according to subjects,
we find that Kant wrote on mathematical, physical,
metaphysical, aesthetical, theological, moral, and mis
cellaneous subjects. ( 93 ) His works not merely cover
a wide domain of thought, and include the most im
portant of the sciences, but they also aim to give the
fundamental principles of all science and a critique of
all thought, lie never wrote on philology, his favourite
study in the gymnasium. His first five publications,
1747-55, are mathematical or physical. During the
next fifteen years, till 1770, discussions on these sub
jects still appear, but they are short, and the most
important works are metaphysical, though he also
published brief discussions on theology, morals, and
aesthetics. Between the Inaugural Dissertation, in
1770, and the " Kritik," which appeared in 1781,
we have only a few short and unimportant articles
from his pen. With the publication of the " Kritik"
a new period in Kant s authorship is introduced, that
work making an epoch in his literary labours as well
as in philosophy ; nearly all his works written after
1781 belong to metaphysics, theology, morals, or
aesthetics.
From what is known of Kant s life, and by following
the order in which his books appeared, we can deter
mine the subjects which occupied his attention in
different periods. His preference for the Latin classics,
under the influence of Heydenreich, yielded to mathe
matics, physics, and metaphysics, under the influence
of Knutzen and Teske in the university, though meta
physics was still kept in the background. The
218 THE LIFE OF IMMANUKL KANT.
impulse which he received in the university was followed
by Kant while a family tutor and also a few years
afterwards. Then he manifested a decided preference
for metaphysics, to which he devoted years of absorb
ing and intense application. This is followed by a
more practical period, when religion and morality, in
which everything culminates, are made specialities.
These periods, of course, cannot be sharply denned,
since different subjects often engaged his attention at
the same time; in general, however, it may be said
that his authorship had a mathematical, a physical, a
metaphysical, and an ethical period.
The first twenty years of his authorship belong to
the pre-critical period, during which Kant occupies
essentially the position of Professor Knutzen, namely,
the stand-point of the dogmatic school of the Leibnitz-
Wolfian philosophy, yet strongly influenced by the
English natural philosophers, especially Newton, and
also by Descartes, Locke, and Berkeley. Owing to the
study of Hume, a brief sceptical period followed the
dogmatic. About the year 1769 he broke entirely with
the old metaphysical systems, of which he had long
been suspicious, and which for years he had severely
criticized; and from this time he began the development
of his own peculiar system, the Critical Philosophy,
which culminated in the " Kritik " of 1781. But even
before 1769 we find suggestive hints which were fore
runners of the philosophy that is peculiarly Kantian.
While he remained true to the great principles of the
Critical Philosophy to the end of his life,( 94 ) and
maintained its spirit in the works which followed, he
strove especially to gain a firm basis for morality
and religion, and hence we find that after 1781 great
HIS MIND SEKN IN HIS WOKKS. 219
prominence is given in his works to the moral as well
as the critical elements.
Many of his literary efforts were intimately connected
with his labours in the university, and some of his
books which were published late in life, such as his
" Anthropology," " Logic," " Physical Geography," and
" Pedagogics," consisted of his lectures, while others
contained largely the results of his preparations for his
academic work. The " Kritik " is an exception, being
the product of study independent of his lectures,
neither did he ever use its contents, as a whole, in the
lecture-room, nor make it the basis of his instruction,
as was done by many professors in different parts of
Germany.
The prominent characteristics of Kant s mind are
seen to best advantage in his books, which are an
embodiment of his spirit as well as a depository of his
thoughts. Taking all his books, we are struck with
the mental breadth revealed by the variety of the
subjects, with the extent of his learning, the profun
dity and fertility of his mind, his power of abstrac
tion, and his freshness and originality. The ceaseless
activity of his mind is seen by the great number oi
his books, which also reveal a constant mental growth,
so that various stages of progress are distinctly marked.
Sometimes his w r orks followed each other in quick suc
cession, and the amount of fresh, deep, and original
thought in them is astonishing ; yet many of his literary
projects were either interfered with or wholly prevented
by his academic labours and by indisposition, and old
age overtook him when he was still full of plans for
new undertakings. After a work had been published,
he generally paid little attention to it, and rarely
220 THE LIFE OF 1MMANUEL KANT.
mentioned it, treating it as something with which he
was done, and devoting his time and energies to the
production of a new book.( 95 )
There is only one of his books which can be placed
in the department of belles-lettres, namely, the small
volume of 1764, on " The Emotion of the Beautiful
and the Sublime." It is neither profound nor remark
able for new thoughts ; but it gives us aspects of the
philosopher which are unusual in his books, and more
than any other of his publications reveals those qualities
which made him so great a favourite in society. The
book itself interests us less than the characteristics of
the author which are revealed in its pages. It is
descriptive rather than speculative, and psychological
rather than metaphysical ; in its value for aesthetics,
as well as in its influence, it is far inferior to the
" Critique of the Judgment." It abounds in antitheses,
especially in those which indicate the difference between
the beautiful and the sublime, and contains suggestive
comments on authors and on national characteristics.
In the first period of his authorship Kant was
regarded as a master of good style ; and on reading
this book we are not surprised that the students
requested him to deliver lectures on German style,
and that the Government proposed to appoint him
professor of rhetoric and poetry. Many of the sen
tences are short, yet weighty with compressed thought ;
all is clear, much is beautiful, and free scope is given
to the imagination. Between this and his later meta
physical works there is a striking contrast, which is
not wholly accounted for by the difference in the
subjects ; it seems that his philosophical speculations
spoiled his style. The sentences in his metaphysical
TiOOK ON TOE P.KAUTIFUL AXP THK SFnUMK. 221
works are often long and complicated, with numerous
parenthetical clauses ; the subject under discussion
is dropped, side-issues are introduced, then the main
thought is again resumed ; the regular progress in the
development is hindered by breaks which make the
connexion difficult, and there are numerous repetitions.
Much of the obscurity is, of course, due to the difficulty
of the subjects and the unusual character of the inves
tigations ; but aside from these considerations, the
style is such as to render some of these books exceed
ingly difficult and certain parts almost unintelligible.
It must, however, be remembered that the German
language had not yet attained its present stage of
perfection, that it was comparatively new in philosophy,
and that it needed development in metaphysical terms,
though this of course does not explain the fact that
his earlier style was better than later in life. It is a
pleasure to turn from his heavier works to this one
which has much that is attractive ; though we may
dissent from many of its views, especially, as already
indicated, those on woman. We are delighted with
the life and freshness of the thought, with the striking
contrasts, with the fine distinctions, with the anecdotes
and the humour. While generally we see Kant as he
delved in metaphysics, we see him here as he played in
literature.
A few quotations will help us to form a conception
of the popular Kant. Contrasting the beautiful with the
sublime, he says, " The emotions excited by the sublime
strain the faculties more and weary them sooner than
those aroused by the beaut if ul. ( )ne can read a pastoral
poem longer continuously than Milton s * Paradise Lost,
and De la Bruycre longer than Young. To me it looks
222 THE LIFE OF IMMANUKL KANT.
like a fault of the latter, as a moral poet, that he con
tinues too uniformly in a sublime tone, for the strength
of the impression can be renewed only by contrast
with softer passages." Tragedy arouses the emotion
of the sublime ; comedy that of the beautiful. " The
sublime excites ; the beautiful charms." " The sublime
must always be great ; the beautiful may, however, be
small." " The night is sublime ; the day is beautiful."
Other contrasts are the following, though not found
exactly in this order : " The understanding is sublime ;
wit is beautiful. Great heroism is sublime ; cunning
is little, but beautiful. Sublime qualities inspire
esteem, but beautiful ones inspire love. Many a person
is esteemed too much to be loved. The hero of Homer
is terribly sublime, while Virgil s hero is noble. It is
beautiful to be communicative, but thoughtful silence is
sublime." In a striking sentence he condenses the
contrast between the beautiful and the useful : " What
a pity that the lilies do not spin ! " Many passages
are pithy, as when he says, " An insipid person, when
conceited, is a fool." Among the striking charac
teristics which he gives of the different nations, this
passage on the difference between English and French
wit occurs : " In England, original wit produces heavy
gold, which under French hammers is beaten out into
thin sheets and spread over a great surface."
Having already considered Kant s earlier mathe
matical and physical works, we turn from this enter
taining book to his metaphysical writings, in which
our interest mainly centres, and of which the great
" Kritik " attracts us most. In grouping his books,
this one should be made the centre, and the others
should be considered in their relation to this work;
LEIBNITZ WOLFIAN PHILOSOPHY. 223
especially is Kant s own development till the pro
duction of the " Kritik" interesting.
The philosophy prevalent in Germany when Kant
became a teacher in the university was the Leibnitz-
Wolfian system. Leibnitz, whoso philosophical views
were scattered through his works without being
formed by him into a system, was a dogmatist in the
Kantian sense, since, without preceding criticism, he
held that by means of thought we can attain know
ledge beyond mere phenomena. Believing that between
thought and reality there exists a pre-established
harmony, he of course held that a criticism of thought
is not necessary in order to determine its relation to
existence. While in this respect he differs so mate
rially from the results of the Critical Philosophy, we
find that on an important point Kant s earlier works
agree with him. While Descartes and his followers
held that motion is able .to account for all material
changes and manifestations, Leibnitz aimed to in
troduce the organic element into natural science by
means of his monads which, as living forces, are every
where at work in nature. Kant already in his earlier
works also distinguished between the mechanical
forces and the organic powers in nature, and em
phasized the latter much more than was usually done
by writers on physics in his day.
About 1730 the Wolfian philosophy began its
almost universal reign in Germany. Wolf had taken
the profound but scattered thoughts of Leibnitz and
worked them into a system, a process by means of
which these thoughts themselves were somewhat
modified. The Leibnitz- Wolfian system rested on
principles which were taken for granted, and on them
224 THE LIFE OF IMMANUKL KANT.
superstructures were reared by means of mathematical
demonstrations. This method was not merely applied
to science and philosophy, but also to theology, morals,
and the daily affairs of life. In the pulpit, as well
as the university, this method gained the ascendancy,
and in social circles the conversations were interlarded
with logical formulas. In its efforts to reduce every
thing to demonstration, it introduced a new scholastic
pedantry into philosophy, a lifeless mechanism which
exalted the form at the expense of the substance, and
which imagined that its conceptions were synonymous
with the reality of things. Claiming to give apodictic
certainty, it became the veriest dogmatism.
Wolf also aimed to give to morals a basis indepen
dent of religion, so that those who rejected religion
would still be bound by morality. Thomasius, too,
had tried to vindicate for ethics a foundation inde
pendent of religion. Wolf declared that " human
actions are in themselves good or bad, and are not
made so by the will of God ; hence, even if it were
possible for God not to exist, and for the present order
of things to continue without Him, still the free actions
of men would be either good or bad, just the same as
if there were a supreme moral Lawgiver."
Imposing as Wolf s mathematical method might at
first appear, its emptiness was soon discovered. Its
triumphs had been the more easy and the more com
plete, because it found in its way nothing but a modified
Aristotelianism in the form of an effete scholasticism,
or else a complete chaos of philosophical opinions.
Even though Wolf s system could not long satisfy
deep minds, it succeeded in introducing a confident
tone and a comfortable ease in philosophy. As the
STATK OF METAPHYSICS. 225
truth was imagined to lie on the surface, its discovery
was thought to be easy ; there was accordingly a lack
of earnest wrestling with the fundamental principles
of knowledge and the deepest problems of life. A
popular philosophy began to prevail which was simply
the product of ordinary or common sense; it was
shallow and too easily satisfied, drew its conclusions
too readily, and gave a fatal facility to the whole work
of philosophizing. This spirit was encouraged by the
prevailing tendency to popularize philosophy, in order
to make it a commodity of the people instead of an
arcanum of the schools. The deep and perplexing-
problems which occur to speculative minds in all ages,
which lie at the basis of all thinking, and which no
supposed solution has succeeded in finally settling,
were then regarded as settled, and frequently they
were disposed of in a superficial manner. Under the
circumstances, the more earnest and profound minds
lost confidence in the prevalent philosophy, and meta
physics was treated with contempt. Tieftrunk, a co-
temporary of Kant, says of metaphysics, "One could
hardly devote himself to it without subjecting himself
to the suspicion of empty speculation, and without
being exposed to the derision of wits/ And another
cotemporary says, " The deepest investigations had
degenerated into empty words and fruitless specula
tions, at which intellectual men, and those who desired
to be regarded as such, laughed." ( vfi )
There was, in connexion with this popular philo
sophy, a tendency to a reflection which turns every
thing into emotion. It was a sentimental age, over
which Rousseau, Wieland, and kindred spirits, exerted
great influence. This sentimentality is a characteristic
226 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
of much of the German, as well as of the French, lite
rature of the second half of last century. Parallel
with this ran the critical spirit, negative in its results,
and hardly conscious of what it wanted except to de
stroy. In religion there was general confusion. Great
names were derided and estimable things were de
graded ; it was an iconoclastic age, and it was
frivolous in its destruction. French Encyclopedists,
Voltaire, and Frederick the Great, gave tone to the
age ; and French materialism, English deism, and
German illumination, were popular. System and de-
finiteness and certainty were as much needed in the
religious and moral chaos as in philosophy. It was,
in fact, a fermenting period in all the departments of
thought; and in the development through the crises
there was the general doubt, confusion, and perplexing
uncertainty, which usually precede an epoch.
While the Leibnitz -Wolfian philosophy was domi
nant, we find that other systems received attention and
are repeatedly mentioned by Kant. His " Kritik " in
a measure closes the metaphysical development up to
that time, and starts a new process of philosophical
speculation. In considering this work, other systems
should be taken into account, at least so far as they
immediately relate to Kant and the " Kritik." The
English and French were superior to the Germans in
philosophy, and English philosophers, in particular,
were popular in Germany. Not till the " Kritik "
appeared could German metaphysics be regarded as
equal to the English ; and it is to be attributed directly
to the influence of this work that the Germans have
become so pre-eminent in metaphysical thought.
The new spirit introduced into philosophy by Bacon,
DESCARTES. \1 2<
which turned the mind away from the useless specu
lations of scholasticism to observation and the laws
drawn therefrom, animated Locke and his school,
as well as Newton and his followers. While the in
ductive method of Bacon affected physical science most,
the influence of Descartes was more directly meta
physical ; and instead of substituting the study of
physics for scholasticism, Descartes began a new meta
physical development. Beginning with doubt, he
introduces the critical element, and turns the attention
of the mind on itself, in order to make it give the
authority for its thoughts and processes. He questioned
the evidence of the senses, and even the mathematical
axioms and the demonstrations built upon them. But
whatever a man may question, behind all his doubts is
the consciousness that he thinks ; if, however, he is
conscious, he must surely exist, and thus doubt itself
is an evidence of existence. Hence the celebrated
formula, " Cogito, ergo sum." In this we have,
according to Descartes, a basis which is absolutely
certain.
Every effect must have an adequate cause, a rule to
which our ideas are no exception. Now we find in our
minds the idea of a Supreme Being; ( 97 ) what is the
origin of this idea ? It cannot be the product of our
own minds, for it is greater than we are. God Himself
is the only adequate cause of this idea of Himself in
our minds. But how did He communicate it ? Our
idea of God cannot have been given to us through the
senses; therefore it must be innate. ( 98 ) Descartes,
however, has another proof of the existence of God,
namely, the ontological one : the very idea of the most
perfect Being implies the existence of that Being, for
Q 2
228 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
existence is a necessary attribute of such an idea ; it
could not be the idea of the most perfect Being unless
that idea itself involves existence. He therefore thinks
that God cannot be thought, except as existing.
In Descartes system the fact of God s existence is of
the utmost importance, and on it his entire philosophy
rests. The idea of God involves that of truthfulness,
as He could not be God without being truthful ; but
if He is truthful, then He must also have so made man
that his ideas do not deceive him, must have created
him so that he may see the truth. By this circuitous
method Descartes at last finds a guarantee that our
minds are made for the truth, and not to deceive us.
From this there is but one step to the conclusion that
whatever we clearly and consistently think must also
have reality ; or thought corresponds with existence.
Hence the principle of Descartes, that whatever is dis
tinctly and consistently thought concerning a thing is
true of the thing itself.
Kant rejected his evidence for the existence of God,
and with this the whole system fell. With all the
criticism in the beginning of his system, Descartes is,
in Kant s estimation, a dogmatist, since he accepts the
existence of God without satisfactory proof. As far as
the relation between our thoughts and real existence is
concerned, Descartes view of God s truthfulness and
the pre-established harmony of Leibnitz amount to the
same thing. After his critical period began, Kant
could no more accept the philosophy of Descartes and
his followers in France than he could that of Leibnitz
and his disciples in Germany.
On turning to the English philosophers, a striking
similarity is found between the general aim of Locke s
LOCKE. 229
" Essay on the Human Understanding " and of Kant s
"Kritik;" so much is this the case that the aim of
the " Kritik " might be given in the language of tho
Essay. Locke says that it was his purpose " to
examine our own abilities, and to see what objects our
understandings were and were not fitted to deal with."
He proposes to investigate " the nature of under
standing," and he seeks " to discover the powers
thereof, how far they reach, to what things they are
in any degree proportionate, and where they fail us;"
and he wants men to be more cautious about meddling
with things beyond their capacity. These and similar
expressions of Locke give exactly Kant s aim in his
"Kritik;" but the beginning, the method, and the
whole development of the two books, are totally
different.
While Locke denied the existence of innate ideas,
whether speculative or moral, he did not regard the
mind as wholly passive or merely receptive, as seems to
be implied in comparing it with " white paper, void of
all characters;" but he attributed to it reflection,
which compares and arranges the impressions, and
draws conclusions from them. Experience is not
merely the beginning but also the source of all our
ideas. This experience is twofold, namely, that which
we gain through the senses, and that which results
from observing the operations of our own under
standings, better called reflection. How is the
empty mind furnished ? Locke answers, " From
experience ; in that all our knowledge is founded, and
from that it ultimately derives itself." Sensation is
the means of experience from external objects, and
reflection is the inner sense. " External objects
230 THE LIFE OF IMMANQEL KANT.
furnish the mind with the ideas of sensible qualities,
which are all those different perceptions they produce
in us, and the mind furnishes the understanding with
ideas of its own operations/ The understanding
forms complex ideas by uniting the simple ones given
in experience.
That Kant was considerably influenced by Locke is
evident from his numerous references to him ; but in
his earlier years, at least, he was much more indebted
to Newton. This is not only seen in his work on cos
mogony, but also in his first metaphysical dissertation,
which aims to show that metaphysic is not in conflict
with the natural philosophy of Newton. Locke s in
fluence began later. (") While it may be impossible to
trace the direct influence of Newton on the " Kritik,"
indirectly it was great. Kant originally stood on the
mathematical and physical basis of the English natural
philosophers, especially Newton ; the influence thus
exerted early in life was a potent factor in forming
his mental habits, and in leading him to determine to
make metaphysics as definite and as certain as the
mathematical and physical sciences. It should be re
membered that in becoming a metaphysician, Kant did
not abandon his early mathematical and physical basis,
but only enlarged it by the addition of metaphysics. ( 10 )
Locke did not draw from his empiricism its legitimate
consequences as fully as did some of his French and
English followers. The sensationalism and empiricism
which followed were met by another extreme, namely,
the Idealism of Berkeley. Like Locke, he started with
experience as the source of all knowledge ; but he held
that in sensation we have no direct knowledge of things
themselves, but only of impressions made on our own
HUME. 231
minds. All our knowledge is, therefore, concerned
only about these impressions, and does not at all deal
with objects which are without us. Having then no
knowledge except of that which occurs within us, how
do we know that anything outside of us exists ? Is not
that which I regard as an external world, merely a
creation of my own mind ? May it not be the re
sult of the influence of the Divine Spirit on the
finite mind ? Berkeley opposed to materialism the
proposition, that the spiritual or the mental is the
only reality. And surely, if our knowledge consists only
of the individual impressions which are somehow made
on our minds, Bishop Berkeley s view is rational, and his
Idealism is as legitimate a conclusion from Locke s
philosophy as materialism is. AVhile Kant persistently
denied the idealism attributed to the first edition of
the " Kritik," and opposed the conclusions of Berkeley,
lie saw that the arguments of the idealistic philosopher
could not be met by empiricism, and also agreed
with him that we have no direct knowledge of things
external to us, but only of the impressions made on our
minds.
While materialism and idealism stood helplessly
opposed to each other on the same basis, Hume, seeing
the unsatisfactory character of both systems, became a
thorough sceptic. He stands on the same basis as the
systems which he rejected, namely, on Locke s sensa
tionalism, admits no a priori knowledge, and declares
that we cannot go beyond experience, since that is
the only authority on which principles can be based.
The essence of mind, as well as of matter, is unknown
to us ; both are known only from their effects or from
the impressions which they make on us. Like Locke,
232 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
he aims to confine the understanding to the subjects
within its reach, namely, to experience, and he wants
to check the tendency to give a loose rein to the
imagination under the plea of philosophical speculation.
He, accordingly, regards a scepticism which checks
wild speculation as beneficial. Aside from matters of
fact, he regards the relation of ideas to one another as
the proper subjects for the investigation of reason.
Algebra, geometry, and arithmetic deal with the rela
tions of ideas to one another, not with real objects, and
their truthfulness is self-evident ; but judgments per
taining to reality are not so evident. Hume discusses
especially those based on the conception of cause and
effect. He views the category of causality as not
obtained from the things themselves, as not a product
of perception ; we presuppose it without any demon
stration of its validity. What we call causation is
merely a habitual observance of a succession of the same
phenomena, from which we conclude that there must
be some necessary connexion between them, as that of
cause and effect. But this conclusion is invalid, and
we have no reason to believe that in reality any
thing corresponds with this imagined connexion. What
we regard as a real connexion is, according to Hume, a
mere conjunction. We know nothing of the passing
of what is called cause over into what is called effect ;
and wo can know nothing of the supposed connexion
between the two. The fact that we have never
observed a change in the succession of events, is no
evidence that there will be none in the future. Our
faith in causality is still more shaken when we reflect
that at different times and by different persons the
same events have been ascribed to various causes.
HUME S ATTACK ON CAUSALITY. 233
Hume s scepticism is radical in its effects. Jt
reduces our knowledge to isolated perceptions, and
to the relation of ideas as in mathematics. A science
of nature is impossible; at best, only probability,
not science, is within our reach. Not only are we
ignorant of external objects and of mind, except so
far as their impressions on us are concerned, but
also of their laws and of the connexion of phenomena.
Besides, this scepticism also affects the deepest interests
of religion and morality.
The hints here given are essential for understanding
the influences to which Kant himself was subject, and
which had a direct effect on the development of
the Critical Philosophy. There were, of course,
many other prevalent philosophical views which
influenced him, as well as his system. Even if, in
general, he did not make the systems of his prede
cessors subjects of special and thorough study, and
misapprehended the views even of his favourite Hume,
he was in the habit of seizing their fundamental
principles and most pregnant points, and of subject
ing them to the crucial tests of his criticism. In
Hume it was the attack on causality which arrested
his attention, and gave the direct impulse which
led to the production of the " Kritik." Hamann
wrote, " It is certain that without Berkeley there would
have been no Hume, just as without the latter there
would have been no Kant." And the Critical Philo
sopher himself frequently refers to Hume, of whom
he had a very exalted opinion. In his Introduction
to the- " Prolegomena," referring to Hume s attack on
causality, he says, " I freely admit that it was David
Hume s reminder which, many years ago, first aroused
234 THR LTFK OF IMMANUEL KANT.
me from my dogmatic slumber, and gave my investi
gations in the field of speculative philosophy a new
direction." In meditating on Hume s problem, he
found that the conception of causality was not the
only one by means of which the mind conceives things
to be connected ; and he saw that it was but one of
the categories which really involve the whole of meta
physics. He sought for all these categories, believed
that he had discovered them, and concluded that they
are not drawn from experience, as Hume thought, but
that they are products of the pure understanding. In
the " Kritik " he states that Hume s attack on the
pure reason made a complete investigation of that
reason necessary ; but while the " Kritik " was occa
sioned by Hume s scepticism, Kant aimed at something
deeper and broader than merely to meet Hume s
attack, and he includes the entire domain of reason in
his investigation.
Kant speaks in higher terms of Hume than of any
other philosopher. He admired the finish of his style,
his subtlety, and his caution ; and in his " Kritik" he
calls him " the cold-blooded one," who was peculiarly
adapted to balance arguments. The fact that Hume
undermined the proof of God s existence, Kant attri
butes to the desire to advance reason s knowledge of
self and to make it more modest. He calls him " the
celebrated David Hume," and " the geographer of the
human reason," who thought that he had disposed of
questions lying beyond experience by placing them
beyond the horizon of reason ; and he asserts that
Hume was probably the most ingenious of all sceptics,
and that, beyond question, he was the most distin
guished philosopher who produced a scepticism which
ADMIRATION FOK HUME. 235
made a thorough testing of the capacity of the reason
a necessity.
His praise of Hume is, however, not unconditional.
Kant regarded him as chiefly worthy of note because
he showed the unsatisfactory character of the sensa
tional philosophy, proposed great problems, and gave
impulses which were calculated to lead to their solu
tion. He did not go deep enough ; as Kant says, he
struck a spark without kindling a fire. Hume con
tinued in his scepticism ; but the impulse which he
gave led Kant from dogmatism, through scepticism,
to criticism. ( l01 ) In his " Kritik," Kant speaks of
this as the natural process for reason, declaring thai-
its first stage, which marks the period of its childhood,
is dogmatic ; the second is sceptical, and indicates
caution on the part of the judgment which has been
taught by experience ; but a third stage is necessary,
that, namely, which belongs only to the matured
reason. This is the stage which does not merely
investigate the facts of reason, but reason itself a -priori,
according to its whole capacity and its ability to attain
pure knowledge. This is the critique of reason, by
means of which not merely limits, but the limits of
reason are demonstrated, and not merely ignorance in
one thing or another is proved, but with respect to
all matters beyond the reach of knowledge. " Scepti
cism is thus a resting-place for human reason, where
it can reflect on its dogmatic wanderings and can take
a survey of the field it occupies, in order to be able
henceforth to choose its way with more safety ; but it
is not a dwelling-place for constant abode, for tins
can be found only in perfect certainty, either of the
k nowledge of objects themselves, or of the limits within
236 TUB LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
which all our knowledge of objects is confined." He says
that the sceptic is the schoolmaster unto the dogmatic
reasoner, leading to a healthy criticism of the under
standing and reason. Here Kant evidently gives a hint
respecting the process through which his own mind
passed. When his faith was shaken in the Wolfian dog
matism, he could not rest in Hume s scepticism, but was
impelled to master it and pass beyond it to certainty.
The " Kritik " was the product of this impulse.
It is probable that the metaphysical dissertation of
1755 is the only one of Kant s works on metaphysics
which was written before he was brought under the
influence of Hume. Its statements are clear and
precise, and its criticisms are fearless, the names of
Leibnitz and Wolf forming no exception; but the
youthful boldness bordering on presumption, found in
his first book, appears less prominently here, and he
does not thrust his antagonism to great names in the
foreground. The fact that the dissertation was to be
read before the philosophical faculty, and was liable to
be attacked in the discussion of its various points, may
have moderated its tone. With all his independence
of thought, Kant in this production proves himself a
disciple of Wolf s school, and it would be difficult to
find in it even hints of the characteristic thoughts of
the " Kritik," which appeared twenty-six years later.
But from the very beginning of his authorship
Kant was dissatisfied with the prevalent philosophy,
and in his first book he says, " Our metaphysic, like
so many other sciences, is really only on the threshold
of thorough knowledge. God only knows when it will
pass over this threshold. It is not difficult to see its
weakness in many of its undertakings. Prejudice is
PROCESS OF PHILOSOPHICAL DEVELOPMENT. 2o7
often found to be its strongest proof. Nothing is
more to blame for this than the prevailing disposition
of those who seek to enlarge human knowledge.
They would like to have an extcnaire philosophy ; but
it is desirable that it should also be dwp" This
dissatisfaction runs through all his earlier metaphysical
works ; he criticized the easy and frivolous method of
philosophizing, and was convinced that a revolution in
metaphysics was necessary.
Many of the steps which led to the production of the
" Kritik " can be traced in Kant s metaphysical works
and in his letters. From 175G till 17G2 he published
only a few short essays. During this time he was
occupied in preparing and delivering his numerous
lectures ; this was also the period of the Seven Years
War, which was unfavourable for authorship in
Ko nigsberg. In 17G-5 he investigated the problem
of causality, stating it very much like Hume, " How
can 1 understand that because something is, therefore
something else also is ? " He does not solve this
problem, but says, " I have reflected on the nature of
knowledge, and shall, at some time, give at length the
results of these contemplations. Until that time, those
whose presumptuous knowledge recognizes no limits
will pursue their method of philosophizing, to discover
how far they can progress in the investigation of
such questions. "( l02 ) From this it is evident that he
is approaching the critical problem. Kant sees diffi
culties which others have either overlooked or else
expected to solve without going back to first
principles. He is an investigator who wanders con
siderably in his search ; but he occasionally catches
glimpses of what he seeks, and slowly feels his way, in
238 THE LIFE OP JMMANUEL KANT.
order to find the road which leads to the desired object.
There are limits to our knowledge, and he thinks that
he is on the way to their discovery, and promises to
give the results of his contemplations in the future, a
promise which was fulfilled in the " Kritik ;" but it
would be a mistake to imagine that he had already
either seized the problem as given in the " Kritik," or
that he had discovered the method of solution which
he gave in that book.
If he still follows the thread of the Wolfian philo
sophy here and there, he frequently finds it broken or
comes to knots which he cannot untie. His course is
beset with difficulties ; where others trip along lightly
over even ground, he says that he sees Alps rise before
him in his investigations. His task is so difficult
because he is so critical and his aim so profound ; he
wants to get behind all the philosophical results
already attained and to probe things to the bottom.
In the same year, 1763, he says, "Metaphysic is, with
out doubt, the most difficult of the human sciences ;
but none has ever been written;" and he speaks of
the bottomless abyss of metaphysic, which he calls " a
dark ocean that is shoreless and without light- houses,
where one must do as a seaman on an untraversed sea,
who, as soon as he anywhere sets foot on land, examines
his passage to see whether unobserved currents in the
ocean have not turned him aside from his course, in
spite of all the care his seamanship could possibly
exercise. "( 103 ) In the same book he also attacked
various proofs of the existence of God, admitting only
one kind as satisfactory, namely, a form of the onto-
logical argument; his rejection of the other proofs
excited attention and aroused considerable opposition.
HIS VIEW OF METAPHYSICS. 239
Kant early penetrated more profoundly the nature
of metuphysic than his contemporaries, and this made
his aim, method, and results, so different from those
of other philosophers of the day. Instead of regarding
it as the aim of metaphysic to build on the generally
admitted principles of knowledge, he thought that it
should first of all investigate those principles them
selves, and determine how far they are reliable and fit
to constitute the foundation of knowledge. While
others were intent on going forward without looking
back, he wanted to go back to the very beginning
and lay an immovable basis, in order that he might
then go forward with safety. For understanding the
aim of all his speculative work, a remark made before
he was forty is significant, showing how profoundly
he already at that time grasped the idea of metaphysic :
" Metaphysic is nothing but a philosophy of the first
principles of our knowledge." The problem of philo
sophy, as he apprehended it, deeply interested him,
and he wrestled with it persistently, in spite of his
slow progress towards its solution ; and three years
later he declares that he is in love with metaphysic,
though he can rarely boast that the object of his
affection has shown him any favours.
Philosophers were so much occupied with their con
ceptions, that they did not stop seriously to consider
whether any reality corresponded with them. Instead oi
grappling with the difficult problem of the relation ex
isting between a conception and its object, philosophers
often identified thought with being. Kant, however,
showed that the fact that an object is conceivable, does
not prove its existence, but only the possibility of that
existence. The question of the existence itself can be
1240 TJUE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
determined only by investigating the source or sources
of our knowledge of objects. ( m )
How steadily Kant was progressing towards the
" Kritik " is evident from his book of 1766, entitled,
" Dreams of a Ghost-seer explained by Dreams of
Metaphysics." It is aimed specially at Swedenborg,
but gives significant hints on all kinds of fanaticism,
and severe thrusts at the dreamers in metaphysics.
In it we find a union of profound speculation with
playful humour. Next to the Inaugural Dissertation of
1 770, this book is the most important for understanding
that development of Kant s mind which led to the
formation of the Critical Philosophy. He already
classes Wolf among the philosophical dreamers, and
regards him as a man who built with but little material
that was furnished by experience, and for this reason
freely used surreptitious conceptions in rearing his
structures ; and he regards Crusius as a man who con
structed a system out of nothing, by means of the
magic power of a few sentences about the thinkable
and the unthinkable ; and both of these philosophers
he calls builders of air-castles. He sees that a crisis in
philosophy is at hand, is sure that the dreamers will soon
awake, after which philosophers will bo able to dwell
together in the same world of thought ; his basis for this
hope is in " certain omens which have for some time ap
peared on the horizon of the sciences." With ghost-seers
he has no patience, and he is an enemy of fantastic no
tions of every kind. He says, " I do not know whether
there are spirits ; yes, what is more, I do not even know
what the word, spirit, means." And he adds, " The
attempt to make serious efforts to explain the whims
of fantastic persons makes a bad impression, and
KNOWLEDGE OF SPIRITS. 241
philosophy thereby excites the suspicion that it is found
in bad company." Kant wants ghost-seers to be treated
as candidates for an asylum.
Some of the conclusions of the " Kritik " are
anticipated by this book on dreams. However boast
ful the assertion may seem, he thinks that he lias finally
established the fact that, while we may have opinions
respecting spirits, we can know nothing about them.
And he makes the significant declaration, that our
philosophical doctrine concerning spirits may be com
plete and final, but only " in a negative sense, since
this doctrine fixes with certainty the limits of our
knowledge, and convinces us that the various mani
festations of life in nature, and their laws, are all that
we can know ; but that the principle of this life, that
is, the spiritual element which we suspect but do not
know, never can be conceived positively, because for
this there are no data in our entire experience; and
this philosophical doctrine produces the conviction
that we must be content with negations respecting the
conception of anything so different from all objects of
sense. But the very possibility even of such negations
rests neither on experience, nor on arguments, but on
mere invention, to which reason, deprived of all help,
takes refuge." Thus he thinks that he has already
so far determined the limits of reason as to be justified
in asserting, that we can understand only phenomena,
and their laws, but not what lies back of them, a con
clusion whose demonstration is found in the " Kritik."
So confident is Kant that he has finally settled that
we can know nothing about spirits, that he says,
" Henceforth I lay the whole subject of spirits, which
is an extensive domain of metaphysics, aside as com-
R
242 T11K LIFE OF JMMANUEL KANT.
pleted and settled. In the future, it shall no more
concern me. While I thus limit the plan of my
investigations, and entirely reject some altogether
useless inquiries, I hope to be able to use my weak
powers more advantageously for the consideration of
other subjects. It is mostly in vain to apply the small
measure of one s talents to all kinds of airy projects.
Prudence, therefore, dictates that in this, as well as
in other cases, our plans should be adapted to our
capacities, and that we should limit ourselves to the
mediocre, if we cannot attain what is great."
Since questions about spirits are idle, the reasons
for or against their existence can " hardly determine
anything respecting the future state of the upright.
Neither has the human reason the wings which will
enable it to part the high clouds which conceal from
us the mysteries of the other world ; and to the curious
who try to discover these mysteries, the simple but
very natural advice may be given, that it would
probably be more advisable to wait till they get there."
We know that we are related to beings like ourselves,
by means of physical laws ; but we cannot determine
whether we are related to beings by other than natural
laws. The heart contains precepts which should be
followed for their own sake, and Kant decidedly
opposes the utilitarian view of virtue, which really
loves vices, but avoids them for the sake of obtaining
a reward hereafter. The hope of the future may exist
in a heart which still cherishes vicious inclinations.
" But there probably never lived a righteous soul which
could bear the thought that death is the end of all, and
whose noble disposition did not rise to the hope of the
future. Therefore it seems more proper for human
METHODS OF KNOWLKDGE. 213
nature and for the purity of morals, to base the expec
tation of a future world on the emotions of a good
soul, than inversely to base the goodness of the soul
on the hope of another world." Kant also argues in
favour of a moral faith, which may be raised above all
the subtleties of reasoning and which alone can load a
man directly to attain the true end of his being.
The two possible methods of knowledge, which play
so prominent a part in the "Kritik," namely, the dpriori
and the a posteriori, are also discussed in this book.
Kant says that some teachers of natural science claimed
that all knowledge must begin with the latter method,
and in following this rule they imagined that they
" caught the eel of science by the tail;" but they soon
discovered that this method was not philosophical
enough, and that in adopting it they came to subjects
which they could not explain. Other scientists began
a prinrl with the highest principle in metaphysics ; " but
in this there is a new difficulty, namely, that one begins,
1 know not where, and comes, I know not whither, and
that the reasoning will not reach experience." Instead
of meeting and forming one system, it was found that
the metaphysical conceptions and experience ran
parallel with each other ; and it seemed as if the philo
sophers had agreed among themselves to let each one
begin and end where he pleased, and to reach at last
just the conclusion he desired.
Metaphysics aims to solve problems respecting the
hidden qualities of things ; but the hopes excited are
often disappointed in the solutions given. There is,
however, another aim of metaphysics, namely, to deter
mine whether a question can be solved, and to indicate
the relation of problems to experience, on which our
R 2
244 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KAXT.
judgment must at all times be based. Referring to
the second aim, namely, the determination of the
solvability of problems, he says, "In so far metaphysic
is the science of the limits of human reason." This is
significant for the view it gives of Kant s apprehension
of the sphere of metaphysics. What he here defines
as a province of metaphysics, he a few years later
pronounced its propaedeutics, and not a part of the
system itself ; but in his old age he seems again to
have returned to a conception of metaphysics similar
to that given in 1766.
If he has given no new views in this book, Kant
claims that he has, at least, destroyed illusions, and
that vain knowledge which inflates the understanding
and holds the place which might be occupied by the
teachings of wisdom. " Like Democritus, we formerly
wandered about in empty space, whither the butterfly
wings of metaphysic had taken us, and we entertained
ourselves with spirits. Now that the styptic power of
self-knowledge has drawn together the silk wings, we
find ourselves again on the low ground of experience and
of the common understanding. We are fortunate,
indeed, if we regard this as our assigned place, which
we can never leave with impunity, and which also
contains all that is necessary to satisfy us so long as
we confine ourselves to the useful." No bounds
should be fixed to the desire for learning except the
limits of knowledge ; but from the innumerable problems
which arise, it is the part of wisdom to choose those
whose solution is important. In the course of time,
science becomes modest and suspicious, and it says,
How many things there are which I do not understand !
But when reason, taught by experience, becomes
WISDOM. 245
wisdom, it says cheerfully, as Socrates did amid the
goods of a fair, Ifmv nuiiu/ thimjs there are winch I do not
tit cd ! What can I know ? What do I need ? These
are the two questions to which reason and wisdom
demand an answer ; and the answer to them should
be the limit of the sphere in which philosophical inquiry
moves. There is here, as so often in his works, a
union of the speculative and the practical interests;
and if Kant makes any distinction in the importance
of the two, it is in favour of the practical ; for it is the
matured reason which he pronounces wisdom, and this
it is which limits itself to the useful amid the com
prehensible problems. " In order to choose rationally
one must first know what can be dispensed with and
what is impossible. Science at last determines the
limits fixed for it by the nature of the human reason.
All bottomless plans, which may in themselves not be
unworthy, but which lie beyond the sphere of men, flee
to the limbus of vanity. Metaphysic will then be
come something from which it is now pretty far
removed, and what would least of all be expected from
it, namely, the companion of wisdom. For so long as
faith in the possibility of attaining such remote know
ledge exists, wise simplicity will in vain declare that
such undertakings are useless. The pleasure which
attends the increase of knowledge is likely to appear
to be a duty, and it easily regards intentional and
planned contentment within limits, as stupid simplicity
which opposes the ennobling of our nature. In the be
ginning, questions pertaining to the spiritual, to freedom,
to predestination, to a future state, and the like, arouse
all the powers of the understanding; and on account
of their importance, these subjects draw the mind into
246 THE LIFE OF 1MMANUEL KANT.
the contentions of a speculation which indiscriminately
subtilizes and decides, asserts or contradicts, according
to what seems most probable. But when the investi
gation is converted into philosophy, which judges its
own processes, and does not merely understand objects,
but also their relation to the human understanding,
then the limits are drawn more closely, and those
landmarks are fixed which never again permit the in
vestigation to leave its peculiar territory. Some
philosophy was necessary in order to learn the difficulty
of comprehending a conception which is usually treated
as very easy and as an e very-day affair. A little
more philosophy removes still farther this phantom
of knowledge, and convinces us that it lies altogether
beyond man s horizon. For in the relation of cause
and effect, of substance and action, philosophy at
first aids in untangling the complicated phenomena
and in reducing them to simpler conceptions. But
when the fundamental relations have at last been dis
covered, the work of philosophy is at an end ; and it
is impossible for reason to comprehend how anything
can be a cause, or can have force, since these relations
must be drawn solely from experience." Kant pro
ceeds to show that it is impossible for the mind to
understand how anything can bring about something
that is different, that is, can be a cause. " That my
will moves my arm, is no more comprehensible to me
than if some one were to assert that the same can hold
back the moon in its course; there being only this
difference, that I experience the former, but I have
never experienced the latter. I recognize in myself
changes as in a subject which lives, namely, thoughts,
choices, and the like ; and since these operations differ
I.ETI Eli TO MOSEs MENDELSSOHN. 247
from those which constitute my notion of a body, I
naturally conclude that there is within me an im
material and enduring being. But whether this can
think without connexion with the body, can never be
determined by reflection on this being, of which we
have a knowledge only from experience."
These extracts show how rich this book on Dreams
is in germs which were developed in the " Kritik."
The prevalent metaphysic is vague and dreamy ; it must
be changed in toto if it is to rest on a firm basis ; the
limits of the reason must be determined, and speculation
must be confined to them ; consistent thought is no
evidence that outside of the mind there is an object
corresponding with it, but experience is the only sure
evidence of existence ; the whole domain of spirits and
of a future life lies beyond the sphere of science;
reason limits us to the knowable, wisdom to the useful:
these and numerous other thoughts and hints are fore
runners of Kant s chef-d ceuvre, which was wrought
out after fifteen years more of severe toil.
A letter to the popular philosopher, Moses Mendels
sohn, also written in 1706, gives additional evidence of
his intense absorption in the contemplation of meta
physical problems. He regards, as he says in this
letter, the metaphysics of the day with aversion and
even with hatred. The welfare of the whole human
race, he thinks, depends on metaphysics; for this
reason he is grieved that it has so degenerated as to be
useless and even injurious. The time has come when
dogmatism must be destroyed, and when a sceptical
method is necessary to free the minds of men from
their fictitious knowledge. Since experience teaches
us nothing respecting spiritual beings, the question is
248 THK LIFE OF I M MANUEL KANT.
whether a priori anything respecting them can be de
termined ? It cannot be proved that there are spiritual
forces at work, neither can it be disproved; and
Kant says in this letter, that if one were to attack the
possibility of Swedenborg s dreams, he himself would
undertake to defend that possibility. The question to
be decided is, whether we can know anything of the
nature of the soul that will enable us to determine its
relation to matter as well as to beings of its own kind.
Kant in this letter, as well as in the book, shows that
he is deeply impressed with the fact that the reason
has limits, and that he is intent on their discovery.
From 1766 until the appearance of the " Kritik," in
1781, there is a long silence, broken only by a few
brief articles, and by the Inaugural Dissertation of
1770, which he was obliged to present in order to be
come a professor. As Kant had let the public hear
from him frequently, this silence was ominous and
naturally caused surprise. Lavater, the celebrated
physiognomist, wrote to him in 1774, " Are you dead
to the world ? Why do so many scribble who cannot
write, while you, who can do it so well, do not write ?
Why are you silent in this new period, and why do
you let no whisper be heard ? Are you asleep ? Kant
no, I will not praise you ; but do tell me why you
are silent, or rather tell me that you will speak." The
philosopher, no doubt, explained his silence, but his
answer is lost. In Lavater s second letter, written in
the same year, we find a reference to the " Kritik,"
seven years before its appearance. Lavater, who was
a Swiss, wrote, " Together with many of my country
men, I am eagerly awaiting your Kritik of Pure
Reason. " ( I05 ) Kant had probably written that lie
LONG SILENCE. 240
needed time to mature his thoughts, and Lavater says
that lie will curb his desire for the appearance of the
" Kritik," if Kant believes that the work will be made
more perfect by delay, and adds, " Thousands of
authors do not carry their work to that decisive point
which makes an epoch. You are the man to do this.
Penetration, learning, taste, and that human element
which so many authors lack, and which the prevailing
criticism does not think it worth while to consider,
characterize your writings to such an extent that I
expect more from you, in this respect, than from any
one else."
This period of protracted literary silence, when he
was brooding over the problems of the " Kritik," is
the very time when we want most of all to learn the
processes going on in his mind. Fortunately his cor
respondence gives us glimpses of them, especially that
with the philosopher and mathematician, J. II. Lam
bert. It was begun in 1765, by Lambert, who de
sired to secure Kant s co-operation for the improve
ment of metaphysics, and suggested that to this end
they communicate to each other their thoughts on the
subject. Wolf, he thinks, knew how r to go on, but
not very well how to begin; yet, "if any science should
be followed methodically from the very start, it is
metaphysics." It will not do to begin with endless
analysis ; the beginning should be made by means of
synthesis, according to Euclid s method. Lambert
expects much from Kant, whose mode of thinking he
finds very similar to his own.
Kant answered with unusual promptness the letter
of the celebrated man, who, he thought, could aid him
more in his investigations than any one else; he
250 THE LIFE OF IMMAXUEL KANT.
accepts his proposal and proceeds to give an outline
of bis speculations. For years, he says, he has held
his philosophical speculations in every conceivable
light, in order to discover sources of error and to
study the method of mental procedure, and he thinks
that at last he is sure of the method which must be
pursued to escape the illusion that a valid conclusion
has been attained, which must, however, afterwards
be rejected, and the steps already taken must be
retraced. Since the discovery of this method, he at
once sees, from the very nature of the investigations
in hand, what he must know to solve a particular
problem, and he also sees what degree of knowledge
is determined by that which is given. The result is,
that the conclusion is often more limited than is usual,
but, at the same time, it is more definite and more
sure. He intends to give all the thoughts referred to
here, in " The Peculiar Method of Metaphysics," on
which subject he had intended to have a book ready
by the next spring, but he deferred the matter because
he did not yet have all the illustrations which he
needed ; before publishing this work he, therefore,
proposes to prepare some smaller books, namely, " The
Metaphysical Principles of Natural Science," and " The
Metaphysical Principles of Practical Philosophy." ( 106 )
In this letter he also states that the time has come
when the old metaphysic, Avith its endless movement
in circles, must perish, and he says, " You are right
in complaining of the eternal dalliance of the witlings,
and of the tedious garrulity of the writers of the
prevalent fashion who have no other taste than to talk
about taste. But it seems to me that this is the
euthanasia of false philosophy, since it dies with silly
CORRKSPONDKXCK WITH LAMHKRT.
sports; it would be far worse if it, engaged in profound
but false speculations, were to be buried with the pomp
of a severe method. Before a genuine philosophy can
arise, it is necessary for the old metaphysic to destroy
itself; and as decomposition, which always takes place
when a new product is to appear, is the most complete
destruction, and as there is no lack of good minds,
therefore the crisis in learning inspires me with the
hope that the long-desired revolution in the sciences
is no longer very distant."
From Lambert s reply, early in 17G6, it is not only
evident that his conception of metaphysics was very
profound, but also that, in some respects at least,
he was on the same track as Kant. Instead of hasty
generalization, he wants the introduction of a more
critical method which will limit the investigation to
the knowable ; and instead of being content with
hypotheses which delay the discovery of truth, he
thinks it better to acknowledge our ignorance; and
instead of the complex in knowledge, he thinks that
the simple should be sought, and believes that Locke
was on the right track for its discovery. Comparing
mathematical with metaphysical knowledge, he calls
attention to the indefiniteness of the latter ; when, for
instance, mathematicians enter a field till then culti
vated by metaphysicians, they are obliged to undo all
that the latter have done, and, as a result, philosophy
itself is brought into contempt.
Kant, with his usual neglect of his correspondence,
did not write again till 1770, when he sent a letter,
and also his Inaugural Dissertation, to Lambert. This
letter contains a hint which justifies the conclusion
that in 17G9 the method of the " Kritik " had its birth.
252 THE LIFE OF 1MMANUEL KANT.
" For about a year I flatter myself that I have attained
that conception which I have no fear that I shall ever
change, though I may expand it, by means of which
all kinds of metaphysical questions can be tested
according to sure and easy criteria, and by means of
which it can be decided with certainty how far their
solution is possible." But ten years more were still
necessary to develop and fortify this method. Kant
refers in this letter to various literary plans, all of
which were, however, deferred till after the completion
of the " Kritik." During the winter of 1770-71, he
proposes to investigate " pure moral philosophy," in
which no empirical elements are found, and also to
systematize his "Metaphysics of Morals;" but this
book did not appear till fifteen years later. Then he
wants to submit to Lambert his " Essays on Meta
physics," assuring him that he will not let a single
proposition stand which Lambert s judgment does not
find perfectly evident ; " for if it cannot get this ap
proval, then the aim to found this science on principles
altogether unquestionable is a failure." A book from
him with this title never appeared ; but it is probable
that he intended to publish the critical thoughts thus
far developed, in a book entitled " Essays on Meta
physics." He also states that he intends to give a
preparatory treatise, whose design is to be the pre
servation of metaphysics proper from all admixture of
sense.
Lambert, replying immediately, criticized the view
of time and space given in Kant s Dissertation, and
claims that, instead of being mere subjective conditions
of knowledge, they also have objective reality. For
some time he had tried to form a league of scholars to
DKATII OF LAMBKKT. 253
work out metaphysical problems according to a com
mon plan, and to publish the results ; but he was
discouraged, because he saw from the catalogues that
everything else was being pushed aside by belles-
lettres, though he cherishes the hope that there will
be a return to the profound sciences. It was his
desire to make Kant a prominent member of this
learned league.
As Lambert had begun, so he also ended this
interesting correspondence. Kant never submitted
the proposed Essays, and Lambert did not live to see
the "Kritik." He died in 1777, at the age of forty-
nine. Kant was waiting to let his thoughts ripen
before submitting them to his friend, after whose
death he wrote, " I had some ideas of a possible
improvement in metaphysics, which I desired to
mature in order to send them for criticism and de
velopment to my deeply penetrating friend. All the
hopes which I had based on so important a help
vanished at the unexpected death of this extraordinary
genius." He had expected much from a union of
Lambert s efforts with his own for the production of
something reliable and complete ; while he does not
now despair of accomplishing this, he regards it as
more tedious and more difficult since he is deprived of
the assistance of so great a mind.
This correspondence is but one of the many evi
dences that the speculations of Kant were timely, and
that the " Kritik," however striking the contrast
between it and other works of the period, was really
a product of the age. Other deep thinkers, beside
Kant, felt the need of a change in metaphysics; and
Lambert at least was pursuing a track which was
254 THE LIFE OF LMMANUEL KANT.
similar to that which led to the Critical Philosophy.
Numerous historical threads are seen in the literature
and tendencies of the age, all of which run to the
" Kritik."
The Inaugural Dissertation of 1770, " On the Form
and Principles of the Sensible and the Intelligible
World," is of the utmost importance in tracing the
development of the " Kritik." While heretofore the
spirit and the tendency of Kant s writings have chiefly
interested us, it is different with this Dissertation. It
was presented to the philosophical faculty when he
became professor of logic and metaphysics, and we
naturally look for a positive statement of his meta
physical views. As he discusses the sense and the
understanding, we expect to learn definitely his view
of these faculties. Philosophers, at that time, generally
made the distinction between the two a difference in
degree, not in kind ; one of quantity, not of quality.
It was thought that the objects of both are the same,
but that in sensation these objects are presented to
the mind with less clearness than in the understanding.
But, according to Kant, the understanding does not
differ from the sense in the degree of clearness with
which it presents objects, but there is a difference in
kind.( 107 ) Sensation is the receptivity of the subject
which enables it to receive impressions from external
objects ; the understanding is the ability of the subject
to represent to itself that which, according to its very
nature, cannot be an object of the senses. The two,
therefore, have different objects, and Kant says, " The
object of the senses is the sensible; but whatever
contains nothing except that which can be understood
only by the understanding, is the intelligible. In the
THE SCIENCE AND THE UNDERSTANDING. 255
schools, the former was called by the ancients Phe
nomenon, the latter Noumcnon" Sensation gives only
representations of things as they seem to be ; but the
understanding gives representations of things as they
are. He also indicates the difference in the origin of
the objects of sense and those of the understanding.
While sensation receives its impressions from external
things, the understanding receives its objects neither
from these nor from the sensations, but they are the
product of the understanding itself. To the latter,
for instance, belong all moral conceptions, which are
not learned from experience, but originate in the under
standing. Kant thus makes a real distinction, in origin
as well as in kind, between the perceptions of sense and
the conceptions of the understanding, and says, " I
fear, therefore, that Wolf, who held that the difference
between that which is perceived and that which is a
product of the understanding is only logical, brought
the celebrated investigations of antiquity respecting
the nature of phenomena and noumena into oblivion,
to the great disadvantage of philosophy ; for in turning
the attention away from this investigation he has
frequently directed it to mere trifles."
The " Kritik " itself must be studied in order to see
the far-reaching consequences of this distinction
between these two faculties. Kuno Fischer says,
" The difference thus established between sensation
and understanding is the first insight of the critical
philosophy." Already in tin s dissertation Kant as
signs to each facidty its own world, and the distinc
tion which he makes, gives him a new definition of
metaphysics. In 17GG he defined it as the philosophy
of the first principles of our knowledge ; now he
250 THF LIFE OF 1MMANUEL KAXT.
defines it as the philosophy which contains the
principles of the use of the pure understanding. ( 10H )
The science preparatory to metaphysics is the one
which teaches the difference between the knowledge
obtained through the sense, and that obtained through
the understanding ; and this dissertation is an essay
to give the propaedeutics to metaphysics.
There are no empirical elements in metaphysics ;
therefore its conceptions are not to be sought in sensa
tion, but in the nature of pure understanding. While
Kant rejects the doctrine of innate ideas, he holds
that the conditions for the production of the objects
of the understanding are in the understanding itself,
and that its activity need but be properly aroused in
order to produce its conceptions ; the very laws of
thought will evolve them. These conceptions are,
therefore, acquired, being learned by observing the
activity of the mind ; and they are such as possibility,
reality, substance, cause, and the like, with their oppo-
sites or correlatives. They do not inhere in any sensible
representations, are not elements of such representa
tions, and therefore cannot possibly be abstracted or
drawn from them. But if not produced by sensation,
they must be the product of the mind itself.
More remarkable than this distinction between
sense and understanding, is Kant s peculiar view of
time and space, given here for the first time ; a view
which plays so conspicuous a part in his philosophy,
which met with so much opposition when first an
nounced, and which has been the subject of a long
controversy that is not yet ended. Only two years
before the dissertation appeared, he had declared that
space is not merely an object of thought, but also
TIME AND SPACE. 257
something external to the mind ; ( loy ) at that time,
therefore, the theory of time and space contained in
the Critical Philosophy was not yet formed. But in
this dissertation it is given with unmistakable clear
ness, and it is interesting to examine the first state
ment of this important theory. Respecting time, his
first proposition is, " The notion of time does not
arise from the senses, but is presupposed by them;"
he thus rejects the prevalent view that our notion of
time is drawn from experience, namely, by observing
the series of events or things following one another.
Before we can get a conception of things as existing
at the same time or successively, we must first have
the notion of time itself. In fact, all our conceptions
of things occurring in time presuppose the notion of
time ; therefore this notion, instead of arising from
experience, must precede our knowledge of things in
time.
" Time is nothing objective, nothing real, no sub
stance, no accident, no relation ; but it is a subjective
condition which, from the very nature of the mind,
makes it necessary to co-ordinate all things according
to a certain law, and it is a pure intuition." While
time is only an imaginary thing (ens imaginarium), it
is nevertheless absolutely necessary as a condition
for the perception of objects. It is a primitive and
original perception. Time is absolutely the first
formal principle of the sensible world ; ( no ) for sensible
things can be perceived only either simultaneously or
successively.
His theory of space and its relation to perception
is similar to that of time. His first proposition is,
that the notion of space, like that of time, is not drawn
s
258 THE LIFE OF 1MMANUEL KANT.
from experience. We cannot perceive an object
except as in space; therefore the possibility of the
perception of external objects presupposes the notion
of space, and, consequently, this perception cannot
create that notion. Only what is in space can affect
the senses ; space itself cannot.
His second proposition is, that, like time, space is
an individual perception which includes all spaces
within itself, not under it as the general includes the
particular. ( nl ) Several spaces are only parts of one
immeasurable space ; therefore the parts of space are
not related to space itself as species and genus, but
simply as parts to a whole.
His third proposition is, that the notion of space is
a pure perception, for it is a single perception, not one
compounded from experience ; it is the ground-form
for the perception of all external objects.
Fourth proposition : " Space is nothing objective
and real, is no substance, no accident, no relation ;
but it is subjective and ideal, and emanates from the
nature of the mind according to an unalterable law ;
it is, so to speak, the form for the co-ordination of all
that is experienced from without."
In his last proposition Kant states that while space
is merely imaginary, it nevertheless contains real
truth in relation to all sensible things, and is the basis
of all knowledge respecting the external world ; for
objects can appear to the senses only by means of that
power of the mind which co-ordinates the experiences
according to an unalterable law implanted in its
nature. We can perceive an object of the senses only
according to the original axioms of space and the con
clusions drawn from them. The notion of space, like
MENDELSSOHN S VIEW OF TIIK DISSERTATION. 250
that of time, is, accordingly, the condition for the
perception of all sensible objects. ( 112 ) And the
notion of space, as well as of time, is learned from the
action of the mind, and is not in any way drawn from
objects. ( 113 ) While thus Kant does not make the
notions of space and time innate, the law according to
which the mind acts, and from which they arise, is of
course innate.
Academic dissertations generally receive but little
attention, and that may be a reason why this signifi
cant one did not excite more interest. Nor was the
abstract nature of the discussion calculated to attract
many readers. Evidently the fact was not appreciated
that there were germs in Kant s dissertation which
need only be developed and applied in order to pro
duce a revolution in metaphysics. But there was at
least one mind which suspected that its author had in
reserve a whole system, of which he now gave only
hints. Moses Mendelssohn read the dissertation with
great pleasure, as he states in a letter to Kant ;
though, on account of the weak state of his nerves,
he was hardly able to grasp anything so profoundly
speculative. However, he had the acuteness to see
that it was the forerunner of a new system, and wrote
to Kant, " One sees that this little book is the result
of very long meditation, and that it must be viewed
as part of a whole system which is peculiar to the
author, and of which he is willing at present to exhibit
only a few specimens. Even the apparent obscurity of
some parts leads the skilful reader to suspect that
there is an entire system which is not yet presented to
him. In the meanwhile, it would be to the advantage
of metaphysics, which now, alas ! has so degenerated,
260 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
if you would not withhold too long your present supply
of meditations. Life is short ; and while one still
cherishes the hope of improving it, how soon the end
approaches ! And why do you so greatly fear to
repeat what has already been said before you ? In
connexion with the thoughts peculiarly your own, even
the old always appears in a new light, and gives views
which were not thought of before. Since you possess
in a high degree the talent of writing for many
readers, it is to be hoped that you will not write
exclusively for the few adepts who are eager only for
what is new, and can guess from the half-said what
yet remains concealed."
Mendelssohn has been regarded as a forerunner of
Kant, and there is no doubt that in some respects lie
prepared the way for him. He himself found that
some of Kant s views were similar to his own, which,
as he says in this letter, were given in a book which
was in press before the dissertation was received, but
he did not think them so profoundly developed by
himself as by Kant. The letter, however, decidedly
opposes the view of time given in the dissertation, and
claims that it is both the subjective condition of
perception and something that is objective.
Eighteen months after the Inaugural Dissertation
appeared, Kant wrote a long letter to Dr. Marcus
Herz, in Berlin, in which he gives a view of his specu
lations at that time, stating that he has already made
considerable progress in determining the difference
between the sensible and the intelligible in morality,
has considered quite satisfactorily the principles of the
emotions, of the taste, and of the judgment, and their
influences as seen in the agreeable, the beautiful, and
THE LIMITS OF SENSE AND REASON. 261
the good. Ho has also planned a work which might
be entitled, " The Limits of Sense and Reason," which
was intended to have botli a theoretical and a practical
part. The theoretical section was to discuss, first,
phenomenology in general ; secondly, the nature and
method of metaphysics : the practical section was to
discuss, first, the general principles of feeling, of taste,
and of the sensualist ic desires ; secondly, the first
principles of morality. From this it is evident that
the contemplated work on " The Limits of Sense and
Reason," which never appeared, was intended to dis
cuss subjects which were afterwards treated in his
three critiques. Kant mentions as a neglected point,
which he is investigating, the relation of perception
to the object perceived. The question he has been
considering is, whether in our perception we have
only a product of the influence of the object on our
senses, or whether the mind itself produces the per
ception ? The conclusion which he has arrived at is,
that neither the one nor the other is the case, but that
there is an object external to our minds, and that there
are also categories of the understanding, and that in
our perceptions both co-operate. How then does it
happen that our minds have conceptions which har
monize with the objects ? He admits that the answers
given to this question always leave some obscurity in
the mind respecting the harmony existing between the
understanding and the objects of the sense.
The sources of the intellectual conceptions must
be known by him who wants to understand the nature
and the limits of metaphysics. Kant had accordingly,
as he states in this letter, tried to bring all the con
ceptions of the pure reason under the head of certain
262 THE LIFE OF 1MMANUEL KANT.
categories, and he thinks that he has already succeeded,
essentially, in doing this ; and he is now ready to give
a " Kritik of Pure Reason," he says, which contains
the nature of theoretical as well as practical knowledge
so far as it is only intellectual. He expects to work
out and publish within three months the first part of
this " Kritik," discussing the sources, method, and
limits of metaphysics ; after that he proposes to work
out the pure principles of morality. So intently is he
engaged in considering these problems that he wants
to think of nothing else profoundly.
While Kant has already found the name for his
great work, it is evident that he has not yet formed
the plan on which it was finally constructed. The
three months became three times three years, all of
them spent in intense application. In 1776 he
wrote to Herz that he had been much censured for
inactivity, and yet he had never toiled more sys
tematically or more continuously. The letter states
that, instead of publishing something for the sake
of temporary popularity, as he might do, he is
engaged on a work by means of which he hopes to
gain a permanent reputation. For this he has already
thought out the material, and it is only necessary for
him to work it over ; when it is finished he expects to
have a clear field, and to engage in work which will be
only a pleasure. Whoever understands the nature of
the task he had undertaken will not think Kant s
declaration strange, that obstinacy was necessary to
pursue persistently such a plan as his, and that the
difficulties had frequently tempted him to engage in
easier and more agreeable work ; but he was saved
from yielding to this temptation by overcoming the
263
obstacles and by the consideration of the importance of
the subject. As the whole field of reason must be
examined in order to accomplish his aim, experience
cannot help him. The letter states that he wants to
determine, according to reliable principles, " the whole
compass of reason, its departments, its limits, its entire
contents ;" and he desires so to mark the boundaries
that in the future one may know with certainty
whether he is on the basis of reason. In order
that this may be accomplished, he thinks that an
entirely new science of reason is necessary, in the con.
struction of which nothing already existing can bo
used. He expects to finish the work in the summer of
1777, yet has his fears that he may be disappointed :
fears which were well grounded, for, as he says, he was
constantly subject to indisposition.
The letters of this period give some idea of the
enormous amount of labour which the " Kritik " cost
its author. Repeatedly he thought that it was nearly
done, when he found that the work again grew on his
hands. " I do not think," he says, " that many have
attempted to plan an entirely new science and have
also completed it ;" and he thinks that Herz cannot
imagine the amount of time and labour required for
the accomplishment of this. He, however, hopes to
give philosophy an entirely different direction, one
which will be more advantageous to religion and
morality ; and he also hopes to give it a form which
will attract mathematicians, and make them regard it
worthy of their attention.
Kant s correspondence also indicates that he fre
quently changed his plans. When the book was
already in press, he wrote to Herz that the " Kritik "
264 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
" contains the results of all kinds of investigations,
which began with the ideas which we discussed under
the title of the Mundi Sensibilis and Intelligibilis,"
referring to his Inaugural Dissertation. At other times
he expected to limit the contents much more. It may
surprise some that at any time Kant regarded such a
" Kritik " as lying outside of the sphere of metaphy
sics ; but this significant passage occurs in a letter
written to Herz in the winter of 1774-75 : " I shall
rejoice when I have finished my transcendental philo
sophy, which is really a critique of pure reason. I shall
then work on metaphysic, which has only two parts,
namely, the metaphysic of nature and that of morals, of
which I expect to publish the latter first ; and I already
rejoice over it in anticipation." At this time, there
fore, he held the view which he also held for years
after the " Kritik " appeared, that it was only the pre
paration for metaphysics ; nevertheless he regards it as
belonging to transcendental philosophy. His letters
and books, together with his last manuscript, show
that his view of metaphysic was subject to numerous
changes.
That the plan of the work should have been
subject to many alterations is not strange, especially
when the many years required for its development are
considered. The subjects discussed were held in every
light, and they were the burden of his thoughts during
his recreation as well as in his study. Kant himself in
formed Borowski that the plan of the " Kritik" was
made during his promenades on the way named after
him, "The Philosopher s Walk." While his own
letters show with what absorbing attention he was
devoting himself to the work, Hamann s letters of 1779
LABOUR SPENT ON THE WORK. 2(5.")
and 1780 also speak of him as still incessantly engaged
on it. Those who marvel at the contents of the
" Kritik" should remember that it embodies the results
of twelve years of the intensest efforts of Kant s great
intellect.
2GG THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
CHAPTER IX.
AUTHORSHIP CONTINUED.
Publication of the " Kritik " Hamann s impressions of the book
Difficulties of the work Defects and excellencies Aim
A priori and a posteriori knowledge Analytic and synthetic
judgments Transcendental aesthetics The Categories The
reason Charge of idealism Das Ding an Sich God, the
soul, freedom, immortality Ontological, cosmological, and
physico-theological proofs of God s existence Result of the
"Kritik" " Prolegomena " " Metaphysical Principles of
Natural Science " " Critique of the Judgment " Conflict of
the faculties Last manuscript.
KANT made arrangements in December, 1780, for the
publication of the " Kritik." The publisher, Hart-
knoch, lived in Riga, but the book was printed in Halle.
Professor Kraus, speaking of Kant, says, "He asked
nothing for his Kritik. Hartknoch, of his own accord,
however, gave him four dollars a sheet, and Kant
regarded the money received from Hartknoch for
every new edition as a present." The professor also
states that Kant had offered the book to Hartung, a
publisher in Konigsberg, who, however, refused to
undertake the work, because the author had frankly
told him that he had his doubts whether the book
would pay expenses. Kant expected the " Kritik " to
appear at Easter, 1781 ; but it was delayed until the
I UHLICATION OF THE " KR1T1K." liG7
summer of that year. It was dedicated to the Cabinet
Minister, Von Zedlitx, who had shown such marked
favour to Kant, and was a great admirer of his works.
As the printing of the book progressed, the
publisher, who was a friend of Hainann, sent advance
sheets to him, as well as to Kant. In his letters
Ilarnann gives his impression of the parts as they
appeared, and these are the first notices we have of
the work. When the first sheets came, he wrote,
humorously, that he had prepared himself with an
ounce of Glauber s salt to digest them. To the pub
lisher lie wrote on April 8th, 1781, that lie had received
the first thirty sheets on the Oth, and that on the
next day he had devoured the whole, but that he lost
the thread of the discussion in the chapter on the
Interests of the Reason. " I should think that the
book would no more be in want of readers than Klop-
stock s German Republic is in need of subscribers. I
skipped a few sheets, because theses and antitheses
were on opposite pages, and 1 found it difficult to keep
hold of the double thread in a rough copy. . . .
According to human probability, it will attract atten
tion and will be the occasion of new investigations,
revisions, et cetera. But there will probably be few
readers who can master its scholastic contents. The
interest grows with the progress of the discussion,
and there are charming oases after one lias long been
wading in the sand. Altogether, the work is rich in
prospects and in leaven for new fermentation both
within and without the circle of philosophers." What
he has read makes him eager for the completion of the
work, so that he may read the whole.
The advance sheets taxed Hamann s powers to the
268 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
utmost, and on April 21st he wrote to Herder, " As
an old hearer of Kant, you will probably understand
him better. . . It seems to me that the whole tends
to a new organon, new categories, and not so much to
a new scholastic construction as to sceptic tactics."
And he adds, " I am anxious to learn how you feel
when you read the Kantian { Kritik. I have said
sapienti sat to the transcendental twaddle about the
legal or the pure reason ; for it seems to me that in
the end all tends to sophistry and empty verbiage." ( m )
He thinks that the size of the book corresponds
neither with the size of the author nor with the idea
of pure reason. Again he wrote to Herder, " I am
curious to know your view of Kant s masterpiece. . . .
He deserves to be called the Prussian Hume. It seems
to me that his whole transcendental theology tends to
an ideal of entity. With respect to space and time he
is, without knowing it, more fanatical than Plato in
the intellectual world." Hamann, who was a great
admirer of Hume, prefers him to Kant, and says,
" Hume is always my man, because he at least
ennobles the principle of faith, and has received it into
his system. . . . Hume s dialogues close with the
Jewish and Platonic hopes of a coming prophet ; Kant
is rather a cabalist who makes an Eon into a Divinity in
order to establish mathematical certainty, which Hume,
geometry excepted, limited rather to arithmetic."
Hamann expected the last sheets of the book in the
beginning of June, but on the 19th they had reached
neither him nor Kant. Finally, he wrote to Herder,
August 5th, that a week ago he had received a bound
copy of the " Kritik." This fixes July, 1781, as the time
of its appearance.
269
It seems that Hamann had been requested by Kant
himself to review some of his writings, and he pub
lished a review of his book on the Beautiful and the
Sublime. He had also prepared a review of the
"Kritik " for a paper in Konigsberg, but was afraid to
publish it, lest he might wound his sensitive friend.
Though an admirer of Kant s speculative and ana
lytical powers, he could not adopt his philosophy as a
whole. While seeing much in it to admire, there was
also much which seemed to him one-sided or defective.
For the people in general he pronounced it " too
abstract and too precious." Owing to its high ideals,
he thought the book might be called Mysticism as well
as the " Kritik of Pure Reason." He told Kant that he
liked his work, " all except the mysticism." Kant,
who had a dread of everything of the kind, and had
aimed to put an end to it by means of this book, was
astonished, and could not imagine how mysticism
could have gotten into the book. To Hamann this
was evidence that, without knowing it, all philosophers
are fanatics.
Hamann thought that, for the sake of mathematical
demonstration, the "Kritik" ignored too much the
heart, intuition, and faith. His later views of the book
were not more favourable than the first impressions,
and he wrote: "It seems to me that the step from
transcendental ideas to demonology is not far." In
a letter to Jacobi he makes this statement : " The
ambiguity of the word reason tends altogether to
Jesuitical chicanery. For the world, I cannot under
stand how two men like Kant and Euler can smoke
out of the same pipe, and can practise so gross a
deception for the purpose of burdening their adver-
270 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
saries." Hamann sees sophistry in the " Kritik," regards
the book as prolix and calculated to mislead. When
Kant s " Basis of the Metaphysics of Morals " appeared
in 1785, Hamann wrote that, instead of the pure reason,
there is here a new fiction of the brain and a new
idol, namely, the good will, and adds, " Even his
enemy must admit that Kant is one of our keenest
minds ; but alas ! his acuteness is his evil demon, just
as Lessing s was his ; for a new scholasticism and a
new papacy are the two Midas ears of our age." In
his opinion, the "Kritik" is often suspended on a logical
spider-web ; bnt he also said, years after the work
appeared, " Pure reason and a good will are still
words to me whose meaning my understanding cannot
grasp."
The difficulties to which Hamann referred have been
experienced by all the readers of the "Kritik" and Kant
himself was aware of their existence. To Mendelssohn
he wrote, that the work was the product of at least
twelve years of thought, bnt that he had written out
the whole in four or five months, hurriedly, as it were,
paying the closest attention to the substance, but less
to the style, and also making but little effort to render
the book easy for the reader. Kant admits that this
makes the work difficult ; still, he does not regret that
he completed it in that way ; for if the work had been
longer delayed for the purpose of making it more
popular, it might not have appeared at all. Its lack
of perspicuity, he thinks, can be remedied in the course
of time. He states that he is already too old to give,
with uninterrupted effort, completeness to an extensive
work, and, at the same time, with file in hand, make
each part round, smooth, and graceful. While he had
DIFFICULTIES OF THE BOOK. 271
the material for the explanation of every difficult point,
he says that in writing out the book he did not want
to be obliged to attend to this matter ; he hopes to
do this in the future, when different parts of the book
are attacked and explanations are made necessary.
Then, he says, when one has worked out a system and
has become familiar with its thoughts, he cannot easily
guess what in it may to the reader seem obscure, or
indefinite, or not sufficiently proved.
The various letters written by Kant while the "Kritik 11
was in process of preparation confirm his statement to
Mendelssohn respecting his great care with reference
to the contents, and also reveal the hopes which were
centred in the work ; and in his " Prolegomena " he
states that he carefully weighed every sentence. Not
only did it take years to put the book in a shape to
satisfy him, it frequently took a long time and great
care before he could satisfy himself respecting a single
sentence. While pleased with the work as a whole,
Kant regarded some parts as prolix and therefore
obscure.
The mere mechanical labour of writing a book so
large as the " Kritik " in four or five months must have
been quite a task. In writing it " hurriedly," as he
said he did, the style naturally suffered, the more so
because Kant neglected that and devoted his attention
to the substance. Complaints respecting the diffi
culties of the work are heard from scholars, as well as
from the general reader. While some persons lay
down the book, despairing of ever mastering its con
tents, others totally misinterpret it, and publish their
misinterpretations as Kant s doctrines. His own dis
ciples have engaged in bitter disputes as to tho
LV1: THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
meaning of the master s words, and there have been
striking differences among the Kantians as well as
among the Hegelians. Many of the difficulties of the
c< Kritik/ are largely due to the nature of the subjects
discussed, to the abstract character of its thoughts,
and the novelty of the method. Kant states, in the
Preface, that it was impossible to adapt the work to
popular use, and that it was intended for adepts in
science who did not so much need explanations, which
he had therefore given less frequently than would other
wise have been the case, lest the book might become
too large. He also believed that difficulties have
their attractions, since their solution by the reader
serves to flatter his vanity.
The multitude of subjects discussed, and the wealth
of the profound thought, embarrass the student and
add to the difficulty of following the author. ( 115 ) Some
of the most important terms are used in different
senses. That there are not merely parts which it is
difficult to harmonize, but that there are actual con
tradictions, is now generally admitted. A thought is
introduced, dropped, then taken up again ; numerous
secondary matters are discussed, and side-issues are
introduced, while the main thought is held in abeyance.
The introduction of apparently extraneous matter
seems to confirm Kant s statement that the work
" contains the results of all kinds of investiga
tions. ^ 116 ) There is of ten a confusing prolixity where
the importance of the subject makes a short, clear,
and definite statement particularly desirable. Some
things are repeated so often, either in the same or
similar phraseology, as to become tedious ; and at
times the amount of material carried along in an argu-
EXCELLENCIES OF THE WORK. 273
mont is so great that the process of reasoning is
almost buried under its weight ; and when the con
clusion is finally reached, it is exceedingly difficult to
test its correctness. Whilst one almost despairs of
mastering the separate parts, what shall be said of
their relation to each other and their complete syn
thesis ? When these facts are considered, we shall
be able the better to comprehend how idealism and
realism, scepticism and dogmatism, rationalism and
mysticism, could attach themselves to the " Kritik." It
is a rich mine with various ores and many veins ; and
it has often happened that persons of the most diverse
tendencies have found, or imagined that they found,
just the ore they sought, because each one worked
only a particular vein or mistook the nature of the
metal which he discovered.
But in spito of these patent defects, in which we
have reflections of mental characteristics of Kant,
especially of his liability to distraction, taking the
" Kritik "^as a whole, where can its peer be found? Has
it not excellencies in which it stands without a rival
in ancient as well as modern times ? The work is
one of the marvels of philosophical literature, on
account of its subject, its aim, the comprehensiveness
of its scope, its method, its profundity and novelty,
the startling character of leading thoughts, the epoch
it made in philosophy, the vast literature it has already
occasioned and is still inspiring, and the new direction
which it gave to thought. No other book of any age
lias had so deep and broad and abiding an influence
on the metaphysical thought of Germany; and not
only have men like Fichte, Schelling, Hegel, and
Schopenhauer, developed their systems from germs
T
274 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
found in the " Kritik," but science, theology, morals,
and general literature, have received new impulses and
new directions from this work.
When the greatness of this work is considered and
its marvellous influence, it is not strange that Kant is
known chiefly as the author of the " Kritik." While this
work is too much the man himself to be dismissed with
a passing notice, an analysis, or extended account, or a
criticism of its contents, lie beyond the province of a
biography, and would require a volume to be complete
and valuable. Nor is this necessary, since many of the
thoughts of the book have been embodied in modern
philosophy, and largely even in literature ; and the
English reader will be able to form a good idea of its
contents from translations and from accounts of it by
English writers. A very general summary, descriptive
rather than critical, of some of the main features of the
work, must here suffice.
Kant wanted to make metaphysics a positive science.
He spoke so contemptuously of the prevalent philo
sophy because it was so vague, built massive super
structures on mere hypotheses, and accepted, as abso
lute and final, great principles without demonstrating
their validity. Where he found dreams, opinions, and
faith, in the philosophy of the day, he wanted axioms.
His hatred of dogmatism was the more intense because
he himself had be?n subject to its dominion. Doubt
has its mission, but only as the underminer of error
and the guide to truth ; as a system of philosophy,
scepticism is a testimony of mental weakness and
of despair in the search for truth. When Hume
destroyed the basis of Kant s dogmatism, the critical
metaphysician could not rest in the scepticism of the
EXPERIMENTAL KNOWUUXJK. 275
Scotch philosopher, for his mind demanded axiomatic
certainty. But in order that he might get an im
movable basis it was necessary, first of all, to deter
mine what the human mind can know and what lies
beyond its capacities. His great aim in the " Kritik " is
to find the limits of human reason. Two questions
give us the problems which the book wants to solve,
and it solves the first in order that it may be able to
solve the second : " How do we know ? What can we
know ?" In his answers to these questions, Kant uses
much which had already been given in his previous
works, especially in the Inaugural Dissertation.
With Locke he holds that, in point of time, all our
knowledge begins with experience ; but this fact he
does not regard as evidence that experience is the
source of all our knowledge. It may even be the case
that what is called experimental knowledge is the re
sult of impressions received from external objects and
of additions made by our own minds. There is know
ledge which is not drawn from experience, but is the
product of the mind itself; this Kant calls a priori
knowledge. The knowledge which is received through
the senses is called a posteriori. A priori knowledge is
independent of all experience ; and such a sentence as
this, " Every change must have a cause," is partly, not
purely, a priori, because change is a conception drawn
only from experience.
Observation is necessarily limited ; it only shows
that an object is in a certain state, but never that it
must be so : that is, it deals with particulars, never
with universals. But we have judgments which are
both necessary and universal, such as the axioms of
mathematics. These cannot possibly be given by the
276 THE LIFE OF IA1MANUEL KANT.
senses ; hence all necessary and universal judgments
are a priori. After defining a priori knowledge and
showing that it is found even in ordinary minds, Kant
discusses, in the third section of the Introduction, the
proposition : Philosophy needs a science which deter
mines a priori the possibility, the principles, and the
limits of knowledge. The"Kritik"is of course intended
to be this science, and the proposition gives its aim.
In the next section he discusses analytical and
synthetic judgments, a subject which was by no means
new, but it attained a prominence and importance in the
" Kritik " such as it had never before received. Hume,
in considering the same subject, had come to the conclu
sion that mathematical judgments are analytical, while
Kant held that they are mostly synthetic. The distinc
tion between the two kinds of judgments is of fun
damental importance for understanding the " Kritik/
If by the mere analysis of a subject a predicate is found
to be contained in the idea of a subject, though in a
hidden manner, then the judgment which declares that
predicate to belong to the subject, is analytic. The
sentence, " All bodies are extended," is an analytic judg
ment, for the conception of extension is contained in
that of body, and the mere analysis of the conception
of body gives that of extension. An analytic judgment,
since it gives in the predicate only what is already con
tained in the subject, does not in the least enlarge our
knowledge, but makes it clearer. If, however, I predi
cate of a subject something not already contained in the
very conception of it, then I give a synthetic judgment;
instead of merely analyzing my conception of it, I add
something new to the subject. Kant again uses the
illustration of a body, and says that the judgment, " All
ANALYTIC AND SYNTHETIC JUDGMENTS. 277
bodies are heavy," is synthetic, since the conception of
weight is not included in that of body. Synthetic
judgments, therefore, increase our knowledge. All
analytical judgments are a priori ; all judgments drawn
from experience are synthetic, and they are, of course,
a posteriori. But there are also synthetic judgments
which are a priori ; thus most mathematical judgments
are synthetic and a priori. There can be no question
about the truthfulness of analytic judgments, nor
respecting synthetic judgments from experience. But
there are ideas and principles which lie wholly beyond
experience and are of the most momentous importance,
such as God and immortality. How can a knowledge
of these be attained ? Not by analytic judgments, nor
by moans of synthetic judgments drawn from ex
perience. In all the sciences, in physics and meta
physics as well as in mathematics, there are a priori
synthetic judgments, and a thorough test of their
validity is of the utmost importance. Kant, therefore,
thinks that an imperative demand is made on reason
to answer this question, How are synthetic judgments
a priori possible ? ( 117 ) He regards this as synonymous
with the question, How is knowledge by means of
pure reason possible? or, How is metaphysic as a
science possible ?
The view of time and space found in the Inaugural
Dissertation is also given in the " Kritik :" they are
the subjective conditions for all experience. Whatever
is observed by the senses is perceived in space, or in
time, or in both ; whatever is observed in our minds is
perceived in time. The distinction between the sense
and the understanding, found in the same dissertation,
is also maintained in the " Kritik," and from it
278 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
important consequences are drawn. The understanding
gives the forms for all possible experience ; they are
the conditions for all knowledge, which without them
would be impossible. However, being mere forms of
knowledge, they do not apply to things as they are in
themselves, but only to phenomena. While the sense
gives us objects, the understanding thinks them. In
experience, therefore, two things are to be considered,
namely, an object presented to the mind through the
senses, and the forms of knowledge given by the
understanding ; the former is the a posteriori, the latter
the a priori element. Through the sense I receive an
impression of heat ; but when in connexion with this
impression I think of substance, cause, force as the
substance of which the heat is but a manifestation, the
cause of the heat, and the like I add something which
I did not get through the senses, something that is
the product of my understanding and is a priori. All
knowledge of things must necessarily have these two
elements, the apriori and the aposteriori, the impression
on the senses and the thought of the understanding.
The sense cannot think, it can only receive impres
sions ; the understanding thinks, but by means of its
thoughts it cannot give us real (existing) objects of
knowledge, but only forms for a knowledge of the
objects given by the senses. One of the first sentences
of the " Kritik " also contains the conclusion of the
whole investigation : that an object can in no wise be
given to the mind except through the senses. ( 118 )
In the first part of the book Kant discusses Trans
cendental ./Esthetics, by which he designates the apriori
science of all the principles of sensation. He discusses,
under this head, space and time as the apriori subjective
TRANSCENDENTAL ESTHETICS.
conditions of experience. As they themselves are
a priori, so whatever gives their necessary relations is
also a priori ; and as these relations are not found by
analysis, they are synthetic judgments. These relations
are the subjects of pure mathematics. Geometry, for
instance, deals with figures, hence with space, and
Kant says, " Geometry is a science which determines
synthetically, and yet d priori, the properties of space."
Pure mathematics is both a jmori and synthetic in its
judgments. Although absolutely certain in its conclu
sions, it gives us no objects of knowledge, but only
forms or conditions for a knowledge of existing things ;
it deals with space and time, and thus gives the
conditions of the knowledge obtained through the
senses.
As space and time are the conditions for all experi
ence, so there are certain conditions which are necessary
in order that we may think objects ; and just as space
and time are dpriori, being given by the mind itself, so
are the conditions necessary for thinking objects also
a priori, being the product of the understanding ; they
are the forms which the understanding gives to experi
ence. It is not by means of these forms that we
represent objects to ourselves, but by means of them
the understanding judges of the objects presented to
the mind through the senses. If we eliminate the
content of judgments and consider only the pure form
of the understanding contained in them, we find that
all the functions of thought in the judgments may be
brought under four heads, each being again subdivided
into three parts. Under Quantity, we have general,
particular, and individual judgments; under Quality,
affirmative, negative, limitless judgments; under
280 THE LIFE OF 1MMANUEL KANT.
Relation, categorical, hypothetical, disjunctive judg
ments ; under Mode, problematical, assertive, apodictic
judgments. Kant calls these the logical functions of
the understanding. Under the same four heads he
gives the pure conceptions of the understanding " which
are a priori applicable to objects of perception in
general." These are called, after the example of Aris
totle, Categories. They are under Quantity, unity,
multiplicity, totality ; under Quality, reality, negation,
limitation ; under Relation, substance and accident,
cause and effect, reciprocity ; ( 119 ) under Mode, pos
sibility and impossibility, existence and non-existence,
necessity and accident. Kant regarded these categories
as complete and exhaustive, as a general classification
of all possible conceptions of the understanding, and
he looked with the greatest satisfaction on their
discovery, viewing his work in this respect as completing
the imperfect table of the categories given by
Aristotle.
Kant held that it is by means of these categories
that the understanding connects all the impressions
received through the senses. These impressions are
separate, each standing alone, and sensation, which
Kant views as the mere receptivity of the mind, has
no means of connecting them ; but the understanding,
which he regards as the spontaneity of the mind,
connects them. Without this connecting power there
could be no judgments. By means of the categories,
which are a priori, all the impressions are systematized,
are bound together and classified ; the perceptions are
made conceptions, the impressions become thoughts,
the individual is brought into relation with the general,
and the predicate is connected with its subject. That
THE CATEGORIES. 281
we think by means of these categories, is not the
result of peculiar experience, nor of any experience ;
it is a necessity inherent in the understanding. As
no number of impressions in sensation can give the
conception of causality, so no number of them can
deprive the mind of this conception. This and all
the other categories of the understanding are the
original moulds in the mind ; the impressions received
through the senses are cast into these moulds, and
the forms thus given to them constitute our thoughts
of things. Our knowledge of objects is, accordingly,
a union of what is given through the senses and of
what is added thereto by the understanding.
The categories are applicable only to phenomena,
not to objects not given in sensation. If applied to
something not given in experience, as God, freedom,
immortality, the mind simply reasons without an
object. It may have conceptions which are perfectly
consistent ; but that is no evidence that any real
existence corresponds with them. By means of its
spontaneous activity the mind cannot discover an
object existing outside of the mind. Kant s conclusion
on this subject is : " Sensation, as subjected to the
understanding, and as the object to which the under
standing applies all its powers, is the source of all
real knowledge." But while the understanding thus
deals with real knowledge only when it limits itself to
the objects furnished by sensation, it, on the other
hand, prescribes the laws according to which we obtain
a knowledge of objects. In his Preface to the second
edition of the " Kritik," Kant says, " Until now it was
thought that all our cognition must adapt itself to the
objects ; but, under this supposition, all attempts to
282 THE LIFE OF JMMANUEL KANT.
determine anything respecting them, by means of con
ceptions through which our knowledge would be
enlarged, proved to be a failure. Let it, therefore, be
tried whether we shall not get along better with the
problems of metaphysics, if we suppose that the
objects must adapt themselves to our cognition, a
supposition which harmonizes better with the demanded
possibility of an a priori cognition of the same, which
cognition is to determine something respecting the
objects before they are presented to us. This is
somewhat similar to the first thought of Copernicus,
who, when he found that there was no satisfactory
explanation of the movement of the heavenly bodies
if he took it for granted that the whole heavenly host
revolved around the observer, attempted to discover
whether he would not be more successful if the observer
was supposed to turn, while the stars remained at
rest." Kant made a revolution in metaphysics similar
to that made by Copernicus in astronomy : he made
the objects of knowledge conform to the laws of the
mind, instead of obliging the mind to draw its laws
from the objects.
While by means of sensation we receive impressions
from objects, or have perceptions ; and while the
understanding furnishes the conditions for connecting
the perceptions, thus giving us thoughts or conceptions;
Kant ascribes to the imagination the office of furnishing
a picture or schema for a conception. But in the
" Kritik " the function of the reason is of special
importance. It is the faculty for ideas, using the word
" idea " in the Platonic sense. Thus we have an idea of
freedom, of virtue, of government, with which nothing
known to us corresponds. The ideas area priori, being
IDEALISM. 283
the direct product of the reason ; they are perfect types
or archetypes ; they are great principles, which are
not fictions, but necessary products of the reason ; and
they transcend all experience, in which no object can
be given which is an adequate representation or em
bodiment of the idea. This, of course, does not imply
that there is no such an object, and Kant guardedly
says, " We have no knowledge of an object which
corresponds with the idea ;" and he repeatedly warns
against the conclusion that the limit of our knowledge
is also the limit of existence. The principles given in
the reason apply directly to the laws of the under
standing, but not to the phenomena given in
experience.
The charge of Idealism has repeatedly been made
against Kant s philosophy. This has been based on
his view of time and space as subjective conditions of
knowledge, on his doctrine that knowledge must con
form to the laws given a priori by the understanding,
and to his conclusion that we can get only impressions
from tilings, of which we can know nothing but their
phenomena. According to the " Kritik," we cannot
possibly know what is back of the phenomena, namely,
the thing per se (das Ding an sich). Long before
Fichte developed his Idealism from Kantian principles,
there were persons who interpreted these views as
idealistic. Kant, however, promptly met this charge in
his " Prolegomena." There he defines Idealism as the
system which asserts that there are only thinking
beings, and that all other things which we imagine we
perceive, are only appearances in the thinking being,
with which nothing external to the mind corresponds.
In opposition to this view, Kant says, " I, however, say,
284 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
things which are objects outside of us are given to our
senses; of what they are in themselves we, however,
know nothing, but we know only their appearances,
that is, the representations which they produce in us by
affecting our senses. Therefore I, of course, admit
that there are bodies external to us, that is, things
respecting which it is altogether unknown to us what
they are in themselves, which we know only by means
of the representations of them produced by their
influence on our senses, and to which we give the name
body, a word which therefore signifies for us only the
representation of an unknown but, nevertheless, real
object. Can this be called Idealism ? It is, in fact,
the very opposite." Kant, however, admits that his
philosophy is Idealism in another sense, namely, in that
it teaches that our minds deal only with phenomena,
with the representations of things, but never with
things themselves. If the theory which changes real
things into mere representations is an objectionable
Idealism, what shall we, on the other hand, call that
theory which changes mere representations into things
themselves ? Kant s answer is, " I think it might be
called a dreaming Idealism, in distinction from the
former, which might be called the fanatical one, both
of which I wanted to avoid by means of my so-called
Transcendental, or better, Critical Idealism."
Kant therefore does not deny the existence of a
world outside of us ; but as in a mirror we see only
reflections of ourselves, and not ourselves ; so in our
minds we have only reflections of objects, not the
objects themselves. That we have no power of know
ing what things are in themselves, is one of the clearest
results of the " Kritik," and is stated with a frequency
LIMITS OF THOUGHT. 285
and with an emphasis which leave no room for doubt
as to his meaning. Experience is the absolute limit
of knowledge, and in his Preface to the second edition
of the " Kritik " he says that the first use of the book
is to teach us never to venture beyond the limits of
experience with our speculative reason, since all that
lies beyond these limits also lies beyond the province
of reason. But since in experience we have only
phenomena as objects of knowledge, it is evident
that beyond these we can know nothing of things.
Kant does not merely destroy all hope of obtaining
a knowledge of things per se, he also destroys all
hope of gaining, by means of the speculative reason,
any knowledge of God, the soul, freedom, and immor
tality. We have already seen the intimate union of
the speculative and the practical interests in Kant,
and that he gave to the latter the preference. It was
a practical interest which gave the impulse to his pro
found speculations, and he says in the " Kritik,"
"The ideas of God, freedom, and immortality, are
the proper objects for the investigation of metaphysics.
Everything else with which this science is occupied
serves only as means for the attainment of these ideas
and a knowledge of their objective reality." But the
" Kritik," instead of establishing the reality of these
objects by means of speculation, shows that the
speculative reason can learn nothing respecting them.
In discussing the sentence, " I think," Kant shows
that all it implies or teaches is that I exist thinking ;
it does not teach us what the Ego in itself is. We
know absolutely nothing respecting the nature of the
soul ; and if the materialistic explanation is unsatis
factory, so is the spiritualistic. But if the nature of
286 THK LIFE OF 1MMANUEL KANT.
the soul is a mystery to us, how can we know any
thing respecting its immortality ? It cannot be proved
that the soul is a simple substance, and that, con
sequently, it cannot be disintegrated, and cannot
decrease or vanish altogether, but must exist for ever.
Theoretical knowledge, according to Kant, is that
which knoAvs that a thing is ; practical knowledge, on
the other hand, is that which represents what a thing
ought to be. By means of the theoretical use of reason
we learn a priori that something is ; through its
practical use we learn a priori what ought to be done.
Theoretical knowledge is speculative whenever its
object is such that it cannot be given in experience, or
whenever it deals with mere conceptions of such an
object. It is the very opposite of a knowledge of
nature, which deals with objects given in experience,
or with their predicates. Kant asserts that the purely
speculative use of reason in theology is utterly worth
less, and that in an a priori way the existence of God
cannot be proved. And after repeatedly showing
that we cannot know substances, but only phenomena
and their laws, he proceeds to subject the speculative
proofs of God s existence to searching criticism. These
are of three kinds, ontological, cosmological, and
physico-theological. Under whatever form the onto
logical argument may be presented, the inference that
God exists is always drawn from the very idea of God;
but in no case can a mere idea demonstrate the
existence of an object corresponding with the idea.
The reason may find it necessary to adopt such an
idea for the explanation of things ; this, however, is a
mere hypothesis. To predicate the real existence of
a corresponding object, is a synthetic judgment, which
PROOFS OK THE EXISTENCE OF (SOI). 287
would be valid only if the object were given in ex
perience. The idea of God may be perfect ; but, Kant
says, the conception of a hundred thalers may also be
perfect, and yet the mere conception of so much
money does not make a man any richer, neither does
the mere idea of God in the least enlarge our know
ledge of what really exists.
The cosmological proof differs from the ontological
in this respect, that the latter is purely speculative,
while the former begins with experience but ends
speculatively. The cosmological argument is that
every change must have a cause; if now we con
tinually proceed from effect to cause, we shall have an
endless series of the conditioned. From the con
ditioned the inference is drawn that there must be an
unconditioned which conditions everything else, an
uncaused cause of all that is caused. Yet even if it
is admitted that the mind is obliged to postulate an
ultimate cause and an unconditioned something for
the explanation of things, that is no proof of the real
existence of such a cause. The argument is really onto
logical, since from the mere idea the necessary objective
reality is inferred. The idea of a first cause is one to
which thought is driven as a refuge ; but whether it is
a real or an imaginary necessity for our thoughts, it
does not demonstrate the existence of such a cause.
The physico-theological proof is the argument from
design. The beauty and order in nature, the work
ing or tendency towards certain ends, are regarded as
evidence that there must have been an intelligent
designer, just as from the existence of a house we
infer that it had an architect. Kant, however, says
that in order to prove that nature had such a designer,
288 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
it would be necessary to prove that things per se
(substances, of which we know nothing) cannot work
so beautifully and harmoniously, unless they are the
product of the highest wisdom. As the cosmological
argument was seen to rest on the ontological, so Kant
shows that the physico-theological rests on both the
cosmological and the ontological. According to the
physico-theological argument, the inference is drawn
from the beauty and order of the universe that they must
have an adequate cause. This cause is supposed to be
a Being who possesses all perfections. By analyzing
the argument, however, we find that it amounts to this :
the beauty and order seen in nature are effects ; these
effects have an adequate first cause which is perfect
and unconditioned (cosmological argument) ; and
because I am obliged to conceive such a cause in order
to explain phenomena, therefore an object correspond
ing with this idea of a first cause also exists (onto
logical argument). As both the ontological and the
cosmological proof have been found unsatisfactory, of
course the physico-theological one, which rests on them,
is also invalid. But even if it could be proved that
the substances, the things per se, cannot of themselves
work beautifully and harmoniously, that would not
prove the existence of an all-wise and almighty Being.
It would only prove that there is an Architect of the
universe, whose power is limited by the nature of the
material he uses, but it would not demonstrate the
existence of a Creator to whom everything is subject.
In order to prove that such a Creator exists, it would
be necessary to demonstrate that matter itself is
conditioned.
Already in discussing the antinomies of pure reason,
LIMITS OK THE SPECULATIVE REASON". 289
Kant head come to a conclusion similar to that attained
by testing the arguments for God s existence. On the
following points, he says, we can determine nothing
speculatively, " Whether the world had a beginning
and is limited in space ; whether anywhere, and
perhaps in my thinking self, there is an indivisible
and indestructible unity, or nothing but what is
divisible and destructible ; whether I am free in my
actions, or, like other beings, am controlled by nature
and destiny; finally, whether there is a highest cause
of the world, or whether the things in nature, and
their order, are the ultimate objects with which our
contemplations must stop."
After his demonstration that speculatively we can
not demonstrate the existence of God, Kant shows
that it is equally impossible to prove that there is no
God. " The same arguments which prove the impo
tence of the human reason with respect to the esta
blishment of the existence of the highest Being, also
suffice to prove the insufficiency of all assertions
against this existence. For whence will one, by means
of pure speculative reason, obtain the knowledge that
there is not a highest Being as the source of all
things ? "
While in the dogmatic systems there are rational
psychology, rational cosmology, and rational theology,
which presuppose that the soul, the cosmos, and God,
are not mere ideas, but real objects which can be
treated as subjects of rational knowledge, Kant shows
that they are mere ideas of the reason, and that it is
impossible to determine speculatively whether a real
object corresponds with them. No corresponding
object being given in experience, the speculative
u
290 THE LIFE Ob 1 IMA1ANUEL KANT.
reason must treat them as mere ideas, and a rational
science of psychology, cosmology, and theology, is
impossible.
This conclusion was by no means new. The same
result was attained by Hume; and Thomasius and
others had declared that the objects of religion are
matters of faith and cannot be demonstrated. But
in the metaphysics of the day they were generally
treated as either self-evident or demonstrable, or both,
and on this supposition elaborate speculative systems
were built. Kant not only proved that, as far as
speculative knowledge is concerned, these systems
are baseless fabrications, but he proved it so rigor
ously, with such mathematical definiteness and con-
clusiveness, and so often, that, if his premises are
admitted, there is no escape from the conviction that
the matter is finally settled. His thorough criticism
destroyed the dogmatism of metaphysicians on these
subjects.
If now metaphysic deals with God, freedom, and
immortality, then it is evident from the " Kritik " that
this science must be a failure, since this work proves
that, speculatively, we can know nothing about them.
Every argument in favour of their existence is met
by an equally valid one against it. We can know
nothing except mathematics and what is given in
experience ; that is, we can know phenomena and
their laws, but besides and behind them absolutely
nothing. In the " Prolegomena " the following is given
as the result of the whole " Kritik :" " That our rea
son, by means of all its principles, never teaches us any
thing a priori except objects of possible experience,
and even of these nothing except what can be known
POSTULATES OF THE PRACTICAL KEASOX. 291
in experience." Since the substance is altogether
beyond the reach of our minds, our knowledge is
doomed to move in a world of mere appearances.
The tendency of the " Kritik " is to humble man
greatly, to check wild speculations in metaphysics, and
to concentrate the attention of philosophers on the
things which are within the reach of knowledge. If
the supersensible lies beyond the limits of reason,
then more attention will, naturally, be paid to the
positive sciences. There is no doubt that, instead of
promoting idealism or even metaphysics, the " Kritik "
is rather calculated to promote the study of the
natural sciences and mathematics, and that the Critical
Philosophy, in this respect, ends where Bacon began.
However, what Kant takes with one hand he gives
back again with the other ; for what he denies to
the speculative reason, he vindicates as the sphere
of the practical reason. While, on the one hand, the
" Kritik " is negative and destructive in its results, it is,
on the other, positive and constructive. Kant believes
it necessary for man to elevate himself above the
sensible, and he thinks that something must neces
sarily be jioxtulatcd as absolute and infinite, and as the
cause of all finite things. We cannot understand
what or how this is ; therefore it is not an object of
science, and it is not, strictly speaking, knowledge ;
but it is a necessary, though inexplicable, presupposi
tion. Where the speculative reason is impotent,
there the practical reason prescribes laws which arc
absolute, and these are based on the supposition of
the existence of God and freedom. The practical
reason does not, indeed, give any speculative know
ledge, nor knowledge which can be used speculatively ;
r i!
292 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
its domain is purely practical ; nevertheless, its postu
lates are sucli as to give a basis on which moral faith
can rest ; and for all practical purposes this basis is
absolute.
Kant does not regard it as a serious loss that it has
been proved that by means of speculation we can
know nothing of God and freedom and immortality.
On ordinary minds the speculative arguments never
had any influence. There are still arguments left
which can be used and which give us moral certainty.
Reason finds it necessary to accept the law that in
animals no organ, no power, no impulse is in vain,
but that everything is perfectly adapted to some pur
pose. Can it be that man is the only exception to
this law ? In him we find talents, impulses, and par
ticularly a conscience, which are not merely adapted
to use in this life, but which often lead a man to deny
himself here with a view of fitting himself the better
to become a citizen of another world ; in other words,
Kant recognizes in man faculties which do not have
full scope for exercise here, which are adapted to
another sphere, and which point to something beyond
this life. If means are adapted to ends, as we are
firmly convinced that they must be, then these powers
within us, and the consciousness of a certain limit-
lessness of the possible increase of our knowledge, and
the impulse to seek this increase, remain as incontro
vertible arguments in favour of immortality, in spite
of the fact that we can neither comprehend its nature,
nor give a speculative demonstration that we are
immortal.
Kant declares that we do not need a knowledge of
the existence of God, of freedom, and of immortality ;
FAITH IN COP, FKKEDOM, IMMORTALITY. 293
yet they are urged on us by our reason, which has a
presentiment of them and a deep interest in them, and
which enters on a course of speculation to discover
them, though they constantly flee from it. This
proves that reason is constituted with reference to
these objects, and they are the problems of what may
be called pure philosophy. Hence if the speculative
reason cannot discover them, they must belong to the
province of the practical reason. As our faculties
point to immortality, so all moral laws point to free
dom and to God. If there is no freedom, then there
is no morality ; if there is no God, then virtue, which
deserves a happiness which it does not receive here,
is deceived, since there will be no one to give it, in
another life, the happiness which it merits. Repeatedly
and emphatically, Kant shows that, practically, we
must believe in God, freedom, and the immortality of
the soul, and that if these are fictions, then our
nature is so constituted as to deceive us. Ho is
anxious to check empiricism, as well as speculation,
in their denial of the basis of religion and morality ;
and he shows that they become dogmatic and trans
cend the limits of reason whenever they deny the
existence of objects beyond experience. And so
anxious is he to secure a place for morality and faith,
that he says, in the Preface to the second edition of
the " Kritik," " I was obliged to destroy knowledge,
in order to make room for faith." And while he
destroys the useless speculations which try to prove
the existence of objects not given in experience, he
also expects the " Kritik " to destroy the roots of
materialism, fatalism, atheism, pernicious scepticism,
anaticism, superstition, and idealism.
294 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
Although Kant s moral and religious views are con
sidered in the next chapter, it is necessary to give
their basis in the " Kritik " more fully than is done
in the preceding general outline. He thinks that in
giving to our reason the character it possesses, the
aim was moral, not speculative. The three problems
of God, of freedom, and of immortality, have this
peculiar significance, that they show us what is to Ic
done if the will is free, if there is a God, and if the
soul is immortal. That the will is free, is a matter of
experience; it may, consequently, without anything
further, be regarded as settled. ( 12 ) The problems
which therefore remain are : "Is there a God ? Is
there a future life ? "
The three questions on which the interest of the
speculative as well as the practical reason is con
centrated are the following : " What can I know ?
What ought I to do? What may I hope?" The
first is purely speculative, and Kant thinks that he
has exhausted all possible answers to this question.
The second is purely moral, and may belong to pure
reason; but as it is not transcendental, it does not
belong to the " Kritik." The third question may be
put in this form, " If I do what I ought, what may
I hope ? " It is practical since it deals with conduct,
and theoretical since it concludes that something
exists because certain things ought to be done, some
thing which determines the ultimate aim of conduct.
This is therefore a question which can properly be
considered in the " Kritik."
There are purely moral laws which determine
d priori what ought to be done ; and their commands
are absolute, without regard to empirical motives, such
MORALITY A\D HAPPINESS.
as happiness. The moral judgment of every person
acknowledges this imperative. There must there
fore be possible a system of what ought to be done,
and the principles of the pure reason which determine
this have an objective reality in their practical and
moral application. The answer to the question,
"What ought I to do?" is this, "Do that which will
make you worthy of being happy." The question then
arises, " If by means of my conduct I am made
worthy of being happy, shall I attain the happiness
which I deserve ? In the exercise of its theoretical as
well as practical functions, reason presupposes that
every one has a right to expect that degree of happi
ness of which he has made himself worthy by his con
duct. Therefore the ideas of morality and happiness
are inseparably connected in pure reason. But after
we have done the utmost to make ourselves worthy of
happiness, we cannot expect this happiness itself to
result from the nature of things, nor from the conduct
itself; how then can we account for this ceaseless
striving to become worthy of happiness ? If there is
nothing but nature, then reason cannot answer this
question. This harmony between morality and happi
ness can be hoped for only if a highest reason, which
rules according to moral law, is taken as the basis of
nature. " I call the idea of such an intelligence, in
which the morally perfect will is connected with the
greatest happiness, and which is the source of all
happiness in the world, so far as it is exactly propor
tioned to morality (the worthiness of being happy),
thr ideal of the highest good." It is only in this ideal
that the pure reason can find the practically necessary
union between morality and happiness. Now it. is
296 THE LIFE OP IMMANUEL KANT.
evident that in this world happiness is not propor
tioned to worthiness ; therefore we must believe in the
existence of another world for the consummation of
this harmony. Kant therefore draws the conclusion,
that obligation as the principle of conduct, to which
the reason subjects us, presupposes two things, namely,
the existence of God and a future life. For, unless
there is a God as the wise author and governor of
the universe, there cannot possibly be the required
harmony between morality and happiness. If there is
no such a Being and no future life, for the compensa
tion of virtue, then the moral laws must be regarded
as empty phantoms, since the consequences, which
are implied in obedience to these laws, do not follow.
The moral laws, which are universally regarded as
commands, cannot be such commands if they do not
d priori connect with their rules proportionate results,
and attach to them promises and threats ; but they
cannot attach these unless the source of the laws is a
Being which is the Highest Good, for only this Being
can fulfil the promises and execute the threats. If
we suppose that there is no God and no future life,
then the ideas of morality are, indeed, objects of
approval, but they are not motives for resolutions and
for the execution of the resolutions, because they do
not fulfil the purpose which is natural to every rational
being, and which is ordained d priori and made neces
sary by the pure reason.
Neither happiness alone, nor morality alone, but
both together, the one exactly proportioned to the
other, constitute the highest good. But we must be
careful not to pervert their relation to each other. The
moral disposition is the condition for being made par-
MORAL THEOLOGY. 297
taker of happiness ; but the prospect of happiness is not
to be made the ground of a good disposition. If the
latter were done, then the disposition would not be
moral, and consequently it would not be worthy of
happiness.
This is an outline of the Kantian basis of a moral
theology, which lie places immeasurably above the
speculative, since it necessarily leads to the idea of
a perfect and rational Being as the author of all
things. This Being must be one ; for how could we
find a unity of purpose in different wills? This
supreme Will must be almighty, in order that nature
and its relations may be subject to it ; it must be omni
scient, in order that it may know the innermost pur
poses of man and their moral worth ; it must be omni
present, in order that it may be present to meet all the
necessities required by the greatest welfare of the
world ; and it must be eternal, in order that at no
time there may be a failure to harmonize nature and
freedom, worthiness and happiness. The ideas thus
practically gained by reason necessarily lead to the
conclusion that there is a unity of purpose in all things.
The world must be viewed as having sprung from one
idea, if we are to regard it as in harmony with the
moral use of reason. Accordingly, purpose is demanded
in nature ; and all investigation of nature receives a
tendency towards a system of means adapted to ends,
and in its highest development becomes physico-
theology.
We thus find that for our highest interests the
practical reason furnishes what the speculative cannot
supply, but can at best only imagine. While the prac
tical reason cannot make this a demonstrated dogma, it
D THE LIFE OF 1MMANUEL KANT.
absolutely demands it as a condition for its highest
purposes. Kant is extremely guarded in the use he
makes of the conclusions thus drawn from the practical
reason. He does not regard moral acts as obligatory
because they are God s commands ; but he regards
them as God s commands because they are subjectively
obligatory. Kant does not deduce the moral law from
the existence of God ; but the existence of God is
deduced from the existence of the moral law. Moral
theology is to be used for practical purposes only,
namely, to enable us to fulfil our destiny in this world ;
and it is an abuse to use for speculative purposes the
results obtained practically. We therefore still have
every reason to be very modest. There are three
stages in our convictions, namely, opinions, faith, and
knowledge. The practical reason gives us only faith,
not dogmas which can be regarded as demonstrated ;
but this faith may be so strong as to give its possessor
the conviction of certainty. This certainty is not
logical, but moral. Kant says, " No one can boast
that he knows that there is a God and a future life ; for
if he knows it, he is just the man whom I have long
been seeking. All knowledge (if it is an object of
pure reason) can be communicated, and I should hope
to see my knowledge wonderfully increased by his in
struction. No, the conviction is not loyical, but moral
certainty ; and as it rests on subjective grounds,
namely, on the moral disposition, I must not even say,
It is morally certain that there is a God, et cetera, but
I am morally certain that this is the case."
Kant thus comes to the conclusion that the highest
philosophy cannot determine more respecting the
essential purposes of human nature than to attain that
OTHKK BOKS. 29!)
guidance which it is also the privilege of the ordinary
understanding to attain.
In his " Kritik," Kant did not aim to give a system
of metaph} T sics. This he says plainly in the Preface of
the second edition, and in a letter to Mendelssohn he
states that it was the aim of the " Kritik " to inves
tigate the ground on which the superstructure of
metaphysic was to be built. So far is Kant from
believing that he gave the system itself in the book,
that two years after it appeared he discussed the ques
tion whether metaphysic is possible, and declared that
the conditions for producing a system had never yet
been complied with, and states plainly that as yet there
is no metaphysics. In the " Kritik " he gave the propae
deutics to the system, while in the works following it
he aimed to give metaphysics itself. Fichte, Schelling,
Hegel, and also others attempted to give the system.
Kant, aware of the difficulty of understanding the
book, determined, immediately after the appearance of
the " Kritik," and before the public had time to give a
verdict, to prepare a popular abstract of the work, so
as to make its results accessible to a larger class of
readers. lie immediately began the preparation of this
abstract, and he expected to have it ready for the press
in the spring of 1782, but it appeared a year later,
under the title, " Prolegomena to every Future Meta
physic which can appear as a Science." ( l:>1 )
While the "Kritik" is the masterpiece of Kant,
there are important works which followed the " Prole
gomena," works which are interesting for their own
sake, as well as on account of their relation to the
"Kritik" and the application of its ideas. In 1780
he published his " Metaphysical Principles of Natural
300 THE LIFE OF 1MMANUEL KANT.
Science," in which he discusses the laws of the pheno
mena of matter. The " Kritik " had shown that we
can know nothing but phenomena ; applying this to
nature, we can, of course, understand only the mani
festations of matter, not substances. In this book on
Natural Science, Kant discusses the principles of
motion, applying to them the four categories, quantity,
quality, relation, and mode, and considers the subjects,
phoronomics, dynamics, mechanics, and phenome
nology. The book is only a kind of propaedeutics to
a metaphysical system of natural science.
According to the results of the " Kritik," the under
standing gives the forms of all knowledge, and this
knowledge deals only with phenomena. This limits
our knowledge to nature, and a metaphysic of nature,
if complete, would embrace the whole domain of the
knowable. Man would thus be treated as also a pro
duct of nature. But the " Kritik" had also shown that
we have moral interests, the principles of which are
given d priori, they being the product of pure reason.
While, therefore, the understanding deals with nature,
the reason deals with morals. In the " Critique of the
Practical Reason," and in his other works on morals and
religion, Kant embodied what he regarded as the prin
ciples of reason respecting our conduct. But in thus
giving the principles of nature and of morals he did
not yet complete his work. One more critique was
necessary, namely, the cc Critique of the Judgment." ( 122 )
The reason is the faculty which gives principles
d priori. These principles are regulative, not constitu
tive. The understanding, on the other hand, gives
categories a priori, which are the laws for all pheno
mena. Whatever speculative notions are not included
THE FACULTIES OF THE MINI). 301
under these laws of the understanding, are ideas
(such as soul, God, freedom) which belong to the
reason. Since we cannot prove that any reality
corresponds with these ideas, they are, as Kant says,
not constitutive; but they are regulative ideas, being
guides to us in our investigation and practice. Thus
by means of these regulative principles, the under
standing is checked in its assumption that it has
included all things in its categories, and it is also
guided in its contemplations of nature to proceed
according to a perfect principle.
Kant divides the faculties of the soul as follows : the
faculty of knowledge ; that of the emotions of pleasure
and displeasure ; and the appetitive faculty ; or into
intellect, susceptibility, and will. The intellect he
divides into understanding, judgment, and reason.
From the understanding proceed the laws for nature,
from the reason the laws for freedom ; the former is
theoretical, the latter is practical. Here, then, we have
the reason and the understanding strictly separated,
each having its domain where it is supreme, the reason
in determining free conduct, and the understanding
in giving the laws of nature. How can they be united ?
According to Kant, the judgment mediates between
the understanding and the reason, between nature and
freedom, between the sensible and the supersensible, all
of which were shown by the " Kritik " to be sharply
separated. The judgment is based on the idea that
there is design in nature. This design, while in nature,
is nevertheless a principle of freedom, and is, accord
ingly, a union of nature and of freedom, or of the
understanding, which gives laws to nature, and of the
reason, which gives laws to freedom. It is the
302 THE LIKE OF 1MMANUEL KANT.
judgment which discovers design in nature. This
design is twofold ; it is viewed as applying only to
ourselves, namely, as producing in us pleasure or dis
pleasure, and the judgment deals with design in this
sense under the head of taste ; or design is in things
themselves, and then it must be teleological, having re
ference to the Author of the design. In the " Critique
of the Judgment " there are therefore two parts, the
first discussing the aesthetic judgment, the second the
teleological. It is the former which chiefly interests
us, which has also had the greatest influence on litera
ture. Kant s view of art is found mainly in this book.
What is the beautiful ? It is that whose very contem
plation pleases us ; its very form gives pleasure. There
are three kinds of pleasure, the first derived from the
agreeable, the second from the beautiful, and the third
from the good ; but it is only in the case of the beautiful
that the mere contemplation gives pleasure. The hun
gry man is not satisfied with a mere thought or the sight
of a feast, nor the moral man with a mere representation
of the good ; in each case the thing itself is desired, the
one to be eaten, the other to be done. But the aesthetic
taste is satisfied with the mere representation of a beau
tiful object and with its contemplation; the appropriation
of the object, or its use in any sense, is foreign to this
taste. It is not use, nor appropriation, nor knowledge,
which is the essence of the aesthetic ; but it is a pleasure
which springs solely from the contemplation of an
object. In aesthetics, therefore, we have a purely dis
interested emotion. C 3 )
Kant does not discuss beauty in objects, but only
the impression which it makes on the soul, or the
emotion of the beautiful. He calls the agreeable, that
BEAUT V. 3(K>
which gratifies; the beautiful, that which pleases ; the
good, that which one approves. The agreeable is for
irrational animals as well as for man ; the good is for all
rational beings ; the beautiful is only for beings both
animal and rational, that is, it is for man. The beau
tiful is, therefore, peculiarly human.
"Beauty in nature is a beautiful object; beauty in
art is a beautiful representation of an object." It is
the aim of the beautiful arts to produce beauty which
pleases of itself, without reflection and without use.
As has already been stated, it is only in art that Kant
admits any genius, and he says, " Beautiful art is the
art of genius." A Newton produces a system which
another can master and reproduce in his own mind
we can think his thoughts after him ; but Homer cannot
be imitated. " Genius is the talent, or gift of nature,
which gives to art its law."
A production may be according to rules, and yet
lack spirit. There are poems, histories, conversations,
which are correct and instructive, but they lack spirit,
the very thing which is the living element and the soul
of a production. What is this spirit ? It is simply
the ability to represent aesthetic ideas. By an
aesthetic idea Kant means that product of the ima
gination which inspires thought, although it cannot
itself be definitely given in thought, hence language
can never adequately represent it. AVe may say,
therefore, that Kant means by the spirit of a pro
duction, the symbols of thought embodied in it, but
not fully expressed ; it is the suggestive element in a
production. The elements necessary for the production
of tlir line arts are the imagination, spirit, and taste.
The times were favourable for giving this book an
304 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KAXT.
influence in literature. Through Baumgarten, Lessing,
Winckelman, and others, a new impulse had been
given to the study of aesthetics, and Kant aimed to
give the essence of the whole matter in this
book. Schiller was much indebted to this " Critique
of the Judgment," and he modified and used its prin
cipal thoughts in his " ^Esthetic Letters " and other
writings, just as he embodied many of Kant s moral
ideas in his poetry. Goethe read Kant s works much
less than Schiller, but he thought highly of this book.
His criticism of it is, that it " discusses rhetoric
admirably, and poetry tolerably well, but the plastic
arts inadequately."
The last book written by Kant appeared in 1 798,
and discussed the conflict for supremacy between the
different faculties in the universities. It is particularly
interesting on account of its views of religion, and
the references to his health ; and frequent use has been
made of it in this biography. This, however, did not
end his efforts at authorship. Till near the end of
his life he worked on a manuscript which has a
melancholy interest for us. After completing various
other literary plans, he was anxious to give a fitting
close to his philosophy by the publication of still
another work. As early as 1795 his friend Kiesewetter
wrote to him from Berlin, complaining that the last
catalogues contained no announcement of books by
him, and adds, " For several years you have intended
to give the public a number of sheets on the transition
from your * Metaphysical Principles of Natural Science
to physics." In 1798 Kant wrote to his friend, " My
health is that of an old man who is not sick, never
theless is an invalid who has become unfit for public
LAST MANCJSCRIPT. 3U5
official duties, but is still conscious of a small measure
of strength to complete a work on which he is now
engaged, with which he expects to complete the
Critical undertaking and to fill up a still remaining gap,
namely, " The Transition from the Metaphysical Prin
ciples of Natural Science to Physics," as a separate
part of natural philosophy which must not be omitted
in the system."
From Ilasse ( 1J4 ) we learn that for some years Kant
worked on this manuscript, that its title was to be,
" The system of Pure Philosophy according to its com
plete idea," and that in it he discussed philosophy, God,
freedom, and especially the transition from physics to
metaphysics. This friend of Kant says of the manu
script, " Kant was accustomed to speak confidentially
of this as his principal work, his chef-d oeuvre, and
to say that it was to complete his system, that it was
already finished, and needed only revision." Jach-
mann states, "Kant was accustomed to speak with
genuine inspiration to me about his last book, which
was, he declared, to be the keystone of his entire
system, and would establish the validity and applica
bility of his philosophy." While he sometimes spoke
of the manuscript as so far completed as to need
only "the last file," at others he had his doubts about
the matter and expressed the wish that it should be
burnt after his death.
Kant adopted the old Greek division of philosophy
into the three sciences, physics, ethics, and logic. The
last is pure formal philosophy, since it deals merely
with the forms or the necessary and universal laws
of thought. The other two, physics and ethics, may
be called material philosophy, since they deal with
306 THE LIFE OF 1MMANUEL KANT.
objects and their laws. The objects of which material
philosophy treats, are nature and freedom, the science
of the former being physics, of the latter, ethics.
There are, however, both in nature and in freedom,
two kinds of elements, namely, the a priori and the
a posteriori^ the rational and the empirical ; therefore,
we have both rational and empirical physics and morals.
Kant deals with the rational elements of science,
his aim being to put them on an immovable basis ; he
discusses pure, not applied philosophy. Pure philo
sophy rests solely on a priori principles, and has no
empirical elements. Pure formal philosophy is logic.
But if pure philosophy deals with objects, and not
merely with forms of thought, it is called metaphysics.
These objects being those of nature and of freedom, we
have a metaphysic of nature and a metaphysic of
morals, in both of which there is simply a discussion
of a priori principles. In order that there may be a
complete system of metaphysics, it is necessary to have
in it a system of nature based on a priori principles,
and a system of morals also based on a priori principles.
The latter Kant gave in his works on morals, but for
the former he gave only the propaedeutics in his
" Metaphysical Principles of Natural Science." The
last manuscript was, no doubt, intended to be the
science of nature based on a priori principles, for which
this book was the preparation.
After the death of Kant, the manuscript was found
among his papers, and was carefully examined with a
view to its publication, but it was found that there Avas
so much confusion in the thoughts that it was alto
gether unfit to appear in print. Hasse says, " The
idea of philosophy seems to have caused the sublime
ITS CHARACTER. 307
thinker much trouble, since the subject was so often
crossed out and worked over." After this examination
the manuscript was lost sight of for a long time ; then
Schubert saw it in Berlin and examined it, but did not
have access to it long enough to describe it fully. It
disappeared again, and all trace of it was lost until re
cently, when a description of it was sent to Dr. Reicke,
of Konigsberg.( 125 ) From this description we learn that,
in the beginning of this manuscript, Kant made great
efforts to define transcendental philosophy and to give
the objects of which it treats. " That definition is
attempted several hundred times, at least, and the
following are mentioned as its objects, God, the world,
and man in the world." It bears this title, " The
Transition from the Metaphysical Principles of Natural
Science to Physics." There are one hundred sheets,
most of them written quite legibly and without
abbreviations. Besides the definitions of transcendental
philosophy, the manuscript treats chiefly of subjects
pertaining to physics. In different parts the same
subjects are treated, Kant evidently having forgotten
that he had already discussed them. Many subjects
are begun, but nothing is completed ; the same thought
is frequently repeated ; there are laborious efforts to
produce system, but, instead, there is hopeless con
fusion and a strange mixture of thoughts. Instead of
continuing the discussion of the subject under con
sideration, Kant seems at times to have written what
ever stray thought happened to be in his mind ; and on
the margin and between the lines there are all kinds
of miscellaneous remarks and domestic memoranda.
In one place he wrote that henceforth the day of prayer
ought to be called a day of repentance, and that re-
308 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
pentance should not consist in asking for forgiveness,
but in making restitution.
The manuscript gives an insight into the state of
Kant s mind and the character of his intellectual occu
pations towards the close of his life. In his plans and
in his subjects we find him intellectually great to the
last. He still attempted to solve the great mysteries
of mind and nature, and his thoughts continued to
move in the sphere to which he had given his best
energies for over half a century; but he could no
longer concentrate his attention steadily on any subject.
He was not able to develop a thought fully, and, still
less, to unite the different thoughts into a system ; and
his memory was too weak to remember what he had
already written. Repeatedly he attempts to wrestle
with the profoundest problems of the human intellect,
but is baffled in every effort at solution. The contrast
between the grand plan and the feeble execution is as
striking as it is sad. That the author of the " Kritik "
could at any time imagine that this jumble needed
only revision in order to make it ready for the press,
shows how completely the great mind had lost its
grasp.
His efforts to define transcendental philosophy are
found at the beginning of the manuscript, and were,
no doubt, made before his mind had lost the power of
consecutive thought. While he had lost much of his
former vigour, it is, nevertheless, an evidence of the
extreme difficulty of the subject that, after devoting
so many years to metaphysics and after writing the
" Kritik," he should have made hundreds of: futile
attempts to define transcendental philosophy. Did he
change his former views of the whole subject ? He
TKANSCENDENTAL PHILOSOPHY. 309
seems, also, to have bad difficulty in determining the
objects with which metaphysics deals, though he
formerly thought that this had been settled by the
" Kritik." God, nature, and man, are mentioned as
these objects ; but, unfortunately, we do not know how
the great metaphysician at last viewed the whole
matter. What might not have been accomplished if,
with his powers unimpaired, he had been able to carry
out his plan to give a complete system of pure philo
sophy ! Then we should have had the " Kritik " as
the propa3deutics to the system, while his works on
morals, and the work to which he devoted his last
labours, would have given the system itself,
310 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
CHAPTER X.
MORAL AND RELIGIOUS VIEWS AND CHARACTER.
Importance of the subject Freedom Conscience a sufficient guide
Duty The practical reason Its primacy The good will
Emotionless morality Categorical Imperative Maxims
Stoicism Integrity Truthfulness Emotional nature Basis
of his theology Postulates Religious character of the age
Rationalism Historical faith History depreciated His re
ligion essentially morality View of Scripture Moral interpre
tation Public and private use of reason The Trinity Christ
Sin Conversion The Church Worship The next world
Ministers Influence of his rationalism Explanation of his
theology Called to account by the Government.
KANT S Critical Philosophy receives and deserves more
attention than his practical works, on account of its
profundity and because it has exerted the greatest
influence and determined his place in history ; if, how
ever, we want to understand the man himself, we must
also consider his relation to morals and religion. The
supreme importance which he himself attached to these
subjects, and the light which his moral and religious
views throw on his mind and heart, make it the more
necessary to give them a prominent place in his bio
graphy. The fact that he did not establish morality
and religion on a firm speculative basis, and that in
some respects his efforts to do so reveal his weakness
rather than his strength, does not in the least justify
MORAL AM) THEOLOGICAL INFLUENCE. 311
a neglect of these subjects here where the interest is
not centred on the truth of the system but on the
character of its author. Even when his influence is
considered, his practical as well as his speculative works
must be taken into the account. If the former have
received less attention than they deserve, it is because
men have been so dazzled by the brightness of the
latter that they have overlooked his other works; just
as over Goethe s literary productions men forget that
he also wrote on scientific subjects. Kant s influence
on morals and religion was only second to that exerted
by him on philosophy. The Kantian morality filled
works on ethics, was taught in the universities, was
preached from the pulpits, and was potent in shaping
conduct and in determining the moral tone of literature.
At the close of last century and the beginning of the
nineteenth, the number of Kantian theologians was
legion ; and Kantian theology, as well as the Critical
Philosophy, forms a prominent period in German
literature. It was through his marvellous power that
the various anti-orthodox tendencies which flourished
during the period of Illumination were concentrated
into Rationalism. ( 126 )
Kant rejected the doctrine of natural depravity,
though he held that every man sins ; but instead of
regarding this as a consequence of an original corrup
tion of human nature, he held that, in the case of every
individual, it is the result of free choice. While we
cannot understand how sin could enter the world, or
how a man can pass from a state of purity to corrup
tion, the fact of sin itself cannot be questioned. During
the period of Illumination it became common to view
sin superficially and sentimentally; but Kant, with
312 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
his profound knowledge of human nature, had a deep
view of sin, pronounced men depraved, and called the
evil reigning in man radical. Nevertheless, in spite
of this deep and universal prevalence of sin among men,
he held that the original nature is good, and that if
this nature were only properly developed, man would
be morally perfect, and he says, " The germs which lie
in man need only be more and more developed ; for
the grounds of evil are not found in the natural en
dowments of man. The source of evil is found in the
fact that human nature is not subjected to rules.
There are in man no germs except for that which is
good."
In order that the development may be perfectly
moral, it is only necessary to follow the dictates of
conscience. " The law within us," as he defines con
science, is an infallible guide ; and nothing but
obedience to this can give a man dignity and worth.
On this autonomy of man he places the strongest
emphasis ; it determines the entire character of his
system of morals, and largely influences his theological
views. While others laid the stress on man s freedom
with reference to the creature, Kant also emphasized
this freedom in man s relation to God ; and as in his
cosmogony he held that nature s laws, originating with
God, work without the interposition of the Divine
agency, so he held that conscience, originally proceeding
from God, is of itself sufficient to be the guide in
morals and religion. Thus man is not only free, but,
as far as moral guidance is concerned, he is independent,
and it is unworthy of him to subject himself to
external authority in morals. While Kant regards
the conscience as the gift of God, it is easy to under-
NATURE OP MORALITY. 313
stand why he bases morality directly on conscience,
not on God. We have an immediate knowledge of
conscience ; by means of its activity it makes itself
known directly to consciousness ; but the existence of
God is, according to the " Kritik," inferred chiefly
from the fact that man has a conscience. The
existence of conscience is for us a primitive fact, that
of God is derivative. The moral law in iis being the
evidence of God s existence, instead of being dependent
on that existence, is treated by Kant as authoritative
for us if even there were no God. Whatever the
ultimate ground of morals may be, for us its source is
in ourselves ; for conscience is an absolute law unto
itself.
What is duty ? Kant answers that it is the obliga
tion to act solely from regard for the moral law r ; and
he wants it to be perfectly pure, that is, uninfluenced
by any motive whatever except regard for that law.
Pure duty is its own absolute and all-sufficient motive ;
and the oucjld, in perfect and cold isolation, is the sole,
as well as the supreme rule in morals. Nothing
inspires Kant more than this idea of duty, and he
becomes eloquent and enthusiastic in discussing it.
He says that the two objects which fill the spirit with
ever new and increasing admiration the oftener and the
more continuously reflection dwells on them, are the
starry heavens above us and the moral law within us.
And he exclaims, " Duty ! thou great, sublime name !
thou includest nothing which flatters, but thou
demandest subjection ; neither, on the other hand, dost
thou threaten anything which excites a natural aversion
in the soul, nor dost thou frighten in order to move
the soul ; but thou only announcest a law which of
314 THE LfFE OP IMMANUEL KANT.
itself finds access to the spirit, and in spite of itself
excites reverence a law before which all inclinations
are dumb, though in secret they oppose it."
The reason having two functions, the theoretical and
the practical, the former deals with knowledge, the
latter with conduct. ( 127 ) In both functions the reason
is a priori, its laws being inherent in itself and not the
product of experience. Hence it is the pure practical
reason (with no empirical elements) which determines
a priori the principles of conduct, just as the pure
speculative reason gives ideas. This pure, practical
reason is, according to Kant, simply the free will.
Speculatively we can determine nothing respecting it,
but practically we must accept it as the source of
conduct and the basis of morality. Without freedom
there could be neither morality nor worthiness ; but
since men are free, their dignity requires that they
should not be treated as mere means, instead of ends.
Since the reason is both speculative and practical,
it is a question of the utmost importance in morals,
" Which is the more important function ? " We have
already found the answer ; but we must emphasize it,
as otherwise the negative results of the "Kritik " will
be likely to affect our views of his moral system. With
an emphasis that is unmistakable, the speculative Kant
gives the preference to the practical reason, and
declares that to it belongs the "primacy." Its prin
ciples, like those of the speculative reason, area priori,
universal, and necessary; they, indeed, must not
conflict with the speculative reason, nevertheless they
transcend it, since it cannot explain these principles.
If the practical were subject to the speculative reason,
then its principles, which the speculative cannot
PKIMACY OF THE PRACTICAL UEASOX. ol;>
explain, would have to be rejected. Even the interest
of the speculative reason is only conditional, and is
made perfect in its practical application. It is not the
fact that man has reason which elevates him above
the brute, if that reason only enables him to do for
himself what instinct does for the animal ; in that case
reason would indicate for man no higher aim or destiny
than that of the brute, but only a different way of
attaining the same end. Man is elevated above the
animal because he has an aim which it cannot have.
Reason distinguishes between good and bad, and it
can make morality the ruling purpose of life ; this is
man s prerogative and glory.
Kant declares that there is nothing good in the
world, except the good will.( 128 ) Not only does he em
phasize this, but he also gives it a strictly literal
application to morality. The good will is one which
acts purely from regard for the moral law ; and this
will alone, and not culture, nor endowments, nor
emotions of any kind, makes a man good. An act
may conform to the law without being moral ; it is
moral only when it is done for the sake, of the law. If
a man is honest from policy, not from regard for the
law, his honesty is legal, not moral. Neither is that
benevolence moral which springs from pity for the
suffering, not from regard for the law, and he says in
his " Basis for the Metaphysics of Morality :"-
" It is a duty to be charitable when one can ; and
many souls are so sympathetic that, without any
other motive of vanity or selfishness, they find an in
ward joy in spreading joy, and they take pleasure in
the satisfaction of others as far as it is their work.
But I declare that in such a case these acts, however
316 THE LIFE OP IMMANUEL KAXT.
dutiful, however lovely they may be, have no real
moral worth ; but they are to be classed with other
inclinations, as, for instance, with the desire for
honour when it agrees with what is generally bene
ficial and dutiful, and therefore is also honourable and
deserving of praise and encouragement, but not of
esteem ; for the maxim lacks moral worth, which does
not do such deeds from inclination, but because it is
a duty to do them." Kant supposes the case of a man
who is so much absorbed in his own grief that the
calamities of others do not touch him. If now he re
lieves others solely from duty, without any inclination,
" only then has the deed genuine moral worth." He
seems to describe himself in the following : "If nature
had put but little sympathy into the heart of a person ;
if he, an honest man, were from temperament indif
ferent and cold toward the sufferings of others, perhaps
because he is furnished with the special gift of patience
*and persevering endurance with respect to his own,
and also expects and even demands the same of others ;
if nature had formed such a man (who would verily
not be her worst product) not specially for a phil
anthropist, would not he, nevertheless, find in himself
a source of much greater worth than that which
springs from a kind temperament ? Certainly. Just
there the worth of that character begins which is moral
and without comparison the highest, namely, the
character which does good from duty, not from incli
nation." Not only does he want to banish all emotions,
even the higher ones, from morality, but he also fails
to mediate between duty and feeling; the two are
separated by a gulf which he leaves fixed and impas
sable. Disciples and great admirers of Kant have
THE CATEGORICAL IMPERATIVE. 317
regarded his system as defective in this respect, and
could not agree with him that the noblest feelings are
a hindrance to morality ; and some of the Kantian
moralists, especially Schiller, have attempted to
mediate between the emotions and morals, and to
introduce soul as well as conscience into his cold and
stern and heartless morality. ( 12 )
"While in his moral philosophy everything revolves
around conscience, free will, and duty, Kant also gives
what he regards as the highest principle of morality
and the most general rule of conduct, namely, his
celebrated Categorical Imperative. It is this law :
" Act in such a way that the maxim of thy conduct might
be made a general Z^?6 ."( l30a ) This law excludes all
selfishness, and is in no sense a maxim of prudence or
expediency ; it takes into account neither results nor
any possible contingencies, but it is always, and every
where, and for every person, absolutely and impera
tively, the supreme rule of action. Instead of con
sidering only the actor, it takes all mankind into
the account, and declares that the law of conduct
ought to be one which I could wish every other human
being to adopt ; for it says, act in such a way that
you could wish every one else to act in the same way.
This Categorical Imperative is essentially the same as
the Golden Rule in the Sermon on the Mount.
This sublime law, so free from every objectionable
motive, was received with all the more enthusiasm
because it was in such striking contrast witli the pre
valent morality. It reveals the moral grandeur in
Kant himself, gives the key to his whole system of
morals, and indicates the spirit of his ethics. But he
is far from being satisfied with general laws ; he wants
318 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
rules even for the details of life, and leaves as littlo
room for spontaneity in conduct as he does for in
clination. In his works there are numerous maxims
which throw light on his views as well as his life.
Not only was he in the habit of making general rules
and such as covered important cases, but he also made
maxims for matters of minor importance. These rules
were sharply defined, stood out in bold relief, and
received an unusual prominence and importance.
This effort to shape life, its emotions, as well as its
thoughts and volitions, according to rules, was the
natural result of his desire to reduce everything to
method and to system. In the course of time these
maxims, like the rules of grammar, were used without
thinking of them. In early life he found himself liable
to yield to the first impulse, whence consequences
resulted to himself and others which he had reason to
regret. In order to avoid such contingencies in the
future, he determined to use these occasions for the
formation of maxims covering those peculiar cases ;
these were to be his rules of conduct under similar
circumstances. With his indomitable will he carried
out these resolutions ; and Jachmann states that he
followed with unswerving firmness the maxims once
adopted. " In this way his whole life, in the course
of time, became a chain of maxims." Rarely can it
be said with equal truth that the maxims are the man.
The writer just quoted gives an illustration of the
manner in which they were formed. One day, as
Kant was returning home from a walk, a count who
was riding in his carriage met him. He stopped,
alighted, and asked him to take a drive with him, and
Kant accepted the invitation. The spirited and fleet
MAXIMS. 319
horses made the philosopher nervous. After driving
over his possessions, the count proposed that they
should visit a friend a few miles distant, and out of
politeness Kant assented. Contrary to his usual cus
tom, he did not reach home till ten in the evening.
The whole affair was exceedingly disagreeable to him;
and to avoid like occurrences in the future he adopted
the rule, never again to let any one take him pleasure-
riding, and to enter a carriage only when it was under his
own control. ( I30b ) "As soon as he had formed such a
maxim he knew just what to do in similar cases, and
nothing in the world could induce him to depart from
the rule adopted." This determination to regulate
life strictly according to rules struck his friends as one
of the most marked traits of his character ; and
Borowski observes : " That which was properly the
characteristic of Kant, according to the observation
of all who knew him, was his constant effort to act, in
all things, in conformity with well-matured and, in his
estimation at least, well-founded principles ; the effort
to fix, for large and small, for important and unim
portant affairs, maxims which were to be referred to
constantly, and were always to be the source of con
duct. These became so interwoven with himself that
he acted according to them without being conscious
of them." Kant himself says, " It is necessary for
our whole life to be subjected to moral maxims."
Owing to his strict adherence to rules, Kant s life
was remarkably even and regular, and was in an un
usual degree the result of rational self-control. There
is always grandeur in a life which shows itself so
superior to inclination and passion and circumstances,
and makes reason the supreme arbiter. Not only in
320 THE LIFE OF 1MMANUEL KANT.
Kant s philosophy, but also in his life, there is much
that suggests the sage who is immeasurably superior
to creatures of circumstances ; and the philosophic
mood of his lonely career has justly gained admiration.
He had an ideal for life, as well as for philosophy,
and he was stern and severe in his efforts for its
realization. But with all our admiration of the
wisdom which shone in his conduct, his effort to dis
cipline life into the grooves of his maxims also had
its disadvantages. The rules which free a man from
the control of his inclinations may themselves be
woven into a strait-jacket, and rational principles
may be carried to an extreme which makes their ap
plication irrational. The reign of maxims in Kant s
case was a logical deduction from his emotionless
morality ; and their supremacy to an extent which
suppressed impulse and spontaneity helped to rob his
life of much of the warmth, freshness, and variety,
which beautify even ordinary lives, and to limit it
methodically to wise but cold formulas. A cotem-
porary said of Kant, " He has made himself a slave
of his reason, and unflinchingly obeys its laws." Al
though this was intended as a compliment, the word
" slave " is too suggestive of something else. His rules
were, indeed, the result of careful reflection, often
embodied much wisdom, and saved him from many
mortifying experiences. But why are the emotions
given if, with and besides the rules, they are to have
no room for their healthy play ? Impulse and inclina
tion may be in harmony with truth and right, and
may intensify all that is noblest in man ; and to
banish or suppress them may in some respects make
a man more than ordinary humanity, but in others it
RATIONAL CONDUCT. 321
will make liim loss. It is said that when Kant found
that a maxim was no longer adapted to his condition
he would change it, and thus proved that he was
master of his maxims ; but it is evident that they
sometimes gained the complete mastery over him, and
made his life restrained and rigorous, and that at last
slight changes, even when necessary for his health
and safety, were made with extreme difficulty. His
mental, as well as his moral and physical life, was
subjected to rules, and his career was marked by an
almost unvarying sameness, especially in his later
years. The following is an illustration of the fact
that, with all his power of abstraction, his mind was
much influenced by mechanical routine. After re
turning from his walk he was in the habit of reading
till twilight. Then, in winter and in summer, he
would stand before the stove and fix his eyes on a
certain tower, while his mind was occupied with re
flections. In the course of time the poplars in a
neighbouring yard grew so high as to hide his favourite
tower. This so disturbed and annoyed him that he
was anxious that the trees should be topped ; and the
owner, to gratify him, did as he desired, thus enabling
the philosopher again to pursue his meditations un
interruptedly. This story reveals a prominent charac
teristic of Kant, namely, the tendency to an undeviating
sameness.
While he made the free and good will the essence of
all morality, he nevertheless thought it necessary to
prevent arbitrariness by carefully determining the
course of conduct by means of rational principles. lie
wanted to introduce a mathematical exactness into the
activity of the practical as well as of the speculative
322 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
reason. His moral philosophy shows how pre
dominant the intellectual element was in Kant. The
will is the practical reason, not in any sense the heart ;
its elements are intellectual, not emotional ; and the
maxims give the intellectual grooves in which the will
is to run. He says, " Many persons have no idea what
they want ; hence they act according to instinct and
authority." Men should learn to know what they
want, and this knowledge should be embodied in
maxims as the laws of life. Kant treats the will as if
it did not belong to the whole man, but only to the in
tellect ; and in his morality, as well as in his specula
tive philosophy, the emotional element seems to have
been absorbed by the intellectual. Reason, being the
highest, is also the governing faculty; as it gives the
principles of knowledge, so it also gives the laws of
conduct ; and Kant wants to make life, as well as our
philosophy, rational, insisting as strenuously on con
duct which has its source in the (practical) reason, as
he does on a philosophy which has its source in the
(speculative) reason. He regards as the true life that
one which translates reason into conduct ; and in this
fact we find the explanation of his numerous maxims.
While, however, depreciating the emotions in general,
Kant sought to attain that joy which springs from
the consciousness of having done right. In a letter
to Reinhold, he speaks of philosophical indifference
respecting all things not in our power, and claims that
the consciousness of having done our duty constitutes
the real worthiness of life, and that experience teaches
us that all other enjoyment, except this consciousness,
is vain. According to Kant, therefore, the real
grandeur and highest enjoyment of life are within the
MAXIMS AND MORALITY. 323
roach of all, the poorest, the humblest, and the
illiterate, as well as the richest, the most exalted, and
the most learned a conclusion worthy of the great
metaphysician and the sublime moralist.
Maxims, which Kant defines as laws made subjective
or rules chosen as the guides of life, should bo taught
early in life. Authority should be exercised to lead the
child to adopt them ; nevertheless it should learn to
appreciate them and adopt them voluntarily. Moral
training must rest on them, and he says, " One must
see to it that the pupil does right according to maxims,
not from habit, in order that he may not merely do
what is good, but because it is good ; for the whole
moral worth of actions consists in the good maxims."
The pupil should learn the grounds of his conduct and
recognize the idea of duty as its source. Kant gives
directions for the training of others in which he reveals
his o\vn laws of conduct, lie says that rules, not im
pulse, ought to determine the conduct of the young.
" Moral culture must be based on maxims, not on
discipline. . . . The first effort in moral training
should be to form a moral character. Character con
sists in skill to act according to maxims. At first they
are maxims of the school ; afterwards they become
those of humanity." When children have once
adopted rules of conduct, they ought to follow them
strictly. It is true, Kant says, that those are blamed
who always act according to law, the man, for instance,
who has a definite time for everything, as if he were
regulated by the watch ; yet, while such strict
adherence to time may look painful, it is, nevertheless,
important in the formation of character.
Laxity was altogether foreign to Kant s nature ; and
y 2
324 THE LIFE OF 1MMANUEL KANT.
as lie asked no mercy of others, so lie was not very
merciful in his judgments. Especially was he strict
in the fulfilment of promises to the letter, and in
demanding that others should do the same. Soon
after he became a tutor, a student promised to bring
him the pay for his lectures at a certain time. When
the appointed hour came, and the student did not
appear, Kant was restless and greatly displeased,
telling two friends who were present, that it was not
for the sake of the money but because a definite pro
mise had been given ; and every fifteen minutes he
would again speak of the fact that the young man did
not appear. When he made his appearance, a few
days later, he received a severe rebuke ; requesting
permission to take part in a disputation which was to
occur soon, Kant refused, saying, " You might again
break your word and not appear at the discussion, and
thus spoil everything."
Kant associated mostly with those who had com
paratively few wants, and did not come in contact with
the great sufferings of humanity ; it is not strange,
therefore, if his sympathies were but little developed.
His wonderful power of will in controlling his own
sufferings, his great endurance, and his successful con
flict with poverty and difficulties, led him to expect of
others similar power and triumphs ; and he looked with
a degree of contempt on those who failed. If he
depreciated the sympathies which Christianity particu
larly develops, he cherished sentiments worthy of the
noblest of the old Roman heroes, and there is a grandeur
in his stoicism. It seems as if we hear a Spartan voice
when he says, " A man must never weep other than
magnanimous tears. Those which he sheds in pain, or
MORAL STERNNESS. 325
on account of misfortune, make him despicable. "( IS1 )
The same spirit breathes in his maxim, " Crying and
moaning in physical pain are unworthy of you,
especially if you are conscious of being yourself the
cause of the pain." The nature of his studies and the
character of his life must be taken into consideration in
judging of his relation to others. Rink, who knew him
well, says, "His world was in his study; and even
when he had observed men with a sharp eye, he trans
ferred the results of his observation to the school, and
judged others as severely as he did himself. In doing
this, he naturally overlooked the impossibility of
appreciating the stand-point of others as fully as his
own, or as one at least believes that he appreciates his
own, so that the severity supposed to be just may
easily degenerate into slight injustice. And thus, I
believe, it may be explained that Kant, when he once
believed himself justified in forming an unfavourable
opinion of any one, seldom or never changed it."
And he also says, " The isolated life which Kant had
always lived, together with his limited wants, led him
either entirely to overlook much in the life of other
persons, or else at least to under-estimate it. Other
wise, I am convinced, it would be possible to relate
many more noblo deeds of him than can now be
done."
In spite of the severity of his principles and the
efforts to suppress his emotional nature, his life
furnishes numerous examples of genuine kindness,
and at times he was even tender. Kant was better
than his principles, in this respect, and his heart some
times transcended his philosophy. It may seem to be
a contradiction, but the testimony of his friends makes
326 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
it evident that, in spite of liis maxims, which excluded
impulse, and of his cold morality, he remained child
like ; and though he was not able to place himself on
the stand-point of the masses, he repeatedly proved that
he could be moved by the needs of others. He was
not an impulsive or sentimental philanthropist, and
(though the statements on this point are contradic
tory) the most reliable testimony declares that he
could not tolerate beggars ; still, he won many hearts
by his good and kind deeds.
Kant has justly been admired for his uprightness and
his sterling integrity. He not only taught the Cate
gorical Imperative, but he also strove to conform his
life to it, and he was above petty meanness and selfish
ness. He made strenuous efforts to attain the strictest
morality in his dealings with others, and his life was
singularly free from injustice and immorality. li Kant
lived as he taught," was said of him while still alive,
and since then it has been repeated frequently, and
efforts have not been wanting, on the part of devout
disciples, to ascribe to his doctrine and his life a perfec
tion which the unbiased critical student may fail to find;
but the very extravagance of the praise heaped on Kant
shows what a profound impression his exalted character
made on some of his contemporaries. Though he did
not attain his own ideal of perfection, his earnest
desire and even anxiety to do so are worthy of all com
mendation ; and he deserves enthusiastic praise who
so loved duty as to declare, " Whoever will yet pro
pose to me a good deed in my last moments, him will I
thank."
Truthfulness was regarded by Kant as the cardinal
virtue, and on it he laid the strongest emphasis. He
TRUTHFULNESS. 327
brought tins trait from his early home, in which this
virtue reigned, and where his father was most careful to
inculcate it. Kant esteemed lying inexpressibly base.
His usual strictness is seen in his very definition of a
lie, whatever is announced as true when one knows
that it is false, and whenever a man announces as
certain that of which he is not certain. In his " Peda
gogics" he speaks of truthfulness as the fundamental
and most essential trait of character, and says, " A
man who lies, has no character at all ; and if he has
anything good, it emanates onlyfrom his temperament;"
and he also says, " Lying makes a man an object of
general contempt, and is one of the means of robbing
him of that regard and confidence which each person
should have toward himself." So strict is lie in
demanding truthfulness, that he will tolerate no de
viation, not even in the extremest cases. There were
others who advocated the view that in dealing with
persons we must take into account the question
whether they are entitled to know the truth. Kant,
however, claimed that truthfulness is a duty which I
owe myself, irrespective of my relation to others ; and
he held that we have no right to deceive even the
murderer who seeks to take the life of our friend.
Truthfulness was a prominent trait of his own cha
racter. In his researches, his aim was the truth in
its purity ; hence his dread of prejudice and his long and
profound investigations to find a firm basis for know
ledge. His friends make special mention of his strict
adherence to the truth, and Borowski s testimony is,
* lie was reliable and truthful in every word, and taught
me, while yet a youth, with solemn earnestness, to bo
reliable and truthful and candid, just as he was and
328 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
continued to be." To this general rule, Borowski
himself found a single exception, which will, however,
be mentioned in considering Kant s religious views. ( IS2 )
He, of course, made a distinction between truth- "
fulness and candour, and held that, while a man ought
always to be truthful, he need not tell all he thinks
or knows, but must be his own judge of the extent of
his frankness. There maybe many reasons for with
holding facts or convictions from the public, and
perfect frankness might be a great evil.( 133 )
His aversion to flattery and to unmeaning compli
ments was but a reflex of his love of truth. The fact
that empty and ostentatious ceremonies and fulsome
praise were so common in society, made it the more a
duty to oppose them vigorously. He disliked the
parade of titles, and usually omitted his from the title-
page of his books. After he had attained to years of
maturity, he found extravagant compliments in dedi
cations disagreeable, though in his first attempt at
authorship he was guilty of the very thing he after
wards so severely censured.( 134 ) With his views of
the dignity of man, he could only look on everything
like cringing as degrading, and it was one of his maxims,
" Do not become a servant of men ; do not let others,
with impunity, trample your rights under foot." He
placed a high estimate on self-respect and self-confi
dence, and opposed all that tended to lower them ;
hence the importance which, he attached to the feeling
of independence, individually as well as politically.
That moral perfection which some of his eulogists
ascribed to him, Kant himself would have been the
first to disclaim. With all his self-confidence, and
with all the purity of his motives, he knew full well
EMOTIONAL ELEMENT. 329
that he was human ; and he was too keen an observer
of self not to see some of the failings which those who
were intimate with him did not fail to discover.
Profound and learned as he was, and earnestly as he
strove to do his duty, his isolated student-life, his
limited experience, and his predominantly intellectual
development, were certainly not calculated to make
him great-hearted. He placed the speculative and
the practical reason upon the throne : and in speak
ing of his intellectual greatness and of his moral
grandeur, rare praise can be bestowed on him without
danger of flattery. The heart was not his domain ;
in the emotions his sphere was limited ; many of the
affairs of humanity were altogether foreign to him,
while others touched him only externally. The breadth
of sympathy developed by personal suffering was
unknown to him, and he was a stranger to the emotions
fostered by family ties. When we look at his character
as a whole, we admire its moral earnestness and even
sternness, its sincerity, and its general excellence ;
but he himself was too suspicious of the emotions to
desire to inspire any enthusiasm with reference to his
own heart.
Kant s moral severity was in marked contrast with
the prevailing laxity. The undermining of faith in
Germany had prepared the way for the contagion of
French frivolity. In their thirst for happiness, men
lost sight of the claims of morality, or sought to make
them minister to their ruling passion. The low tone
of morals made the sublime height of Kant s ethics
the more conspicuous. The prevailing views may have
led him to make his morality the more stern and to
exclude from it all emotion, so as the more success-
330 THE LIFE OF 1M MANUEL KANT.
fully to reject all endaeraonism. But Kant himself
brought in happiness again as necessary for the
realization of the highest good.
The religious as well as the moral views of Kant
are based on the results of the " Kritik," and they
rest solely on the practical, not on the speculative
reason. We are conscious of our freedom; we cannot
go behind this fact, nor is it necessary. " You can,
for you ought" an expression which is often used by
him, settles the matter ; the fact that there is an ought
implies freedom, without which there could be no
responsibility. Speculatively, freedom itself is an in
soluble mystery ; but whatever the immediate causes
of moral conduct may be, its ultimate source is the
spontaneity of the actor.
This primal and indisputable fact of man s freedom
is the basis of Kant s theology, as well as of his ethics.
Conscience, which rests on this fact, demands per
fection, namely holiness ; but that is not attainable in
this life. Since, however, it is demanded of us, it
must also be practicable, and Kant again uses the
argument, " You ought, therefore you can." But
since holiness is not practicable here, it must be in
another life where there is an eternal progress toward
the realization of this ideal. The highest good, of
which the perfect conformity of the disposition with
the moral law is the first condition, is therefore pos
sible only if there is another life ; and the immortality
of the soul is the first postulate of the practical reason.
But the realization of the highest good, namely, the
perfect harmony between moral worthiness and happi
ness, or the bestowal of happiness according to desert,
cannot be accomplished by nature, nor by virtue itself;
KEL1GIOUS VIEWS. 331
and yet our nature demands that our happiness should
be proportionate to our virtue. Therefore it can be
accomplished only in another world, and by a Being
not subject to nature, but which can reward according
to moral desert, namely, God. The existence of God
is therefore the second postulate of the practical
reason. ( 135 )
Kant declares that these postulates must not be
used speculatively, as, for instance, to account for the
origin of the world and of design in nature, though
the existence of God would be the most satisfactory
explanation of these problems. He is extremely
cautious in the application of these postulates, and
insists that they can be used only for practical pur
poses, but for these, he thinks, they are entirely
sufficient.
Both in laying the foundation of rational theology
and in building a superstructure on it, we find that
Kant went his own way. Not that he is free from
the influences of the age; but he sought to master
and concentrate its various tendencies, and he gave
them a new basis and a new direction. After turning
with aversion from the religious influences of his youth,
he still found many tendencies in the age which were
anything but congenial to his rationalizing spirit. On
the one hand, he found religious extravagance and
fanaticism, and some of his severe expressions against
the religion of the day are probably aimed at this
tendency ; on the other, there was religious as well as
moral indifference, or even decided hostility towards
religion. The age demanded tolerance, fraternity,
humanity, reason ; and many of their apostles sought
the promotion of these objects with a passion which
332 THE LIFE OP IMMANUEL KANT.
made them intolerant and fanatical. The old forms of
faith were looked upon as fetters ; the preaching of
the times neither satisfied the restlessness of the age
nor met the demands of reason ; orthodoxy became
hateful, because it was regarded as narrow and
intolerant, and as lacking the fraternal and humane
spirit. English deism and French naturalism found
a congenial soil among men of culture in Germany,
and Illumination became the watchword of litera
ture. Kant felt the influence of these tendencies, and
in his religious views the effect of English deism and
of Lessing s rationalizing efforts is clearly seen. When
we consider the influence of the English natural philo
sophers on his early life, it is not surprising that there
are traces of deism already in his cosmogony. It is
natural that his fondness for Hume should subject
him to the religious, as well as the philosophical
influence of the sceptical philosopher. Among the
French authors, Rousseau s influence was especially
powerful. In considering Kant s religious views, it
should be remembered that he lived in the age of
Voltaire and of the French Encyclopedists ; that
literature was predominantly sceptical ; that the reaction
against a religious dogmatism, which had often been
narrow and oppressive, had made Frederick II. and
Joseph II. popular heroes of tolerance ; and that
instead of a religion based on revelation and on doc
trines transcending reason, there was aery for religion
based on common sense. The age which hailed with
delight Lessing s " Nathan the Wise," had no taste for
dogma or for orthodoxy.
To form a correct estimate of Kant s theology and
of his originality in its development, we must view
RATIONALISM. 333
him as be stands amid the fermentations of the age,
both receiving its leaven and also, in turn, giving it
new leaven. While in many respects his religious
views were a product of the age, he was too profound
and too earnest to treat religion with the flippancy
which was the fashion among many of his contem
poraries. He viewed religion as involving too many
interests of humanity for such treatment; and there
were in him moral and religious aspirations, deve
loped no doubt by Pietism, which demanded satisfac
tion, and made religion to him a serious matter. Kant
places much emphasis on the demands of our nature,
and frequently refers to them, and he could not regard
as satisfactory any system which fails to meet them.
The frivolous, irresolute Voltaire, swinging like a
pendulum between deism and materialism ; the senti
mental deism of his favourite Rousseau ; and the
scepticism in which Hume seemed content to rest,
could no more satisfy the needs of his deep nature
than could the shallow and illogical Illumination of
Germany, which labelled its heterogeneous and
chaotic mass of opinions " Common Sense." Kant
saw that in many cases this latter tendency might
with more propriety be called vulgar sense; and he
wanted something which transcended this, namely
rationality. The tendency also lacked the moral
earnestness which he sought. It applied historical
criticism, which had received a great impulse from
Semler, but it was chiefly negative in its results ;
Kant shifted the ground from history to reason, and
from historical to rational criticism. While there was
much similarity between his religious views and the
prevalent English deism, lie went deeper, and made
334 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
conscience, duty, and morality more stern than was
usually the case with deists ; but the chief difference
consisted in this : that while they rejected the possi
bility of revelation, Kant maintained that a revelation
may be possible, and he made an effort to attach his
religious views as closely as possible to the New Tes
tament ; and though the similarity is generally only
that of the terminology, he claimed that his theology
was the essence of the teachings of that book. What
ever analogies there may be between his views and the
systems mentioned, none of these names designate his
theology, which he himself called Rationalism. Tn the
Kantian sense, this means that reason is the source
and interpreter of religion, and therefore the final
appeal in theology.
Some of his definitions are significant and will help
us to understand his own position. He who regards
natural religion as the only one that is obligatory, may
be called a rationalist. If he denies the possibility of
a supernatural revelation, he is called a naturalist ; if
he admits its possibility, but declares that for religion
it is not necessary to know and accept a revelation,
he may be called a pure rationalist ; but if he regards
faith in it as necessary for the universal religion, he
may be called a pure supernaturalist. Kant himself
was a pure rationalist. As the very name implies, a
rationalist is one who moves within the limits of the
reason, and regards its light as sufficient for a know
ledge of religious truth and for practical guidance. ( 136 )
But just because he confines himself to the limits of
human knowledge, he will never deny the possibility
of a revelation, nor its necessity as the divine means
for the introduction of the true religion, because
REVELATION. 335
these are subjects concerning which reason determines
nothing. The admission which Kant thus makes
respecting the possibility of a divine revelation, is,
however, of no practical value, for he declares that
even if one had been given, it would be impossible to
determine that it is a supernatural revelation. " Even
if God did speak to him, man could never know that
it was God who spoke. It is utterly impossible for
man to recognize God with his senses, to distinguish
Him from objects of sense, or to know Him by any
marks whatever." A revelation would be valuable
only because it gave truth sooner than reason, which
can, however, discover the same in the course of time
one of the many views in which Kant agrees with
Lessing. He does not admit that a revelation gives
any doctrines which are above reason, for his principle,
that all the doctrines of religion must be rational,
excludes all super-rational doctrines.
It is one of his favourite notions that a rational
religion is the only one which can be general, and for
this reason he repeats the statement so often. lie
thinks that a religion which rests on revelation should
always tend more and more to become rational ; and
that, in the course of time, the church which is based
on a revelation should be able to dispense altogether
with historical faith, and will do so when it has be
come a rational church. Indeed, he declares that it
is the most senseless thing imaginable to make a faith
based on history the condition of salvation ; and lie
repeatedly treats the historical clement in religion as
unworthy of notice. He says, in a letter to Jacobi,
that the question whether reason, in order to get the
idea of theism, could have been aroused only by some-
336 THE LIFE OF 1MMANUEL KANT.
thing taught in history, or only through an inscru
table supernatural influence, is merely of secondary
importance, since it refers solely to the origin of this
idea. " For it may be admitted that, if the Gospel
had not first taught the general moral laws in all
their purity, reason until now would not have appre
hended them so clearly ; though, since they are here
now, it is possible to convince persons of their correct
ness and validity by means of mere reason." He
depended so wholly on reason, and on a priori con
structions, that his depreciation of history is charac
teristic, and in religion, he thinks, it can be dispensed
with altogether. The Church, which is based on
historical faith, he calls the Church Militant, which
will become the Church Triumphant by becoming
rational. The leading-strings of holy tradition and its
associations such as statutes and observances, which
in their day did good service can be dispensed with,
in the course of time, and at last they even become
fetters. Kant regards these things as intended for
the childhood of humanity, and as not adapted to the
age of manhood. When this manhood is attained, the
law, " which each one gives himself," becomes his
guide. This law must not, however, be regarded by
man as merely his own, but also as that of the Ruler
of the world, who reveals it through the reason.
Kant, of course, degrades the statutes and ceremonies
of the Church by making them valuable only as aids
to the immature and weak; but he was far more
tolerant than some of the freethinkers of the day, who
were revolutionary, and aimed to destroy the Bible,
the Church, and every vestige of worship. He held
that the transition from a religion resting on revela-
KKLIGIOX ESSENTIALLY MOKAl.m. OOr
tion and historical faith to rational religion, is not to
be accomplished by an outward revolution, but by
means of rational convictions. The faith of a church
may be tolerated as a vehicle or servant of reason ; in
other words, in its most perfect development revealed
religion becomes rationalism. ( 137 )
As faith and revelation thus culminate in rational
religion, which can almost dispense with the former
and wholly with the latter ; so Kant at last lets all
religion culminate in a morality in which the religious
element is reduced to a minimum. This is evident
from his whole theology and even from his division
of religions. He claims that all religions may be
divided into two classes those which seek the divine
favour, and the moral religion or the religion of a
good life. According to the former, man flatters
himself either that God can make him eternally happy
without becoming a better man, by forgiving his sins,
or, if this is not possible, that God can make him
better without any effort on his own part except to
pray for it ; but since, before an omniscient Being,
praying is nothing more than wishing, it can accom
plish nothing ; for if it could be done by mere wishing
every person would be good. This division degrades
all religions which have a cultus ; and it is taken for
granted that a religion cannot at the same time have
a cultus and be thoroughly moral. But this separa
tion of worship from morality is as characteristic of
him as the attempt to let morality absorb religion.
Kant puts Christianity into the second class, declaring
that it is the only public moral religion which has
ever existed, a religion which inspires the hope that
whatever more is needed than man himself can supply
z
338 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
will be granted from above. He thinks that it is not
essential for man to know what aid God gives, but
that it is necessary for him to know what he must do
in order to make himself worthy of divine help.
So often and emphatically does Kant represent
religion as essentially morality, that his view in this
respect is of the utmost importance for understanding
his theology. He bases religion more on conscience,
of whose existence we are immediately conscious, than
on God, whose existence is only mediately known ; it
rests mainly on the ideas of freedom and responsibility,
and consists rather in what man can do for himself
than in what God does for him ; its principal factor is
therefore man, not God ; and it is quite natural that,
with these views, the supremacy should be given to
the moral element in religion. Kant says, " In sub
stance that is, with regard to its object religion
does not in the least differ from morality, for it deals
with duties in general." The idea of God, he holds,
is not to inspire worship, but moral conduct. 4< In
religion, all depends on the actions." His idea of the
true church is that of an " ethical community," as he
calls it, which is based solely on morality, and has
neither symbols nor cultus ; and he wants everything
in religion to have only a moral aim. " Religion is
that faith which places the essence of all reverence for
God in the morality of man ;" and the religion which
fails to do this he pronounces heathenism. " If
reverence for God is the first aim to which virtue is
subjected, He is made an idol, that is, He is regarded
as a Being whom we dare not hope to please by means
of a moral course in this world, but whose favour we
hope to gain by means of adoration and flattery ; then
LOVELESS RELIGION. 339
religion is idolatry." It is very evident that Kautdid
not believe in a religion which unites the strictest
morality with the highest reverence and purest worship.
He brings in God as only a moral help, and as neces
sary to secure for man that happiness which he
deserves ; and, as far as morality is concerned, God
could be dispensed with, since man has in himself a
complete moral basis and the only moral law that
exists for him. The "ought" is really independent
of God ; but, on the other hand, on it our faith in God
rests. Kant s religion differs too little from his ethics
to require the divine Being as its centre or its essence.
After postulating the existence of God, he makes Him
almost useless, except so far as He may be necessary
to supplement morality by rewarding it with happiness.
The God of Kant inspires no love and no worship ;
indeed, he would pronounce Him an idol if He
did.( m )
Kant is as anxious to exclude from man s relation
to God all emotion as he is to eliminate all inclination
from morality. Ho regards the command of Scripture,
to love God supremely and the neighbour as one does
himself, as in perfect harmony with a morality that is
really loveless. Love to God, he says, as an affection
is impossible, because He is not an object of the senses ;
on the other hand, love to man is, indeed, possible, but
it cannot be commanded ; " for no man can love any
one at the command of another. Therefore it is only
the practical love which is meant in that summary of
all laws. In this sense, to love God signifies to do all
His commands gladly; and to love the neighbour
signifies to perform gladly all duties toward him."
Perhaps this statement more clearly than any other
z 2
340 THE LIFE OF IM MANUEL KANT.
indicates the difference between the Kantian and
Christian morality. While the latter demands abso
lute obedience to duty, it also regards God and man
as persons, between whom a personal relation, espe
cially that of love, is possible ; and it requires a state
of heart which both loves and obeys. Kant, however,
lays the emphasis on obedience for the sake of the
law ; he seems to be afraid of giving prominence to the
personal element, just as he is afraid of the introduc
tion of heart into morality and religion. His ultimate
aim is a character that is purely moral for morality s
sake ; while Christianity aims to develop a personality
that is loving, trustful, hopeful, and holy.
Admitting, as he did, that a revelation might be
possible (though reason cannot settle definitely whether
it is), he was not prepared to reject the Scriptures
altogether ; but as he made reason and conscience the
supreme and only guides in religion, he could place no
high estimate on anything which claimed to be a reve
lation. The Bible, he thinks, may continue for a long
time to be the authentic religious guide of the masses ;
but it is not needed by those whose reason and con
science are fully developed. ( 139 ) For the existence of
the Church it is necessary, since this institution con
tains many weak persons ; but for the existence of
religion, the Bible is not necessary. Of the Old Tes
tament he had a low opinion, and he spoke of Judaism
as not at all a religion, but as merely a political insti
tution. The laws of Judaism he pronounces laws of
force merely, which apply only to the outer conduct,
and not at all to the moral purpose ; and he states that
even the Ten Commandments are intended " abso
lutely " only for external conduct, and not at all for
SCRIPTURE AND KKASON. 3
the heart. ( uo ) He places the moral character of the
New Testament inestimably higher than that of the
Old, and seeks to attach his views to his interpretation
of the essence of its teachings.
Kant s recognition of Scripture is purely a matter of
expedience. The state needs the Bible to control the
people ; the masses need it, in order that they, having
weak consciences, may recognize their duty ; and the
philosopher finds it a convenient vehicle for conveying
to the people the faith of reason. Were it rejected, it
might be difficult, if not impossible, to put in its place
another book which would inspire as much confidence.
Kant s principles of course led him to deny that the
Bible is authoritative in matters of religion, or that it
is of itself a safe guide in morals. It is not held by
him to be valuable for the sake of its doctrines and
what may legitimately be inferred from them ; but its
value consists in the fact that, owing to the confidence
of the people in it, reason can use it to interpret into
Scripture its own doctrines, and can thus make it the
means of popularizing rational faith. If any one
imagines that the aim of the interpretation is to obtain
the real meaning of Scripture, he is no Kantian on
this point ; that book is simply to be used as a help
for moral reflections and applications, without inquiring
into the meaning which the writers themselves may
have intended to convey, for about this Kant does not
care. He claims that it was the aim of the sacred
writers to make better men, and that the historical,
which contributes nothing to this end, is in itself
altogether a matter of indifference, and one can regard
it as he pleases.
All the ingenuity of Kant is exerted to answer the
342 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
question, " How shall the Scriptures be interpreted ? "
Repeatedly, emphatically, and with various illustra
tions, he teaches that the interpretation should be such
as to make Scripture harmonize with the practical
reason, and that its sole aim is to get moral rules and
impulses. The theoretical passages which transcend
reason can be interpreted in the interest of the prac
tical reason ; and all the passages which are in conflict
with this reason must be so interpreted. The preacher
must make every passage of Scripture which he uses
minister to some moral purpose ; and if a moral sense
is not found in the passage itself, one must be inter
preted into it or forced upon it; and he argues so
strenuously, persistently, and prolixly in favour of this
rule for the very purpose of making passages the
vehicles of teachings which they do not contain.
Sometimes it may be necessary to draw from a passage
the very opposite of that which it seems to teach.
This method of using Scripture is, he thinks, per
fectly honest so long as we do not assert that the
sense which we interpret into the symbols and sacred
books is really intended to be conveyed by them, but
say nothing about it, and only assume the possibility
of so understanding them. For instance, if passages
of Scripture make faith itself meritorious, " then they
must be interpreted as if the moral faith, which
improves and elevates the soul by means of reason,
were meant." Only when the Scriptures are inter
preted to suit our moral purposes are they valuable ;
otherwise they are " practically empty, or even
obstacles in the way of the good. And only then are
they practically authentic ; that is, God in us is Him
self the interpreter." According to Kant, therefore,
MORAL INTERPRETATION. 343
this interpretation gives the real will of God, and he
says, " That God who speaks through our own (moral,
practical) reason is an unerring, universally understood
interpreter of His word, and there absolutely cannot be
any other (for instance, a historically) authenticated
interpreter of His word, because religion is purely an
affair of reason." And Kant calls his rule of " moral "
interpretation, " The only evangelical, biblical method
for the instruction of the people in the true, inner, and
universal religion."
This herineneutical rule was first announced in 1793,
in the book entitled, " Religion within the Limits of
mere Reason;" and in 1798 he found it necessary to
explain the rule. He then declared that it might be
demanded of the interpreter, whether he was inter
preting authentically or doctrinally ; if the former,
then he must explain the sense of the writer ; if the
latter, then he can put into the passage under con
sideration his own rational views, whether found there
or not. He still calls this art of interpretation,
" Hermeneutica sacra."
Surprising as it may seem, there were many ra
tionalistic theologians who adopted this rule ; and in
an age when many ministers found their convictions in
conflict with the Scriptures, it was very convenient.
There were, however, other theologians who saw in
it a sacrifice of principle to expediency, and who
thought it would be more honest boldly to reject
Scripture than to profess adherence to it and yet reject
its real teachings. Men like Eichhorn, Noesselt, Storr,
and many others, protested against the rule in the
interest of truth as well as out of regard for Scripture.
Not only was tho honesty of the rule questioned, but
: 114 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
it was also seen that it opened the way for every one
to put his own supposed moral views, however irra
tional or fanatical they might be, into Scripture ; and
there was no sufficient reason why the Koran or
some other book might not, under certain circum
stances, be made the basis of religion, since the
Scripture is not the only work which ministers can use
as a depository for their moral ideas.
Even before he announced this hermeneutical rule
he advocated a distinction between the official or public
use of reason and its private exercise, ( M1 ) which is not
less strange than his moral interpretation of Scripture.
He says, " A minister is bound to instruct his cate
chumens and members according to the creed of the
church he serves, for it is on this condition that he
has been accepted. But as a scholar he has perfect
freedom ; yes, it is even his calling to communicate to
the public all his carefully considered and beneficial
thoughts respecting the faults in that creed, and ho
should also publish plans for the better organization of
religious and ecclesiastical affairs. There is in this
o
course nothing which can burden the conscience. For
what he teaches by virtue of his office, as the agent
of his church, that he teaches as something respecting
which it is not in his power to give instruction as he
thinks, but he should teach what he is commissioned
to do in the name of another. He will say, Our church
teaches this or that doctrine, and these are the proofs
it uses. He will draw all the practical lessons for his
congregation from dogmas which he himself cannot
subscribe with a full conviction of their truth, but
which he can teach, since it is not altogether impossible
that truth may be concealed therein; at all events,
1 UKLIC AND PK1VATE USK OF REASON*. 345
there is in them nothing which opposes inner religion.
For if he believed the latter to be the case, then he
could not perform his work conscientiously ; he would
have to abandon his office. The use which a minister
makes of his reason before his congregation is only a
priratc ?w, because this is always a family gathering,
however large it may be ; and respecting it, he, as a
minister, is not free and dare not be, for he executes
a foreign commission. On the other hand, as a scholar,
who through his writings speaks to what is, properly
speaking, the public, namely, to the world, he is a
minister in the public use of his reason, and he has
unlimited freedom to exercise his reason and to speak
in his own name ; for that the spiritual leaders of the
people should themselves be dependent, is an incon
sistency which would tend to make inconsistencies
eternal/
That the same reason can have its public and its
private use, and can be so different- in its teachings,
and even contradictory ; that in the one case it is free
and speaks in its own name, and in the other it is not
free, but speaks in the name of another ; that the
minister may teach one thing in the pulpit, and yet in
books teach something else this certainly is a strange
doctrine for a strict moralist. It puts the preacher on
a level with a political ambassador who is supposed to
represent the views of another, whatever his own may
be. Kant evidently had such a view of the office of
the ministry, a view which may have been promoted
by the union of church and state. According to the
modern and more independent position of ministers, his
rule respecting the public and the private use of reason
puts expediency where principle should reign supremely.
346 THE LIFE OF IM MANUEL KANT.
Though he interpreted Scripture so as to make it har
monize with the practical reason, Kant made a constant
effort to clothe his religious ideas in biblical language.
He thinks that the doctrine of the Trinity has no prac
tical value whatever, and that it is a matter of no signifi
cance whether there are three or ten persons in the
Godhead, since both views are equally inconceivable
and equally useless. Nevertheless he holds that the
practical reason requires faith in God : first, as the
Almighty Creator of heaven and earth, that is, viewed
morally, as the Holy Lawgiver ; second, as the Pre
server of the human family, or as a Gracious Ruler and
Moral Maintainer of the same ; third, as the Adminis
trator of His own holy laws, that is, as the Righteous
Judge. Kant believes that God wants to be served in
these three aspects, and that the idea of a trinity of
persons in the Godhead is not an inappropriate
representation of God s threefold relation to us as moral
beings.
For Kant, Christ has significance only as an idea,
and this idea he constructs according to his view of
the demands of reason. The section, in his book on
Religion, in which he discusses this subject is headed,
" The Personified Idea of the Good Principle." He
claims that the only thing which could have made the
world an object of the divine counsel and which gives
an aim worthy of creation, is humanity in its entire
moral perfection. The man who alone is pleasing to
God " is in Him from all eternity ;" that is, this man
as an idea and as the aim of creation is in the divine
mind God has a conception of such a being; this
ideal being is, therefore, not created, but is God s only
begotten Son. Since all things are created for this
CHRIST A PERSONIFIED IDEA. 347
perfect, ideal man, lie is the Word (the Logos) by
whom " all things were made ; and without Him was
not anything made that was made." This perfect man
is the reflection of God s glory ; in Him God loved the
world ; and only in Him and by accepting His views
can men become the children of God. In the whole
discussion of the subject this perfect man is viewed by
Kant as a mere ideal of humanity ; and He is the Son
of God in the sense that this ideal had its birth in the
divine mind. For the sake of this idea the world was
made, and for this reason it may be said that by this
ideal man all things were made.
This idea of moral perfection, called Christ by Kant,
is the prototype of perfect purity, and is placed before
us as an ideal which each person ought to strive to
realize. The idea itself, " which reason presents to us
for imitation," can give us the power necessary for
this imitation. But since we are not the originators
of this idea, and as it has taken root in man when
there is no possibility of our understanding how he
could be receptive for such an idea, " it is better to
say that this prototype came down to us from heaven,
namely, that it became incarnate." The union of this
ideal of perfect humanity with man maybe regarded
as a condescension on the part of the Son of God, if
this divinely inclined person, who, being holy, was not
obliged to undergo suffering, is viewed as nevertheless
taking upon Himself the greatest suffering for the
benefit of the world. We cannot conceive of this ideal
of humanity otherwise than under the idea of a man
who not only performs every duty and promotes good
to the utmost, but who also, in spite of the greatest
temptations, is ready to submit to all suffering, even
348 T1IK L1FK OF TAIMANUKL KANT.
to the most disgraceful death, for the welfare of the
world and even for His enemies ; for it is only when
we conceive of a power as in conflict with difficulties
and temptations, that we get an idea of its greatness.
In this discussion Kant forcibly proves his confi
dence in the miraculous power of a mere idea. He
regards this as Christ s significance for man : by prac
tical faith in this Son of God (or in this perfect idea
of man) a person may hope to be acceptable to God
and to be saved ; that is, as Kant explains it, he who
is conscious of such a moral purpose as to be able to
believe confidently that under similar temptations and
sufferings he would be true to this prototype of
humanity, and he alone, has the right to regard
himself as an object not unworthy of the divine
favour.
Kant proceeds to show that this "idea" has its
practical value in itself, and that it exists in our
conscience. " We ought to be like this idea, and
therefore we can be like it," again closes all further
discussion. And he thinks that it must be possible
to give an example of such a perfect being, for accord
ing to the requirements of the inner law every one
ought to give a realization of this ideal. If now a
person with such a divine Disposition had come at a
certain time, as it were from heaven to earth, and
had given in doctrine and in life the example of a man
acceptable to God ; and if thus he had brought to the
world an inestimably great blessing in the form of a
revolution in the human family : still, we should have
no reason to regard him otherwise than as a man
naturally conceived, though this does not deny, abso
lutely, that he might have been a man conceived
PKAPTIf .AL VALUE OK TTIK GOSPKL. 34 ( .)
supernaturally. But the latter view is of no practical
value, since the prototype of the example given by
such a person must always be sought in us ; and the
very presence of this idea in us is itself incomprehen
sible enough, so that it is not necessary, besides the
supernatural origin of this idea, to regard it as
having been incarnated in a particular person. In
deed, Kant thinks that the exaltation of such a holy
one above all human weaknesses would rather militate
against the practical application of the idea, since it
could not be the model for our imitation.
In order that the Gospel may be of practical value
for all times, Kant thinks that its history is of no
significance, and that the popular representations
which it gives must be deprived of their mystical garb
so that we may get at the underlying ideas. The
spirit and the rational ideas in that Gospel are for
the whole world and for all ages, and each one can
see in the picture, or in what he puts into it, his own
duty.( 142 ) The ideas which Kant finds in the life of
Jesus which are of significance for each person, are
as follows : That there is absolutely no salvation
for man except in the personal reception of genuine
moral principles into the disposition ; that this recep
tion is opposed by our own perversity, which nothing
can conquer but the idea of the moral goodness in its
purity, with the conviction that this goodness is the
end for which we were originally created ; when this
idea of moral goodness has once been fully taken
into the disposition, we are to have confidence " that
the gates of hell cannot prevail against it;" and that
the characteristic mark or the evidence; of the pos
session r,f this idea is the good life, lie closes the
350 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
whole discussion with the remark, that such an effort
as he has made to find the ideas of reason in Scripture
is not only proper but also a duty.
For Kant, therefore, Christ has significance only
as a mere idea, namely, the ideal of perfect humanity
in the divine mind. He valued history too little to
attempt seriously to account for the historical origin
of this idea, or to investigate the relation of the his
torical Christ to the account given in the gospels.
The moral teachings of Christ he valued highly as an
aid to reason, and he states that they are sufficient to
establish Christ s authority, whatever the real history
may be ; in other words, he regards the moral truths
of the Gospel as alone significant. Kant thought
that he found in the New Testament itself authority
for the use which he made of Scripture, and he says
that Christ did not appeal to other laws, such as
those of the Old Testament, because they are true ;
but that this was merely an accommodation to the
prejudices of the people, in order that the rational
religion which Christ taught might be made more
palatable to them. Whether Christ gave what might
be called a divine revelation, cannot be determined,
he thinks, for we have no criteria by which to judge
such a revelation. Nor can it be proved that any
event is a miracle, simply because we do not under
stand the powers of nature enough to know what
transcends their limits. Kant declares that it is pos
sible that the person of the teacher of the only reli
gion valid for all mankind was a mystery ; that His
appearance on earth, His removal from the same, His
life and His sufferings, were all miracles ; and that
even the history which is to confirm all these miracles
THE HISTORIC PERSON OP CHRIST. 351
is itself a miracle, namely, a supernatural revelation.
But this must rest on its own merits ; for us it really
has no significance. We may, indeed, still value the
garb which served to introduce the idea which is now
indelibly impressed on every soul and needs no miracle ;
but a confession of faith in these historical ducuments
is not necessary. While he thus treats the historical
account of Jesus as of no significance except as a shell
into which the practical reason puts the kernel, his
whole argument tends to destroy faith in the historic
person of Jesus as given in the Gospel, treating the
account itself as something whose truthfulness it is
not worth while to investigate. Of the institution of
the Last Supper he speaks as "a sad intercourse," and
as looking like a formal farewell, indicating no speedy
return ; and " the complaining words on the Cross
give expression to a disappointed aim (namely, to bring,
during his life, the Jews to the reception of the true
religion)." The account of the Resurrection and
Ascension he can use only as an embodiment of the
idea of the beginning of another life and the entrance
into the place of happiness, that is, upon communion
with all that is good. When Jesus promises to abide
with His own for ever, that only means that the ideal
of humanity, which Christ gave and which is accep
table to God, shall abide with His disciples to the end
of the world. The historical Christ is in reality not
needed for morality ; but as the Gospel exists, He can
be used for moral purposes. ( H3 )
While Kant idealized the account of the Fall, and
denied natural depravity, he nevertheless, as we have
seen, admitted the reality of sin. Its essence consists
neither in sensuality nor in a corruption of conscience.
:J.j2 THE LIFE OF IM MANUEL KANT.
There are two opposite tendencies in man : a con
science which impels him to seek the good, and an
impulse to selfishness. One or the other of these
must be supreme, and depravity consists in perverting
the proper relation between the two, namely, in the
subordination of the conscience to self-love. There
fore sin, whose beginning is always a free choice, but
inexplicable, is selfishness as the supreme law of
conduct.
In order that he may overcome sin and become
good, man needs a radical change or conversion.
This change from evil to good can no more be ex
plained than can the transition from a state of purity
to sin ; but since the moral law demands that we be
come better, therefore we must also be able to do so.
This conversion is wholly man s work, and the Chris
tian doctrine of grace and faith in conversion has no
place in the system. Kant says that we can know
nothing about the influences of grace, and that, con
sequently, the idea can neither be used speculatively
nor practically. While the deeds of a man are always
imperfect, Kant supposes that God takes the good
intention for the good deed, and that he who has a
good disposition may cherish the belief that God
accepts him. This is, of course, a mere supposition,
but it is all the assurance which Kant gives.
His most serious difficulty, however, consists in this :
although a man may have formed a good disposition,
he was sinful before ; how then is the debt of the past
to be paid ? Sin is an infinite violation of the law, and
it therefore seems as if its result ought to be endless
punishment. The debt contracted is not like a pecu
niary debt, which one man can pay for another. The
THK CHURCH. : >D )
old man did not pay it ; the new man is, as it were, a
new being, and cannot assume the debt owed by the
old man yet divine justice must be satisfied. Some
how, therefore, the debt must be paid in the process
of conversion. But Kant s whole discussion of the
matter is confused and unsatisfactory, and at last he
admits, and distinctly states, that man has no claim to
be regarded as just, and that he is accounted righteous
as a matter of grace.
His discussion of the Church is characterized by
great bitterness, partly owing, no doubt, to his ex
perience with the censors in Berlin. He says that the
strait gate and the narrow way, leading to eternal life,
is the good life ; but the wide gate and the broad way
is the Church. Not that the Church itself is to blame for
this ; but it is the broad way because attending church,
confessing its creed, and celebrating its ordinances, are
held to be the means for becoming acceptable unto
God.
His aversion to formality in religion was partly due
to the tendency of the times to value forms for their own
sake, and he went so far in his opposition to this spirit
as to reject all religious observances. He spoke con
temptuously of all acts of worship ; and all efforts to
please God otherwise than by means of a moral life he
pronounced fetichism. And he declared that between
the degraded Wogulite who in the morning places the
paw of a bearskin on his head with the prayer, " Do
not kill me, and " the sublimated Puritan and Inde
pendent in Connecticut," there is, indeed, a great gulf
as far as the manifestations of their faith are concerned,
but there is none in principle, they belonging to the
same class in that respect. This class consists of those
A a
354 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
who place their divine service in that which does not
make men better, namely, in faith in statutory dogmas
or in the observance of certain ceremonies. Kant pro
nounces it fetichism to regard any religious obser
vances, however few they may be, as necessary.
Holding such views, it is not surprising that for many
years he never attended church, and observed no re
ligious usages whatever. When a new rector of the
university was inaugurated, the professors marched in
procession to the cathedral, to attend religious services ;
but unless he himself was the rector, Kant, instead of
entering, passed by the church.
He did not like the singing in the churches, and pro
nounced it mere bawling. In prayer, whether private
or public, he had not the least faith ; and in his con
versation as well as writings he treated it as a super
stition, and held that to address any thing unseen
would open the way for fanaticism. Not only did he
argue against prayer, but he also ridiculed it, and
declared that a man would be ashamed to be caught
by another in the attitude of prayer. ( 144 ) It is the cus
tom of Germans to stand at table while asking the
blessing ; if any one of his guests prepared to say
grace, he would interrupt him by urging him to sit
down. In 1802 Hasse said one day, " This is the day
set apart for repentance and prayer." Kant at first
ridiculed the matter, but afterwards admitted that such
a day might be useful in leading persons to think of
their sins.
But while in principle Kant views prayer as
fetichism, his estimate of expediency should not be for
gotten. He says, " The existence of God is not proved
but postulated, and it can be used only for that purpose
PRAYER. 355
for tho sake of which reason was obliged to postulate
it. If now a man thinks to himself, If I pray to God
it can in no way injure me; for if He does not exist,
then I have a supererogation of good works; but if 11(3
does exist, it will help me ; this prosopopceia is hypo
crisy, since we must suppose in prayer that he who
offers it is perfectly convinced that God exists. There
fore it happens that he who lias already made great
progress in goodness ceases to pray, for sincerity be
longs to his principal maxims ; and for this reason,
also, those who are found praying are ashamed."
Kant here makes the existence of God so problematical
as to put prayer to Him out of the question. The
reason did not postulate the existence of God for the
purpose of prayer ; therefore the idea of His existence
does not justify prayer. But while he is certain that
prayer has no efficacy whatever, except its influence on
the men offering or hearing it, he nevertheless says,
" In public addresses to the people, prayer may be re
tained, since it may really be of great rhetorical effect
and may make a deep impression, and because in
addressing the people one must speak to their sen-
suousness, and must let himself down to them as much
as possible." ( H5 )
These are the essential elements of the religious views
which the philosopher cherished till the close of life.
Thinking it contemptible for any one to become de
vout in the weakness of old age, he declared that this
should never be the case with him; and he kept his
promise, for during his greatest weakness and with
death staring him in the face, there was a remarkable
absence of all religious expressions. It is self-evident
that his faith could not be very cheerful, nor his hopes
)356 THE LIFE OF 1MMANUEL KANT.
bright. His mind left many questions unsettled,
questions concerning which souls of a deeply religious
nature long for firm assurance. It is not strange that
the faith which he built on his own postulates varied
somewhat with his moods. While the close of his life
was anything but cheerful, he seems generally to have
been calm respecting religious subjects. His emotional
nature does not appear to have asserted itself suffi
ciently to express any earnest longing for eternal life.
The other world was not one of his favourite topics of
conversation, and he himself followed the rule which he
laid down for others, not to attempt to pry into the
secrets of the other world, but to wait for the solution
of its mysteries till we get there. Sometimes, however,
the other life was mentioned in his conversations.
Some one said to him that it would be difficult to get
an opportunity, in the next world, to converse with
him, since he would be so much occupied with the
company of the wise of ancient and modern times.
Kant answered that if he met his servant Lampe there,
he would rejoice and exclaim, " God be praised, I am
in good company ! " On July 2nd, 1803, while in
a depressed mood, he said, "I cannot last long; I
become weaker every day." Hasse then asked him
what he expected of the future life ? At first he evaded
the question, and then answered, "Nothing definite."
At another time he said respecting the next life, " Of
that state I know nothing." And once he exclaimed,
" Eternity ! between thee and here a great gulf is
fixed."
He did not cherish a high regard for clergymen ; but
the same must be said of his views of physicians and
jurists. If the ministers had been purely moral
INFLUENCE OP HIS RELIGIOUS VIEWS. 357
teachers, instead of proclaiming doctrines which lie
regarded as beyond the limits of reason, he would have
been more favourably disposed towards them. If, how
ever, they were excellent men, their calling did not de
prive them of his esteem, and several preachers were
among his guests ; and when in old age he became
helpless, he committed himself and all his affairs into
the hands of a clerical friend.
The fact that Kant deprived religion, aside from its
moral elements, of all significance, as well as his
personal attitude towards the Church, greatly grieved
some of his friends. His great authority in philosophy
added weight to his theological views, especially since
his work on Religion appeared when his fame was at
its height. His biographer Borowski says, " From
my heart I wish that Kant had not regarded the
Christian religion merely as a necessity for the state,
or as an institution to be tolerated for the sake of the
weak (which now so many, following his example, do
even in the pulpit), but had known that which is
positive, improving, and blessed in Christianity."
Some of his disciples in philosophy also accepted him
as their religious authority, and the same writer
expresses the wish that " the beardless youth and idle
babblers, who in a hundred less significant things do
not know the right hand from the left, did not appeal
to Kant s views respecting Christianity." There were
some to whom the very fact that he held such views
was a sufficient guarantee of their truth ; and many
also adopted his religious opinions who had neither
his moral earnestness nor his outward respect for exist
ing institutions. There were those who accepted his
negative views, and carried them to an extreme svhich
358 THE LIFE OF IMMANUKL KANT.
lie would have deprecated, and committed excesses in
his name for which he could not be held responsible.
At one time it was reported that a band of fifty theo
logical students, who professed to be Kantians, were
open mockers of religion. Hamann states that one
of them became a tutor in the family of a nobleman,
and advised his pupil to reject, as priestly twaddle, all
he had learned from his minister respecting religion, and
to commit himself henceforth to the moral guidance of his
tutor. The affair created considerable excitement, and
was at last brought before the consistory. The tutor
admitted the truth of the charges brought against him,
and with four of his ilk signed a declaration that
neither morality, nor sound reason, nor public welfare,
could exist in connexion with Christianity. Such
openly destructive tendencies were wholly foreign to
Kant, whose hope was in the silent power of ideas.
But while he did not seek such a result, he was anxious
to exert a strong influence on religion. Not only was
the ultimate aim of his speculation moral, but he
also lectured on natural religion, and was especially
desirous that theological students should be among his
hearers, as he hoped by means of these lectures to
produce a lasting reformatory effect.
In taking a general survey of his theological opinions,
it should be remembered that he discusses the whole
subject of religion as a philosopher who places himself
wholly on reason, and aims to move strictly within its
limits. His early religious training, the religious
character of the age, his mathematical mind, his dis
regard of the historical element, and his depreciation
of the emotional nature, must be taken into the
account. ( H6 ) Above all, the extent of his knowledge
NEf.LHCT OF THEOLOGICAL STUDIES. 359
of the subject under discussion should be considered.
Although he subjected theology to severe criticism, he
did not make it a subject of careful study; and this
fact alone can explain some of his strange views
respecting theology, especially the Scriptures, which
are found in his book on Religion. The suspicion
arises that his reliance on a priori constructions relieved
him of the necessity of attaining that knowledge of the
subject which many regard as essential for its thorough
discussion. After speaking of the universal character
of his learning, Borowski says, " Theological investi
gations only, of whatever kind they might be, especially
exegetics and dogmatics, he never touched." He
neglected even the works of Ernesti and Semler, which
excited much attention at that time. His studies and
occupations were such that he could not be a theo
logian ; and the writer just quoted, speaking of his
theological attainments, says, " Really, his knowledge
in this department did not extend beyond the dogmatic
lectures of Professor Dr. Schul/, which he heard in
1742 1743. . . . Many will probably find the story
remarkable, that Kant, before he published his work
on * Religion within the Limits of Reason/ carefully
read one of our oldest catechisms, namely, the Basis
of Christian Doctrine, which appeared in 1732 or
1733. This explains the strangeness of many expres
sions in the book, and his evident inclination to adopt,
for his theological views expressed in the work, the
terminology and exegesis prevalent during the years
mentioned." In the latter part of his life, according
to Borowski, he read scarcely anything in theology,
except some works on Church History. In the funeral
oration on Kant, his colleague Wald said, " He was,
360 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
however, entirely ignorant of the new investigations
of Semler, Ernesti, Noesselt, and others. His theolo
gical knowledge scarcely reached to 1760. What he
had formerly learned at school from the catechetical
instructions of Dr. Sclmlz and finally in his dogmatic
lectures, was and continued to be his entire knowledge
of positive religion. No wonder that respecting it he
judged thus and not otherwise." ( 147 ) But while his
neglect of the study of the subject explains some of his
strange views, it cannot be denied that his theology is
interesting, in that it shows what so great a meta
physician regarded as settled by reason respecting
natural religion. And whatever may be thought of
his theology and his ethics, it must be admitted that
there is much in them that is rich and profound, and
worthy of serious thought ; and his moral and religious
views, as well as his metaphysical works, may give the
impulse to new constructions. That these views are
final could be claimed only by him who is ignorant of
the developments in ethics and religion since Kant s
time.
The religious opinions of our philosopher were too
revolutionary in their character not to excite opposi
tion. During the reign of Frederick the Great there
was no danger that the Government would interfere
with their promulgation ; but a marked change
occurred when Frederick William II. ascended the
throne. His minister, Woellner, exerted great influ
ence over him, and used it against the tolerance which
had prevailed under the reign of his predecessor. In
July, 1788, soon after Woellner became the Minister
of Religion, an edict was published which bound the
teachers of religion to adhere strictly to the confes-
THE CENSORSHIP. 301
sions of the Church; and another, which appeared a
few months later, placed the press and all home and
foreign literature in Prussia under censorship. Three
men after Woellner s own heart Hermes, Wolters-
clorf, and Hillmer were appointed in 1791 as a com
mittee to execute these edicts, and the churches and
schools were placed under their supervision. Even
before his book on Religion appeared, Kant had been
an object of special vigilance, and it is said that an
unsuccessful effort had been made to induce the king
to forbid the publication of works by him in the future.
The war with France, the home of sensualistic philo
sophy and materialistic atheism, increased the vigilance
of the Government, and in quick succession edicts
followed each other which aimed at the suppression of
all writings against the Christian religion. The re
action against the liberal policy of the preceding king
reached its height about the time when Kant s " Reli
gion within the Limits of Reason " appeared. The first
part of the book, on " Radical Evil," had previously
appeared as an article in a Berlin monthly, in April,
1792. The second article, entitled, " The Conflict of
the Good Principle with the Bad for the Dominion
over Man," was intended for the same monthly, and
had been submitted to the Berlin censors, who, how
ever, refused to permit its publication. When the
publisher inquired for the reason of this refusal, which,
according to the published decree respecting the cen
sorship, he had a right to know, lie was informed that
another instruction was on hand which the censor
followed as his law, but whose contents he refused to
make known. When Kant was informed of this pro
cedure lie was greatly incensed. Determined to pub-
:362 THE LIFE OF 1MMANUEL KANT.
lish his views, he submitted the rejected article, and,
in fact, the entire contents of his volume on Religion,
to the theological faculty in Konigsberg, with the
request that they should decide whether the censor
ship of the book belonged to them or to the philoso
phical faculty. They decided that it belonged to the
philosophical faculty, which, having examined the
manuscript, gave the permission for its publication.
The volume appeared in 1793, consisting of the article
which had already been published, of that rejected by
the Berlin censors, and of two other articles. The bit
terness manifested toward the Church in the last article
of the book may have received much of its inspiration
from the course of the censors.
Hermes, the principal censor, was very strict, and
was watching for opportune occasions to increase the
vigilance and severity of the censorship. A friend in
Berlin wrote to Kant, " You see, we are under hard
taskmasters, and Hermes himself told my publisher
that he was only waiting for peace to publish several
cabinet decrees which were lying in his desk."
The publication of his book on Eeligion, in spite of
the rejection of the second part in Berlin, was of
course calculated to arouse still more opposition to
Kant ; and the contents of the book were such as to
embitter the censors and those who agreed with their
religious views. The work excited the more attention
because it was regarded as giving the theology of the
Critical Philosophy. In 1794 Woellner, in the name
and at " the special command" of the king, wrote to
Kant respecting the religious views promulgated by
his lectures and writings, making special reference to
his recent book on Religion, and charging him with
rKNSURKD P.Y THE CSOVERXMEXT.
distorting and degrading many of " the principal and
fundamental doctrines of the Sacred Scriptures and of
Christianity." For this Kant is to render an account
to the Government, and he is warned not to promul
gate similar views in the future. In his reply, Kant
gave an account and a defence of his course with
reference to theological doctrine, and at the close of
his letter he says, " As far as the second point is con
cerned not to be guilty iu the future of a distortion
and degradation of Christianity similar to that of
which I am accused I think it safest, in order to
forestall the least suspicion in this respect, as your
Royal Majesty s most faithful subject to declare
solemnly, that henceforth I will refrain altogether from
all public discussion of religion, whether natural or
revealed, both in lectures and in writings."
After the king s death Kant regarded himself as
released from the promise which he had made in this
letter, and as again at liberty to express his religious
views publicly. While some blamed him for having
made the promise, regarding it as showing a lack of
moral courage, others now censured him severely for
publishing his religious views after the king s death,
regarding this act as a violation of his pledge, and he
was charged with duplicity. His own explanation of
his conduct is, that he was very careful in choosing
the expression, " as your Royal Majesty s most faith
ful subject;" and that he chose it for the very purpose
of regaining his former freedom, if the monarch
receiving the promise should die before him ; for under
the following king he would no longer be the subject of
Frederick William II., to whom he made the promise.
Hut if it was prepared, as Kant says it was, with very
364 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
great care and with this mental reservation, then it is
evident that it was intended to make the king and the
censors think that he meant one thing by the promise,
while Kant himself really meant something very dif
ferent. Every one who read it without Kant s expla
nation would naturally regard it as a promise to remain
silent on the subject in the future. If neither the
promise itself, nor the later explanation which Kant
gave of it, reveals a heroic nature, it should be taken
into account that Kant was already old, that such con
flicts with the authorities were exceedingly disagreeable
to him, and that he laid much stress on obedience to
the law and submission to the existing authorities. ( H8 )
365
CHAPTER XL
INFLUENCE OF KANT. ADVOCATES AND OPPONENTS OF THE
CRITICAL PHILOSOPHY.
Early popularity as a teacher Spread of his reputation Neglect
of the " Kritik " Its sudden popularity Poems on Kant and
his philosophy Pilgrimages to Konigeberg Enthusiasm of
disciples Influence of works following the " Kritik " Fana
ticism of Kantians Opposition : Hamann, Kraus, Herder
Silence amid abuses Influence of Kautisin at home and
abroad Honours Subsidence of the excitement The return
to Kant.
IT is of course impossible to form an exact estimate
of Kant s influence on metaphysics, literature, and
thought in general. There was a time when his
philosophy had gained a power which seems almost
fabulous, and when its author was regarded by many
of his disciples with a reverence which bordered on
adoration. This great fame, the reward of long and
severe toil amid difficulties, was the crown of his old
age. "While his reputation in the last decade of the
eighteenth century has scarcely a parallel, it becomes
the more remarkable when we reflect that it was a
tribute to profound thoughts lying beyond the usual
sphere of literature and even of philosophical research
thoughts which silently, without the aid of a school
366 THE LIl- K OF 1MMANUKL KANT.
or persons of influence or any other favourable external
circumstances, worked like leaven in the intellec
tual world, and wrought a marvellous revolution in
thinking.
When Kant became a teacher, his local reputation
for scholarship was already so great as to crowd his
lecture-room. The character of his instruction rapidly
increased his reputation, made him the most popular
lecturer in the university, and attracted to his audi
tory many who were not students. During his earlier
years he stood in more intimate relation with his
students than afterwards ; he sympathized with their
aspirations, took an interest in their intellectual, moral,
and social welfare, and exerted on many a direct
personal influence. The popularity gained as a teacher
was increased by his authorship, and long before the
" Kritik " appeared he had gained an extensive and
enviable reputation, though lie could not have been
called celebrated.
In the learned and governmental circles of Berlin
he attracted attention by means of his contest,
in 1763, for the prize offered by the Academy of
Sciences ; and about the same time he was, as he
himself said, " introduced to the public " through
some reviews of his books by Moses Mendelssohn.
Thus, already before he became a professor, he had
won distinction as an instructive and inspiring lecturer,
and as a profound, original, and genial writer. His
reputation as a philosophical thinker was materially
increased by his Inaugural Dissertation of 1770, but
its influence was confined to a limited number of
scholars. The first eleven years of his professorship
KAKLY KEPUTATION.
did not add to his reputation as an author, since he
published no books during this period ; but what lie
had previously written was of such a character as to
excite great expectations. Still, before the " Kritik" ap
peared his books had not created a general impression
that a reformer in philosophy had arisen. In 1779,
two years before the publication of the " Kritik," Pro
fessor Kraus was in Gottingen on a visit. In the
company of several of the professors of the university,
he made the remark that Kant had a manuscript in
his desk which would one day cost the philosophers
hard work. The professors smiled at the statement,
thinking that this could hardly be expected from a
dilettante in philosophy. And although he was highly
esteemed in Kb nigsberg as a scholar, before the
" Kritik " was published, his reputation in his native
city was based less on his profound metaphysical
speculations than on several courses of popular lec
tures. Only after that work had given him celebrity
abroad did he become generally esteemed at home as
a deep thinker.
Even after the " Kritik " appeared it attracted little
attention for several years. Immediately after its
publication, Hamann wrote, " Kant intends to publish
a popular epitome of the Kritik for the laity. " It
soon became evident that philosophers as well as the
laity needed a " popular epitome ;" indeed, compared
with Kant, the professional philosophers of the day
might generally have been classed with the laity. But
the " Prolegomena," published in 178;}, did not make
Kant s master-piece popular.
Besides his own popular abstract of the "Kritik,"
3G8 TIIK LIFE OF 1MMANUET, KANT.
other efforts were made to bring its contents before
the public. The first notices and reviews of the work
were, however, not favourable, and philosophers in
different universities spoke of it disparagingly ; it was
evident that they had either failed to read or to under
stand the book. A popular exposition of the contents
of the work was published in 1784, by Professor
Schultz of Konigsberg, with which Kant was so much
pleased that he not only pronounced it a correct
commentary of his philosophy, but also referred persons
to it who desired an explanation of the " Kritik."
Still the Kantian philosophy excited little attention.
This neglect is not wholly attributable to the inherent
difficulties of the book. The study of metaphysics
had fallen into contempt ; and soon after the " Kritik "
appeared Kant complained that that subject was
greatly neglected by scholars, and was no longer placed
among the profound sciences, and he thought the
appearances indicated that speculative philosophy
was about to perish. The learned were devoting
themselves to the study of the useful sciences, and
the great revival in literature made the department
of belles-lettres so prominent as to push specula
tive works into the background. These various causes
led to the neglect of the " Kritik," and two years
after its appearance the author spoke of the silence
with which the book had been received by the learned
public. In 1784 Hamann wrote, "The Kritik
of Pure Reason is beginning to stir and to fer
ment;" but the time for its success had not yet come.
Kant s book on " The Basis of the Metaphysics of
Morality," appearing in 1785, directed new attention
to the author, and may have had some influence in
SUDDEN POPULARITY. 309
preparing tlio way for the success of the " Kritik." For
five or six years after the work appeared it seemed
doubtful whether it would achieve any marked suc
cess, and at the end of this time there were about as
many voices against it as in its favour. In 178G-87,
K. L. Reinhold published a series of letters on the
" Kritik," in a popular literary journal, and these,
more than anything else, introduced the work to the
attention of the literary public. In 1787 a second
edition of the book appeared. ( H9 )
All at once the work now became popular, and the
praise was as loud and fulsome as at first the silence
had been profound. The literature of the day began
to teem with Kantian ideas, with discussions of the
new philosophy, and with the praises of its author ;
and these were not confined to literature, but are also
found in the correspondence of the day, and they were
frequently the topics of conversation. An enthusiasm
was aroused which was all the more remarkable be
cause it was occasioned by a cold and dry metaphysical
work an enthusiasm which in its zeal threatened to
overwhelm all opposition, which became contagious
and carried with it others than professors and students,
scholars and literary men. High officials in Berlin
would lay aside the weighty affairs of state to con
sider the " Kritik," and among them were found warm
admirers of the work and its author. Merchants un
accustomed to severe study took up the book, read it
with absorbing interest, and became professed dis
ciples of the Konigsberg metaphysician. A friend
wrote to Kant froin Brunswick, in 1787, that the
letters of Reinhold had created a great sensation there,
and had aroused the liveliest interest in his system ;
i: 1)
370 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
and lie declared that though he was so far from
Konigsberg, he was surrounded by the Kantian
philosophy. Even while travelling, men would read
the book, and this correspondent states that in the
Hague he had found a man all alone in his room, in
a hotel, absorbed in the effort to master the " Kritik."
This is but a sample of the interest excited by the
book when its popularity began. Not only in private
social circles, but also at table in public houses this
new philosophy and its author were eagerly discussed.
Nor was the interest in it confined to the men ; women
also took up the book, racked their brains over its
contents, sought explanations of its mysteries, and
professed to be disciples, as well as admirers of
Kant.
Significant voices were still heard against the
Kantian philosophy, and it met with decided oppo
sition in every stage of its progress to victory ; but
shortly after its popularity began it was spread all
over Germany, and within ten years after the " Kritik "
appeared its author was on the pinnacle of fame. It
would not have been strange if he had received the
quiet and profound admiration of scholars ; but the
popular applause bestowed on him is rather such as
is accorded to military heroes or favourite party
leaders than to metaphysicians or even to literary
men. Many looked on him as a kind of universal
oracle who could authoritatively decide important
questions even outside of the domain of metaphysics.
So great was the popularity of this philosophy,
that it was held responsible for results of which
it was innocent, and to it even the most absurd in
fluences were attributed. Thus, Professor Reuss, of
THK "KKITIK" IN THK UNIVEUSITIKS. 371
Wurzberg, felt it incumbent on him, in 1 792, to prove
that the French Revolution did not spring from the
Kantian Criticism. ( I5 ) On the other hand, there were
disciples who wanted it to be made the law for every
thing, who desired science, philosophy, literature,
governments, religion, and life, to be conformed to its
principles ; and it was thought that even postal affairs
should be regulated according to the new transcen
dentalism. ( 1SI )
From the universities it soon drove the remnants of
the philosophy of Wolf and Crusius, and it became
the prevalent system in Catholic, as well as Protestant
institutions ; it is claimed that it gained even more
ground in the former than in the latter. Besides
Konigsberg, it was taught in the universities of Er-
langcn, Jena, Halle, Leipzig, Gottingen, Wiinsburg,
Mayeneo, Heidelberg, Ingolstadt, Erfurt, Bamberg,
Dillingen, and other places; indeed at the begin
ning of the last decade of the eighteenth century,
lectures on the " Kritik " were delivered in all the
universities of Germany. It was also taught in
cloisters ; and in many cities where there were no
universities, lectures on it were delivered before mixed
audiences.
The Critical system and its author became so cele
brated that their praises were frequently sung by poets,
who strove to compensate for the lack of poetic worth
in their verses by an admiration which was boundless.
The students, ever ready to do him honour, repeatedly
celebrated him in song ; and BOOH after his death a
number of poems on Kant were composed by students,
professors, and others. A few years before his de
cease, 348 Latin hexameters, celebrating the merits of
n b 2
372 THE UFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
the autlior of the " Kritik," were published in Konigs
berg. These words occur in the poem : " Et lux e
densis oriatur tanta tenebris." ( 152 ) It is not strange
that Kant was sung by poets ; but the attempt to
turn his metaphysics into verse is almost too much
for human nature to bear ; yet such an effort was
actually made, and the result was published in 1794.
The whole was prefaced by an ode " To the Founder
of the Critical Philosophy." ( 153 ) The verses following
this ode bear the titles : " Time and Space, the Pure
Forms of Sensation;" "Methodology;" " To the
Reason ;" " The Highest Principle of Morality ;" and
other equally felicitous poetic inscriptions. Even if
these and other verses on Kant lack poetic inspiration,
the enthusiasm which they display is an evidence of
the wonderful influence of the philosopher on his
contemporaries.
The obscure and isolated Konigsberg became the
centre of philosophy, and Kant was so celebrated that
his fame was burdensome on account of the corre
spondence and the visits of which he became the
victim, though in many respects the calls he received
were as gratifying as they were complimentary. He
attracted many students to the city, who crowded his
lecture-room, and many who were not students came
solely to see him and to receive the benefit of his
counsel and instruction. Among those who made
pilgrimages to Konigsberg was Reuss, Professor of
Philosophy in Wiirzburg, who one day entered his
room with the remark that he had come 160 miles
(German) to see Kant; no small undertaking in those
days of slow and difficult travel. His bishop (Catholic)
had aided him m defraying the expenses of the journey.
IMLCKIMAOES TO KONIGSBERCJ. 373
Another Professor of Philosopliy, Memel,of Erlangen,
came to Konigsberg for the same purpose. Count Purg-
stall made a journey all the way from Vienna to visit
Kant, and then, full of enthusiasm over what he had
seen and heard of the thinker, he went to Copenhagen
and gave glowing descriptions of his visit. The wife of
a Danish cabinet minister wrote, " We had very definite
accounts of Kant last summer. A young Count Purg-
stall, from Vienna, made a pilgrimage to Konigsberg,
and then came to us. We listened to him with great
pleasure, because he had often seen the philosopher of
Konigsberg and came to us from him with shining
countenance, like Moses from Mount Sinai." ( " ) The
tutor of the Prince of Brunswick sought to make a
similar pilgrimage, but was prevented ; he, however,
secured manuscript copies of Kant s lectures on
morality and anthropology, and used them in instruct
ing the prince.
It is almost incredible that any man should have been
t he object of such tributes of praise as were bestowed on
Kant, the more so when the nature of his metaphysics
is considered. The enthusiasm which he aroused was
in strange contrast with his own aversion to all extra
vagant feeling. A certain mania seems to have taken
possession of many of his admirers, so that not merely
to his philosophy but also to its author perfection
was ascribed. "He lived as he taught," was echoed
and re-echoed. The Kantian Criticism had apparently
deprived men of the power of criticism, and the
" Kritik of Pure Reason," of the exercise of reason.
Those who called Kant the Master of Philosophy, the
Hercules among thinkers, the modern Socrates, (he
German Plato and Aristotle united in one person,
:>74 rm: LTFK OF TMMANUEL KANT.
were very moderate. One wrote, " God said, Let
there be light ; and there was Kant s philosophy."
Among his most ardent admirers was Professor von
Baggesen, of Copenhagen, a literary character of
some repute at that time on account of his writings
both in Danish and German. In common with many
others, he saw in the Kantian philosophy the salvation
of the world. In a letter to his friend Erhard, he calls
Kant " our philosophical Messiah," and states that
he intends to visit Kb nigsberg solely for the purpose
of seeing " the second Messiah." Afterwards he
wrote that he had been obliged to abandon the project
of visiting Kb nigsberg to see " our Messiah." He
also wrote, " Next to . Christ, this man interests me
most of the living and the dead."
The glory of the " Kritik " was reflected on the
works of Kant which followed it, and all of them
appeared in large editions. When his books on
morality and religion were published, they were re
garded as part of the Critical system, and shared its
popularity. Kant was lauded as the saviour of religion
and morality, and some regarded him as the improver
and perfecter of the Christian religion. In the uni
versities, as well as in the churches, rationalism
became prevalent, and by means of lectures and sermons
it was spread among students and the masses. Mo
rality, with the Categorical Imperative as its Golden
Rule, became the watchword of the pulpit ; and God,
freedom, and immortality, the trinity of rationalism,
were the favourite dogmas. Creeds and the cultus, as
well as the Scriptures, were now to be conformed to the
Critical Philosophy and its religion and morality. A
Reformed minister declared that the Kantian morality
INFMTKNCi: OF HIS BOOK UN KLUCION. 370
surpasses that of Christianity. Reinhokl, who more
than any one else had promoted the popularity of the
" Kritik," wrote to Erliard, one of Kant s most inti
mate friends, " Kant s book on Religion has given me
the indescribable comfort of being able to call myself
openly, and with a good conscience, a Christian."
Many others accepted Kant s construction of Chris
tianity, by means of his rule of moral interpretation,
as the Christian religion itself. Erhard was so
thoroughly a Kantian that he said, " I am, as it were,
a Pietist in the Kantian philosophy ; I can regard
nothing in it as orthodox except what Kant himself
has written." And he also says, " Kant s book on
Religion satisfies me wholly," and he speaks of
" Christianity as purified by Kant." In another
letter he gives his views more fully. Pestalozzi had
sent him a manuscript to criticize, and he altered it
considerably ; the alterations were accepted by the
author, and Erhard writes of him, " He says that the
changes I had made were entirely in accordance with
his views, for he, too, is convinced that Christianity,
according to its essence, was never introduced, never
will be, never can and never should be, since it is fana
ticism incompatible with the needs of men. Only from
a few passages can the morality which it teaches be
interpreted as pure and excellent ; but to these, other
superstitions and fanatical passages are directly
opposed again. We will speak of this matter soon.
I regard Christian morality as something which has
been falsely imputed to Christianity ; and the existence
of Christ does not at all seem to me to be a probable
historical fact." These were the views of a man who
not only regarded himself as wholly a Kantian, but
376 TIIK LIFK OF IMMANUEL KANT.
who also wrote to Kant, " I can call myself yours as
truly as if you were my real father." Another pupil
and enthusiastic admirer of Kant, named Kiesewetter,
lectured on his philosophy in Berlin. He found it ex
pedient to make it appear that Christianity and the
Critical Philosophy harmonize, but states that he felt
it exceedingly difficult to steer between the Scylla of
antagonism to Christianity and the Charybdis of
hypocrisy. To Kant he wrote, " I assure you, dearest
Professor, that at times I am placed in situations in
which I need all possible caution, on the one hand,
not to become untruthful, and on the other, not to re
veal my views and injure myself." Some agreement
between the Christian and the Critical system he thinks
possible, and he appeals to Kant to aid him with
suggestions. " I am convinced that it could at least
be made evident that the fundamental principle of
your moral system harmonizes well with the doctrines
of the Christian system, and that if Christ had heard
and understood you, he would probably have said,
^That is what I meant to teach with my command,
Love God, et cet." The philosopher Reinhold assured
Hchiller, that in a century Kant would have the re
putation of Jesus Christ. In some quarters it became
quite common to draw a paralled between the author of
the Critical Philosophy and the Founder of the Christian
religion.
Kant s " Kritik " was intended by its author to put
an end to all extravagant opinions. Henceforth there
were to be no more dreams of ghost-seers, meta
physicians, and enthusiasts ; instead of dream-land and
the spirit- world, men were now to walk on the solid
earth, with their eyes open, and guided by the light of
377
reason, but with their hearts mostly closed. Philosophy,
morality, and religion, were henceforth to be cold and
stern, mathematically exact, and very proper. The
result looks like irony ; instead of cold propriety, a
new fanaticism appeared which seemed to be but the
revenge of human nature for the effort to suppress its
feelings. Neither in his lectures nor in his books did
Kant aim merely to inculcate certain doctrines which
were to be accepted by disciples, without further in
vestigation, as truth. " It is probable that few
teachers have so often and so earnestly warned against
this as Kant did ; yet it is probable that he had more
followers who echoed his opinions without testing
them than any one else. Certain it is that he did not
want them. To think for oneself, to investigate, to
stand on one s own feet, were expressions which were
constantly recurring. "( 1:>5 ) But instead of accomplish
ing \vhat Kant desired, a spirit of blind devotion,
which fanatically advocated a system not understood
and often grossly perverted, characterized many of the
disciples of Kantism during the period of its greatest
dominion. The folly and extravagance are, of course,
to be ascribed mainly to those who did not fathom the
depths of that philosophy; but the same spirit is seen
in Reinhold, in Fichte while yet a Kantian, and in many
others who claimed to be the true followers of Kant
and authentic interpreters of his system. "( l:6 ) His
professed disciples differed respecting the interpretation
of his philosophy, each claiming to be a correct ex
ponent of the views of the master. Bitter contentions
occurred in the school itself, and many and great
abuses were committed in the name of (Viticism.
Those who were opposed to this philosophy attacked it
severely, exposed the folly of its followers, and added
to the philosophical confusion.( 1<57 )
Among the opponents of the system were some of
the most eminent men of the day ; but their first
opposition was overwhelmed by the tide which for
awhile swept everything before it and resisted all
efforts to produce an ebb. The popular philosophers
opposed Kant because he introduced reason instead of
common sense as the criterion of truth ; many of the
advocates of illumination opposed him because he re
jected their endaemonism ; others, who wanted the Bible
to be wholly renounced, objected to him because he was
willing to retain that book in religious instruction ;
and the evangelical theologians or supernaturalists, as
they were called to distinguish them from the ration
alists, were opposed to his subordination of Scripture
to reason, to the subjection of religion to the position
of a handmaid of morality, and, in fact, to bis entire
theology. Men like Storr, Flatt, Doderlein, Reinhard,
entered the lists against him. Schleiermacher must
also be placed among the opposition, though his in
fluence only began to be felt towards the close of
Kant s life ; his theory of the relation of the emotions
to religion was diametrically opposed to Kant s view,
and he became the most potent opponent of rationalism.
The adversaries of the Critical Philosophy subjected
it to the severest criticism, exposed its weak points
and the abuses made of the system by its friends.
The ebb did come, and the reflux was as marked, if
not as sudden, as the flow had been. For every ardent
admirer of the Kantian philosophy there was an equally
ardent opponent ; but for extravagance the professed
Kantians retained the palm.
OPPOSITION OK HAM ANN A.\l> KI. U S. OfV
Here we must consider the relation of scholars to
K autism chiefly from a personal stand-point, namely,
so far as it affected Kant himself. Among his personal
friends, as we have seen, there were zealous advocates
of his system ; but there were others, some of them in
Konigsberg, who as decidely rejected it. Hamann
opposed Kant s moral and religious views more
emphatically than he did his metaphysics. According
to Kant, religion consists in what we do to gain the
divine favour, namely, in a moral life ; according to
llamann, it consists in what God does for us. In his
letters, which contain numerous allusions to Kant, he
expresses the highest regard for his intellect, and praises
the " Kritik " as a great work, but often speaks
slightingly of the Critical Philosophy. ( IM )
But Hamann s opposition was less significant than
that of Professor Kraus. The latter was a systematic
thinker, the former was not ; and Kraus was far more
intimate with Kant than Hamann. He had been a pupil
of the great philosopher, was his colleague, and at
one time his daily guest. While a great admirer of
his teacher, he thought for himself. Kraus had fine
speculative powers, and Kant spoke of him in the
most complimentary terms, regarding him as one of
the greatest minds the world had ever produced,
and he did not hesitate to compare him with Kepler.
In his old age he said to a friend, " Of all men whom
I have known in my life, I have found no one with
such talents to comprehend all things and to learn all,
and yet in every affair to stand as admirably and
eminently as our Professor Kraus. He is quite an un
paralleled man."
380 TIN-] LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
cism would have been especially gratifying to Kant.
Kraus, who was a superior mathematician, did not
condemn speculation, but he objected to the efforts of
those who made it the source of all knowledge, and he
opposed the flagrant abuses of philosophy because
they were deleterious to the advance of learning. The
conduct of many professed Kantians disgusted him,
and he vigorously assailed their transcendental mad
ness. In his lectures he spoke with warmth and even
with bitterness against the modern metaphysic, which
he described as useless, and thought worthy of banish
ment from the universities. It was in the midst of
the abuses of the Kantian system that he said, " What
I desire and expect from philosophy is, indeed, accord
ing to the prevalent opinion, something quite strange,
namely, the improvement of the human race and the
purification of the mind. It seems to me something
monstrous that there should be any fixed philosophy,
one named after a man, as, for instance, the Kantian
philosophy." He spoke of the " Kritik " as jugglery,
and preferred the more practical English and also the
older German systems, especially the Leibnitz-Wolfian.
While lie spoke with admiration of metaphysic when
it occupied what he regarded as its proper sphere, he
could not tolerate the metaphysicians " who either
tried to hide the insipidity of their notions behind a
web of an incomprehensible bombast, or else expressed
their really deep thoughts as obscurely before the
public, by whom they wished to be understood, as if
they needed to shun the light of day." He was
enraged at what he called the idolatry " of the coarse
goblin, the Kantian philosophy; 1 he held that this
system ought to be studied, but that the aim of the
.). <i. VOX HKRDKK. 381
study should be to enable men the better to stand on
their own feet. " It grieved him when such a system
became the occasion for young men, who had scarcely
grasped the primary conceptions of logic, to talk
vaguely about philosophy in general, without making
any application of it to life and the commonwealth."
And the statement is made that " in his lectures he
never permitted an occasion to pass without giving his
pupils the advice, by all means first of all to gather a
fund of knowledge concerning realities before hearing
philosophical lectures."
AVhile the course of Hamann and Kraus shows
that in its very home the Critical Philosophy met
witli decided opposition even from Kant s personal
friends, their antagonism has less historic significance
than that of J. G. von Herder. Of all Kant s students
he was probably the most brilliant, and in literature
he became the most celebrated. If the three most
eminent names of Eastern Prussia, during the second
half of last century, were required, few, if any, would
hesitate to mention Kant, Herder, and Hamann.
AVhen Herder was Kant s pupil, the philosopher formed
great expectations respecting him ; and Herder s forty-
five volumes on theology, religion, literature, art,
poetry, history, and philosophy, show that the teacher s
estimate of his abilities was well founded. He deserves
an honourable place in literature beside Goethe,
Schiller, and the other distinguished men with whom
he associated in Weimar, then the German Athens, and
is worthy of the characteristic inscription on his tomb,
" Light, Love, Life."
There had been much ardour in Herder s attachment,
while a student, to his favourite teacher, and this
382 THE LIFE OP I MM AN U EL KANT.
inspired Kant with the hope that he would use his
talents and influence to advocate the Critical Philoso
phy ; but in this he was disappointed. ( 159 ) Herder,
impressible as he was, was too original, too much
Herder, to become the disciple of another. What
ever he learned he worked over into his own pecu
liar texture and gave it the stamp of his individuality.
While with his friend Hamann he was a great admirer
of the philosopher s intellectual powers, he also, like
Hamann, never became an advocate of his system ; in
fact, this warm admirer of Kant became one of the
most decided, most active, and most bitter opponents
of Kant ism. Both Kant and Herder were original,
learned, and great, but they had their failings ; both
were very tenacious of their peculiar views ; both had
bright literary hopes, and w^ere ambitious ; and both
were very sensitive. Their early relation as teacher
and pupil, their warm attachment, and the high regard
of each for the other s abilities and attainments, should
have made them friends for life ; but a coldness, and
even bitterness, sprang up between them, which form
a painful contrast with their former friendship. Her
der professed to attack the system and its blind
advocates, not the author; but in assailing the
philosophy, he was not only unnecessarily severe, but
he also cast considerable blame on Kant himself, who
keenly felt the violent opposition of him whom he had
been specially desirous of securing as an adherent.
Herder s literary reputation made him a central
figure in the war waged against the " Kritik ;" but less
for this reason than on account of his personal re
lation to our philosopher is the matter here considered.
Kant s review of one of Herder s books apparently
JIEKPEli s EXPERIENCES IX WEIMAK. 383
favourable, and yet with a slighting air and a vein of
satire wounded the sensitive author, and probably
made him more bitter in his attacks on the Kantian
philosophy, but it does not wholly explain his opposi
tion. Herder was the apostle of Humanity, a word
which he was constantly using, and Avhose broad
signification, including all the interests of man, charac
terizes his entire being and tendency. The whole of
humanity deeply interested him, also the world with
its realities so far as related to man. The Critical
system was too cold for him, ignored the heart too
much, and put a. priori speculations where he wanted
historical facts. As he sought the richness and variety
of the tropics, he felt cold and solitary and lost in an
Iceland, notwithstanding its sublimity. On the other
hand, Kant could not appreciate Herder s fiery
imagination, nor the warm heart whose glow is felt in
all his works. Where he demanded reason, he often
found fancy ; hence the enthusiasm in Herder s books
and the luxuriance of his style were an offence to
the Critical Philosopher. Intellectually they were
antipodes.
Herder was the president of the Upper Consistory
in Weimar, and his sad experiences in the examination
of candidates for the ministry, as well as in many other
instances, gave him an opportunity of seeing the
destructive influences of men who were advocates of
the Kantian system, especially those connected with
the University of Jena, which was one of the centres of
this philosophy, and where Reinhold was professor.
At first Herder exonerated Kant himself from blame,
and attributed the abuses to the arrogance and mis
understanding of the system on the part of his blind
384 THE LIFE OF IMMAXUEL KANT.
followers ; but afterwards, when lie saw that Kant did
nothing to check the abuses, he censured him also.
Before the culmination of the furor occasioned by the
new philosophy, he defended Kant against the abuses
of his disciples. Herder regarded his works as calcu
lated chiefly to fix the limits of thought, to purify the
sciences, and to test the power of the mind ; and not
as intended to exhaust the sciences or to give the
contents of all knowledge. He thought the Kantian
zealots made the mistake of imagining that in these
works they had that knowledge itself, of which the
great philosopher aimed to give only the boundaries.
Herder therefore exclaims, " If the outline is taken for
the substance, the frame for the picture, the vessel for
the contents ; and if one then imagines that he has
gathered all the treasures of knowledge, what a
mistake, what an abuse ! " Acknowledging that Kant s
works were admirable as a preparation for philosophy,
he was not willing to admit that they gave to philo
sophy a completeness and perfection which could not
be transcended a view which for many Kantians
was entirely too moderate.
When, however, men began to swear by the words
of the master without understanding them, and when
the zealots disputed fiercely with each other as to
which one understood Kant aright, then not only
Herder but many others also became indignant because
no one made a serious effort to check the confusion.
Germany had suddenly been aroused by Kant from
its metaphysical slumber and dreams ; but the awaken
ing was followed by a wild intoxication. A hint of
this has already been given ; but one must study the
sources of the history of the last fifteen years of the
fj ROUNDS OF HIS OPPOSITION . 385
eighteenth century in order to form a just conception
of the confusion, the contradictions, the criminations
and recriminations, the intolerance and arrogance,
prevalent among the professed followers of the Kantian
philosophy. Herder, in the literary centre of Germany,
saw many evidences of this madness, and says that the
intolerance with which the Kantians, " seated on their
universal tribunal, speak, condemn, praise, and reject,
has become as disgusting to the healthy part of
Germany as it must be averse to the tolerant nature of
the author of this philosophy and to his thoughtful
love of the truth. To aim, by means of fire and
sword, scorn and derision, to introduce a Critical
Philosophy which emphatically disclaims all intention
of preaching dogmatism, is the most miserable
despotism." Of Kant s works he writes, " They will
remain. Their spirit, even if embodied in other forms
and clothed in other words, will, in substance, continue
io work and to live. It has already accomplished
much, and its influence is seen in almost every depart
ment of human investigation. Through Kant the
mind has received a new impetus, not merely to sift
the old, but also (which is the principal aim of philo
sophy) to give a systematic arrangement to the sciences
which are peculiarly human." But while thus praising
Kant, Herder was unwilling to have the claims of other
philosophers ignored, and lie opposed those who spoke
of the Kantian system as wholly new and original, and
said of its author, " Surely, his most presumptuous
admirer will not claim that everything in his works is
7U W. in tli is case it is not proper, as has often been
done, to place all the philosophers of antiquity on their
heads in order that the latest may alone stand on his
c c
386 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
feet." Herder claimed that much of what Kant
taught had long ago been said in other words, and
that for many things in the Critical Philosophy the
way had been prepared by men like Hume, Rousseau,
and Lambert. He says, " Kant s * Kritik so deeply
affects the minds of the present because the way for
it had been so well prepared, and because it was able
to bring to light a thousand existing but obscure
notions.( 1GO )
Herder s opposition to this philosophy became more
decided when he perceived the increase of its abuses,
and found that some of its advocates opposed the
Christian religion in its name. After Fichte had
declared in Jena, " In five years there will be no more
Christian religion ; reason is our religion," even some
theological professors were led astray. Theological
students, examined by Herder, gave impertinent
answers, and a talented young man wrote an article
against marriage, and at the same time urged the Con
sistory to give him an appointment as a pastor.
Sacred things were ridiculed, and Christianity was
treated as a superstition. Herder then wrote his
" Metakritik " and " Kalligone " against the Critical
Philosophy. Anxious that Kant should do something
to check the abuses of his system, he said, " I will
arouse Kant, by means of my writings, to declare him
self respecting the perversion of his philosophy." The
bitterness of his tone in opposing this system, he ex
plained as follows : " The Kantian philosophy is to be
regarded as a ferment; stupidity took the leaven for
the dough. Hence this indescribable abuse. It is little
of Kant that he, who knows better, leaves men in
their error, and sacrifices truth to the vanity of having
387
established a school. Time will reveal the truth in this
matter. In my position, it was my duty to speak
against the injurious effects of this philosophy as loudly
as I have done ; I wanted to excite the Kantians so
that they might hear me. A book in a milder tone
would have been without effect altogether."
These extracts indicate Herder s relation to Kant
and to Kantism, especially as this appeared at Jena
and Weimar ; and they also give us a picture of the
times. The Kantian philosophy had taken men by
storm, and many thought that it was final. Herder saw
that it swept everything before it, and he said, " The
century or the decade is drowned in the Kantian
subtlety of words. A new man will arise and that
deluge will subside. At present it seems to be in vain
for me to contend with it ; only let holes be made now,
through which the water may run when its time
comes." This testimony of an enemy shows what a
mighty power this system had become.
Kant was deeply pained by Herder s course. The
prominent position of Herder in Weimar, his great in
fluence in literature, and his former relation to Kant,
made it all the harder for the aged savant to bear his
merciless attacks. To the question, " Whom did
Kant esteem most among his opponents ? " Borowski
replied, "Certainly none; least of all Nicolai and
the great Herder. Of most of them he took little
or no notice. He rarely read what was written for or
against him." And Hasse says of Kant, " Against
Herder he spoke almost passionately, declaring that
he wanted to be dictator and was anxious to make
disciples."
The best disciples of Kant were not those who
388 THE LIFK OF 1MMANUEL KANT.
adopted his system without criticism, pronounced it
absolute and final, and aimed to transmit it as finished
and unchangeable to future generations. Such were
the Kantian dogmatists and fanatics, who based their
claim to be true disciples on the fact that they blindly
accepted the words of the master and abused all others
who did not do likewise. There were, however, others
who subjected the " Kritik " itself to severe tests and
tried to develop its well-established principles, while
rejecting the rest ; and although decried as false dis
ciples by unconditional Kantian s, they have promoted
that philosophical development which it is the glory of
Kant to have started. That men perverted his system
certainly cannot dim that glory, and it would be foolish
to make him responsible for the folly and extravagance
of his followers. But was not his failure to check them
blameworthy ? Why was he silent amid the abuses of
his philosophy on the part of his disciples ? That he
was aware, to some extent, of the disputes among his
disciples, and of the confusion and offence created
thereby, is evident from his own letters; and publicly,
through the press, as well as privately, through letters,
earnest appeals were made to him to give such
explanations of disputed points as would end the
wrangling about the sense of his philosophy ; and it
was also hoped that he would do something to check
the arrogant claims of many of his adherents. By his
opponents Kant s silence was attributed to selfish
motives, particularly to the desire to found a school ;
and it was claimed that if the love of truth animated
him, he would certainly break the silence, restore har
mony, and disown the abuses of his professed disciples.
While, therefore, some persons were loudly extolling
CAUSK OF KANT S SILKNCK. 389
his merits, there were others who as bitterly de
nounced his course in these disputes ; and those
who blamed him for his silence were not confined to the
opponents of his system.
If we place ourselves in Kant s position, we shall find
that there was much to excuse that silence, even if it
cannot be wholly justified. Although he was aware that
there were abuses, he could hardly have known their
full extent. Not only was Konigsberg isolated, but he
himself withdrew more from society as old age advanced.
His favourite reading, as we have seen, was not philo
sophical literature, and he rarely read what was written
for or against his system, and greatly disliked contro
versy. Those in his own city who were in more imme
diate contact with the world could see the abuses
better than he did; and in a literary centre, such as
Weimar, they were far more apparent than in Konigs
berg. Then it should be remembered that Kant was
anxious to complete his various literary projects, and
was devoting his energies so exclusively to them as to
neglect other matters; and even after devoting all his
time and energies to his literary plans, he had to leave
one of the most important unfinished, as his last manu
script shows. Besides, he was really unable to enter
and master thoughts and systems foreign to his own,
and his friends would read on the philosophical disputes
of the day and then give him their views. The whole
conflict, therefore, lay largely beyond the sphere of the
thoughts of him whom it concerned most. Kant s
physical and intellectual condition was such, at this
time, that he found it necessary, for the sake of his
health and mental labours, to avoid excitement . For
some years before his death he was really unfit to enter
390 THE LIFE OF 1MMANUEL KANT.
the controversy, and he declared that he must leave to
others the explanation and defence of his system.
In a letter to Reinhold, in 1788, Kant gives a hint
of his feelings respecting the controversy occasioned by
his philosophy, though at that time it was only in its
beginning. In speaking of the dissensions among
those who reject the " Kritik," he says that it is only
necessary to watch them quietly, and perhaps take
notice occasionally of the principal errors, but other
wise to pursue one s plan uninterruptedly, and to
cherish the hope that in the course of time everything
will move along in the right track. This implies con
fidence that the discovery of truth would be the result
of the contentions. That Kant had a degree of satis
faction in the disputes occasioned by the " Kritik," is
true. A year later he wrote to Reinhold, " In reality,
the general excitement occasioned and still promoted
by the Kritik, together with all the alliances formed
against it (though its opponents disagree and will con
tinue to do so), can only be agreeable to me, for by this
means interest in the subject is maintained. Then the
perpetual misinterpretations and perversions give occa
sion to make the expressions, here and there, which
might lead to a misunderstanding, more definite ; con
sequently, I fear nothing in the end from these attacks,
even if they are treated with silence." He hoped that
the conflict would keep the subject prominently before
the public until the truth finally triumphed, which for
Kant meant the victory of his system.
The temporary excitement occasioned by the "Kritik"
was, indeed, an evidence of Kant s influence, but it was
only the foam and the waves on the surface of the
great deep. On thoughtful minds, on literature, on
INFLUENCE OF THE " KRTTIK." 391
universities and other institutions, be produced an
effect which was deep and broad and lasting, and it may
safely be said that no other factor in modern German
literature has been so potent as his philosophy. Often
where it is hardly apparent, this influence is deepest
and most universal, because it is the influence of prin
ciples which determine foundations as well as super
structures. So thorough and general was the revolu
tion in thought which Kant produced, that scholars
were obliged to take sides for or against his philosophy,
or else to subject the " Kritik " itself to severe criti
cism, and winnow the chaff from the wheat. Every
philosopher since his day, whatever else he might
neglect, has been constrained, first of all, to determine
his relation to Kant ; and even when other philosophers
temporarily obscured the name of Kant, they really
began with him and largely built upon his system.
While others prepared the way for the " Kritik," that
work contains the seed from which German metaphysic
sprang. The effort necessary to master its contents
made the book a discipline for thinkers, a test of their
speculative powers, and the means of strengthening
their intellects. The epoch in thought, which it
created, contains the most eminent names in modern
metaphysics, and Rosenkranz says, " With the excep
tion of the history of Greek philosophy from Anaxa-
goras to Aristotle, the history of philosophy furnishes
no example of such rapid development of speculation as
that produced by those well-matched heroes, Kant,
Fichte, Schelling, and Hegel." Wald affirmed in his
funeral oration, that Kant had effected a greater revolu
tion in metaphysics than Newton had accomplished in
physics.
392 Till*: LIFE OF DIMANCEL KANT.
From the hundreds of other evidences of the broad
and deep influence of the Critical Philosophy, only the
testimony of a few cotemporaries can here be given.
One writes concerning Kant s principles, " I found
these principles, especially the moral ones, in nurseries,
in schools, in the shops of mechanics, among soldiers,
at the desk both of the merchant and of his clerk, in
the temple of the Christian, and in the synagogue of
the Jews/ ( 1G1 ) Bouterwek says, " No other German
author of the eighteenth century ruled with such
imposing authority over superior minds ; no other
writer found among his opponents so many admirers ;
and there was not another who so powerfully affected
all the sciences, and also the moral tendency of German
mental activity, as Immanuel Kant." Another co-
temporary declares, " In a short time the new
philosophy exerted an almost magic influence on all
the sciences, and gained friends and adherents even
among the classes which did not devote themselves to
science at all, or, at least, not to metaphysics. It
aroused a spirit of thorough philosophic inquiry in
Germany, of which the age would not have been
thought capable ; and it contains such an inestimable
wealth of ideas and opinions, that until now only a
small part of this material can be regarded as having
been appropriated, and from it new germs of know
ledge may yet be developed in the remote future." ( 1G2 )
Kant s fame spread to foreign lands during his life,
but the influence of his philosophy outside of Germany
was very limited. Although French journals men
tioned his name and referred to his system, the Critical
Philosophy was not introduced into France till in
1801, when Charles Yillers began the publication of a
THE CRITICAL PHILOSOPHY IN EN(!I.ANI. 393
work on the subject, of which, however, only the first
volume appeared, the demand probably not being
sufficient to justify the completion of the whole. The
disturbed state of that country was, no doubt, largely
the occasion of this neglect of the great German meta
physician. Although its principal thoughts were also
discussed in other French philosophical works, his
"Kritik" made but little impression on France.
More attention was paid to it in the Netherlands.
The Critical Philosophy was taught in Amsterdam by
Paul Van Hammcrt, who in 1792 issued a compend of
this system, and in 1796-98 published a work on it in
four volumes. In 1802 the " Kritik " was translated
into Dutch.
As early as 1795 an effort was made by F. A. Nitzsch
to introduce the Kantian philosophy into England,
lie had studied under Kant, and had a good know
ledge of his system, on which he probably delivered
the first lectures and published the first book in the
Knglish language. To Professor Kraus, who was his
friend, we arc indebted for a description of his first
lecture in 1795. " All through London Nitzsch had
sent circulars announcing a course of lectures on the
perceptive and reasoning faculties of the mind, ac
cording to the principles of Professor Kant. In this
prospectus, of which he sent me a copy, he offered, in
order to secure confidence in his proposition, to deliver
three lectures gratis, and to answer all the London
philosophers who, after hearing him, might propose
objections. When, on the 3rd of March, in this year,
at 8 p.m., Nitzsch for the first time entered the lecture-
room, lie found, what the equipages at- the door had
led him to expect, a multitude of aged lords, ministers,
TIIK LIFE OF IM MANUEL KAXT.
young scholars, and finely dressed ladies. For an
hour and a half tie read the first part of his introduc
tion, which had been well prepared, and was appa
rently received favourably ; but scarcely had he
finished when a discussion of two whole hours arose,
during which he was obliged to defend his position.
In this he succeeded well ; and the result of this and
the two following lectures was that his whole course
of thirty-six lectures, which had been announced for
three guineas, was successful. He completed it a few
weeks ago with honour, and in this month of October
will begin a second course. In the meanwhile he is
having an abstract of his lectures published by sub
scription." ( 163 )
Professor Kraus received his account from Nitzsch
himself, who seems to have had sanguine expectations
which were not realized. He was not successful in his
effort to introduce the Critical system into England,
and Borowski says, " Nitzsch was laughed at in
London." Dr. A. F. M. Willich made a similar
attempt, which was also unsuccessful. ( 164 ) In 1797
and 1798 John Richardson published two books in
England on Kant s Philosophy, but they also failed to
excite an interest in the subject.
Kant s fame crossed the sea, and became known in
America during the philosopher s life. An ency
clopedia published in Philadelphia, in 1798, contains
the following : "It is certain that Professor Kant of
Konigsberg has gained a great reputation by means of
his original view of the intellectual and moral powers
of man, and that the philosophers of Germany are as
devotedly attached to him as the natural scientists are
to Newton, or the scholastics to Aristotle. The
SUBSIDENCE OF ENTHUSIASM.
Kantian philosophy is therefore a subject which can
not be omitted from our encyclopedia." ( 1G5 ) In
Russia, Italy, Sweden, Denmark, and other countries,
Kant was also known. A letter from Bishop
Lindblom, in Sweden, addresses him, " Vir omnibus
titulis major," and calls him " Princeps philoso-
phorum."
In spite of his great reputation, Kant was the
recipient of comparatively few honours from learned
bodies, and he made no parade of those which he did
receive. He was a member of the Academy of
Sciences in Berlin, and also of that in St. Petersburg,
and he was invited to become a member of the
Academy of Sciences in Sienna, and to take part in
its work ; he had been proposed as a member of the
National Institute of Sciences in Paris, but his death
occurred before his election. All these honours were
conferred on him after the " Kritik " appeared.
The excitement created by the new philosophy was
too intense to last, and already before the death of
its author all parties were disposed to view it more
calmly and more critically. Fichte s Idealism was an
effort to develop some of Kant s principles and to
supersede his philosophy in part, if not to supplant it
altogether. It attracted much of the attention which
had hitherto been bestowed on the Critical Philosophy ;
and while it introduced a new element of confusion
and discord, it also did much to effect a more critical
investigation of the principles of the " Kritik." Some
who had been warm advocates of the Kantian Criti
cism now forsook it, among them Reinhold, who
had done so much for the popularity and defence of
the " Kritik. Within four months after Kant s death
306 THE LIFE OF 1MMANUEL KANT.
Bouterwek wrote that the Kantian intoxication was
over, and that there was danger that the prevalent
tone would so depreciate his intellect as to put it on a
level with ordinary minds. There were at that time
enthusiastic followers of Fichte, just as there had been
and still were of Kant. Their treatment of the
Critical Philosopher is evident from a remark of the
writer just quoted, " It is well known that the youths
of the new school of Idealism speak of Kant as only a
Philister."
Soon other philosophers arose and gathered dis
ciples, and Schelling and Hegel became the meta
physical heroes. Kantian principles were, however,
still powerful, and many who had been trained in the
Critical Philosophy occupied important positions of
trust during and after the wars with France ; but this
philosophy gradually lost its adherents, till at last
Kant was neglected. ( 1G6 ) But about thirty years ago
a revival of the study of Kant began, and since that
time the Kantian literature has grown to such vast
proportions as to suggest a parallel with the close of
last century. Naturalists, as well as metaphysicians,
and, in fact, scholars of every class, favour a return
to Kant, and regard the renewed study of the
" Kritik " as the condition for a new start in philo
sophy ; and philosophers again speak of themselves as
Kantians, which, of course, does not mean that they
follow Kant implicitly. Many thinkers want to start
with him ; they adopt some of his conclusions while
rejecting others, and favour especially his critical
method. Some of those who are ready to take his
name, differ from him materially on important
points. ( l67 ) The conviction is universal, that he
THE RETUKN TO KANT. 397
must be used critically, in order that he may be
transcended. " The Return to Karit," which has be
come the watchword of philosophers, wants to make
him the starting-point, so as to enable philosophy to
attain that goal which is a matter of hope, but not
yet of realization. The revival of the study of Kant,
the hopes centred in the Critical Philosophy by
scholars in various departments of learning, the
numerous recent editions of his " Kritik," and the
vast literature on this work, are among the most
significant indications of the deeper tendencies of
German thought.
398 THE LIFE OF 1MMANUKL KANT.
CHAPTER XII.
CORRESPONDENCE AND CORRESPONDENTS.
Small number of Kant s letters Numerous correspondents
Lambert Moses Mendelssohn Herz Erhard Maria von
Herbert J. G. Fichte Kiesewetter Jung Stilling.
WHEN we consider Kant s literary activity of more
than fifty years, we are surprised to find that so few
of his letters, only about seventy in all, are extant.
That there are no more is partly accounted for by the
fact that he neglected his correspondence ; then, all of
his earlier letters and many of the later ones have been
lost. In his letters Kant discusses metaphysics, and
refers to his literary labours and personal affairs ; but
we look in vain for that confidence, intimacy, and
affection, which are common in the correspondence of
friends. Many of the letters written to him remained
unanswered, others were neglected for a long time.
Nor was he careful to preserve the letters received,
and he is said not to have left among his literary
remains a single letter of his learned correspondence.
After he had become celebrated, he received so many
communications that they were an annoyance and
a burden to him, and one of his biographers says,
" In his last years he received many letters, from
many places, and had to pay much postage, which
HIS CORRESPONDENCE BURDENSOME. 300
greatly displeased him. Once he said to me that celeb
rity causes much trouble. Continuous correspond
ence, properly speaking, he probably had with
no one." His fame brought him letters from Hol
land, Sweden, England, France, Switzerland, Austria,
and other lands, as well as Germany. Many of his
correspondents revealed an unbounded confidence
in him, and treated him as an oracle. Some of them
sought a solution of intellectual and moral difficulties,
while others asked advice on subjects which did not
interest him ; he was requested to distribute lottery
tickets, to secure subscribers for publications, to read
and criticize essays, and to do other things which
were both disagreeable and robbed him of precious
time. A medical professor in Halle wrote to him
repeatedly, in the name of several members of the
medical faculty, to inquire whether he regarded vaccina
tion as moral or immoral, a question much discussed
at that time. A count in Silesia, who called one of
Kant s books on morals " my compend," wrote to ask
him whether it would be morally right to have the
lady vaccinated whom he expected soon to marry.
" Do let me know as soon as possible what the (moral)
law says." The annoyance, much augmented by the
fact that so many letters were not prepaid, at last
became so great that he was on the point of resolving
not to accept any letters unless he recognized their
authors by the handwriting or seals.
Kant s letters have already been so extensively used
in this biography that little more need be said of them.
The two which were written to Lambert are long and
weighty, and have been found valuable in tracing the
Critical idea ; they arc the most profound of his entire
400 THE LIFE OP IMMANUEL KANT.
correspondence, and their style is similar to that in
liis metaphysical works. J. H. Lambert was an auto-
math who, in spite of great obstacles, became one of
the most prominent German scholars of the day, and
it was said that from Leibnitz till his time there had
not been a more learned man in Berlin. He was
eminent in mathematics, physics, astronomy, and meta
physics, and in analytical power was probably not
surpassed by any of his cotemporaries.( 168 ) He never
met Kant ; but the fact that each had published a
work on cosmogony led to a correspondence which
extended from 1765-70. Not only had they writ
ten on the same subject, but their cosmological
views, formed independently of each other, were re
markably alike ; their specialities were also the same,
and both were mathematical as well as metaphysical.
Lambert had a very exalted opinion of Kant, and says
in his first letter, " You, sir, have looked with a keen
astronomical eye into the firmament, and have investi
gated its depths and the order prevailing therein."
Kant also had a very high regard for Lambert, who at
that time was the more celebrated of the two ; and he
speaks of the remarkable agreement with himself in
method, which he had frequently noticed in his works,
and declared that Lambert was that philosopher with
whom, of all men, he had the greatest similarity in
thought. They had agreed to co-operate in meta
physics, and expected much from this union of effort ;
but this hope was frustrated by the early death of
Lambert.
From Kant to Moses Mendelssohn we have four
letters, chiefly on learned subjects, written between
170(5 and 1783. The correspondence of these two men
MOSES MENDELSSOHN. 401
is peculiarly interesting from the fact that one was
the most popular of the "Popular" philosophers,
while the other was the most eminent of the speculative.
As Mendelssohn had gained celebrity long before Kant ,
he did his speculative friend good service by intro
ducing him favourably to the literary public by means
of notices of his works. The fact that both had con
tended, in 17G^, for the prize offered by the Berlin
Academy of Sciences for the best dissertation on " The
Evidences of the Metaphysical Sciences," led to a
correspondence between the two philosophers. While
"Mendelssohn admired the metaphysical depth of Kant,
the latter admired Mendelssohn s popular elements,
especially the clearness and elegance of his style,
saying, " There are only a few so fortunate as to be
able to think for themselves and put themselves in
the place of others, who, at the same time, can present
their thoughts so appropriately. There is but one
Mendelssohn." And to his pupil and friend, Dr.
Marcus Herz, Kant wrote respecting Mendelssohn,
" To have here in Konigsberg such a man as a
permanent and daily companion one with so gentle
a spirit, such good-humour, and so clear a head would
give my soul that nourishment of which I am hero
wholly deprived."
Mendelssohn had received an enthusiastic account
of Kant from Dr. Ilerz, who gratefully mentioned his
indebtedness to his teacher for the instruction received,
and particularly for the personal influence exerted by
him during their friendly intercourse. In writing to
Kant, Mendelssohn says of Ilerz, " He has a clear
understanding, a regulated imagination, and a certain
subtlety of mind which seems to be peculiar to that
i) d
402 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
people.( 1G J ) But what a good fortune it was for him
that these natural endowments were so early led in the
way of truth. How many who did not have this good
fortune were left to themselves in the immeasurable
region of truth and error, and have been obliged to
consume their valuable time and their best powers in
a hundred vain attempts, so that they lacked both
time and strength to pursue the road which they
found at last after much experiment P If only before
my twentieth year I had had a Kant ! " When Kant
sent him his Inaugural Dissertation, Mendelssohn wrote
his views respecting it to the author, stating that he
would not have ventured to criticize it so freely had
not Herz assured him that Kant would not find fault
with such frankness. " Rare as this trait is among
imitators, it is frequently a characteristic of those who
think for themselves. He who has himself experienced
how difficult it is to find the truth, and to convince
himself that it has been found, is always more inclined
to be tolerant towards those who differ from him."
Kant s last letter to Mendelssohn speaks of the
" Kritik," and he desires the opinion of his correspon
dent on the following points : first, whether his views
of analytic and synthetic judgments are correct ;
second, Avhether it is true, as the " Kritik " asserts, that
d priori we cannot judge synthetically of anything
except the formal condition of a possible experience ;
third, whether the last conclusion of the " Kritik " is
legitimate, namely, that all possible speculative d priori
knowledge does not extend beyond objects of possible
experience. Kant suggests, as still undecided, an
important question : how it happens that reason is
impelled to go beyond its proper sphere a question
MENDELSSOHN 1 AND THE " KKITIK." 403
whoso solution, ho thinks, is not very difficult. These
points, suggested by Kant two years after the " Kritik "
appeared, involve the fundamental doctrines of that
book. Can it be possible that he had any doubts re
specting these problems ? We are not able to stato
why he desired Mendelssohn s suggestions on them.
In 1777 Mendelssohn visited Konigsbcrg, met Kant,
and heard some of his lectures. Writing to Ilerz,
Kant says, "Yesterday Mendelssohn did me the honour
to attend two of my lectures, a la fortune dn pot as one
might say, for the table was not prepared for so emi
nent a guest." Their personal intercourse drew the two
eminent men nearer each other, but neither that nor
their correspondence seems to have had any influence
in assimilating their philosophical views. A few years
after the "Kritik" appeared, Mendelssohn, in intro
ducing a young man to Kant, wrote, " Without other
recommendations, every youth who strives to get
wisdom recommends himself to you." Having heard
the rumour that Kant intended to visit Pyrmont, for
the sake of his health, and expected to pass through
Berlin, he says, " You would find open arms in Berlin
and also many an open heart ; and among others, you
would find a man who is your admirer, without being
able to follow you. For many years I have been dead
to metaphysics. My nervousness forbids all severe
application, and in the meanwhile I occupy myself with
less difficult labours, some specimens of which I shall
have the pleasure of sending you. Your Kritik of Pure
Reason is for me a criterion of my health. As often
as I imagine that I have gained some strength I read
in this nerve-destroying work, and I am not altogether
hopeless of mastering it in this life." But he did
n d 2
404 THE LIFE OF 1MMANUKL KANT.
not master it, the difficulties of the book being too
great for him ; he, however, consoled himself with the
reflection that his loss was not very serious. He wrote
to Eliza Reimarus, " It pleased me to learn from Air.
Rudolph that your brother does not think much of the
* Kritik of Pure Reason. For my part, I must
admit that I do not understand it ; therefore it is a
satisfaction to know that if I go hence without under
standing this book, I shall not lose much."
While these two leaders of the rising and waning
schools of philosophy had much in common, their
stand-points were too different to enable them to
appreciate each other. Their philosophic friendship,
for it never was anything else, was based on their
mutual interest in philosophy, not on similarity of views.
Mendelssohn, the last eminent representative of the
popular "Common Sense" philosophy, could not
understand Kant ; and the herald of the philosophy
of Reason could not esteem highly the school which
the Jewish philosopher represented, and which the
Kantian Criticism was intent on destroying. Hamann
says of Kant, " He regards Mendelssohn s lectures as
a system of illusion ; they are to him similar to Men
delssohn s description of a lunatic."
Nineteen letters from Kant to Dr. Marcus Herz, a
much larger number than to any other person, have
been published. They were written from 1770-97,
and like those to Lambert and Mendelssohn, they
belong to the most interesting period of Kant s life ;
besides the scholarly subjects discussed, they contain
numerous personal references and allusions to miscel
laneous affairs. In tracing the genesis of the " Kritik "
they have been found very important. Herz was one
DR. MARCUS HKKZ. 405
of Kant s favourite students, and in one of Ins letters
the philosopher distinguishes him among his pupils
for that- noble gratitude which so many lacked, and
says, " What can be more comforting, when one is
about to leave this world, than to perceive that he has
not lived in vain, since some, if only a few, have been
developed into good men." From another letter to
Herz it is evident that Kant did not desire to have his
correspondence published. Speaking of the proposed
publication of Moser s correspondence, and of his own
letters to him, he says, " I also pray earnestly that my
letters, which were never intended for publication,
may be entirely omitted."
Dr. Herz, after completing his studies at Kouigs-
berg, resided in Berlin, where he practised medicine,
and also delivered lectures on logic and metaphysics
before mixed audiences, Minister von Zedlitz being
one of his hearers ; his practice, however, gradually
drew him away from philosophical studies. He had
considerable influence, and used it to spread the fame
of his beloved teacher in the capital. His exceedingly
beautiful and cultured young wife, Henrietta Herz,
made her brilliant drawing-room the resort for the lite
rary luminaries of Berlin, and men like Schleiermacher,
the Schlegels, and the Humboldts, delighted to frequent
her house ; and the favourite of Kant was eclipsed by
the glory of this German Recamier, as she, who pro
bably surpassed the French original, has been called.
Of the correspondence with Dr. J. B. Erhard, two
of Kant s letters, written respectively in 1792 and
1799, and quite a number of Krhard s, have been
preserved. The relation of this correspondent who
was both a philosopher and physician to Kant is a
406 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
good illustration of the influence of the metaphysician
over young men. Erhard addressed him for the first
time in 1786, when twenty years old, calling him his
"most honoured teacher and friend" teacher by
means of his books, for he had never seen him.
Erhard acknowledges that it was to his influence that
he was indebted for strength " not to be frightened
by the mists of prejudice, nor to be misled by the
glitter of dogmatism, but to be secure against the
darts of the philosophers a hi mode, and able to
penetrate to the light of genuine philosophy." From
Mendelssohn he had received his first impulses to
reflection, then he became a devout Wolfian, and de
termined to do his utmost to fortify that philosopher s
position ; and he states that he took up the " Kritik"
with more bitterness than he had ever felt toward any
other book, and began to read it with a view of refuting
it ; but instead of this result, the bold young man was
made, by the " Kritik," a devoted Kantian. His
purpose in writing was to learn whether some arrange
ment could be made for him to study under Kant in
Konigsberg. Such an arrangement was made, and
he formed for his teacher the warmest attachment,
which lasted during life. Of his stay in Konigsberg
he says, " Here I enjoyed blessed days in my inter
course with Kant. The manner in which I spoke of
his books seemed to surprise him. I asked of him no
explanations, but only thanked him for the joy which
his works had given me, and spoke to him no word of
flattery. This ease in understanding him, which found
expression in my conversation, at first seemed to make
him doubt whether I had read his works ; but we soon
understood each other, and were mutually agreeable
IK. EUIIARD. 407
companions." He was greatly encouraged by Kant s
friendship, and it was certainly very flattering ; in few
of the great man s letters is his attachment so marked
as in those to Erhard. Of course, we must not expect
him to be prompt in replying even to this warm friend,
and in his first letter he apologizes for delaying his
answer a whole year. Kant pleads their friendship as
an apology for this delay, since so many other letters
required attention, from whose authors he could not
expect such leniency ; but he gives as another reason,
the conviction that all his time, when well, should be
devoted to finishing his books, a work in which he
does not like to be interrupted. His regard for
Erhard is evident from this statement, " Why did not
fortune PO order it that the man whom, of all who
ever visited our region, I would like most for daily
companionship, might be brought into more intimate
relationship with me?"
Erhard s enthusiasm for Kant began with the read
ing of the philosopher s works ; and there were many
similar cases, one of which is related by Erhard.
Writing from Gottirigen to Reinhold in 171)1, he says
of a young student in that university who possessed
extraordinary mathematical talents, " He heard of
Kant in 1787, and, in spite of the warning of the
bigots of the Church here, he began to read his books,
and became in the strictest sense a Kantian. 1 believe
that he would die for Kant."
In Erhard s correspondence a Miss Maria von
Herbert is frequently mentioned, and it is probable
that it was through his influence that she became one
of Kant s correspondents. Kant s letter to her is lost,
but the three which she wrote to him are preserved.
408 THE LIFE OF IN MANUEL KANT.
They reveal a morbid disposition and sad life, and
also give some conception of the age and of Kant s
influence. Her first letter, sent in the spring of 1792,
through Erhard, who was a friend of her brother, is a
wail of despair, and begins, " Great Kant ! I appeal to
thee, as a believer does to God, for help, for comfort,
or for counsel to prepare me for death. The evidences
of a future existence were made sufficiently clear to
me in thy works ; hence I take refuge to thee now."
She had been deeply affected by his books ; but while
giving her the hope of immortality, they did not
furnish the strength she needed to battle successfully
with this life. Erhard informed Kant, who had
become interested in her through her letter, that the
rock on which she had been wrecked was " romantic
love." " In order to realize an ideal love, she committed
herself to a man who abused her confidence; and
again, in the interest of this same ideal love, she made
a confession of the affair to her second lover." She
was devotedly attached to the second lover, who was
a man of superior endowments ; for awhile she had
kept from him the story of her first love and its termi
nation, though there had been nothing immoral in that
relation. Finally, goaded by her conscience, she re
vealed the secret, and as a consequence lost his affec
tion, but received the promise that he would remain
her friend. This did not satisfy her ardent nature,
and the loss of his love brought her to the verge of
despair, so that in her letter to Kant she says, " My
heart breaks into a thousand pieces. I should have
ended my life before this if I had not read so much of
your works ; but I am restrained by the conclusion
which I had to draw from your theory, namely, that I
MANIA VON 1IKHBEUT. 409
ought not to take my life on account of my sorrows."
The powerful influence exerted on her by his books
prompted her to make this earnest appeal to Kant to
put himself in her place, and either to give her comfort
or else to doom her. " Geben Sie mir Trost oder
Verdammung." Neither his moral works nor his
" Categorical Imperative" had helped her. "My
reason forsakes mo just when I need it most. I
adjure you to give me an answer; if you do not, your
conduct will not be in harmony with your proposed
Categorical Imperative.
It would be exceedingly interesting to learn how
the cold philosopher met a case like this, for he
answered her passionate appeal ; and her second one,
dated January, 1792, is in reply to his lost letter.
Her second letter is very long, and makes it apparent
that the deepest gloom had immovably settled on her
soul. Every object had lost its charm, so that study,
activity, and life itself, had become almost intolerable ;
ill-health made her misery the greater, and her sole
desire is to shorten this useless existence, in which
each day has an interest for her (" who am young
yet ") only because it brings her nearer the end. She
appeals to Kant to remove the " intolerable empti
ness " of her life ; and if she improves sufficiently with
his help, she intends, several years hence, to visit
Kouigsberg, but wants him to promise in advance that
she may visit him. " Then you must tell me your
history, for 1 would like to know to what kind of a
lifu your philosophy has led you, and whether it was
not worth your while to take a wife, or to devote
yourself with your whole heart to some 4 one, and
whether it was not worth your while to propagate
410 THE LIFE OP IMMANUEL KANT.
your likeness." She closes with these words : " Would
that I were God, and could reward you for what you
have done for us ! "
This strange letter of the noble lady, w r ith its familiar
tone and its disposition to pry into the secrets of his
Hfe, and especially into the reasons of his single state,
must have shocked him. She was young and ardent ;
he was cold and nearly seventy. Of course he did
not answer this wild epistle. Nevertheless she wrote
again, in the beginning of 1794, addressing him:
" Highly honoured and most devotedly loved man ! "
She thanks him for his book on Religion, and says that
she had already found his " Kritik " quite satisfactory,
but that it did not render unnecessary the works
w r hich followed. The sentimental tone of the former
letter is also found in this one, and she says, " Gladly
would I command the course of nature to stand still,
if I could only be assured that you would complete
for us what you have begun; and gladly would I
attach my future days to yours, in order to find you
in this w r orld at the end of the French Revolution."
She has become more calm, but is not yet reconciled
to life, and she thinks that from a selfish point of view
a longing for death is natural to every pure reason,
and that only in view of morality and friendship can
one who has the strongest desire for death be willing
to prolong life. It was still her purpose to visit him
with the friend who had been her lover ; but she never
saw Kant. With this letter the correspondence ended,
and he probably never heard of her again.
A few months after Kant s death she committed
suicide. She had carefully arranged all her affairs,
and on the last day of lierjifc gave a dejeuner, at which
PIOHTE IN KOXIGSPERO. 411
she seemed to be very cheerful, and then she dis
appeared. Her brother had defended suicide in her
presence, with the thought of which she had been
familiar for many years ; and in the papers left by
her she appeals to the brother s justification of her
course. The editor of her letters says, " It is possible
that Kant s life kept her from the horrible act which
she threatens in all three of her letters." ( 17 )
A peculiar interest attaches to Kant s relation to
J. G. Fichte, and in the beginning of their acquaintance
there is a touch of the romantic. Fichte came to
Konigsberg when twenty-nine years old, in 1791, when
many others were attracted thither by the fame of the
great metaphysician. With all the zeal of his ardent
nature he devoted himself to the study of the Kantian
philosophy. He also visited Kant, who, however, did
not receive him with any marked attention ; and he
attended some of his lectures, in which Fichte was
disappointed, since Kant had lost much of his former
life and spirit, and delivered them in a drowsy manner.
But for Kant himself he had the greatest respect,
and he resolved to enter into as intimate relation with
him as possible. About the middle of July, Fichto
began to write his "Critique of all Revelation," which
he finished in a little more than a month. On the
18th of August he sent the manuscript to Kant, with
a letter, in which he says : " I came to Konigsberg to
become acquainted with the man whom all Europe
honours, but whom in nil Europe few men love as I
do. [ called on you. Not till afterwards did it occur
to 7110 that, without the least proof that I was worthy
of it, it was presumption to claim the acquaintance of
such a man. I could have had letters of recommenda-
412 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEI. KANT.
lion. I desire only those which I myself write. Here
is mine." He requested Kant s opinion of the manu
script, and again called on him on the 23rd, when the
philosopher received him with marked cordiality. He
had read only a part of the manuscript, but from that
he formed a favourable opinion of the whole. Kant
entered into no philosophical conversation with him ;
but for the answer to his questions and doubts he
referred him to the "Kritik" and to Court-preacher
Schultz. Fichte at once visited this commentator of
the " Kritik." A few days later he dined with Kant,
and found him very agreeable and entertaining.
Fichte s letter to Kant reveals the same spirit and
independence which are so marked in his patriotic
"Addresses to the German Nation." In order to
understand his relation to Kant, it should be remem
bered that he was imaginative and enthusiastic, as well
as self-reliant and heroic, and that he was eloquent, as
well as philosophical. His letter contains this passage :
61 Your greatness, excellent man, has, with all ima
ginable grandeur, this peculiarity, this likeness to
Divinity: that one can approach it with confidence."
On other occasions he manifested a similar enthusiasm
for the revered Kant, whom he, at that time, regarded
as the ideal philosopher. Once he was present while
the guests at a table, in a hotel in Konigsberg, were
discussing the immortality of the soul. A captain,
who was especially pronounced in his doubts, appealed
to Kant s authority, declaring that lie would not have
claimed mere probability for the doctrine if it was
settled beyond all question. Fichte was not acquainted
with the disputants, but he listened to the conversation
with deep interest, and said abruptly to the captai]i,
CRITIQUE OF ALL KKVELATIOX. -H3
" You have not read Kant." He then took part in
the discussion, claimed that Kant had given invincible
arguments in favour of immortality, and proceeded to
give some of his moral proofs.
Through his protracted stay in Konigsberg, Fichto
became involved in pecuniary embarrassment, and in
his strait he appealed to Kant to lend him money to
enable him to return home. The aged philosopher
had inspired him with confidence, and he wrote him a
frank statement of his need, and made a modest and
most touching but, at the same time, honourable and
even noble appeal for help. The letter was dated
September 2nd, and Fichtc s journal says : " On
September 3rd I was invited to Kant s house. He
received me with his usual frankness, informed me,
however, that he had not yet come to a conclusion
respecting my letter, but that for the next two weeks
he could do nothing for me. What lovely candour ! "
Three days later he was there again. Kant had,
evidently, become interested in the man whose manu
script revealed extraordinary ability, and he thought
that by means of this production the author might bo
relieved of his pecuniary difficulties. Fichto had re
quested him to alter whatever ho did not approve ;
but Kant erased only one line, the dedication to him
self, which read, " To the Philosopher." During this
visit he urged the author to sell the manuscript to a
publisher, and thus secure the needed funds. He him
self declined to lend him the money, but he made an
effort to secure a publisher. That same afternoon,
while taking a walk, Kant met Borowski, and his first
words were, " You must help me, must help me quickly
to get a name and bread for a bread less young man.
414 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
Your brother-in-law (Hartung, the publisher) must be
favourably inclined toward him ; use your influence to
get him to publish the manuscript which I will send you
this day yet." But the relief was not secured by the
sale of the manuscript; Fichte was, however, appointed
tutor in the family of the Countess of Cracow, to whom
Kant had recommended him.
Fichte s essay " Critique of all Revelation " was
published, and in connexion with its appearance we
have a striking illustration of the difficulty and un
certainty of literary criticism. The book appeared
anonymously, and with surprising unanimity the
critics and reviewers pronounced it a work of Kant.
He had already published three Critiques, and his
disciples recognized this as his fourth. In his enthu
siasm, Yon Baggesen called " the author of the four
Critiques " " the Messiah of Philosophers." This
general verdict respecting the authorship was the more
flattering to the author because Kant s fame was at its
zenith, and Fichte was unknown. The human mind
is, however, subject to sudden and wonderful trans
formations. Kant felt it obligatory on him to publish
a statement that he was not the author, but that the
book was the production of a young candidate for the
ministry. After this declaration, those who examined
the book of course saw at once, from its style and
matter, that Kant could not have written it, and they
wondered how such a mistake could have been pos
sible !
After Fichte left Konigsberg he became one of
Kant s correspondents. His letters from Cracow show
that his warm attachment to Kant continued, and he
professed to love him above all men. From Berlin he
FICIITE IN JENA. 415
wrote to him : " In yonder world, the hope of which
you gave to so many who had none, and to me also,
I shall surely know" you, not by your physical charac
teristics, but by your mind." He speaks of him as
the man whom he honours "unspeakably;" and from
Zurich he wrote : " No, great man, highly important
to humanity ! your works will not perish ; they will
bear fruit, and will bring about a new intellectual
flight in the human family and a total regeneration of
principles, views, and constitutions What must
it be, great and good man, to have such emotions as
yours at the end of one s earthly career ! I acknow
ledge that the thought of you shall always be my
genius to impel me not to leave the scene of activity
without having blessed humanity." He regards Kant
as the man who has made the last half of the
eighteenth century for ever memorable with respect
to the progress of mankind.
The extraordinary reputation which Fichte suddenly
gained by means of his book secured for him a call to
the University of Jena. He was thirty-one years old at
the time, just the age at which Kant became a tutor
in the University of Konigsberg ; but, w r hile the latter
toiled for fifteen years as a tutor, Fichte was at once
made professor in ordinary of philosophy. Soon after-
he went to Jena he wrote to Kant, giving expression
to his disgust at the prevalent tone in philosophy,
lamenting that amid the philosophical pretensions it
was difficult to get a calm hearing, and still more
difficult to secure thorough investigation and impart ial
criticism.
This is not the place to follow Fichte s interesting
career the charge of atheism made against him iu
416 THE LIFE OF IMMANUKL KANT.
Jena, and his flight to Berlin as a place of refuge ;
his patriotic addresses in this city, in the presence of
French bayonets ; his literary activity; and his death,
in 1814, from a fever contracted while waiting on the
patients in a hospital. An account of the termination
of his friendly relation to Kant must not, however, be
omitted.
When Fichte went to Jena, that university, more
than Kb nigsberg even, was the centre for the advocacy
and the spread of the Critical system. But he soon
developed some of the Kantian principles and formed
his own Idealistic philosophy as found in his " Wis-
senschaftslehre." To Jacobi he wrote in 1795 : "You
are well known as a realist, and I suppose that I am
a transcendental idealist more strictly than Kant ;
for he still admits a manifoldness of experience, but I
assert in plain terms that even this is produced by us,
by means of a creative power."
Fichte claimed that he had given the system of
philosophy, for which the " Kritik " gave only the
propaedeutics ; this alienated and incensed Kant.
Writing to Tief trunk, in 1798, Kant speaks of the
" Wissenschaftslehre " as prolix, and says that it
would interfere too much with his work to read the
book, which he knew only through a review. Though
this review was exceedingly favourable, he himself did
not form a favourable opinion of the book, and was
desirous of learning Tieftrunk s views of the work,
and of its impressions on others in Halle.
Although Kant depended wholly on others for his
knowledge of Fichte s system, he nevertheless con
cluded that he ought to repudiate all sympathy with
its peculiar views. Accordingly, he published a de-
ALIENATION P.ETWEKN KANT AND FK HTK. 417
claration in 1700, that lie regarded the " Wissen-
schaftslehre " as a system which is wholly unreli
able ; and that the assumption of Fichte that he,
Kant, wanted to write only the propaedeutics to
transcendental philosophy, not the system itself, was
inexplicable to him. Such an intention, he says, could
never have entered his mind, since in his " Kritik" he
himself praises pure philosophy as the best charac
teristic of that " Kritik." He also speaks of deceitful,
so-called friends, who meditate our destruction, and
quotes an Italian proverb, " God protect us against our
friends ; against our enemies we can protect ourselves."
Speaking of the Critical Philosophy, he says that, owing
to its ability to satisfy the reason theoretically as well
as practically, no change awaits it through emenda
tions or through the influence of another system,
however much opinions may change ; but that the
system of the " Kritik," resting on a perfectly secure
basis, is for ever established, and is indispensable to all
future ages for the highest purposes of humanity.
Fichte replied in the same journal in which this de
claration had been published, in the form of a letter
addressed to Schelling. He appealed to the fact that
Kant, in his last letter to himself, had stated that, 011
account of the weakness of old age, he now gladly left
to others the subtlety of theoretical speculations, and
found it advisable to devote himself wholly to the practi
cal. Fichte therefore claims that Kant s own letter is an
evidence of his inability to judge of the speculations of
others, and thus shows what his public declaration
respecting his (Fichte s) system is worth, and adds : " I
did not regard it as persiflage, but could well think
it seriously meant, that Kant in his old age, after a
E e
418 THE LIFE OF BIMAKl EI, KAXT.
toilsome life, should regard himself unable to enter
speculations altogether new." Instead of following
Kant or any one else, he says, " The venerable man
eight years ago gave me different advice, which I prefer
to follow, always to stand on my own feet."
Kant s declaration was certainly unfortunate, for it
was understood to repudiate a system which he knew
only through the representations of others. The
statement that the " Kritik" was intended to give the
system of transcendental philosophy, and not merely
the propaedeutics to it, is equally unfortunate, since it
is in conflict with his own statements in the " Prole
gomena," in the Preface to the second edition of the
" Kritik," and also in his letters. But Kant s intel
lectual condition was already such as to make him less
responsible for his utterances than formerly.
Eichte, like Herder, from both of whom Kant had
expected so much as disciples, became a powerful
agent in destroying the supremacy of the Critical
Philosophy. Kant s published declaration shows how
deeply he felt grieved at Fichte s effort to transcend
his system. From Borowski we learn that he some
times spoke bitterly of Fichte ; and from Hasse, that
he so disliked Fichte and his school, that his guests
did not dare to mention them in his presence.
Among Kant s favourite pupils was Professor J. G. C.
Kiesewetter. He went to Konigsberg about 1788, being
sent and pecuniarily aided by Frederick AVilliam II.,
for the purpose of thoroughly studying the Kantian
system. After completing his studies at Konigsberg
he lectured on that philosophy in Berlin. His letters
throw considerable light on Kant s influence in that
capital during the last decade of the eighteenth century;
PROFESSOR KIESEWETTEH, 419
and his acquaintance with men in high positions gave
him special facilities for learning the relation of the
Government to Kant.
Kiesewetter is another illustration of the remarkable
fascination exercised by Kant on the minds of some of
his pupils. He writes to his teacher as the man who
" has my whole heart, and whom I love above all others.
Never without the deepest emotion do I think of the
happiness I enjoyed in my intercourse with you, and
very often I recall the past. Would that I could once
tell you wholly my feelings toward you, and how much
I appreciate that for which I am indebted to you ! . . . I
shall never forget what I owe you ; I shall always
honour you as my second father. I heartily beseech
you not to deny me your friendship in the future, and
to grant me the privilege of occasionally writing to you,
thus to recall the oral communications I had with you,
which formerly made me so happy."
This correspondent lived with the cabinet minister
Count von Schulenbcrg, was the tutor of the princes
Henry and William, and was w T ell acquainted in official
circles. To the Chancellor von Hoffmann, who was
a warm admirer of the philosopher, he was required to
speak for a whole hour about Kant. Von Zedlitz and
other men in high places, Woellner included, spoke in
high terms of Kant and his philosophy. Iviesewetter
used his position to cultivate enthusiasm for his beloved
teacher. He was indebted to the Baroness von
Bielefeld for his appointment as tutor to the princes ;
and she was also his pupil, for he lectured to her on
anthropology and taught her Kantian philosophy. To
Kant he wrote, " What will you say when I tell you
that a beautiful young lady, for that the Baroness von
E e 2
420 THE LIFE OF IMMAXUEL KANT.
Bielefeld is, ventures to enter the mysteries of your
system, and that she has had explained to her, and
actually comprehends, the difference between analytic
and synthetic judgments, between knowledge a priori
and d posteriori^ and your theory of space and time ?
Still more will you be surprised when I inform you
that she does not study philosophy for the purpose of
making a show of her attainments, for she is modest
beyond all description, and one does not shine at our
court by means of philosophy; and it will surprise you
to learn that she neglects none of her duties on account
of the study of philosophy."
In these letters of Kiesewctter to Kant there is a
strange mixture of Kantian philosophy, extravagant
expressions of friendship, information about personal
matters and government officials, court-gossip, and
Teltow turnips. These small and superior turnips,
which grew near Berlin, were greatly prized by Kant,
and his friend was careful to forward them to him
regularly. Once he sent instructions from his mother,
through Kant, to the cook on the best method of
preparing this delicacy. The philosopher at one time
reminded him of the turnips, and in response he wrote,
" Do not think that without your letter I should have
forgotten you. The turnips had already been ordered,
and I make it a law unto myself to provide for you
this domestic necessity every year." He wants Kant
to inform him whether they are to his taste. Indeed,
Kant s interests included much beside abstract philo
sophy, and the publisher of these letters says, " It is
evident that these Teltow turnips, and the literary and
political news, which play so prominent a part in these
fifteen letters, were as highly prized by Kant as the
JUNO STILLING. 421
fact that Kiesewcttcr remained true to the Critical
Philosophy."
It is not strange that philosophical minds should
have been greatly attracted and stimulated by the
" Kritik ;" but it is surprising that this book, which
was intended to check religious enthusiasm, should have
won the admiration of a man like Dr. II. Jung, com
monly called Jung Stilling. He wrote to Kant that
the explanation of the " Kritik" by Schultzhad given
him such calmness as ho had never before experienced.
lie had also read the " Kritik " itself, and the "Critique
of the Practical Reason," and everywhere he found
apodictic truth. In his enthusiasm, he exclaims,
" God bless you ! you are a great, a very great instru
ment in the hand of God. I do not flatter. Your
philosophy will effect a far greater, a more general, and
a more blessed revolution than Luther s Reformation ;
for as soon as a man has well apprehended the f Kritik
of Reason he sees that no refutation is possible. Your
philosophy must, consequently, be eternal and un
changeable, and its beneficial influences will lead the
religion of Jesus, so far as it aims only at holiness,
back to its original purity. All the sciences will
become more systematic, more pure, and more certain ;
and legislation, in particular, will gain extraordinarily."
lie desires Kant s views on legislation, and closes as
follows : " How peacefully, how full of blessed expec
tation you can approach the evening of your life ! May
God make it cheerful and full of anticipations of a
joyful future! Farewell, great, noble man! Your
tnii admirer, Dr. Jung."
Kant had made preparations to answer this letter,
and a paper was found in his handwriting which treats
422 THE LIFE OF IMMANLTEL KANT.
of the principles of legislation. Among other things,
Kant wrote, " The universal problem of civil associa
tion is, to unite freedom with a constraint which
harmonizes with universal freedom and promotes its
preservation."
CHAPTER XIII.
OLD AGE AND DEATH.
Sad life Early symptoms of old age Interference with literary
projects Close of his lectures and literary labours Relation
to the Academic Senate Wasianski assuming control of his
affairs Loss of memory Visitors Undeviating uniformity
Change of servants Method of retiring Exercise Approach
of spring Sleeplessness Last birthday Failing sight His
sister Strange notion of the atmosphere First sickness
Efforts to rob him Loss of conversational power Longing for
death Extreme feebleness Death Funeral Mementoes
Will Kant Society Monument.
DURING the evening of Kant s life the shadows gathered
rapidly and enveloped him in deep gloom. The broad
scholar, the profound metaphysician, the genial,
humorous, and brilliant companion, and the man with
an iron will, lost the power of consecutive thought
and became helpless as a child. His life, as a whole,
was a sad one, in spite of his intellectual pleasures
and his great fame. The poverty, obscurity, and
sensitiveness of his youth ; the self-denial and struggles
of his early manhood ; his mental conflicts; the pain
caused by the bitter attacks on his philosophy; the
opposition to his religious views, especially that of the
Government; the defection of pupils and disciples from
his system ; the absence of all the cheering influences
of family ties; his real isolation and solitude, in spite
424 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
of the host of admiring friends, are the dark outlines
of the picture of his life. Of inspiring faith and
enthusiastic hope there is scarcely a trace, and, in
reality, his religion was as emotionless practically as
it was in theory. His position, his mode of life, and
his habits, deprived him, in a marked degree, of the
ordinary enjoyments, the pleasures of company alone
excepted ; but he was generally calm and even stoical,
and cherished the heroic virtues too much to moan over
his lot. On the other hand, his rare intellectual joys
and his delight in moral contemplations relieved the
dark outlines ; and the solitude of his bachelor home
was cheered by the presence of his chosen and de
lighted guests. But he could not always live on the
sublime heights of his speculation, or on the snow-
peaks of his morality; and his social pleasures were
not his life, but only episodes. Life to him was toil,
and his recreations were only the means for exercising
the elements in his nature not already exhausted by
toil, and of fitting him for new exertion. However
unsatisfactory to exalted minds the ordinary routine of
life may be, he who leaves the beaten track will find
his journey rough and difficult, and will experience
that an unusual course has unusual pains, though it
may also have exquisite pleasures. Looking at Kant s
life as a whole, we are prepared to hear one of his
friends and biographers say, " Who has not read in
his writings, and which of his friends has not heard
him say frequently, that he would not be willing, for any
price, to live his life over again on condition of living
from the beginning just as he had done?" His life,
especially the later years, had so little attraction, that
he admitted that if the choice were given to him be-
SAD LIFE. 425
t ween a life after death similar to this and annihilation,
he would not hesitate to choose the latter.
In old age the sadness deepened, while his few
joys diminished and then vanished altogether. The
former exhilaration of his mental powers and the
buoyancy of his spirit were gone ; his faculties became
so weak that he could not continue his usual occupations,
and he lost all interest in passing events. By means
of careful attention to his body, by extreme regularity
and simplicity, and through the great power of his
will over his physical state, he had succeeded in pre
serving his weak constitution in a tolerable degree of
health till old age ; and by successfully practising the
art of prolonging life, he had extended his beyond the
period of its enjoyment; and at last the resolute will
lost its power and the mind its grasp, he sank into
utter helplessness, and existence itself became a burden.
The relaxing of Kant s intellectual powers began
comparatively early, and there were marked traces of
the effects of old age when he was only sixty-five. In
1780 he wrote to Reinhold that age with it weakness
was making itself sensibly felt ; and two years later he
wrote to him again, " About two years ago my health
underwent a sudden revolution without any apparent
cause, and, excepting a cold of three weeks, without
any real sickness." He states that his appetite has
suffered, and though he has neither physical weakness
nor pain, yet his disposition for mental labour is
changed, and even the reading of his lectures is thereby
affected. He could now perform mental work only two
or three hours in the forenoon, then he became sleepy,
no matter how well ho had slept the previous night;
after these few hours of continuous labour he could
420 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
work only at intervals. This state was beyond the
control of his will, and in order to accomplish his
labours he was obliged to wait for favourable moods.
" It is, I think, nothing but old age, which obliges the
one sooner arid another later to cease work, but
which to me is the more unwelcome because I believed
that I was about to see the accomplishment of my
plan."
The early appearance of the symptoms of old age
was, no doubt, partly caused by his frail physical con
dition, and by his excessive mental labours, he himself
being suspicious that it was in part attributable to his
philosophical speculations. He thought it not strange
that the metaphysician, who has to strain his attention
in order to keep it fixed on the thoughts under con
sideration, should become an invalid sooner than
others. During the preparation of the " Kritik " he
suffered much from indisposition, and it is probable
that this work largely contributed to the early ex
haustion of his powers, a result not at all surprising
when the long, continuous, and exceedingly laborious
effort necessary for the completion of that work is
considered. ( m ) His intense mental application seems
to have worn his brain till the power of recuperation
was gone.
His powers began to fail when he still had numerous
literary projects, and the desire to use every available
moment to finish them led him to defer less pressing
matters, such as the claims of friendship and the
writing of letters. In 1 794 he wrote that though subject
to indisposition, he regarded himself as pretty well for
a man of seventy, but that he had inexplicable difficulty
in entering into the thoughts of others and forming a
SYMPTOMS 01 OLD AUK. 4l27
definite and critical view of their systems. A year later,
in speaking of tho development of the Critical Philo
sophy, he says, " My age and the physical incon
veniences connected therewith make it necessary for
me to leave to my friends all further development of
this science, and to use my little remaining strength
for the appendices of the same, which are still in my
plan, though I can work at them but slowly. "
Kant had on hand materials for numerous literary
works, and he was anxious to prepare them for publi
cation ; but he found that the debility of old age in
terfered seriously with his projects, though he made
everything else subservient to them. When he was
seventy-four, it was his turn to be rector ; but his
weakness and the desire to devote all his time to his
literary labours induced him to decline the position.
Not only his letters, but also the important books
which he published at this time, show that he must
have worked very hard, in spite of his difficulties. His
"Metaphysics of Morals," in two parts, embracing
the metaphysical principles of law and those of virtue,
appeared in 1797. During the winter of 1790-97
he laboured constantly in preparing works for the
press, and as a consequence of overwork his mind
and body suffered greatly, and in various parts of
Germany it was reported that he was dead. After
this his debility was more marked. For a number
of years before this time his lectures had lost much of
their former life, and for a year or two he had de
livered only public ones; these he also closed in the
summer of 1797. The commencement of his last
course, in tho spring of that year, was delayed on
account of his feebleness ; and when he was ready to
428 THE LIFE OF 1MMANUEL KANT.
begin it, the occasion was treated as an academic
festival : the students formed a procession and marched
to his house, in order to manifest their joy that lie
who for forty-two years had been the pride of the
university was once more able to resume his lectures.
The last book written by him was published in 1798,
on the " Conflict of the Different Faculties in a Univer
sity;" in the same year his "Anthropology," consisting
of his lectures on that subject, appeared ; afterwards he
himself published nothing except a few short prefaces to
the books of others. His "Logic " appeared in 1800; his
"Physical Geography," in 1802 ; and his " Pedagogics,"
in 1804, all edited by friends, at his request.
After closing his lectures he had no official duties
in connexion with the university except as member of
the senate, which was composed of the ten oldest
professors. On account of their age and feebleness, he
and another member no longer attended the meetings,
and it was proposed to appoint two other professors
as substitutes, so as to secure a full attendance. Kant
regarded this as an infringement on his rights, and in
July, 1798, he wrote an emphatic protest, claiming
that, when necessary, the votes of the absent members
could be obtained, as had been the custom, by sending
to their homes. This last document of Kant in re
ference to his relation to the university indicates his
spirit and determination to maintain his rights. Finally
the matter had to be appealed to the Government,
which, in the name of the king, decided in his favour.
In business affairs Kant lacked that independence
which was so striking a characteristic in his intellectual
pursuits. During the life of Green, that gentleman
attended to the loaning of his money ; Lampe and the
WASIANSKI. 429
cook attended to his household, though he himself
kept a close supervision over his domestic affairs ; and
he Jiad friends enough to aid him whenever necessary.
In extreme old age he found the management of his
affairs burdensome, and therefore gave it into the hands
of his friend, the Rev. E. A. C. Wasianski. He had
been one of Kant s students, became his amanuensis
in 1 77 1-, and afterwards officiated as pastor in Konigs-
berg. For ten years he had not come in contact with
the revered professor, when they met again in 1790,
at a wedding, and after that time he was frequently
Kant s guest. He was a good scholar and, which was
of special importance in his later relation to his teacher,
he possessed unusual mechanical skill. Although
1 o
Kant had no predilection for preachers, Wasianski had
his entire confidence, and he felt greatly relieved when
this friend undertook the direction of his affairs.
One day Kant said to an acquaintance, " You cannot
imagine how agreeable it is to have a friend to whom
one can commit all his domestic affairs with the con
viction that he will attend to them as if they were his
own." Wasianski proved himself worthy of this con
fidence ; he visited Kant daily, and sometimes re
peatedly on the same day, was very judicious and kind,
but firm, took great pains to make his noble charge as
comfortable as possible, and, in spite of the difficulty
of his position, he succeeded in managing everything
to the satisfaction of the philosopher and his friends,
lie wrote a valuable account of Kant s old age, telling
his story in a simple but affectionate manner, and
giving many interesting details of his decline and
death ; and it is mainly to him that we are indebted
for whatever is known of Kant s last years.
430 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
Being accustomed to observe his condition very
carefully, Kant was painfully conscious of his increas
ing physical and mental weakness. In 1799 and after
wards, he repeatedly said to his guests, " Gentlemen,
I am old and feeble ; you must regard me as a child."
Feeling the need of more sleep than formerly, he con
tinued still to rise at five, but retired earlier, at first
a few minutes, then at nine, afterwards at five o clock.
His walks were gradually shortened, and he became so
feeble that one day he fell and was unable to rise till
aided by two ladies who hastened to his assistance ;
after this experience he abandoned his out-door exer
cise. So weak did he become, that he sometimes sank
to the floor while attempting to walk or stand in his
room. Occasionally he fell asleep in his chair, and
once his head fell forward and his cotton nightcap
caught fire from the lamp on the table ; but on awaking
he had the presence of mind to take it off, throw it on
the floor, and stamp out the fire.
When he was seventy-eight, the great weakness of
his memory was one of the most striking evidences of
increasing mental debility. Events of recent occur
rence were now forgotten, while those of former years
were still well remembered ; and he would frequently
repeat himself, relating the same things a number of
times in a day. While heretofore he had been in the
habit of using the blank parts of letters and envelopes,
and other small pieces of paper, for learned notes, he
now used them for memoranda of the most ordinary
affairs, in order to avoid repetitions, and to promote
variety in his conversation. These papers accumu
lated so rapidly that it became difficult to find what
he wanted ; Wasianski therefore made little blank
WEAKNESS OF MEMOKV. 431
books for this purpose. In one of these, each of which
lasted about a month, he wrote five times, " The name
of my barber is Rogall." He also made memoranda
of the news of the day, the names of persons whom he
desired as his guests, the dishes to be prepared, also
whatever particularly interested him in the conversa
tion of friends, hints on natural science, accounts of
travel, politics, and similar things. The repetitions
show how soon he forgot what he had written, and
many trivial things were noted. Once he wrote,
" June, July, and August are the three summer
months." Strange that, while these notes were in
tended to help his memory, he once wrote the very
thing he wanted to forget, probably to remind him that
it was to be forgotten ; thus, after dismissing his old
servant, he made this memorandum, " The name of
Lam po must now be entirely forgotten." But notes of
an intellectual character are also found in these little
books, indicating that the powers of his mind were not
wholly cxtinct.( 172 )
After he became famous, Kant received numerous
calls from strangers who visited Konigsberg. Being
regarded as one of the sights of the city, many who
had no interest in science called on him from mere
curiosity. Such visits had always been disagreeable,
and in old age they became a great annoyance. Ho
felt that he could no longer interest visitors with his
conversation, and he did not like to have them witness
his infirmity; therefore those who requested to see
him were generally refused, but some were so persistent
and brought such influence to bear that he could not
well deny their request. Persons admitted into his
presence were asked to make their visit very short.
432 THE LIFE OP IMMANUEL KANT.
He would generally receive them standing, leaning
against his table, in a surly mood ; and to the compli
ments paid him he would answer, " What do you see
in me, an old, emaciated, frail, weak man ? " Among
those who were determined to see him was a young
Russian physician who, when admitted into Kant s
presence, seized his hands and kissed them, to the
great embarrassment of the philosopher, who was no
friend of such demonstrations. The Russian after
wards sent his servant to inquire about Kant s health,
and also whether he was pecuniarily provided for in
his old age ; and he begged for a scrap of paper with
some of his writing, as a memento. Such a piece of
paper was found and sent ; when delivered to him, he
seized it with joy and kissed it, and in his enthusiasm
he pulled off his coat and vest and gave them to the
bearer. When Kant heard of the matter he thought
it strange conduct ; nevertheless he felt a degree of
pleasure in the fact that he was held in such reve
rence.
The extreme regularity to which he had accustomed
himself became more excessive and unyielding in his
old age, when the rules which he had so long and so
faithfully observed had become so much a part of him
self that even the slightest necessary deviation became
difficult and painful. He wanted things done " at
once," as he was accustomed to say, and the least
delay seemed a long time and greatly annoyed him.
He was induced noA\ r to take coffee after dinner, and if
it was not ready at the desired moment he became very
impatient. When told, " It will be brought imme
diately," he would answer, " Yes, will be; there s the
rub, that it is yet to be brought." Sometimes he
CHANGE OF SKKVANTS. 433
would exclaim, " Well, I can die waiting, and in flic
next world 1 shall drink no coiVee ;" or lie would go
to the door and call, " Coffee, coffee ! " At last, when
lie heard the servant coming with it, he would say
exultingly, in sailor s language, " I see land." He
had accustomed himself to such an undeviating
uniformity that " if the shears or liis penknife lay a few
inches out of their usual place, or if their accustomed
position was changed, it would disturb him ; and a
disarrangement of larger objects, such as a chair, or
an increase or decrease of their number, troubled him
greatly, and would attract his eye until the old order
of things was entirely restored."
Wasianski found his position peculiarly trying on
this account, especially as it became necessary to intro
duce material changes for the invalid s comfort and
safety. Kant was desirous of submitting wholly to the
judgment of his friend, and to be led as a child, and
once he said to him, " Dearest friend, if you think
a matter advantageous to me, and I do not ; if I
regard it as useless and disadvantageous, nevertheless
if you advise it, I will approve and accept it." Audit
was with this distinct understanding that Wasianski
consented to take charge of him and his affairs. But
it was one thing to resolve and promise, and another
to execute ; and he was so set in his ways that lie found
it exceedingly difficult to be faithful to his promise,
and sometimes his friend had to insist peremptorily
that the measures which he regarded as necessary
should be adopted.
One of the most serious changes in the home of the
philosopher occurred in February, 1803. Larape, who
understood perfectly his master s peculiarities, and
F f
43 i THK LIFE OF IMMAXUKL KANT.
knew how to adapt himself to them, had become so
intemperate and rude that he was no longer fit to wait
on Kant, who was then most in need of his services.
A memorandum of the philosopher, written about this
time, reads, "Mr. Jensch, criminal counsellor, is to be
asked how my drunken servant can be discharged."
After he was dismissed, Kant found it very trying to
adapt himself to the presence of the new servant,
although he was far superior to Lampe. On the first
morning after Lampe s discharge, Wasianski thought
it advisable to be present when Kant arose, so as to
make everything comfortable for him. The philo
sopher was excessively worried, for he missed his old
servant, and was confused by the presence of the new
one. No other person but Lampe had prepared his
table for him, or knew just how it should be arranged ;
at last Kant himself placed everything as he wanted
it, when his friend proposed to join him in taking a cup
of tea and smoking a pipe of tobacco. To this he
assented ; but it was evident that something still an
noyed him. Finally, Kant requested his friend to seat
himself where he could not be seen, since for more than
half a century no one had ever been present with him
when taking his tea. Wasianski complied with his re
quest, the new servant withdrew, and then all was right.
Kant retained his delicacy of feeling to the last.
He had been in the habit of calling his servant by his
family name. That of the new one was Kauffmann,
the German for "Merchant;" but as he invited two
merchants to dinner every week, he thought it might
not be agreeable to them if he designated the servant
by his surname in their presence, so he called him by
his baptismal name, John.( ln )
KoUTINK IN IIKTIKINt.;. 435
At first, after dismissing Lampc, he liked to have his
guests remain with him while he retired, which lie did
now immediately after dinner. It was thought that
Lampe had made an assault on him while retiring; that
this had made him fearful, and that he desired the pre
sence of his friends to give him the feeling of safety.
Even trifles in his conduct were regarded as significant
and worth} of remark, since they indicated charac
teristics of the man whose fame filled Germany.
Numerous details are given of this period which must
be omitted ; there is, however, an account of his
method of retiring of which some things are so charac
teristic as to be worthy of mention. When he divested
himself of his clothing, it was done strictly according
to rule, and he would permit no one to do for him
what he could do himself. After taking off his wi"%
O O "
whose bag generally hung forward and almost on his
breast, and which he was continually throwing back, he
would draw his coat to the elbows, and unbutton his
vest, and his servant would pull them off. There was
a certain routine which was not allowed to be varied,
and every article of clothing had to be removed in a
particular way, at a particular time. The cravat he
himself removed and laid carefully in its old folds, then
gave it to the servant, who was waiting with a piece of
paper into which to wrap it, and to put it precisely in
its appointed place. " Neither in this case nor in that
of the hat was any deviation allowed." When its turn
came, the old but very regular watch was by Kant him
self drawn from his pocket and hung on a nail be
tween the barometer and thermometer, so as to have
the indicators of the time and the weather together and
convenient for observation. The act of putting on the
r f 2
43 G THE LIFE OF IM MANUEL KAXT.
night-clothes was performed with equal regularity and
method. In summer one, in winter two night-caps
were worn. A cloth was wrapped around his neck ;
it was first neatly smoothed and then the servant
was obliged to be very careful, while putting it on,
not to let it become wrinkled. His toilet for the night
completed, he would take some pills ; but this was an
act which he did not want his friends to see, because,
he said, his posture was altogether too peculiar.
Showing his extremely wasted body while un
dressing, he would say softly and sadly, " Ah, gentle
men ! You are still quick and young ; but look at my
wretchedness ! If you are once eighty years old, you
will be just as weak and helpless as I am. ... I can
not live much longer ; but I shall leave the world with
a pure conscience and with the cheerful consciousness
of having intentionally done no one a wrong or an
injury." When Hasse asked him with reference to his
heart, " But how will it be if it is not right under the
left button-hole ? " Kant answered, " Then restitution,
reparation, and compensation must be made, in order,
as far as possible, to make it right and repair the
fault."
As he had not been out of the house for a long
time, he was induced in the spring of 1802 to enter
his garden in order to get some fresh air and exercise.
Everything there was strange to him, and he could not
comprehend the fact that it was his garden and was
next to his house ; he declared that he did not know
where he was, said that he felt as if on a desert island,
and was anxious to enter the house again. After this
he was occasionally taken out driving; but the time,
even if very short, seemed intolerably long, and the
RETURN OF SPRING. 437
change from his accustomed mode of life and the
weariness were too much for him. He had, in fact,
lost all idea of the measure of time, so that a few
minutes seemed very long, and he called the short
drives "excursions," sometimes " journeys," or even
" long journeys." These airings might have been less
wearisome if nature had not lost all attraction for him.
"When told that spring was approaching, that the sun
was getting warmer and the buds were appearing, he
would answer coldly, " Surely, that is the case every
year." There was only one event in connexion with
the return of spring which interested him, namely, the
fact that it would bring back a certain little bird which
sang in his garden and before his window. If the
little songster delayed his coming, he would say, " It
must be very cold on the Appenines." In the spring
of 1803 he listened in vain for its cheerful song, and
repeatedly said, in a disappointed, melancholy tone,
" My little bird does not come."
His nights were often sleepless and tormented with
horrible dreams. Frequently he wanted the presence
of his servant, who at the ringing of the bell would
immediately hasten to his room; but Kant, having no
notion of time, never waited for his appearance, but
arose and tried to walk. Owing to his great weakness,
this gave occasion for many falls, which were, however
generally followed by no more serious results than some
blue marks. Wasianski, fearing that they might prove
serious, thought it necessary for his servant to sleep in
his room ; Kant, however, objected because he was not
accustomed to it, and insisted that he could not sleep
in the presence of another, though he finally yielded to
the determined counsel of his friend.
438 THE LIFE OF 1MMANUEL KANT.
His last birthday, April 22nd, 1803, was celebrated
as a festival. His intimate friends had been invited, and
he looked forward to the occasion with joy; but when
the day came he took no pleasure in the entertainment,
and was annoyed by the noise of the conversation of
the large company. On this day he wrote in a
memorandum-book, " According to Scripture, the
days of our years are threescore years and ten ; and if
by reason of strength they be fourscore years, yet is
their strength labour and sorrow."
In the autumn of 1803 his seeing eye became very
w r eak, and his room had to be darkened. Prior to this
time he had been able to read even fine print without
glasses ; now he was obliged to stop reading the papers
and to cease writing ; at last he could not even write
his name. Whatever he used had to be placed imme
diately before him, and he depended more on the sense
of touch than on that of sight. This new deprivation
greatly distressed him, and he often sighed heavily.
There was also a marked increase of weakness
during the same autumn. Once, in the absence of his
servant, he was wounded by a fall, and blood flowed
freely over his face and down his back. It was there
fore thought advisable to bring his widowed sister,
Mrs. Theuer, into the house, to assist in taking charge
of him. As her presence at first disturbed him, she
took her place behind his chair; after he was accus
tomed to her, and had been the recipient of her kind
services, he was pleased to have her about him. She
attended him kindly and faithfully to the end.
Even in his old age, and while very weak and fre
quently indisposed, he was not really sick till near the
close of life; and as late as 1802 he said, "I have all
sTKAMii: NOTION KKSI-KITINC THK AT.MOM-HKKI:. <139
the four requisites of a healthy man : a good appetite,
good sleep, good digestion, and painlessness. T have
never been sick, have never had a physician, and hope
never to need any. That I am becoming so infirm
probably arises from a revolution in the strata of
the air which occurred several years ago ; when this
changes and all moves along again as usual, I may re
cover. 5 For years he complained of a pressure on his
head, sometimes speaking of it as a kind of cramp of
the brain, which interfered greatly with his intellectual
activity. In 1796 there had been an unusual mortality
among cats in Basle, Vienna, Copenhagen, a ; ul other
places, which was ascribed by a learned paper to the
electric condition of the atmosphere. Not only did
Kant adopt this view, but he also explained the pecu
liar feeling in his head, which began at that time, in
the same way. " Even the sickness of other persons
was now also attributed to this cause, with the excep
tion of those of whom he knew that they took beer,
which he never drank, and which he regarded as itself
a sufficient cause of sickness and death. Now he
ascribed nearly everything to the electricity of th<>
atmosphere; and the sky might be perfectly clear or in
any measure cloudy, it wasequally regarded by him as an
indication of that state of the air which was dangerous
to life or at least injurious to health. Only from a
change in the atmosphere did he expect conva
lescence." He thought he had noticed peculiar
appearances in the clouds, which were caused by elec
tricity; and that these electric phenomena were tlie
cause of his ill-health, was a notion to which he clung
with such tenacity that no amount of argument could
change his opinion.
440 THE LIFE OP TMMANUEL KANT.
Kant s first real sickness occurred on October 8th,
1803. Being very fond of English cheese, he had eaten
an unusual amount of it on the 7th, and the next
morning, while led by his sister, he suddenly sank to
the floor, and was unconscious, appearing as if lie had
been struck by apoplexy. In about an hour conscious
ness returned ; but for the first time in his life he was
confined to his bed for several days. On the 12th
Wasianski dined with him, and resisted his earnest en
treaties to be permitted again to partake of the cheese.
About this time two efforts were made to rob him,
both by women. Once, when he was alone in his room,
a gentle tap was given at the door of his study and a
well-dressed woman entered. At this unexpected and
unusual visit Kant sprang up. This surprised her, as
she had thought him too weak to stand ; but she had
presence of mind enough to ask quietly for the time of
day. Taking out his watch and holding it more
firmly than usual, he answered her question. She
thanked him and turned to leave, but had scarcely
closed the door when she again opened it, saying that
his neighbour, whose name she mentioned, desired to
set his watch by Kant s, and had sent her to ask the
loan of it for that purpose. The refusal to let her take
his watch along was given with such force and decision
that she at once left.
Another woman desired to see him about a matter
which she wanted to talk over with him alone ;
but Kant referred her to Wasianski, who recognized
her as a notorious character who recently, under
threat of violence, had extorted money from a lady.
SI ic informed him that her aim in calling on Kant was
to demand of him a dozen silver spoons, and some
ATTKM1TS TO HOI! HIM. 441
gold rings, which, she claimed, her husband had pawned
to him against her will ; in case she could not find
them, she was willing to accept their equivalent in
money. Wasianski threatened her with imprisonment ;
but after she had been frightened, and had promised
never to enter Kant s house again, she was permitted
to depart.
At the close of 180:3 Kant was unable to write his
name, and was so blind that he could not find an
object immediately in front of him. lie was too much
accustomed to have guests for dinner, to deprive
himself of their presence now ; but after his attack of
illness, the life and cheerfulness at the table were gone.
He would still begin the conversation as formerly,
though feebly, indistinctly and disconnectedly It
was his desire that there should be talking ; but as he
had long been the leader and the inspiration of the
table-talk, he was not pleased to have his guests now
talk to each other and not to him. " As he was now
weak and hard of hearing, it was not possible to
converse with him ; therefore he generally spoke
alone, his subjects usually being the nature of the
food, dark reminiscences of the past, and his recent
sickness. His old friends knew how to turn his
attention to reminiscences of earlier times, respecting
which his memory was still faithful." After he had
been at table about half an hour he became so weary
that he had to be led to his room. As he gradually
became still weaker, only his older acquaintances were
invited. His sentences were usually broken and in
coherent, so that even his intimate friends could not
understand him, and he found it difficult to grasp the
meaning of simple sentences addressed to him; but
442 TilK LIFE OF JM MANUEL KANT.
occasionally ho had more lucid intervals and was in
good spirits. Even after his illness, when he could no
longer converse about ordinary affairs, he, who had
spent his life in scholarly pursuits, was occasionally
able to speak on learned subjects, such as physical
geography, physics, and chemistry. On the Monday
before his death, when he had lost all interest in the
conversation of his friends at table, Wasianski pro
posed that they should speak on learned affairs,
declaring that he was sure Kant would take part in
the conversation, which the others questioned. When
a question on a scholarly subject was proposed, lie
gave a brief but lucid answer.
There are numerous details of this period, all of
which present pictures which are calculated to move
ns Avith the deepest compassion. The profound
philosopher and brilliant companion had long ceased
to exist ; and even the ruin gave no idea of the
majestic greatness which had departed. It is not
surprising that he longed for death and said, "Life is
a burden to me ; I am tired of bearing it. And if this
night the angel of death were to come and call me
hence, I w r ould raise my hands and say, God be
praised." Sometimes he would add, "Yes, if an evil
demon sat on my shoulder and whispered in my ear,
You have made men unhappy, it would be otherwise."
His moral purposes remained unshaken, and he deter
mined to bear whatever burdens might be placed on
him. Suicide he regarded as cowardly, and cowardice
lie despised. The name poltroon was, in his estimation,
a designation of extreme baseness, and he said, " I am
no poltroon ; I have strength enough yet to take my
life, but this I regard as immoral." Tlis abhorrence ot
KXTKEME WEAKNESS.
suicide was; so great that he declared that it was not
easy to find anything more contemptible, and he thought
one ought to spit in the face of him who took his own
life.
At last he frequently failed to recognize his most
intimate friends, even Wasianski, his sister, and his
servant. lie became so feeble that he could hardly
sit in his arm-chair, though supported by pillows. The
lowest possible degree of physical weakness seemed
to have been reached on February 3rd, 180 4, when all
his energy was apparently gone. After this he took,
properly speaking, no food. Yet there were occasions
when he exerted his will to an extraordinary degree.
On this very day a professor of the university, who was
his physician and friend, called; he had been very
kind and attentive, and had refused all compensation
for his services. Kant arose from his chair when he
entered, offered him his hand, and uttered some in
coherent sentences, which Wasianski interpreted to
mean that Kant wanted to express his gratitude to the
physician for his great kindness in calling, especially
since his position as rector of the university made it
dilHcult for him to spare the time. Kant said that
was what he meant. He almost sank down from
weakness, and was urged by the physician to be seated,
but he still hesitated. Wasianski intimated that Kant s
refinement would not let him sit until the physician
had first taken his seat. The professor at first doubted
whether this was the reason ; but ho w as convinced
of it when he took his seat and Kant did the same;
and he was almost moved to tears when Kant, with
great effort, said, " The feeling of humanity has not
yet left me."
444 THE LIFE OF IM MANUEL KANT.
On the same day a few friends, as usual, were his
guests, though he could eat nothing. \Vasianski and
another friend were with him at dinner on Sunday,
February 5th ; he was, however, so weak that lie was
unable to sit upright, and he sank together in his
chair. On the next day he took no part whatever in
the conversation, and his eyes stared; on the 7th
there were three guests at table, but Kant was in bed.
Wasianski was the only guest on the 8th ; Kant,
indeed, came to the table, but he ate nothing and
hurried to bed. The daily meetings of friends for so
many years around that hospitable board, with their
delightful associations, their intellectual feasts, their
wit, humour, and anecdotes, were over. Kant became
unconscious on the evening of the 9th ; he was conscious
the next morning, but not the remainder of the day.
He was restful on the llth, but speechless; in answer
to Wasianski s question, whether he recognized him,
Kant gave him a kiss. On Sunday morning, the
12th of February, some water was given him ; after
quenching his thirst, he said, " It is well." These
were his last words. Early on that morning he had
stretched out his body at full length, and he remained
in that posture till death. As the clock struck eleven
on that Sunday forenoon he quietly breathed his last,
in the presence of his sister, his nephew, Wasianski,
another friend, and his servant. He was two months
and ten days less than eighty years old. It was not
sickness but marasmus which consumed his strength,
and Wasianski says, " His death was not a violent
act of nature, but simply a cessation of life."
The news of his long-expected death spread rapidly
through the city, and all classes felt the loss of their
I EATII. 445
most celebrated citizen. " The day was so clear and
cloudless that few of the kind occur in Konigsberg in
a period of twenty years ; only a small cloud hovered
in the xenith over the azure of the sky. A soldier on
the Schmiede Bridge is said to have called attention to
it with the remark, See, that is Kant s soul flying
heavenward. This was regarded as an evidence of
the knowledge which even the common people had of
Kant, and of their idea of the purity of his soul, which,
they thought, was at once taken up to the pure
ether." A letter written from the city the day after
his death, says, " Kouigsberg has lost one of its noblest
inhabitants. His faithfulness, his kindness, his up
rightness, and his sociability, will long be subjects of
painfully-precious remembrance for all who were inti
mately acquainted with him." ( m )
His body was so dried up that it seemed to bo
scarcely more than a skeleton, and its appearance
created universal astonishment. Years before his
death he spoke humorously of his emaciated condition,
and said that he had attained the minimum of muscular
substance ; but at the time of his death he was still
more emaciated, and his muscles had disappeared to
such an extent that his body almost seemed like that
of a mummy.
His head was shorn, and a mould of it was taken.
He had expressed the desire not to have his body
exposed to the gaze of the curious, and had written a
paper respecting his funeral, requesting to be buried
quietly, early in the morning, his remains to be fol
lowed only by his guests. As Wasianski had, how
ever, represented to him the difficulties of such an
arrangement, Kant left the whole matter to his judg-
446 THE LIFE OF 1MMANUEL KANT.
raent. The remains were kept for sixteen days, and
the desire to view them was general ; day after day
multitudes came to see for the last time the little
that was mortal of the immortal Kant.
On the 28th of February, one of the finest days of
winter, the funeral took place amid unusual solemnities.
The streets through which the procession passed had
been cleared of snow, and the city authorities had
issued an appeal to the people to show proper respect
for the funeral of the man who, on account of his
teachings and life, was so eminently worthy of regard ;
but the inhabitants of Konigsberg esteemed the illus
trious services of Kant too highly to need this official
recognition of his eminence and worth to inspire them
with a proper respect for his memory. At three in
the afternoon the body was borne by students from
the house to the cathedral, which was also the uni
versity church, where the services took place. His
sister and nephew were the only relatives present ;
among the chief mourners were between twenty and
thirty of his guests and more intimate friends. Headed
by a detachment of soldiers, there was a long pro
cession, consisting of the professors and students, the
governor of the province, numerous civil and military
officers, the ministers of the city, and many other
persons of all ranks and classes from. Konigsberg and
the vicinity. Solemnly, amid the tolling of all the
church bells, the procession moved through the crowds
which lined the streets, to the cathedral, where the
curator of the university, the rector, the senators, and
other high officials and dignitaries received the body.
The church was illuminated with hundreds of wax
candles. The coffin was placed on a catafalque in
I-TNKKAL. 447
front of the altar. At the head stood a marble bust of
Kant ; at the foot were two inverted torches ; at the
sides eight silver lamps were burning; and on the
altar lay the principal works of the great philosopher.
The coffin bore the inscription, "Cineres mortales
immortalis Kantii." The solemn services consisted of
a dirge and two addresses, after which the remains were
placed in the Professors Vault beside the cathedral.
There was a strong desire to secure mementoes of
the great Kant. His silver hair was braided into rings
and sold ; and the demand for these souvenirs was so
great, that one of his biographers suspects that there
was a miraculous increase of his hair, as in the case of
relics of saints, and that more was sold than ever
adorned his head. At the sale of his effects, trifles,
such as a tobacco-pouch, in itself worthless and used
probably for twenty years, brought large sums. The
three-cornered hat which he was accustomed to wear
in his study, and which had done service for twenty or
thirty years, was sold for a high price to an P]nglish-
nian.
His money and property amounted to 21,539 thalers.
In addition to his regular salary, he had received tho
fees of the students who heard his private lectures, and
there had also been an income from the sale of his
books. The revenue from his works, however, began
late, namely, after the success of the " Kritik " was
established ; before the appearance of this work his
books were, probably, published mostly at his own
expense. His early struggles with poverty had taught
him frugal habits; his wants were limited, and he
valued money too highly to waste it. He was very
economical, some thought excessively so; but lie was
448 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
not miserly. lie was provident, and was anxious to
secure a competence, so as to be independent. Debt
lie carefully avoided, and he said that a rap at the door
never gave him anxiety lest there might be a creditor
there. As his money accumulated, it was judiciously
put at interest for him by his friends. It was in this
way that he secured a competence and also the means
to help his relatives, and was able to leave a consider
able sum at the time of his death.
His business manager and executor, Wasianski,
received 3076 thalers ; Professor Gensichen inherited
his library and 500 thalers ; his aged cook, who had
been in his service for many years, received 066, and
Kauffmann, his last servant, 250. Kant had ordered
that 3500 thalers should be set apart, so as to secure
for his childless sister, Mrs. Theuer, one hundred
thalers annually ; the remainder of the interest, forty
thalers, was to be given to Lampe. The rest of his
money he willed to his nephews and nieces, and their
descendants, who were also to receive the 3500 thalers
after the death of Mrs. Theuer and Lampe.
In order to perpetuate his memory, a Kant Society
was formed in Kb nigsberg at the suggestion of Dr.
Motherby. The first members consisted of the more
intimate acquaintances of the philosopher, the number
who assembled being rarely more than twelve or
eighteen persons. They met on Kant s birthday, at
first in his house, afterwards in some other public
place. The dinner on such occasions was made as
much as possible like those given by Kant ; it was a
plain meal, with a pint-bottle of red or white wine
before each guest. An address on Kant s life, character,
works, or philosophy, was delivered by the presiding
KANT SOCIETY. 449
officer or " Bean- King," as lie was called from the
manner of his appointment. At every celebration a
cake was eaten, in which a bean was hid ; and the
member who took the piece with the bean became the
Bean-King. As the personal friends of Kant died,
others who had attended his lectures or were attached
to his philosophy were selected to fill the vacancies,
but the number was limited to thirty. In 1846 only
three of the original members were present, and the
last of the founders of the Society died in 1848. Many
of the addresses delivered before the Society, which
still exists, have been published, and are an important
contribution to the Kant literature.
In 1809 Kant s friend, Scheffner, formed the plan of
converting the Professors Vault, which was no longer
used as a place of interment, into a walk. A gallery,
136 feet long and fifteen wide, was constructed and
Kant s remains were placed in the eastern end.
Over the main entrance were inscribed the words,
" Stoa Kantiana," and a marble bust, by Schadow,
was placed over the grave. On April 22nd, 1810,
Kant s friends met to celebrate his birthday. After
an address by the philosopher, Professor Herbart,
they proceeded to the grave and unveiled the bust ;
subsequently it was, however, removed for protection
to the universitv.
/
For some years Kant s grave was entirely neglected,
and it was described as desolate and almost for
gotten, and some even questioned whether his remains
were there. Repeated efforts have been made since
1873 to secure the money necessary to make the
tomb of Kant worthy of his great name, and these
have finally been crowned with success. During tho
450 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
Centennial of the " Kritik," in the summer of 1881, a
monument in the form of a beautiful chapel was com
pleted and dedicated to his memory, and in it his
remains were deposited.
APPENDIX.
1. Ix order to avoid too frequent reference to authorities, I here
mention the most important books used in the preparation of this
volume.
Three biographies of the first importance were published by inti
mate friends of Kant: Borowski s "Darstellung des Lebens und
Charakters Immanucl Kant s," 1804; Jachmann s " Immanuel
Kant geschildert in Briefen an einen Freund,". 1804; and Wasian-
ski 8 "Immanuel Kant in seineu letzten Lebeusjahren," 1804.
Two other friends contributed important facts in books which
appeared about the same time; Rink s " An sich ten aus I. Kant s
Leben," and Hasse s " Merkwuerdige Aeusserungen Kant s."
A not very reliable, anonymous biography was published in 1804,
entitled, "I. Kant s Biograpie, Leipzig, O. Weigel." This work
was to comprise four volumes, but only two appeared. Another
anonymous book, printed in the same year, was named, " Aeusse
rungen iiber Kant, seinen Charakter und seine Meinungen. Von
einem billigon Verchrer seiner Verdienste." Professor ,]. 1).
Metzgcr, of Konigsberg, was discovered to be the author. Another
anonymous book of the same period bore the name, " Fragmento
aus Kant s Leben."
In 1842 Professor F. W. Schubert published the best biography
of Kant in the (Jerman language ; it is found in vol. xi. of Kant s
work* edited by Rosenkranz and Schubert
In I860 J)r. K. Reicke issued a small book styled, " Kantiana."
It contains a funeral address on Kant, delivered April 23rd, 1H()4,
by Professor Dr. Wald, of Kouigsberg, and much other valuable
material from the university library of that city.
The journals published in Konigsberg, the " Preussiche Provinzial-
bliitter," Neue Preussische Provinzialbliitter," and "Altpreussische
Monatsschrift," contain many valuable articles on Kant.
o g 2
452 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
Much of the literature cotemporary with Kant, such as journals,
letters, biographies, and other book?, has been found serviceable.
The principal authorities not already named are mentioned in the
following notes. Diligent search has been made for everything
calculated to throw light on the life of Kant ; and hundreds of
volumes have been used to which no special reference is necessary,
but the consultation of which was important for understanding
Kant s life and works and the age in which he lived. For the
great thinker s views I am indebted chiefly to his own works ; in
some cases I used his own editions ; in others, those of Hartenstein,
and of Rosenkranz and Schubert ; and I also made use of Tieftrunk s
edition of his smaller works.
Very naturally numerous traditions respecting Kant have, in the
course of time, become current, especially in Konigsberg. Among
these are two stories of attempts to murder him, one by an insane
butcher, and another by an escaped prisoner. As these are based
on no reliable evidence, and are wholly unworthy of credence, no
reference is made to them in the text.
2. In 1762, 550 vessels lauded at Konigsberg; in 1773, 861.
The exports consisted chiefly of grain, wood, and flax ; the imports
were mostly colonial wares, manufactured articles, and wines. In
1784 and 1792 the yearly exports amounted to over four million
thalers, though generally they amounted to two and a half or three
millions about that time. In 1795-6 the income for excise, duty,
and licences, exceeded that of any other city in the kingdom,
amounting to 554,559 thaler?. There were 143 officers to attend
to this business.
3. The principal authorities I have used on Konigsberg are :
Faber : "Konigsberg in Preussen ;" " Neue Preussische Provinzial-
bliitter," 1854, 197 ; " Jahrbiicher der Preussischen Monarchic,"
1804, vol. ii. 270 ; and " Altpreussische Monatsschrift," vol. i. 353.
4. Immanuel changed the name from Cant to Kant. This
change is accounted for by a story which indicates his sensitiveness.
A boy teased him by saying that the C in his name should be
pronounced like a Z, so that Cant would become Zant. This
induced him to write it Kant. In the catalogue of the gymnasium
which he attended, the name is spelt in five ways: Cant, Candt,
Cante, Kant, Kandt. Reicke, "Kantiana," 46, 47.
5. Reicke : " Kantiana," 5.
6. Rink : " Ansichten aus I. Kant s Leben," 13.
7. "Neue Preussische Provinzialblatter," 1852, 2, 81.
8. " Martin Knutzeu und seine Zeit," von Benno Erdmaun, 34.
Al PENDIX. 453
9. The term Pietistic was applied to the school by its enemies as
a term of reproach, and they spoke of it as the Pietistic seminary
or the Pietistic inn. Kant relates that while he was a pupil, a
young loafer oiie day entered the room of Schiffert, and in a spirit
of ridicule asked, " Is this the Pietistic school ? " Schiffert had him
soundly whipped, after which he sent him away with the remark,
" Now you know where the Pietistic school is." Ilasse : " Merk-
wiirdige Aeusserungen Kant s," 36.
10. " Pietism must therefore not yet have degenerated into fana
ticism, and the discipline of the school cannot have heen so fearfully
severe as some ungrateful pupils it had many more who were
grateful have at times represented." Wald s address, in Reicke s
" Kantiana," 6.
11. Kuhnken, a fellow-pupil of Kant, wrote to him as follows:
" Anni triginta sunt ipsi, cum uterque tetrica ilia quidem, sed utili
tamen ncc pcenitenda fanaticorum disciplina continebamur." Rink :
" Tiberius Hemsterhuys und Ruhnken," 267.
12. " Streit der Facultaten," Ros. and Schub. vol. x. p. 313.
13. Article by A. Rogge, Altp. M. 1878-79.
14. Biedermaun, " Deutschland im 18. Jahrhundert," ii. 3, 679.
15. From the spring of 1758 to that of 1759 the total income
was only 3665 thalers. For one thaler twenty-five hours of instruc
tion were given. N.P.P.B., 1853, 241. Cunde, who was there at
the same time as Kant, had twenty-three teachers in three and a
half years. As soon as the candidates for the ministry received an
appointment as preachers, they left and other teachers took their
place. " The scholars in Prima had to submit to three teachers in
philosophy." Do. 250.
16. Rink : " Hemsterhuys und Ruhnken," 80, 81.
17. In the summer of 1731 there were 443 students, of whom
219 were theological, 125 juridical, 37 medical, and 62 philosophical.
In the winter 1731-32 there were 442, of whom 208 studied theology,
89 law, 47 medicine, 28 cameralistics, and 70 belonged to the
philosophical faculty. P.P.B., 1832, 279. In 1744, at its second
centennial celebration, it is said to have had 44 professors and 1032
students, of whom 992 were Lutheran, 21 Reformed, 13 Catholic,
and 6 belonged to the Greek Church. N.P.P.B., Neue Folge, vol.
ix. 172. I think this a mistake, and suppose the author simply
added the number of students in summer and winter, and thus counted
most of them twice.
18. Arnoldt : " Historic der Kouigsberger Universitut," vol. ii.
183.
454 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
19. "The chairs were occupied mostly by men with no scientific
reputation ; the lectures were delivered in strict scholastic formulas,
partly yet in the Latin language ; whatever was necessary as a pre
paration for the examination ordered by the state was taught in
meagre dictations ; the students were trained to empty formalities
for spiritless discussions ; and owing to the isolated position of the
university, no intellectual inspiration was spread by it over the
land." N.P.P.B., 1854, 198.
20. See on this whole subject, " Martin Knutzen und seine
Zeit," by Benno Erdmann, to which I am chiefly indebted for these
facts.
21. His principal metaphysical book, " Systema causarum efficien-
tium," passed through two editions ; his " De immaterialitate
animi " was translated into German ; and a book on the " Defence
of the Christian Religion," which was aimed chiefly at English
deism, passed through five editions. Eminent cotemporaries speak
highly of him, and Hamann says, "I was a pupil of the celebrated
Knutzen."
22. N.P.P.B., 1854, 202.
23. Reicke, 50.
24. In the biographical sketch prepared by Borovvskt arid reviewed
by Kant, the statement occurs that several attempts had been made
by Kant to preach in the country ; but another person being preferred
in an appointment to a school for which he had also applied, he
abandoned the thought of entering the ministry. Kant crossed out
this part of the sketch ; for what reason Borowski, who says that
the statement is nevertheless true, did not know. To another
friend Kant declared that he had once prepared a sermon on a certain
text; but that may have been before he left the university. Kant s
studies at the university, and the statement of Heilsberg quoted in
the text, lead to the conclusion that he was not preparing for the
ministry. Borowski must have been mistaken, a view also taken by
Benno Erdmann, in his "Life of Kuutzen," 133, note. Kant s lack
of sympathy with Pietism, religious doubts, and his preference for
other studies than theology, were probably his main reasons for
failing to comply with the wish of his parents and his benefactor,
Dr. Schulz.
25. " Gedanken von der wahren Schatzungder lebendigen Kriifte
und Beurtheilung der Beweise, deren sich Herr Leibnitz uud andere
Mechaniker in dieser Streitsache bcdient haben, nebst einigen
vorhergchenden Betrachtungen, welche die Kraft der Ko rpcr
iiberhaupt betreffen."
APPENDIX. 455
26. " Kant here appears altogether as an adherent of that freer
tendency of Wolfianism to whose most decided advocates Knutzen
belonged. That he is governed everywhere in the raost essential
points by the spirit of the Leibnitz- Wolfian doctrines, is evident from
every paragraph of this book." "Life of Knutzen," 143.
27. Biedermann, ii. 1. 522. Forty thalers is here given as the
animal pay.
28. N.P.P.B., 1854, 203.
29. " Allgemeine Naturgescbichte und Theorie des Ilimmels,
oder Versnch von der Verfassung und dein mechanisehen Ursprunge
des ganzen Weltgebaudes nach Newton schen Grundsatzen abge-
handelt."
30. Privatim docentes, professores extraordinarii, and professores
ordinarii. For the first, called by the Germans Privat-Docent, I use
the word tutor. PYom a tutor in private families the term is always
sufficiently distinguished by the context.
31. Meditationum quarundam de igne suecincta delineatio."
32. " Principiorum primorum cognitionis metaphyaicae nova delu-
cidatio."
33. " Metaphysical cum geometria junctrc usus in philosophia
natural!."
34. "Thus the forty- five year old Kant, who in 1763 had received
the second prize from the Berlin Academy of Sciences; who already
in 1764 had been designed for an ordinary professorship by the
cabinet; and who in 1769 had received an honourable call to an
ordinary professorship in another university, was not permitted in
this year to announce his lectures to the students in the official
catalogue." N.P.P.B., 1S46, 459.
35. N.P.P.B., 1854, 206.
36. This gives us as the subjects of his lectures, mathematics,
physics, logic, metaphysics, physical geography, a critique of the
proofs of the existence of God, optimism, fortification, pyrotechnics,
anthropology, encyclopaedia of the philosophical sciences, pedagogics,
moral philosophy, and natural theology. Every professor in ordinary
in the philosophical faculty was obliged to lecture in turn on
pedagogics, which accounts for Kant s lectures on this subject.
37. Altp. M., xvi. 610.
38. Though he became most eminent as a metaphysician, his
metaphysical lectures were never the most popular, not even among
the students. They were very dry to many ; and already in 1759,
four years after Kant began his lectures, Hamann wrote that it was
difficult to follow him. Hainann s works, vol. ii. p. 445. Kant knew
456 THE LIFE OF BIMANUEL KANT.
very well that his lectures were difficult for beginners, and he publicly
advised his students to prepare themselves for his lectures by first
hearing those of Professor Poerschke.
39. The lectures were published in 1798, the last work which he
himself published. Even in book form they retained their popularity,
and the fourth edition appeared in 1833.
40. Altp. M., xvi. 607.
41. Schubert, 41. This was written after Kant had criticized
one of Herder s books, and there was already some alienation between
the teacher and pupil.
42. " Herder s Leben," von Carolina von Herder, 60.
43. N.P.P.B., 1848, 291.
44. The subjects on which he lectured after he became professor
were : logic, metaphysics, natural law, moral philosophy, natural
theology, physical geography, anthropology, and pedagogics.
46. " Uutersuchungen liber die Deutlichkeit der Grundsiitze der
natiirlichen Theologie und der Moral. Zur Beantwortung der
Frage, welche die Konigl. Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin
auf das Jahr 1763 aufgegeben hat."
47. " De mundi sensibilis atque intelligibilis forma et principiis."
48. Dr. W. G. Kelch, " Ueber den Schadel Kant s," gives the
result of his examination of the head immediately after death.
When the remains of Kant were removed to the Chapel in 1880, C.
Kupifer and F. Bessel Hagan examined the skull with the most
minute care. They give a full description of their investigations in
" Archiv fur Anthropologie," Braunschweig, vol. xiii., Aug. 1881,
in an article entitled, * Der Schadel Immanuel Kant s."
49. Dr. Bohn, Altp. M., vi. 611, regards this as a light
podagra.
50. Bouterwek; "I. Kant," 48, 57.
51. "Von einem neuerdings erhobenen vornehmen Ton in der
Philosophic," 1796.
52. " Traume eines Geistersehers erlautert durch Traume der
Metaphysik," 1766.
53. While his "Kritik" contains many evidences of his analytical
powers, and of nice distinctions, it would be difficult to find a more
striking instance than in his " Logic " where he follows the various
steps in observation, and distinguishes the different kinds of know
ledge. R. and S. vol. ii - PP- 236, 237. First the object is
represented by the senses ; secondly, it is represented consciously,
percipere ; thirdly, it is compared with other objects, and is known,
noscere ; fourthly, it is known consciously, cognoscere : noscere applied
APPENDIX. 457
to animals also, coynuscere, only to man; fifthly, to understand a thing,
intelligere ; sixthly, to get an insight into things by means of reason,
ptrspicere ; seventhly, to comprehend a thing, to understand it
a priori, comprehenflere.
54. Schlichtegroll s " Nekrologie," 1797, vol. i. p. 286.
oo. Ilamann to Jacobi, Sept. 22, 178,5.
56. Ilamann, Nov. 20, 1785.
57. On Kant s political views, see an article by Schubert, in
Kaumer s " Histor. Taschenbnch," vol. ix. In 1795, on the occasion
of the recognition of the French Republic by some of the European
powers, Kant published his pamphlet on "Eternal Peace." The
edition of 1500 copies was exhausted in two weeks.
58. One of these on Dr. Lilienthal, Professor of Theology, who
died March 17, 1782, is as follows :
"Was auf das Leben folgt, deckt tiefe Finsteruiss;
Was uns zu thun gebiihrt, des sind wir nur gewiss.
Dem kann, wie Lilienthal, kein Tod die Hoffnung raubcn,
Der glaubt, um recht zu thun, recht thut, um froh zu glauben."
59. Bouterwek, pp. 2022.
60. " Versuch iiber die Krankheiten des Kopfes," 1764.
61. N.P.P.B. vi. p. 13. Kink, p. 137.
62. Herbart, in " I. Kant s Gedaechtnissfeyer zu Konigsberg am
22 April, 1810."
03. " Hamburger Correspondent," March 7, 1804. Schubert, 141.
64. Altp. M. xvi. 612. The account was written in 1795.
65. One friend says, " lie read unusually much, especially physical,
historical and anthropological writings ; most of all, accounts of
travel." Another says, " He liked accounts of travel best of all.
He seldom read philosophical books, not even those written for or
against him." Reicke, 15, 16. "Men, people, natural history, physics,
mathematics, and observation were the sources whence he drew the
materials for his lectures and conversations." Do. 17.
66. Reicke, 56.
67. Adamson, " Lectures on the Philosophy of Kant," 25.
68. Hasse, 79.
69. Jachmann, 174, mentions another strange fact. Kant was
very fond of snuff; but at times there was so little moisture in his
body that he could not take it. Thinking that more moisture was
necessary for his system, he would drink a quantity of water daily
in order to supply it. In his study he would keep his handkerchief
lying on a chair in order that he might occasionally be obliged to
get up.
458 THE LIFE OF IM MANUEL KANT.
70. N.P.P.B., iv. 22. Heine also speaks of Kant s merciless,
sharp, unpoetical, cold honesty, and draws a parallel between him
and Robespierre. " We find in both the same talent for suspicion,
the difference being that one uses it against thought and calls it
criticism, while the other uses it against men and calls it republican
virtue. In both we find the type of the Philister in the highest
degree nature had designed them to weigh coffee and sugar, but
destiny wanted them to weigh other things, and placed on the scales
of one a king, and on the scales of the other God .... And they
gave the correct weight." Of course a frivolous spirit like Heine
could not appreciate Kant. What would Kant have said of Heine!
71. N.P.P.B., vi. 9. This strange occurrence led Hippel, a friend
of both, to write a short comedy, entitled, " Der Mann nach der
Uhr oder der ordentliche Maun."
72. Altp. M., xvi. 608. The count speaks of his face as having
something lively, fine, and friendly about the mouth, which cannot
be reproduced in a hard copperplate. Of his reception he says,
"He received me cordially, said much, naturally talked most of
trifles, joked very wittily, and made some quite original remarks
about fanaticism, and especially about learned ladies and their
diseases."
73. He had become so accustomed to guests that it seemed at last
as if he could not get along without them. Hasse, .50, relates that at
one time he was obliged to eat his dinner alone ; but it was so painful
to him that he wanted his servant to go into the street and bring to
him whomsoever he might find, as he must have company.
74. In his " Anthropology " he says, "If a young, inexperienced
man enters a company (especially where ladies are present) surpass
ing in brilliancy his expectations, he is easily embarrassed when he
is to begin to speak. Now, it would be awkward to begin with an
item of news reported in the paper, for one does not see what led
him to speak of that. But as he has just come from the street, the
bad weather is the best introduction to conversation." He several
times says essentially the same thing, a kind of repetition of which
there are other examples in his work?.
75. " Kant s Werke," Rosenkranz uud Schubert, vol. iv., Preface.
Kant had a copy of the book so bound that every alternate leaf
was blank. The pages of these blank leaves, and in many instances
also the margins of the printed pages, were covered with closely
written notes.
76. N.P.P.B., vi. 291.
77. Jahrbitcher d. Preuss. Monarchie, 1799, 194.
APPENDIX. 459
78. Jachmann, 101. Borowski says, "I never saw him with his
relatives, his brother only excepted."
79. Wasianski says that Kant did not like to see his relatives
about him, not because he was ashamed of them, but because he
could not converse with them to his satisfaction. But Ilasse, 39,
and Billigcr Verehrer, 17, give a less favourable view. It is
repeatedly stated that his higher education separated Kant from his
relatives ; and it is evident that he did not want to associate with
them, whatever his reasons may have been.
80. In his * Anthropology " he says, " As far as learned women
are concerned, they use their books somewhat like their watches,
namely, to carry them in order that it may be seen that they possess
them, though their time-pieces generally stand still or are not regu
lated by the sun."
81. Even now similar opinions are common in Germany, and
may be heard in cultivated society. In 1877 an address was
delivered before the Kant Society in Konigsberg, on Kant s views
of woman, and the speaker declared them to be his own convictions
concerning woman s culture and mission, and ho thought it to be
specially important to make them known at this time, when the
influences, especially from Russia and America, tend to break through
the limits fixed by nature for woman s intellectual attainments. The
address is published in Altp. M. xiv. o93.
82. Borowski, 149.
83. Rosenkranz (Kant s Works, vol. xii. p. 269) says that Kant
has frequently and bitterly been charged with degrading marriage,
since he makes its essence to consist in the sexual relation of husband
and wife. lie pronounces Kant s views " barbarous," and says that
it may be regarded as an apology that Kant, as a bachelor, could
have no experience of the depth and intimacy of the marriage rela
tion. His views of marriage are found in his " Rechtslehre," his
" Anthropologie," and his book on "The Emotion of the Beautiful
and Sublime."
84. " Ich selbsten, mil Erlaub zu sagen,
leh selbsten babe keine Fran."
80. "Die Regel bleibt: Man muss nicht freien,
Doch excipe, soldi wuerdig Paar."
80. Reicke, 12. Altp. M. xvi. (JOS. This lady afterwards mar
ried, and she frequently boasted that Kant had been in love with her.
She was twenty-two years younger than Kant.
87. N.IM .B., vi. 1,>.
88. Jachmann, 77-82, makes the conversation refer to the
4GO THE LIFE OF IMMANUKL KANT.
American Revolution. But Kant and Green were acquainted long
before that time, and as early as 1770 Hamann dedicated a trans
lation to Green, speaking of him as " the friend of our Kant."
Schubert, 53. Jachmann s account must therefore refer to some
other circumstance than that revolution.
89. N.P.P.B., 1853, 165. The article is on Immanuel Kant and
George Hamanu.
90. Scheffner wanted him to explain some parts of his writings ;
but Hamann answered that this was impossible, since much which
he had taken into the account while writing had escaped his memory.
" Life of Scheffner," 207. He himself admitted that he could not
master systems, and says that it was his province to deal with
"crumbs, fragments, whims, and notions." Letter to Lindner,
October 12tb, 1759. In this letter he speaks of Kant as the little
magistcr whom he loved and esteemed very much, and already at
that time he calls him " the little Socrates."
91. Schlichtegroll, 1801, i. 303. Another writer says, " Hippel s
life and character were full of peculiarities and contradictions. With
a clear, enlightened mind, he manifested a spirit of fanaticism and an
inclination to superstition ; with strong passion and sensuousness, he
had a devotion bordering on bigotry and an ardent zeal for virtue ;
he cherished a friendship which was almost enthusiastic, and yet
was reticent towards his friends ; he was imperious and severe, and
yet, at the same time, cheerful and refined ; he was an enthusiastic
admirer of nature and simplicity, and yet was inclined to etiquette
and to avarice ; he appreciated the excellencies of woman in general,
and also the marriage relation, and yet he had a decided antipathy
to wedlock ; his moral principles were disinterested, and yet in his
conduct he manifested the most striking egotism. Brockhaus " Con
versations-Lexicon," article Hippel.
92. " Das Leben des Prof. C. J. Krauss," von J. Voigt, 27.
93. There are more books on philosophical than on other subjects.
In all there are about seventy or eighty writings of Kant, of which
very many are short dissertations, reviews, or newspaper articles.
In Hartenstein s edition of Kant s works, there are eight large
volumes ; in Rosenkranz and Schubert s, ten are devoted to his works,
one to his letters and life, and one to an account of his philosophy.
In Kirchmann s edition there are eight volumes, with one supple
mentary volume.
94. This is true, at least, as far as the great results of that
philosophy are concerned. In his second edition of the " Kritik,"
Kant made many changes; but he claimed that they pertained only
A1TKND1X. 4(31
to the style ami the argument, not to the thought. But Schopenhauer
claimed that Kant had also changed the thought materially, that he had
done this intentionally, cowardly, and dishonestly. As to the exact
nature of the changes the commentators differ, some claiming that the-
declaration of Kant is correct; others, however, as stoutly asserting
that the suhstance of the first edition is materially changed in the
second, of which the following were all a reprint. The whole suhject
is discussed by Benuo Erdmann, in his " Kant s Kriticismus." It is
the second edition which has made the greatest impression on
literature, and is generally cited. Recent editions of the "Kritik"
usually give Kant s second edition, Ilartenstein and Benuo Erdmann
at the same time indicating its variations from the first. Rosenkranz,
however, gives the first edition.
95. " He had his plan, wrote his book, made a cheap contract
with his publisher, and then quietly awaited the result, though, as
his replies indicate, he was by no means indifferent to reviews."
Mundt s " Dioskuren," vol. ii. p. 24.
96. " Berlinische Monatsschrift," 1804, 279.
97. Descartes repeatedly speaks of God as " Substantia infinita."
He distinguishes God as the infinite Substance, whose cause is in
Himself, from all other substances, which are finite and are caused by
God. The latter substances are of two kinds, matter, whose essence
is extensive, and spirit, whose essence is thought. Spinoza s
pantheism is based on the idea of God as substance. But this view
seems to have had no influence on Kant.
98. Descartes held that there are three sources of ideas: some are
innate, others come from the objects they represent, and others aro
fictions which the mind itself produces.
99. Kuno Fischer (iii. 169), speaking of Kant s writings during
the first decade of his authorship, says, " Kant is evidently more
inclined to oppose Leibnitz than Newton. He places himself on the
standpoint of the English natural philosophy, passes from this to
the English philosophy of experience, which established the princi
ples according to which Newton had projected his system: he went
from Newton to Locke and Hume."
1(X). Newton s indirect influence on the " Kritik " must be regarded
as a potent factor. Professor A. Rich], in his book, " Der Philoso-
phische Kriticismus," thinks that the spirit and the method of the
mathematical natural sciences were the patterns according to which
Kant s method was formed. lie holds that Newton s natural
philosophy wan as powerful as Hume s scepticism in determining (he
character of Kant s " Kritik," and says, " I believe that I can show that
462 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
the natural philosophy of Newton had no less an influence on the
origin of the Critical Philosophy of Kant than Hume himself." Itwould
perhaps be more correct to say that Newton s influence was directed
chiefly to the formation of his method of thinking, while Hume gave
the direct impulse which led to the development of the "Kritik."
101. We cannot tell exactly when Kant was aroused from his dog
matic slumber by Hume, but it was probably not many years after
he became tutor in the university. Fischer thinks it must have
been about 1760. iii. 178. In 1759 Hamann wrote a letter to Kant,
in which he speaks of " the Attic philosopher Hume who, in spite
of all his errors, is a Saul among the prophets." It was about this
time, also, that Kant spoke of Hume in his lectures.
102. "Versuch den Begriif der negativen Grrosse in die Welt-
weisheit einzufiihren."
103. " Der einzig mogliche Beweisgrund zu einer Demonstration
fiir das Dasein Gottes."
104. Tief trunk, in his Preface to the edition of Kant s smaller
works, says, " Men were accustomed to give an account only of
what was contained in their conceptions." Kant then put the ques
tion, whether these are conceptions of real objects, or whether they
are mere fictions of the mind ?
105. " Dorptsche Beitrage," iii. 102. The letters are written from
Zurich. He asks Kant, whether in his "Kritik " he is going to say
that the present criticism could hardly be more remote than it is
from the critique of pure reason; also, whether he will say " that all
our wisdom is folly until we fix all our observations more on man ;
that we constantly err so greatly because we seek outside of ourselves
what is within us ; that it is absolutely impossible to understand the
inner nature of a thing, and that we can understand only the relation
of objects to our needs; and that all occupations, writings, medita
tions, reading, ore folly and childishness unless they are definite
means for satisfying human needs ?" These letters are an evidence
that Kant was already known beyond the borders of Germany years
before the " Kritik " appeared.
106. The first work mentioned was never published by Kant, the
thoughts he intended to give in it were probably developed and em
bodied in the " Kritik." A man who had heard that Kant intended
to write on this subject, changed it a little and published a work on
it. A book on the second subject appeared twenty years after he
wrote this letter. Under the third title he published nothing, but
the thoughts intended to be given under that head probably appeared
in his " Critique of the Practical Reason," or in his other moral works.
APPENDIX. 463
107. Already in 1762 Kant spoke of the understanding as the
logical faculty, or the faculty for knowing, in his book, " Die faUchc
Spitzfiudigkeit der vier syllogistischen Figuren."
108. " Philosophia an tern prima continens principia usus intellec-
tus puri eat metaphysics."
109. " Von dem ersten Gruude des Unterschiedes der Gegenden
ini Raurae." 1768.
110. " Tempus itaque est principium formale Mundi sensibilis
absolute primum."
111. Conceptus spatii est sinyularis representatio omnia in se cora-
prehendens, non sub se continens notio abstracta et communis."
112. " Spatium itaque est principium formale Mundi sensibilis
absolute primum."
113. " Sed ab ipsa mentis actione, secundum perpetuas leges
sensa sua coordinante, quasi typus immutabilis, ideoque intuitive
eognosceudus."
114. Writing to Herder, Sept. loth, 1781, he calls the "Kritik"
" Sancho Panza s transcendental philosophy."
11.3. A Latin translation of the " Kritik " was made, and Kant
complained that he could not understand it. llamanu glories in
this fact, and says, " It serves the author right to experience the
difficulty of his readers.
116. His aim in the " Kritik " was to make the book very com
prehensive, arid he says in the Preface to the first edition, " I venture
to say that there is not a single metaphysical problem which is not
solved here, or for whose solution at least the key is not given."
117. Kant thinks that the very existence of metaphysics depends
on the answer to this question, and in his "Prolegomena" ho says,
" All metaphysicians arc therefore solemnly and legally suspended
from their occupations until they have satisfactorily answered this
question : How are synthetic judgments a priori possible ? "
118. He says that without sensation no object would be given,
and without the understanding none would be thought. " Thoughts
without content are empty; perceptions without conceptions arc
blind." " The understanding perceives nothing, the senses think
nothing. Knowledge can only arise from the union of both. Never
theless we dare not for this reason confound their functions, but we
have great reason to separate and distinguish each carefully from
the other. Therefore we distinguish the science of the rules of sensa
tion in general, that is, aesthetics, from the science of the rules of the
understanding in general, that is, logic."
119. Kant calls this " Gemeinschaft (Wechselwirkung zwischen
464 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
dem Handelnden und Leidenden)." The difficulty Kant experienced
with the categories is evident fram his statement in the Preface that
they cost him the most trouble.
120. " The question respecting transcendental freedom per
tains only to speculative knowledge, which we can set aside as
altogether a matter of indifference when we are concerned about the
practical." Rosenkranz says that he not merely laid the greatest
stress on the practical element in his speculation, but he even under
took to root out metaphysics. N.P.P.B., iv. 13.
121. " Prolegomena zu einer jeden kiinftigen Metaphysik, die als
Wissenschaft wird auftreten kb nnen." It is the first book he pub
lished after the " Kritik." As it popularizes the main thoughts of
that book, it should be read before the " Kritik," since it will greatly
facilitate the understanding of that difficult work.
122. "Kritik der Urtheilskraft," 1790. His definition of judgment
is, " Urtheilskraft uberhaupt ist das Vermogeu, das Besondere als
enthalten unter dem Allgemeinen zu deuken."
123. Kant says respecting the pleasure derived from the agreeable,
the beautiful, and the good, " It may be said of these three kinds
of pleasure, that the taste for the beautiful is alone an uninterested
and free pleasure. For no interest, neither that of the senses nor
that of the reason, compels approval."
124. Hasse, 22. In a letter to Professor Schiitz, 1785, Kant
already speaks of " The Metaphysic of Nature," and says that the
" Metaphysical Principles of Natural Science " a book completed
that summer is a preparation for that work.
125. This is published in Altp. M., i. 742.
126. His principal works on morals and religion followed his
" Kritik," and were based on its conclusions. On morals his most
important works are, " Grundlegung zur Metaphysik der Sitten,"
1785; "Kritik der praktischen Vernunft," 1788; "Die Metaphysik
der Sitten," 1797, in two parts, of which the first discusses the
metaphysical principles of jurisprudence, and the second, the meta
physical principles of virtue. His principal work on religion is,
"Die Religion innerhalb der Grenzen der blossen Vernunft," 1793;
the last book he published also treats of religious subjects, but, as a
rule, merely repeats the views given in the other book. The title of
his last book is, "Der Streit der Facultiiten," 1798. In many of
his other works moral and religious subjects are also discussed.
In the first book on morals he discusses the highest principles of
morality, namely, the Categorical Imperative. As the " Kritik " is
the propaedeutics to all philosophy, so the second book on morals, the
APPENDIX. 465
4< Critique of the Practical Reason," is the propaedeutics to all moral
philosophy, and it discusses the problem of the freedom of the will.
The third hook discusses the principles of morality in general, and
contains the system.
127. The question asked by the speculative reason is, What can
I know? That asked by the practical reason is, What ought I to do?
In his "Logic" (Rosenkranz and Schubert, iii. 186), he, however,
says that philosophy deals with four questions, namely, What can I
know ? What ought I to do ? What may I hope ? What is man ?
" The first question is answered by metaphysics; the second by
morality; the third by religion ; the fourth by anthropology.
Really, however, all this might be treated under anthropology, since
the first three questions are all related to the last."
128. " Es ist iiberall nichts in der Welt, ja iiberhaupt ausser der-
selben zu denken moglich, was ohne Einschrankung fur gut kounte
gehalten werden, alsallein ein guter Wille." The will, according to
Kant, is the character. It is not to be judged by what it accom
plishes, but by itself, by its volitions. Man is a lawgiver unto him
self, and his own being imposes obligations upon him. lie is his
own authority, and prescribes his own rules of conduct.
129. Bouterwek, 117, says, "Let it be remembered that no so-
called feeling-philosophy found an entrance into Kant s cold under
standing, and that all sentimentality, even the noblest, was disagree
able to him." Rink, 99, says that a physician wrote to Kant in 1794 :
" My dear Professor ! Mr. Kant s rational faith is a faith entirely
free from all hope. Mr. Kant s morality is a morality entirely free from
(ill love. The question now arises, Wherein docs Mr. Kant s faith
differ from the faith of devils ? And in what respect does Mr. Kant s
morality differ from the morality of devils?" In other letters the
same twitted him on the lack of the emotional element, and in one
he says, " Animals have no reason. The absence of reason is the
cause why animals cannot rejoice that there is a God, and that God
is so gracious as lie is. But it is a mystery to me what the cause cau
be that my rational brother, Immanuel Kant, cannot, or will not, rejoice,
just as well as I do, that God is as gracious as He is."
I3()f/. Kant states this celebrated law repeatedly and in different
language, but its essence is always as given in the text. " Irh soil
niemals ander.s verfahren, als so, das sich auch wollen konne, meine
Maximo solle ein allgemeines Gesetz werden." " Handle so, als ob
die Maximo deiner Handlung durch deinen Willen zum allgcmcinen
Naturgesetze werden sollte."
1.30A. For the relief of constipation a physician advised him to
II ll
466 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
take a pill daily. After awhile he found that this was not enough, and
another physician advised him to take two. But Kant, reflecting on
the matter, concluded that the increase might go on indefinitely, and
therefore resolved never in his life to take more than two pills a day,
a rule which he could not be induced to hreak, except perhaps in
old age, when he was feeble and yielded to the advice of others.
131. "The Emotion of the Beautiful and the Sublime." Roscn-
kranz and Schubert, iv. 431. On a blank leaf of this book, Kant
wrote: " It is not necessary to sympathize with others in natural
misfortune, but it is necessary to sympathize with them when
suffering from injustice." Rosenkranz and Schubert, xi. 1, 221.
132. In N.P.P.B., 1848, 14, it is said, "In his last years his
conscience troubled him, because at one time, in order to decline a
disagreeable invitation, he pretended to be already invited for the
time designated."
133. Ilippel (Schlichtegroll s " Nekrologie," 1797, vol. 5. p. 281)
says, " Kant often says that if a man were to say and write all he
thinks, there would be nothing more horrible on God s earth than
man." In a letter to Mendelssohn, April 8th, 1766, Kant wrote,
" Much that I, indeed, think with the clearest conviction and to my
great satisfaction, I shall never have the courage to say ; but I shall
never say any thing that I do not think."
134. It would be difficult to find a dedication in which there is a
more diffuse use of complimentary terms than that of Kant s first
book. Dr. Bohlius was a friend of the family, and seems to have
shown them, and particularly Kant, some kindness. To him the
book is dedicated, and he is addressed : " Ilochedelgeborener Ilcrr,
hochgelahrter und hocherfahrner Doctor, insondcrs hochzuchrender
Gonner ! " In the brief dedication of less than a page the dedicatee
is five times addressed " hochcdelgeborner." The close of the
dedication declares that Kant remains, with constant high esteem,
"Ilochedelgeborener, hochgelahrter und hocherfahrner Ilcrr Doctor,
insonders hochzuehrender Gonner, Ew. Ilochedelgeborncn ver-
pflichtestcr Diener. Immanuel Kant."
135. Before his " Kritik " appeared Kant used various arguments
to prove God s existence. In his Cosmology, 17oo, he uses the
argument from design and says, " If one does not wilfully oppose all
conviction, he must be convinced by such irresistible reasons." In
1763 he used the ontological argument in " Der einzig mb gliche
Beweisgrund zu eincr Demonstration fur das Dasein Gottes." In
his Inaugural Address, 1770, lie argues in favour of God s existence
from the unity in nature, and he says that his view is not. very
APPENDIX. 407
different from tli.it of Malebranche, namolj that " we see all things
in God."
With his " Kritik " he ends all speculative proofs of the divine
existence. But it should be remembered what he said in 1766 in
hrs Triiume ; " Common sense often sees the truth sooner than it
understands the reasons by means of which it can prove or explain
it." And at another time he said, " It is absolutely necessary to
be convinced of the existence of God; but it is not necessary to
demonstrate it."
1, W. I low purely he makes religion rational is evident from his
definition of religious faith in his " Streit der Fakultaten," 287.
Religious faith is " one which can be developed from each person s
reason." Not the ideal reason of humanity, nor the divine reason,
but the reason of each individual is thus made the source of his
religion, and is treated as if absolute. Pago 290 he says that reli
gion can be an object of reason only, and that all the principles of
religion must be dictated by reason. And 299 he says, " For
ecclesiastical faith historic learning is necessary ; for religious
faith only reason." Reason, as the sole arbiter in all things,
was the watchword of Kant, as well as of the age in which he
lived.
137. In "Was ist Aufkliirung ?" published in 1784, he says that
Aufkliirung or enlightenment is the departure of man from the state
of immaturity for which he is himself to blame. This immaturity
is inability to use one s understanding without, the guidance of
another." " The motto of enlightenment is, " Have the courage to
use your own understanding." Laxincss and cowardice arc the
causes why men who should be independent in thought still remain
dependent, a fact which makes it so easy for others to be their
leaders. " It is so comfortable to remain dependent. If I have a
book which thinks for me, a pastor who is my conscience for me,
a physician who chooses my diet, et cef., then I need not trouble
myself." Perfect independence is Kant s aim in religion as well as
in thought: independence of history, of the Church, and, in fact, of
everything except reason.
D N. This conclusion is drawn from a careful study of all his
religions views, and others have been forced to the same conclusion.
Roscnkran/ says, " It is true that Kant fell into the one-sidedncss
of absorbing religion in morality." " Kant s Werke," xii. 202. And
he also says, "If now religion is entirely absorbed by morality,
then the relation of man to (lod as a personal Heing ceases. 1 It-
may believe in God ; morality does not forbid this. Hut it is
II If 2
468 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KAXT.
superfluous. It is not necessary. Conscience is his God. The
most essential thing is the conception of the highest good, of the
categorical imperative, of the maxim," 253. Even Feuerbach s
view finds a basis in " Religion," 257, note, where it is declared that
each man makes himself a God and must do so. In his " Kritik"
he first destroys all hope of a speculative proof of the existence of
God ; then, after he postulates His existence, he destroys the specu
lative use of that existence ; and even practically He is only of
secondary significance. That God is a person and sustains personal
relations to man, is not made practically real.
139. Less than a year before his death he said, "Were not the
Bible already written, it would probably not be written any more."
Hasse, 27.
140. Such declarations are simply amazing, especially when one
reads in Exodus xx. as part of the commandments, " And showing
mercy unto thousands of them that love me, and keep my command
ments."
141. In his short treatise, " Was ist Aufkliirung ? " 1784.
142. It is only necessary to develop Kant s hints in order to get
the views of Strauss in his " Leben Jesu." But there is this differ
ence, that Kant uses the gospels chiefly for the purpose of putting or
finding moral ideas there, while Strauss views them chiefly as the
product of religious ideas ; Kant finds moral hints there, Strauss,
myths ; Kant is more purely rational, Strauss wants also to account
for the history.
143. Without having formed a clear conception of what the his
torical Christ really was, Kant sometimes spoke in favourable terms
of Him as if he regarded Him highly. Owing to his moral philosophy,
Kant was repeatedly compared with Christ ; but this he himself did
not favour, declaring that in comparison with Him he was only
a bungler.
144. One of his maxims was, " To kneel or prostrate himself
on the earth, even for the purpose of symbolizing to himself reve
rence for a heavenly object, is unworthy of man."
145. In 1788-91 Kant gave his friend Kiesewetter a number
of small articles, from which this extract and the preceding are
taken. R. and S. xi. 1, 269.
146. Jachmann, 117, says that if ever a man s religious views
were cold declarations of reason, and if ever any one excluded all
emotion from his religious acts, this was so in Kant s case.
147. Wald, in Reicke, 14. The same says that Kant did not
succeed in theology " because he lacked the best knowledge of
APPENDIX. 469
biblical philology and criticism." 16. Rink, 27, also speaks of his
neglect of the study of theology, and attributes his religious views
to his early training, the character of his mind, and his lack of
philological and historical knowledge.
148. Rink, 44, 45, finds it difficult to explain Kant s conduct in
this matter, but supposes that when Kant wrote the letter he had
no idea he would outlive the king, and made no mental reservation ;
but tkat, when the king died, he really believed that he had made
such a reservation as he afterwards declared he had done.
Borowski, 125, 126, regards this case as an exception to Kant s
general rule, never to deviate from the strict truth. If Kant s own
statement of his mental reservation is correct, then the explanation
given in the text is the most charitable construction possible.
Some have, of course, justified Kant s conduct in this matter.
It should be remembered that he himself held that, while one must
always speak the truth, he must himself be a judge as to how much
of what he knows or thinks shall be said. It was about the time
he made the promise to the king that he wrote on a paper found
among his effects, " Recantation and denial of one s convictions
are base ; but silence in a case like the present is the duty of a
subject ; and if all one says must be true, it is not for that reason
also a duty to speak openly all truth." Schubert, 138.
149. Rink says that for the first six years the " Kritik " excited
no attention ; and the publisher is said to have been ready to consign
the first edition to waste paper statements which are hardly
credible. When the new chapel erected to Kant s memory was
dedicated, June 19, 1881, Dr. J. Walter, Professor of Philosophy
in Konigsberg, delivered an address, in which he said that those
who criticized the work during the first two years after its appear
ance had not studied the book, indeed had scarcely read it; that
the third year more voices against it were heard, such as Eberhard
in Halle, Plainer in Leipzig, Tiedemann in Marburg, Lossius and
others ; and that advocates and opponents were about equal in
numbers in 1786 and 1787, after which the former gained and
the latter lost strength. About the year 1788 the success of the
" Kritik " was established, and from this time its marvellous in
fluence became general.
The third edition of the " Kritik " appeared in 1791 ; the fourth, in
1794; the fifth, in 1799; the sixth, in 1818 ; the seventh, in 1828,
all a reprint of the second edition.
1,50. Raumer s " HiHtorisch. Taschcnbuch," 9, 567.
151. Nicolai, " Ueber ineine Gelehrte Bildung," 76.
470 THE LIFE OF IMMANUKL KANT.
152. Their author was Hieronymus cle Bosch. Either the same
or another wrote :
"Non sic Hugenii memorent inventa Batavi,
Nee sic Newtoni vcucrctur et Anglia nomen,
Lavoisier! referat iiee Gallia laudes,
Doctriuarn quam tota tuam Germania, Kauti ! "
153. Tliese lines occur :
" Du trugst die Fackel his in den Gruud
Des Denkverunb gens, uud die Natur erschrak,
Als tief in ihrer finstern Werkstatt
Plotzlich Deiu Licht ihr entgegenstrahlt."
Most of these facts are given in Altp. M. xv. 377, in an article
entitled " Verse Kant s und iiber Kant."
154. Letter to Erhard, Nov. 10, 1795. Found in " Denkwiirdig-
keiten des Philosophen und Arztes Johaun Benjamin Erhard." By
Varuhageu von Euse.
155. Borowski, 187. In closing his account of Kant s life, this
writer says, " Would that the numerous disciples, readers, and
friends of Kant, would never carry to excess their veneration for
him, the most humane and the most modest of philosophers ! "
156. Schiller s words were intended for those disciples of Kant
who were mere echoes of his opinions :
" Wie doch ein einzigcr Reicher so viele Bettler in Nahruug
Setzt ! Wenn die Kouige haun hahen die Karrner zu thun."
157. Kant s warmest friends deplored the ahuses of his philosophy
and his name. Erhard wrote to Nicolai, Dec. 13, 1798, that he
and Baggesen had years ago planned a satire on the philosophical
confusion. The title was to have heen, " The One Thing Needful,
or the Council of Philosophers ; a Transcendental Drama." Forty
coteinporaries had heen chosen as the characters of the play, and
the number who should he included in such a satire had greatly
increased, Erhard thought, when he wrote that letter. Jensch
wrote to Kant, May 22, 1796, that he had written a work on the
whole of his philosophy, and desired his opinion of it. lie appealed
in this hook to Kant to settle the disputes of his pupils as to what
his opinions are, by declaring authoritatively his views. In the
letter he says, " I have made so free, amid the vexatious conten
tions of your other pupils and partisans, which are disagreeable to
all Germany, as to make the appeal to yourself and to your judgment,
without any importunity."
158. In a literary dispute, Jacobi hoped that Kant would take
his side. Ilauiaun wrote to him, April 9, 1786, "Do not depend
APPKXDIX. 471
on our critic, nor need you do so. Ho is, like his system, no
rock, but band, in which one soon becomes weary of going further.
. . . Do not let Kant s neutrality disturb you. All my indebted
ness to him . . . shall not keep me from writing as J think; I
fear for myself no envy or ambition respecting his fame. I have
already had many a hard conflict with him, and sometimes have
evidently been in the wrong ; nevertheless he has always been my
friend. Neither will you make him your enemy if you give the truth
the honour it deserves and which you have already bestowed on it.
You must expect every systematist to think of his system as the
Roman Catholic does of his only church."
1.39. When Ilartknoch, Kant s publisher, was on a visit to
Weimar, in 1783, Herder inquired about Kant, and received this
answer : " I will tell you confidentially that Kant believes that
you are the cause why his Kritik of the Reason did not meet
with the reception which he expected." Herder answered, " It
never occurred to me to intrigue against any one, least of all
against Kant. It is true that I do not relish his Kritik,
and that I do not like his style ; but I have neither written any
thing against it, nor have I induced any one else to do so. Of this
you may assure Kant." Herder s Life, by his widow, ii. 220. Two
years after this, Kant published a review of Herder s " Philosophy
of the History of Humanity," in which Herder thought he saw
evidences of bitterness towards himself, and lie regarded it as
proof that Kant was displeased because he did not publicly praise
his books, 223.
160. Life of Herder, ii. 240 245. These views probably
belong to the year 1790.
161. Anonymous Biography, published by Weigel, ii. 241. On
page 239, the same writer states that he once met a former pupil of
Kant who spoke with the greatest enthusiasm of his rare talents and
his excellent character. " He showed me how this philosophy must
affect all the sciences and all men, and that through it a change in
the national mode of thinking was unavoidable. Friend ! he finally
exclaimed, if this system, united with the philosophy of Socrates and
the properly-understood Gospel of Christ, does not ennoble the
human family, I shall despair of the much praised capacity of my raco
for culture, "
162. Stniidlin, " Gcschichte und Geist des Skepti/ismus," 1791, ii.
2G9.
163. There is a book in the Berlin Royal Library which is pro
bably the one meant. Its title is, " F. A. Nitzch, late Lecturer of
472 THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT.
the Latin language at Konigsberg. A general and introductory view
of Prof. Kant s Principles concerning Man, the World and the
Deity. London, 1796." The next Look on the Kantian philosophy
in the English language in that library, is one by Thomas Davies,
1863, which was printed in Gottingen. The catalogue of that
library gives the titles of 151 works, some comprising a number of
volumes, devoted exclusively to Kant s philosophy. They are in the
German, Latin, English, and French languages, and seme of them
have appeared in a number of editions. There are. of course, thou
sands of other works which discuss that philosophy, such as histories
of philosophy, and works in all departments of science, morals, and
religion. Of these 151, only five are English; three of these are
since 1871, and are by David Rowland, Edward Caird, and Robert
Adamson.
164. " Elements of the Critical Philosophy." B. A. F. M. Willich.
London, 1798.
165. " Encyclopedia or a Dictionary of Arts, Sciences, and Mis
cellaneous Literature." The extract is from the Preface, which
promises a summary of Kant s philosophy in a supplementary volume.
As I have not the original, the text gives a translation from a
German translation in Reicke, 16.
166. Prof. Dr. Julius Walter, in his address " Ztim Gedachtniss
Kant s," 1881, says that amid the events of the day Kant s death
was scarcely noticed in Germany, and continues: " Die Schule
besteht zwar in einzelnen Vertretern bis in das zweite, dritte, ja
vierte Jahrzehnt noch fort; aber die Diskussion der kantischen
Lehren, die cine Fortbildung derselben bezweckte, tritt mit dem
neuen Jahrhundert in augenfalliger Weise zuriick. Kur wenig
Schriften, einzelne verlorene Dissertationen beziehen sich direkt
aufKant; so dass die Stille der ersten Decennien die Behauptung
der ncuen Koryphaen nur zu sehr zu bewahrheiten schien, die
Philosophic Kant s sei ein iibcrwundencr Standpunkt. . . . Als die
Schule Hegel s auf der llohe ihrer Entwicklung stand, urn das Jahr
1840, war von kantischer Philosophic nur noch in so fern die Rede,
als etwa dieses oder jenes System zu anderen in Gegensatz trat und
hierbei sich auf Kant zu berufen Gelegenhcit nahm. Wahrend die
bcnachbarten Nationen allererst schiichternen Muthes sie gnindlich
kennen zu lernen bcginnen, ist sie in Deutschland scheinbar verges-
sen." 26, 27.
In 1851 Rosenkranz made a statement (N.P.P.B. xi. 160, 1G2)
respecting the schools to which the professors of philosophy in Ger
many at that time belonged. Twenty-nine of these professors in
APPENDIX. 473
Prussia were classified as follows: One Platonist, two Aristotelians,
one historico-critical, one scholastic, two Guentherians, four Kantians,
three eclectics, three Herbartians, two followers of Soliciting, and ten
Hegelians. In the rest of Germany there was not a single Kantian
professor of philosophy, and in Kouigsberg there had not been one
for twenty years.
167. Probably few could be found in Germany who would be
willing to go as far as an English admirer of Kant, who says,
" What Kant has done no ono need do over again." Caird on Kant s
Philosophy, 12.1. Many more will be ready to agree with Schubert,
who said in Konigsberg (P.P.B., 1833, 13), "It would be a dis
grace to attempt to belittle Kant in the place where the sublime
thinker lived. But to make his philosophy final now and for ever,
could only be the notion of a Kantian who, since Kant is to bo
exonerated from all despotism in the dominion of mind, would arouse
to indignation the honourable shade of the Renewer of philosophy."
168. In his Life by Huber, 21, it is said, "In physics, mathema
tics, astronomy, and philosophy, he deserves one of the first places.
In these, the highest sciences, his name is placed beside those of
Newton, Euler, Herschel, and Kant."
169. Mendelssohn and Ilerz were both Jews. But the views of
the former were so liberal that Lavator hoped he might convert him
to Christianity. His efforts, however, were delicately but decidedly
resisted by Mendelssohn. This led Lessing to write his " Nathan
the Wise," in which Nathan represents Mendelssohn.
170. For these letters see an article by F. Sintcnis, on "Maria
von Herbert und Kant," Altp. M. xvi. 270. The close of last
century and the beginning of this was a strange era of suicide in
Germany, especially among young women, a tendency partly repre
sented and partly promoted by "The Sorrows of Young Werther."
Sintenis says that this era began with Miss von Lassberg, in 1788,
and ended with the unfortunate Louise Brachmann, in 1822. The
brother of the above-mentioned Maria was another warm admirer of
the"Kritik." His disposition was much like that of his sister;
he suflfered greatly from ill-health, was extremely melancholy, and
between his high moral ideas and his real life there was a strange
contrast. To Krhard he wrote, October 7th, 1804, of his sister:
" She left this world a heroine." And speaking of another world,
he says, " Whether there is another, the wisest want lo know
speedily." He ended his own sufferings by suicide, March loth,
1811.
171. In Alt]). M. ix., Professor Dr. Bohu has an article on Kant s
474 THE LIFE OF IMMANUFL KANT.
relation to medicine, in which he expresses the opinion that Kant s con
dition, late in life, cannot be attributed to old age or senility, but thinks
that at that time the brain must have been diseased. The disease, he
thinks, was one discovered some years ago as an inflammation of
the inner surface of the membrane of the brain, " Pachymcningitis
interna," 616.
172. After Kant s death several thousand pieces of paper, such as
he had used for notes of lectures, outlines to be used in preparing
his books, memoranda, and the like, were found. Of the blank
books prepared for him by Wasianski some were given as mementoes
to friends, and some were sold at high prices for collections in Eng
land. Many of these papers are preserved in the University Library
in Konigsberg.
173. In his gratitude to this servant for his kindness, he would
sometimes call him his companion, his protector, or his friend. 15ut
he tolerated nothing which he regarded as unjust or indiscreet. lie
noticed that this servant took snuff from his snuff-box; and imme
diately he offered to give him a florin a month more, in order to put
an end to this community of goods.
174. " Hamburger Correspondent," 1804, March 31st.
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